EDITED
BY
EDWARD BEAUCHAMP
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
MODERN EDUCATION, TEXTBOOI-lbe~iiiiiiiig,the Residents' C...
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EDITED
BY
EDWARD BEAUCHAMP
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
MODERN EDUCATION, TEXTBOOI<S, AND IMAGE OF THE NATION Politics and Modernization and Nationalism in Korean Education: 1880-1910 Yoonmi Lee
THE
PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRATIZATION I N CHINA Thomas G. Lum CULTURAL REVOLUTION THEUNI
MAO'S PREY The History o f Chen Renbing, Liberal Intellectual Jeanette Ford Fernandez
THEROOTS OF JAPAN'S ENVIRONMENTAL POLICIES Anny Wong OI
A Study o f Sino-African Exchanges Sandra Gillespie GENDER, ETHINCITY, MARI<ET FORCES, AND COLLEGE CHOICES Obsevations o f Ethnic Chinese in Korea Sheena Choi CHINESE FEMINISM Sharon Wesoky
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
FACES GLOBALIZATION
Immigration, Ethnicity, and Globalization in Japan
Betsy Brody
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Published in 2002 by Routledge 29 West 35th Street N e u York, NY 10001 Published in Great Britain by Routledge 1 1 New Fetter Lane London EC4P 4EE Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group. Copyright 0 2002 by Betsy Brody All rights reserved. N o part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without written permission from the publishers.
Libvaiy of Congvess Cataloging-it%-PublicationData Brody, Betsy Teresa, 1972Opening the door : Immigration, ethnicity, and globalization in Japan 1 Betsy Teresa Brody. p. cm. - (East hsiai Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-415-93192-4 1. Aliens-Japan. 2. Immigrants-Japan. 3. Latin Americans-Japan. 4. Japan-Ethnic relations. 5. Labor policy-Japan. 6. Globalization. I. Title. 11. East Asia (New York, N.Y.i
Printed on acid-free, 250 year-life paper hlanufactured in the United States of America
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST O F TABLES LIST O F FIGURES ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS PREFACE CH4PTER I
INTRODUCTION X / k k c y ~111~Japan: An iiriiriigration experiment Laying the Groundwork Research Design d i d Research Methods 01erviem7of the Study C H -I P T E R 2
THEORIES O F LABOR MIGRATION A N D IMMIGRANT INTEGRATION H i s t o r i ~Trends ~ ~ l in Labor Migrmon Theories of Labor MigrCltion Itntnigrmt Integr~tion CH-4PTER i
JAPANESE IMMIGRATION POLICY AND PERSPECTIVES Japan's Labor Shortage Snkokri vs. Knlkokri 1990 Iiriiriigration Control d i d R e f ~ ~ g eRecognition e Act CH.-IPTER 4
JAPANESE EMIGRATION T O BRAZIL Japanese Enligration to Brazil A7ikkcjjir/ in Brazil Return Migration to Japan after 1990
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
CH 4PTER 5
NIKKEIJIN I N JAPAN X / k k c y "Returnees" ~~ Who are they? S l k k c y ~111~Japan ~ X / k k c y ~111~Aichi Prefecture X / k k c y ~and ~ Labor Market XIkkcy~lland Housmg X / k k c y ~and ~ Education CH.-IPTER 6
ETHNIC GERMANS IN GERMANY: A SIMILAR CASE Historical Background Gertlml Policy CH4PTER 7
PROSPECTS AND IMPLICATIONS Ethniclq, Langu~ge,and Culture Immigrmt m d Iiriimgrdtion Policy Multicultur,llism 111 J,~pan? Policy Recoiriirieildatioils Future Research on , \ i k k c y ~ 111 ~ Japan Coidusion BIBLIOGRAPHY
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
LIST O F TABLES
Table 1
Factors affecting the integration of itntnigratlts
Table 2
Authorized occupatiotlal statuses for foreigners in Japan (Restricted Actirrities): 1990-present
Table 3
Residence statuses for foreigners 111 Japan (Unrestricted Actn-ities): 1990-present
Table 4
Japanese inlnligration to Brazil: 1908-1963
Table 5
Age distribution of izikkci itntnigratlts to Japan: 19S6-1993
Table 6
Occupatioilal distributiorl of r~ikkciimmigrants in Japan: 1992-1993
Table 7
Ranking of Japanese prefectures by total population of Latin American r/ikkcjjir/:1990-1996
Table S
Foreign n-orkers in Japanese prefectures: 1995
Table 9
Students requiring special Japanese langudge classrooiris: 199 1-1997
Table 10
Special Japanese language classrooms, selected prefectures: 1997
Table 11
A7ikkciBrazilian students' anxieties about the future: 1999
Table 12
Xikkc~Brazilian students' motivation to reiridin 1999
111 Japan
Table 13
Ethnic Gernlm nligrC~tion to West G e r m m ~: 1950-1991
Table 11
Factors affecting integration of izikkcijiiz and ~z~irricillcr. in Japan and Germmy
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
LIST O F FIGURES
Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 Figure S
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Berry's (1997) ~ ~ l u l t i d i ~ ~ l e ~fi-amen-ork l s i o ~ l a of acculturatiotl Dependency Ratio in Japan, 1950-1997 Total Latin Atnerican and Total Brazilian Inlnligratiotl to Japan: 1986-1996 Respondents According to Generation A\7ikkcjjir/ in Aichi Prefecture by Country of Origin Education and Language Concerns among izikkcijiiz in Japan: (1992-1993) Process of Aurricdlci and A7ikkci Migration n-ithit1 Globalization Model Ethnic Gernlan Inlnligration to Gertlmly by Country of Origin: 1985-1991
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This research could not lm-e been conlpleted without the cooperation and assistance of a number of organizations and i~ldividuals.The field research in Japan went stnootllly and productively largely due to tlle help of Ms.Tomoko Sekiguclli of Nagoya University In addition, the hospitality of tlle Latin Atnerican Center at Nanzan Unirrersity and tlle cooperation of tlle hculty and staff there are greatly appreciated. The staff of the Toyota Itlternational Association, the Hotnigaoka Itlternational Center, and tlle Nagoya Itlternational Center n-ere also extremely patient and cooperative in Eacilitating this study Perhaps most sigtlificantly,special ack~lo\\~ledgel~let~t must be made of the many uikkci Brazilians in Japan n-110 %ellerously shared their time and their experiences as "ethnic returnees" to Japan. In addition, I n-ould like to thank the faculty of the Department of Govertltnent and Inter~latiotlalStudies at the Unirrersity of Notre Dame for their support and a d ~ i c etllroughout 111)- time there. In particular, special thanks go to my dissertation director, Professor Peter Moody for his guidance, patience, and good humor. Finally, I tnust acknowledge the support of family and friends who, in tl~any ways, encouraged me to carry on despite a variety of obstacles. I am gratef~ilto my parents, George and Fonsa Brody, for their support and encouragement. My sister Salem deserves special appreciation for serving as a mentor, soutlding board, and cheer1eader.A sincere "tl~ankyou" to my husbatld, Keith, n-110 was extraordinarily patient and lent a sympathetic ear througllout this process. Finally tl~anksto Samtny Oreo, and P.J. for their cotnpanionship and cheerful support.
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
xiii
PREFACE
"Globalization" has become a catchpllrase for the nen- 1nille11niu111.At the level of "high politics," world leaders discuss the integration of tl~arketsand the growing t r a d and interdepe~ldenceof states, while, at the same time, easy itlter~latio~lal conlnlunicatiotl have contributed to the "globalization" of everyday life. Itntnigration plays a crucial role in the process of globalization, both "on the ground" and at the highest political l e ~ d sInlnligration . policy is often the focus of intense domestic political debate, wide tlle personal decision to migrate is one tlut dratl~aticallychanges the lives of all those inrrolved.Yet, the tl~ovenlentof people into and out of ~latio~lal territories represents more tlml just the sutn of tl~any itldirridual decisions to migrate: itntnigration flows are one tlmlifestation of the econonlic, social, and political realities of globalization. Unfortunately, nligrants lm-e often been met with resentment in their new surroutldings. Citizens of receirring states fear a cllange in their n-ay of life and a drain on national resources in favor of inlnligrant "outsiders". Issues of language, ethnicity, natio~lalit);and culture are often cited as "proof" that nligrants will not integrate. The reality of "foreigners" in the schools, hospitals, and streets of receiving countries has prompted fears of social conflict and violence in nlatly receiving countries. In some cases, allti-i~~n~ligra~lt violence l~asoccurred, while in others, political parties have sought to benefit from anti-foreigner sentiment: an "us-versus-them" nlentality has etnerged in tl~anyhost societies as a response to i m n gration. But, n-hat happens n-hen the "foreigners" are not coi?~ylctclyforeign! Japan, a state with a long tradition of "ethnic citizetlship," recently passed an inlnligration policy favoring nligrants with an ethnic connection to the Japan. Ethnic Japanese, or r/ikkcjjir/, were granted extensive itntnigration rights in Japan after tlle 1990 anletldnlent to the Itntnigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act, leading to an influx of r/ikkcjjir/ inlnligration from Latin America. The experiences of r/ikkcjjir/ in their efforts to integrate into Japanese society are a significant area of study since the cldletlges to integration faced by r/ikkcjjir/ (even n-it11 their ethnic
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
corlnection to Japan) highlight the iilstitutional, political, a i d social dileiriirm that m~~lticulturalisiri a i d globalization pose in Japan. To wl-hat extent have r~ikkcjjir~ been integrated into Japanese society! The iriigration of people across national borders highlights questions ofhoiriogeneity and cultural difference, race and class, huirran rights, lan- and public policy The case of r~ikkcjjir~ in Japan, though grounded in a particular time and place, clearly erlcapsulates and addresses many of the more general issues discussed by migration theorists. As such, it is useiul to examine it with an eye ton-ard understailding the iriechanisms of immigrant integration and the eiiects of ethnicity, language, and culture on integration.
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Historically, the T7erynature ofJapanese inlnligration policy and enforcenlent ~ 0 x 1 tributed to tlle dichotomy betn-een "insiders" and "outsiders," n-ith inlnligrants being outsiders in eT7ery sense-outside the lm; outside the culture, and outside the race.This dichotonly, eeident in Japanese inlnligration policy, is only one t ~ m ifestation of enduring themes in Japanese culture, society, and politics: Japan is a country with deeply held ideas about its distitlctirretless, its homogeneity and its harmony. From ancient times, a myth ofJapanese homogeneity and uniqueness has been cultirrated, contributing to the tn-o hundred year isolation of the country begitming in the 1600s, tlle birth of a powerf~ilcultural nationalism, and a natio11a1 identity based upon tlle notion of "one language, one race."Yet, Japan l~asnot remained isolated and separate from global society Japan's trenle~~dous econotnic success in the post-war period has tl~adethe country a major ecotlonlic pon-er, engaged in the tnultiple processes of globalization and intertlatiotlal integration. The effects of the globalization of itlternatio~laleconomies, as well as the globalization of llutl~anrights norms, have caused a collision in Japan betn-een traditional conceptions of metnbership and citizenship on the one hand, and new policy i n tiatives promoting "itltertlatiotlalizatioI1" on tlle other hatdThis study attempts to go beyond tlle limits imposed by traditiotlal Japanese notions of citizenship and tl~elnbershipby exploring tlle inlnligration and integration of ethnic Japanese itntnigrants from Latin America-a group tl~atis ethnically and legally inside or etlvirotltnetml Eactors ficilJapan, though outside culturally What i~lstitutio~lal itate or cldletlge the successful integration of this group into Japanese society? Furthermore, what impact do etlmicity and culture lm-e on inlnligrant itltegXltion in Japan! Ethnic Japanese, or rzikkc(jirz, n-ere granted extensirre inlnligration rights in Japan after the 1990 atne~ldtnent to the Inlnligration Control and Refugee qvbi r / m ? ~ i r r/irztrih6), / leading to an influx of Recognition Act iSh~rr/l~iikok~~k(~rzl~i r/ikkcjjir/ inlnligration from Latin America. The experiences of r/ikkcjjir/ in their efforts to integrate into Japanese society are a significant area of study since the
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
-
challenges to integration faced by r~ikkcjjir~ (even with their ethnic coimection to Japan) highlight the institutioilal, political, and social dileiriirm that iriulticulturalisiri and globalization pose in Japan. To d l a t extent have r~ikkcjjir~ been integrated ~ Japan's n-orkforce led into Japanese society! Has the illcorporation o f r ~ i k k c j j i rinto to labor irrarket segirientation, the "ghettoization" of ~ l i k k c i j i ~and l , the creation of a culturally defined uilderclass?Are the huirran rights of r~ikkcjjir~ n-orkers and their fmiilies respected and protected by the Japanese legal system? What role do the educational systeiri a i d social service erlviroilirients play in helping or hiildering immigrant integration? Is there any recognition or effort to accoiriiriodate the cultural difference of r~ikkcjjir~immigrants through the practice of their on-11 traditions! The iriigration of people across national borders highlights questions ofhoiriogeneity and cultural difference, race a i d class, huirran rights, lan- and public policy This case, though grounded in a particular time a i d place, clearly encapsulates a i d addresses many of the more general issues discussed by iriigration theorists. The research presented here seeks to ails\\-er such questions a i d to explore, more specificall5 the future of immigration a i d iriulticulturalisiri in an "interilatioilalized" Japanese political community This study focusses on the integration of ~ l i k k c i j i ~inl particular in an effort to isolate the broadest challenges to the integration of immigrants in Japan. NIKKEIJIN IN JAPAN: A N IMMIGRATION EXPERIMENT Clmlges in global migration patterns, the Japanese labor market, and Japanese itntnigration policy during tlle last decade belie tlle prevailing itl~ageof Japan as a closed, ethnically llotnogeneous society The Itntnigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act of 1990, passed in response to a persistent denland for workers in some sectors of the Japanese economy, opened Japan's borders to the legal itntnigration of foreign unskilled labor. Through the creation of a preferred entrance category for izikkcjjir/, unskilled laborers were allon-ed to enter Japan legally for the first time. The legal adnlission of izikkcijiiz is a direct outconle of govertlnlent efforts to curtail illegal itntnigration n-hile meeting industry's detlmld for unskilled labor m/il respecting Japanese concerns about ethnic and "cultural harmotly."T11e policy change reflected in the new law and its ranlifications make Japan the "most intriguing and important laboratory in the world for studying the interplay among primte nlarket forces, cultural tolerance for imnigration, and govertlnlent attempts to regulate it" (Cornelius 1994:375). The utlprecedented growth and success of Japanese industry in the 19SOs created a labor sllortage for the first time since the post-n-ar industrialization. Demographic trends like a declining birth rate and a gron-ing elderly population, combined with a distaste among young Japanese workers for "lon-er status" mCuuficturitlg and construction jobs, cotllpelledJapatlese corporatiotls to turn to foreign labor. H o v x e r , this denland for foreign labor n-as complicated by the Japanese govertmlent's official stance on immigration: itntnigration law allon-ed only rkillcd labor or professio~lalsto enter and n-ork in Japan legally This "no
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
unskilled labor" policy led to a huge increase in the nuiriber ofeconoiriic iriigrants entering and working in Japan illegally These illegal workers, many from Iran, Pakistan, and China, found n-ork at factories or coilstruction sites a i d lived in plain vie\\- of both the authorities a i d Japanese society Large gatherings offoreigners in parks a i d public places uilderscored the gap between oflicial immigration policy a i d the reality of the deirraild for foreign labor. Furtheririore, the actual presence of foreigners in Japan triggered a national discussion revolving around questions of globalization, iriulticulturalisiri, a i d Japanese national identity The "foreign n-orker probleiri," as it came to be called in media and policy circles, stemmed fioiri the contradiction betn-eel1Japan's official policies coilcernirlg unskilled foreign labor and the strong demand for f x t o r y and corlstruction workers in Japan. If Japanese industry hoped to operate at its current pace, it needed workers to take the lom-level jobs at parts factories and building projects. Given the ~~ilr~illingness of Japanese workers to take the so-called 3K jobs ("kitami" or dirt); "kikcd' or dangerous, and "kitrrii" or deinanding), the "back door" had been opened to illegal immigration. The result, the sudden influx of foreigners to Japanese cities, proiripted demands fro111 all sides for a rethinking of Japan's iiriiriigration policy Conservatives, attributing Japan's phenolriella1 economic success to the nation's l~omogeneitya i d natural "haririoil);" cautioned against opening the country to foreigners for fear of the social conflict a i d disharirioily d l i c h , they believed, would surely follow. H ~ ~ m rights an organizatiorls pointed to the vulnerability of illegal workers to exploitation at the hands of corporations and uilscrupulous labor brokering agencies. Proponents of "interilatioilalization" (kokurnikn) argued that opening Japan to foreigners could only eilhailce the richness of Japanese culture a i d iiriprove Japan's internatioilal reputation. This debate doiriinated Japanese political discussion during the late 1980s and culminated in the introduction of a nen- J~apaneseiiriiriigration policy in 1989. The revised Immigration Law, which took effect in June 1990, preserves the "no unskilled labor" rule, but opens several "side doors" which allon- the de f,lcto adiriission of unskilled labor. The most sigilificant "side door" is the creation of a nen- entrance category for ethnic Japanese. This "tciju" (settler) entrance category applies to the descendants (up to the third generation) of Japanese emigrants, their spouses, a i d children and has resulted in an influx of ~likkciji~l iiriiriigration from Brazil, Peru, and other Latin American countries.The admission of etllilic Japanese from Latin Airierica n-as seen by policy irrakers as a m7ayto reconcile the ileed for foreign unskilled labor with concerns about the risk of diluting the "cultural integrity" of Japan. Hon-ever, this eiiort is complicated by the fact that r~ikkcjjir~ have been subject to a i d influenced by Latin American culture and have limited knowledge of the Japanese language or heritage (Tsuchida 1998). Furtheririore, as the number of ~likkciji~l in Latin Airierica who want to migrate to Japan is liiriited, Japan may still be forced to f x e the prospect of (legally) adiriitting nonJapanese foreign n-orkers into the country to ease labor irrarket deirrallds.Thus, the challenges f x e d by ~likkciji~l a i d their fairlilies in their efforts to live aild work in Japan are a n-indon- into the f ~ ~ t u experiences re ofiriinorities in Japan should the nation ease iiriiriigration restrictions for other foreign workers in the future. This Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
dimeilsion of the nev la\\ presents researchers d i d policy-niakers nit11 a unique opening. this is one ofthe rare opportunities afforded to socidl scientists to o b s e r ~ e the institutioilal, politicdl, and socidl dddptation to the entrmce and integration of foreign norkers and their fmiilies
LAYING THE GROUNDWORK Itntnigrant integration has long been an issue of fu~~danlental interest to both scllolars and policy tl~akersbut has assumed a new practical and political urgency as ethnicity and cultural differences lm-e re-emerged as sources of violence and social conflict.What is meant by "integration" or "acculturation" n-hen used in the context of inmligration? The literature on the subject offers a broad range of meanings for tlle term, ranging from tlle assinlilation of itntnigratm to the acceptance of cultural pluralism and dirrersity as inlnligrant populatio11s grow and settle in host societies. Indeed, a broad array of integration strategies luve been enlployed "on the ground," varying in the degree to n-hich itntnigrant groups tl~aintaintheir cultural difference or adopt the characteristics of the dotnitlant society. In getleral, integration "has been seen broadly as the bilzdiq tc)~cthcr.of discrete social groups in a nlatmer aimed at renlo~ingconflicts and inequalities" (Barbieri 1998:48). At the very least, the integration of inlnligrants inlplies tlut itntnigrants and their families are ~zbroi6cilinto the host society (Weiner 1996).The "guestn-orker" policies adopted by tl~anyEuropean countries in the post-n-ar period attempted to circunlrrent the problem of itntnigrant integration by recruiting and enlployitlg foreign labor on a strictly t e ~ ~ ~ p o r abasis, r y making itntnigrant absorption unnecessary and theoretically inco~~lpatible n-ith the strict rotation and return policies officially in effect (Weiner 1996). Hon-ever, eT7et1these calculated policies of tlo11-integration and 11011-absorption fi~iledin the context of the rightsbased liberal regimes in n-hich they were adopted, and some form of itntnigrant integration followed as "tenlporary rotations" turned into pertlmlent settletnent as a result of fanlily reunification policies and the establishnlent of social netn-orks. The integration literature describes the "integration nlodels" adopted by different states as dependent on several factors for both their suitability and success. One fi~ctoridentified in the literature as influencing itntnigrant integration is the structure and character of the host society's labor market. Stnootll inlnligrant integration is thought to be facilitated by an expatlding "host society ecotlomy [that]. . .provid[es] opportunities for tnigrants as n-ell as reduc[es] conlpetition betn-een those of nligrant and those of ~latirreorigin" (Weiner 1996:59).O n the other hand, if i~mnigrationis stimulated initially by a "structural detlmld for labor" (Cornelius 1994: Piore 1979) in host economies, the jobs available to i~mnigrants tend to be concentrated in lon--status, dead-end sectors that lm-e been abandoned by the tlatirre labor force (Piore 1979).This cotldition has been found to lead to the stigtl~atizationof certain types ofjobs as "inmligrant work" and contributes to a further separation betn-een inlnligrants and tlatirre residents. This structural circumstatlce can also reduce the range of "acceptable" occupations for foreigners (Cornelius 1994: Piore 1979). Likewise characteristics of the inlnligrants recruit-
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
ed to relieve labor shortages can affect the success of immigrant integration. If uneducated foreign laborers are recruited to fill undesirable jobs rejected by ilatives, then integration is irrade more difficult as iriigrants will be restricted by a lack of education or skills to jobs on the bottoiri tier of the labor market (Weiner 1996; Massey et. al. 1993; Piore 1979). Segirientation of the labor irrarket hinders the integration of immigrants, especially when the second generation falls victim to expectations that they will n-ork in particular "immigraid' sectors of the labor market. If social and occupational iriobility is possible for migrants n-ithin the host labor market, then subsequent generations ofiiriiriigrants may experience siriooth integration (Weiner 1996).This study explores the impact of labor market structure on the integration of ~likkciji~l by considering the types of jobs taken by ~likkciji~l a i d their opportunities for job mobility. A second factor identified in the literature as affecting the immigrant integration process is the "citizeilship regime type"(Brubaker 1992) fourld in the host society. Scholars agree that the type of citizenship regiirie plays a irrajor role in deteririining the nature a i d success of the iiriiriigrant integration process. Brubaker, for example, finds that due to different national corlceptions of citizenship in Gerirrany a i d France, "the overall rate of civic illcorporation for iiriiriigrants is ten times higher in France than in Gerirraily" (Brubaker 1992: 73). Germany's ''ethnic" citizenship regiirie based on principles oijcts snypi~is,restricts immigrants' access to citizeilship a i d has led to a pattern of separation, while France's jris soli "civic" citizenship regiirie correspoilds with an assimilationist pattern in integration whereby imiriigrants are "irrade into Freilchmen" (Brubaker 1992: 8). Hon-ever, the impact of citizenship regime type on integration is not so siiriple: citizeilship regiirie type seeiris to have another set of implications.Tl~ough "civic" citizeilship regimes like that of France may promote smoother integration into the host society, they do not necessarily contribute to the maintenailce ofcultural identity by iriinority groups. By "becoiriing Freilchmen," immigrants in France gain citizeilship, but oken encounter difficulty in keeping the traditioils or customs of their home countr); as exeiriplified by the controversy over French schoolgirls' attempts to \\-ear Muslim headscarves to public schools (Horon-itz and Noirel 1992). O n the other hand, though iriinority groups in Gerirrany are clearly excluded fro111 irieinbership in the German "national" community, the acceptance, after 1984' of their permanent settleirient a i d presence in Gerirrany has led to a view ooiassimilation as forced Germanization and.. .an assault on the ethnic identity of foreign residents" (Barbieri 1998:18). Likewise, rlaturalization policies play an integral role in determining the level of immigrant integration as settlenient becoiries permanent and the integration of subsequent generations ofiiriiriigrants becomes iiriportant. Weiner reports that for "countries that fxilitate naturalization a i d that grant citizeilship to the locally boril children of iriigrants.. . h e gration has generally been smoother" (Weiner 1996:52).This study focuses on the mechanisiris ofiiriiriigrant integration within an "ethnic" citizenship regiirie.Japan is clearly an "etllilic" citizenship regime a i d indeed, r~ikkcjjir~ iiriiriigrants are permitted to live and \\-ork in Japan siiriply by virtue of their ethnic corlnection to Japan. This study aims to assess the relative iiriportailce of ethnicity in determinCopyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
ing integrdtion by exairiiiliilg tlle integrdtion experiences of ail ethnically siiriildr group of linguistically d i d culturally diiierent iiriiriigrants ~ ~ i t l l ian i l ethnic citizenship regime To n hat extent does shared etlmicity help mkkcqlr~iiriiriigrants a d j ~ l to ~ t life in Jdpdil? HOT\ iriuch does ethnicity matter relative to other fxtors like language d i d culture in f~~ilitdtiilg tlle integration ofiiriiriigrailts into Japanese society? A filldl factor identified 111 the literature as dffecting the immigrmt integration process is the "social contrdct" betneen iriigrants a i d host societies This explmation, expressed most clearly by Myron Weiner, posits that rather than being determined solely by the rules governing the f;,~r m l citizensl~ipprocess, immigrmt integration is determined largely by the uilderstarldiilg entered into by states and migrmts regarding the iliigrdilts' rights, privileges, d i d status 111 the host country. For exairiple, "the n illingness [of migrmts] to acquire the local langudge" (Weiner 1996.52) is iiriportant 111 this model as me11 as iriigrant groups' access to the same educdtioildl opportunities as ildtire groups. Access to educdtion a i d langudge training are identified 111 the literature as being key "deteririiilants" of immigrmt integration (Weiner 1996. Cdririon 1996). If iliigrdilts are unrx illing to learn the langudge of the host societ7; absorption d i d integrdtion are uillikely, linguistic assiiriildtion facilitates interdction n it11 the broader society Liken ise, restric tioils from or lack of access to education d i d lmgudge trmling keep immigrants and their descendents from "breaking in" to the host culture In the Japanese context, language is an especially important factor, gn en the elriphasis in Japanese culture on the idea of"one langudge, one race" Race, language, d i d culture are bourld together to create the dichotoiliy betmeen the Japanese and foreigners Reischduer argues that The origins of Japan's sense of uniqueness are easily found in its long history of isolation, at first llatural but later self-imposed, its distinctive culture, its unusual type of language, its unique and very difficult xriting system, and its strong patterns of group organization.. .To the Japanese, the w x l d seemed quite obi-ious1y dil-ided betxeen Japan and the rest of the xorld. Other categories xere not important, such as the lands of East Asian culture, Christendom, or even the human race. The important thing is that one n-as either Japanese or one n-as not. Nation, language, race, and culture are.. .concepts [that]...in Japan.. .seem 1-irtually sy~~onymous (Reischauer 1995: 393).
As a result of this di~isioilin Japanese culture betneen insiders d i d o~tsiders,the "social contract'' betneen the Japanese state d i d foreign residents is influenced. , seen as so completely outside of Japanese society that Foreigners, or p q l r ~ ' are their rights hale generdlly not been addressed 111 Japanese l a \ For instance, the Japanese coilstitution of 1917 grants equality under the la\\ to all " k o k u / r l ~ ~ ~ , " teriri that can be literally translated as "people of the country." Honever, the interpretation of this corlstitutioilal equalit); and, by extension, social, political, d i d C ~ iTc rights, has been to apply them exclusn ely to Japanese citizens (Gurov itz 1999.130) Thus, culturdl dttitudes regdrdiilg foreigners in Japan are also a factor 111 shdping the "socidl c o n t r d ' between immigrmts d i d the Japanese host society. Cultural acceptance of immigrmts and dttitudes towl-drd foreign residents clearly Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
iilflueilce d i d s h q e policy decisioils regarding immigrmt policy I11 turn, i i r i i r i i grant policies affect the integration process of iiriiriigrants H o n do cultural attitudes tonard foreigners a f i c t immigrmt policy regarding I U ~ ~ C I J I 111 I L Japan? In ddditioil to educdtioildl access and opportunities, the "social contrdct" betneen immigrmts and host societies also irlcludes the iilstit~tioildld i d policy responses of host societies. Housing policies, for iilstdilce, have a iri,yor iiripact oil the nature d i d success of iimmgrdilt iiltegrdtioil. policies thdt liimt and restrict immigrmts to li~iilg111ethnic ghettoes hinder the integration process (Massey and Dentoil 1993, Denton 1967) Many scholars hale explored the diiiereilces t for betneen c t h ~ ccnclatlct thdt sene as teilipordry hoiries d i d s ~ p p o r iletnorks immigrmts and c t h ~ cghcttc~cc that are permanently separated cominuilities to xx hich immigrmts are bourld (Marcuse 1996. Weiner 19%. Cornelius 1994). Clear15 both housing d i d education policy play an importmt role in determilling the nature aild effectiveness of immigrmt integration processes. This study explores the iilstit~tioildlresponses to the legal immigr~tionof I U ~ ~ C I J I 111 I L Japan, focusing particularly oil education and housing policy More specificdl15 the research presented here attempts to test the folloming hypotheses, derived fioiri the literature, by closely exairiiiliilg the integrdtion experiences of rukkclllr~in Japan and comparing this case to the siiriildr case of ethnic German "return" iriigration to Germany. Shared ethnicity contributes to smooth ilrmligrant integration. Colrmlon language facilitates smooth ilrmligrant integration. Shared culture contributes to smooth immigrant integration. Colr~prehensix-eiilrmligrant policy facilitates smooth ilrmligrant integration.
By considering these hypotheses both in the specific case of r~ikkcjjir~ iiriiriigratioil to Japan and in the coiriparative case of ethnic Germans' immigration a i d integration into Gerirrail society, this study attempts to weigh the relative importailce of fxtors such as ethnicit); language, a i d culture in relation to policy iilstruments in "deteririining" the success of immigrant integration.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND RESEARCH METHODS This book represents an effort to go beyond tlle existing n-ork on itntnigration in general and on Japanese inlnligration in particular. While much of the general literature on inlnligration tends to focus on tlle identification of "push-pull" factors tlut create migration flows and the role and tnotivation of the state in the promotion or restriction of inlnligration (To&aro 1989: Todaro and Maruszko 1987: of a migration flow brought Grubel and Scott 1966),this study examines the i.c~~/lt_c on by a clmlge in state policy. Liken-ise, the research design adopted for this book aims to p r o ~ i d ea test, in a previously u~~exanlitled case, for some of the hypotheses generated by the body of research on itntnigratlt integration patterns observed in Europe and tlle United States. This study also aims to add to the existing research on mi~lorityand inlnligrant integration by looking closely at the i ~ ~ l p a c t of etlmicity and culture on this process.
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This research steps beyond the parameters delineated by the existing literature exploring iiriiriigration to Japan. Due to Japan's very short history of legal iiriiriigration, the existing work on Japanese iiriiriigration tends to focus on the causes and consequences of illegal immigration (Morita aild Sassen 1991; Sekine 1991). The roles of culture and ethnicity in helping or hindering iiriiriigrant integration have been largely overlooked in the Japanese case because it has been taken for granted that non-Japanese "outsiders" could never fit in. This book takes advantage of recent changes in policy in order to isolate and explore the specific fxtors and processes that affect the integration of immigrants in Japan. By exairlining the experiences of the ~ l i k k c i j i ~population l in Japan since the adoption of the Immigration Control and R e f ~ ~ g eRecognition e Act of 1990, this research attempts to explain the integrative process a i d challenges to that process for minorities in Japan. It also explores possible f ~ ~ t u strategies re for iiriiriigration and minority integration in Japan, a subject that has been left largely uniin-estigated by scholars of Japanese studies. This exairiination of the integration processes of ~ l i k k c i j i ~inl Japanese society eiriploys a tn-o-fold research design. I11 the first phase, an in-depth case stud3 using stmdard ethnographic techniques, is undertaken with the "purpose of.. .examin[ing] in detail a particular social pl~enomenonin a complex co1lecti~~ity, the 'case' at haid, n-hose bourldaries irrake it a relatively self-enclosed system of social interaction" (V,llenzuela 1998:S). Case study research clearly has a strong descriptive value, providing detailed and "thick descriptions" (Geertz 1973:6) of events or phenolriella. Hon-ever, case study research is also of theoretical value as it allon-s the "analyst [to] test and refine a theoretically iilforiried pattern with a broad variety ofobservatioils n-ithin the case" (Ullenzuela 1998:9).Cairipbell elaborates on this theoretical f~~ilction of case studies: In a case study.. .the theory generates predictions or expectations on dozens of aspects of the culture.. .and [one] does not retain the theory unless most of these are also confirmed. In some sense, [one] has tested the theory.. .The process is a kind of pattern matching . . .in which there are many aspects of the pattern delllallded by theory that are anilable for nlatching with.. .obser\-ations o n the local setting" (Campbell 1975:182).
This case study of I L I ~ ~ C Z / integration IH 111 Japan can be seen as test of various hypotheses about iriigration, glob~liz~tion, ethnicity, and assiiriilation. In pdrtic~ldr, this research provides a test of hypotheses coilceriliilg the effects of ethilicity, language, culture, d i d state policy on the integration of immigr~ntsin a culturally hoiriogeneous, but econoiriically interilatioidized ethnic citizensllip regime The generalizatioils that are dramn fioiri the literature and addressed by this research regarding the fxtors dffecting integration are suiriiridrized 111 the folloning table (Thle 1).
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
I ~ ~ t ~ o d r ~ t i ~ ~
Table 1: Factors Aficting Integrdtion of Immigrmts Labor Market Variables Expmding host economy (Weiner 1996) Labor market segmentation (Piore 1979: Cornellus 1991) Recruitment oiuneducxed foreign hbor (Welner 1996: Massey et. al. 1993: Plore 1979) Job mobllity for second generation (Weiner 1996)
Promotes smooth ~ntegrat~on Hinders integration
Promotes smooth ~ntegrat~on
Citizenship/Naturalization Variables "Ethnlc" citizenship regime (Brubaker 1992: Barbierl 1998) "Clr-lc" cltizeilshlp regime Brubnker 1992; Horon-ltz and N o d 1992) Easy naturalization policies (Weiner 1996) Ai~tomaticcitizenship for second generation (Weiner 1996)
Hinders integration (~1101~-s cultural identity/dlfference) Promotes ~ m o o t hlntegmtlon (risks holnogeiuz,ltion) Promotes smooth ~ntegrat~on Promotes smooth ~ntegrat~on
"Social Contract" Variables (Weiner 1996) Migrmts' ~villingnessto acquire langilage (Weme1 1996) Acces~to same educntlon opportunities (Weiiler 1996) Access to language tralnlng (Welner 1996) policies R e s t r l c t ~ ~housing e (Mn~seym d Denton 199.3; Denton 1967; Schuck 1996; Corilellu~1994; Weiner 1996) Ci~lturalacceptance of foreigners
Promotes smooth ~ntegrat~on Promotes ~ m o o t hlntegmtlon Promotes smooth ~ntegrat~on Hinder ~ntegratlon
Promotes smooth ~ntegrat~on
Clear15 this case also offers a unique opportunity to analyze the role of ethnicity and culture in the process of immigrant integration. While the iiriiriigrants studied in much of the previous n-ork on iiriiriigrant integration both in Japan and internationally have been ethnicall7; cultural15 and linguistically "other" than the host population, this study focuses on an immigrant group ethnically similar to the general populatioil.This diiriension of the case has significant theoretical aild practical implications in the n-ay that it suggests a re-thinking of the issues of citizenship, political irieiribership, and community, especially in ethnic citizeilship regimes. This book addresses the following specific research questions: To x h a t extent h x e iiikkc!jiii and their Onlilies integrated into Japanese society? D o they nlake up a separate class o r sector of Japanese society o r ha\-e they assimilated in the manner anticipated by the new ilrmligration policy? W h a t institutional o r em-ironmental factors hcilitate o r challenge the successful integration of this group into Japanese society?
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In comparison to foreign worker colmnunities already (illegally) established in Japan, how has the ilikkr!iiil experience differed? Has a stratified labor market dex-eloped x i t h r a g e and status differentials among various ilrmligrant groups? What is the experience of iiikkc!jiii (as legal residents) in social service donlains such as housing, health care, and education)?
This exairiiilatioil m7as uildertaken on several levels. First, ail analysis n-as conducted of previously collected survey data of ~ l i k k c i j i ~throughout l Japan. This analysis of data collected by the Japan Interrlatioilal Cooperation Agency (JICA) aild the Kaigai Nikkeijin Kyokai (KNK) provides a basis for identifying basic patterns in the early integration experiences of this population.Tl~e JICA surve); conducted in 1992 , is based on a sairiple of 1,027 ~ l i k k c i j i ~respondents l in various cities throughout Japan aild is the largest survey of Latin American ~ l i k k c i j i ~inl Japan to date. This data, as well as the data collected by the KNK fioiri r~ikkcjjir~ throughout Japan in every year since 1992, provides a strong fouildation on which to base the qualitative analysis ofthe current status of the integration processes and patterns of this group. The analysis of the JICA and KNK data, in addition to the data on r~ikkcjjir~ collected by goverilment iriinistries, identifies trends in the expeiiriiriigrants in Japan; they reveal ail overall picture of the interience of r~ikkcjjir~ grative challenges and problems faced by ~ l i k k c i j i ~inl Japan over time. The second phase ofthe case study consists offield research conducted in Japan in October and November of 1999. Coilcentrating on one particular r~ikkcjjir~ coiriiriunity but guided by the results of the nation-n-ide sairiple, the current level of integration of ~ l i k k c i j i ~inl Toyota city4 n-as observed. I11 this phase of the stud3 l to Japan econoiriic, social, institutioilal, aild cultural realities of ~ l i k k c i j i ~migration are explored. First, by examining the programs and services mailable to r~ikkcjjir~ both as n-orkers aild as residents of Japan, this study explores the extent to which Japanese iilstitutiorls and society provide iiriiriigrants "all the rights they need to f~mctionfreely in society as normal citizens" (Shiirrada 1991: 10).The field research consisted of ill-depth interviews nit11 representatives of social welf,lre agencies within Toyota city aild the Ministry Foreign Afiirs, as n-ell as organizers and 1-01unteers of coiriiriunity groups that also provide assistance to Latin American ~ l i k k c i j i ~immigrants. l Interviews with teachers and principals at local eleirientar7; middle, and high schools with ~likkcistudents \\-ere corlducted as well as intervien-s with local leaders. Meiribers ofthe ~ l i k k c i j i population ~l in Japan \\-ere also intervien-ed in ail effort to further urlderstaild of the challenges of adapting to and integrating in Japanese society. Intervien-s n-ith r~ikkcjjir~ iiriiriigrants focused on their experiences in seoeral issue areas: Workplace Experiences: relationship n-ith nlanagenlent; relationships n-ith native J~apanese co-workers; relationships n-ith co-xorkers of other ilmnigrant groups: job mobility xages
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Social/Em-ironnle11t;il Experiences: interaction x i t h Japanese community; experiences getting/keeping housing; children's educational experiences: experiences x i t h Japanese health care system Political Needs/Aspirations: D o ilikkr!jiil feel that they have political rights? Ability to hold meetings, vote in elections: ilikkr!jiil attitudes to\vard@panese citizenship: interaction with the Japanese state Cultural Attitudes/Experiences: perceptions of general acceptance or disappro\-a1 of other non-Japanese cultures; any maintenance of cultural difference?
The purpose of these interrien s m71-dsto capture m y change in impressions or experiences since the 1992 sairiple surley conducted by the JICA and to gain ail uilderstarldiilg of the actual experiences of rukkcqlr~iin-olved 111 the integration process in Japm.The depth iilterviev s used for qualitdtive research ofthis kind are particuldrly effective 111 providing highly lalid data that f,lcilitdtes the "ideiltifi[cation ofl patterns of association between factors on the grouild [and] provides information oil the n-ay attitudes and experiences cohere into meaningf~11 patterns a i d perspectives" (Hakiin 1987:28).The choice of qualitative research design and iriethods allows for the ill-depth exploration of ail area in which very little research has been done.This research aiiris to trace the integration process of m k k ~ 111 y ~Japan fro111 its earliest phases d i d to identify tlle iiripdct of iilstit~tioi~al, social, and labor iridrket fxtors on that process The second part of the tno-fold research design uildertaken here consists ofthe coiripmson of the case of I U ~ ~ C Z / I integrdtion H 111 Jdpdil to other similar cases. Compardtive analysis across similar cases enhmces explandtory poner d i d adds to the theoretical ~ a l u eof the study by exmillling in a broader context the causes of particular phenomeila (Valenzuela 1998,Tilly 1984). In vie\\ ofthis theory-building f~mctioilof coiripardtive dildlysis, the case of rukkcqlr~integrdtion in Jdpdil is coiripared to the simil~rcase of ethnic German iiriiriigrants' iiltegrdtioil and settleirient in Germany in the post-unification era The German case pro1 ides a key coiripmson 111 that it is, like the Japanese case, an instance of group of ethnically similar "outsiders" immigrdting to ail "ethnic" citizensl~ipregime. As such, the German case is coiripdrable to the Jdpmese case a i d provides a strong fourldatioil from n hich to drav inferei~esI11 addition to the Geriridil comparison, this study also considers the rukkcqlr~integration process 111 Jdpdil 111 light of tlle experience of the Korean iriinority in Jdpai~Thesystematic coiripdrisoil of these similar cases represents ail effort "to expldin the chdracteristics of the phenoirienon [integration] mitlliil tlle cases by looking at large number of eleirients d i d their configurations, m d by paying close dttention to their context nithill the cases.. .[while] dtteiripting to construct expldilatioils that account for the rmdtions of the phenomeilon across cases" (Valenzuela 1998: 10).
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY The book is structured as folloms. Chapter T r ~ oprorides 11istoricdl look at the issue of labor migrdtion d i d presents and evaluates sereral theories of labor iriigration This chapter also considers various iriodels of immigrmt integration d i d discusses hypotheses found in the literature on the subject of "deteririinants" of immigrmt integrdtion Chapter Three specificdlly explores Japan's experience r~ith immigrdtion, paying particular dttention to the drmiatic increase in illegal i i r i i r i i gration to Japan during the labor shortage of the late 1'980s d i d tlle ensuing debate bet\\ eel1 "closed country" adr ocates and proponents of Japanese interil~tioil~lization Chapter Three also outlines the 19'90 iiriiriigration reform d i d describes the ner\ pror ision authoriziilg the "side door" entry of rukkcqlr~as unskilled laborers. Chapter Four introduces the history of Japanese iriigration to Brazil, paying close attention to the assiiriildtion and integration ofJdpanese in Brdzil Chapter Fire is a presentdtion of the results ofthis case study of m k k e y ~111 Jdpm, begliming 1~1th an malysis of the JICA d i d KNK data and contin~~iilg 1~1ththe findings fioiri the w k k e y ~depth intervier\ s conducted by the author 111 Aichi prefecture. The presentation of the results is divided by issue area: housing, labor irrarket, a i d education issues are discussed separately I11 Chapter Six, the case of ~ l i k k c i j i ~inl Japan is coiripared to that of ethnic German immigration and integration in Germany. Chapter Seven is a discussion of the prospects and iiriplicatioils of the research firldings and oiiers some corlclusioils on the f ~ ~ t u of r e immigr~tionand ni~dtic~11turalism in Japan The ddmission of W ~ ~ C Z / Ioffers H a unique opportunity to exmiine the iriecllanisms ofimmigrmt integration at r ~ o r k111 Jdpai~Theresults of this research xx 111 have policy iiriplicatioils both 111 Japan and in other ddr mced iild~stridlildtions f x m g probleiris of immigrmt integrdtion md/or assiiriildtioi~The research presented here on the case of iiriiriigration and integrdtion in Japan clearly addresses illany of the more general questions mitllin the field of iriigrdtion studies Indeed, the issues and chdllenges ofimmigrmt integration 111Japan iriirror the iilstitutional, political, and social dilemmas of globdlizdtion t l l r o ~ ~ g l l otlle ~ t iildustridlized morld, though 111 a country nit11 relatively short history of iiriiriigratioil. This research f~~ndairieilt~lly seeks to ansmer questions about the irlstitutioilal and em 1ronmentdl factors that facilitate successf~dimmigrmt integrdtion. What is the f ~ ~ t u rofe iiriiriigration d i d i r i ~ ~ l t i c ~ ~ l t ~ ~111r aan l i siilterildtioildl i~i em iroilirient of interdependent ndtion-states and integrated economiesj
NOTES 1. This is ill contrast to the policies of rloii-iiitegratioii adopted by the oil-produciiig Gulf States in relation to their recruitinerlt of foreign 1abor.The Gulf States, ill the absence of rights-b~sed,liberJ regimes, constructed m d 111'1irltairled policies aiined at fostering ~ i i c e r t ~ ~ i iinsecurity, ity and 11011-irltegr'~tiorl of foreigiiers. These drlti-i~itegr~~tiorl policies included restrictions on the owiership of property, go~errln~erlt control oxw job changes, highly restricted politicJ rights, no access to sociJ programs, and I' n-dge requirement for fainily reurlificatioii (Weiiier 1994). These policies create ~ - hWeiiier ~ t terms an "irlstitu-
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
tiomlized pattern of dualism" and prevent the integration of ilrmligrant groups (Weiner 1994). 2. In an effort to decrease the number of foreigners lil-ing in German?; the CDU/CSU coalition led by Helmut Kohl introduced "re-migration incentives" including the Rfii-kkci~ryifiiizic(premium for return) which provided payment for foreign workers and/or their farlilies to return to their home countries. These initiatil-es xere a clear hilure, establishing officially and publicly the presence of a permanent ilrmligrant population (Barbieri 1998: Faist 1994: Rathzel 1990). 3. A conlnlody used term for "foreigner" that has taken on a pejorative connotation. Literally translated, the term means "outside person." 4. Toyota city a Octory to\m, is located outside of Nagoya in Aichi prefecture. It has one of the highest populations of Latin American ilikkr!jiil in Japan, according to the Municipal A f K r Dirision of the Aichi Prefectural 0ffice.Aichi prefecture has the highest of all fortysex-en of the Japanese prefectures, according to statistics population of ~iikkc!iii~ compiled by the Ministry of Justice Imrligration Bureau.
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
CHAPTER 2
THEORIES O F LABOR MIGRATION AND IMMIGRANT INTEGRATION
A large percentage of the one llutldred tnilliotl ~ n i g ~ ~tllro~ighout nts the n-orld today are so-called "economic nligrants" or "labor migratlts."The phetlonlenotl of labor migration is often portrayed as a relatirrely nen- pattern brought about by the rise of tnultitlatiotlal and tratlstlatiotlal corporations, high speed global connnutlication, and inexpetlsirre intertlatiotlal travel (Hargrewes 199s: Weiner 1995: Martin 1994: Litn 1992: Brubaker 1992). In reality hon-ever, "labor nligration" is a phenotne~mtlwith a long and varied history vien-ed alternately as a benefit and a threat to the econotnies and autotlonly of tlatiotl-states. The role of the state in the history of labor nligration has been an active one: tlle state has often been plyotal in protnoting labor migration both from the perspectiye of the sending cou11try and the recelrring country. Many states lm-e protnoted the enligration of citizens during times oflabor surplus, wide other states have vigorously recruited foreign n-orkers, both docutnented and u~ldocumented,in an effort to fill labor shortages at certain points in history. In addition, states lm-e often used the IZOIZCI~~;I~.C~WCIZ~ of inlnligration policy as anotller tnetllod of promoting labor nligration. State policy on labor nligration througllout history has generally been guided by the pursuit of ~latiotlaleconotnic interests n-it11 little attention to the cultural or social ratnifications of inmligratiot1. What is often portrayed by national govertlnlents as a "foreign itmasion" or "immigrant onslaught" is, in nlatly cases, the direct result of state policies aimed at bringing in foreign n-orkers as a response to sllortages in the labor market.
HISTORICAL TRENDS IN LABOR MIGRATION The tllercantilist period in European history is a significant early example of efforts by tlle state to benefit from the inlnligration of workers from foreign territories.' In a global enrriro~ltnentof conlpeting states, tlle newly centralized motlarchies of Europe sought to increase their populations and thereby increase the nutnber of n-orkers a d a b l e to produce local products to be sold in the global tl~arketplacefor llard currency: labor migration n-ould "lower the premiling
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
xx age rate, iridking exports more competitive [did T T O L I ~create] ~ a large, impoverished norking class [v hich] nould be a great benefit to the ildtion as a TT hole" (Donty 1987.27) Mercantilist policies, iridrked by the "deliberate pursuit of the econoiriic interest of the state, irrespectire of the claims of existing lan, prir ilege, a i d trddition" (Israel 1989. 2) did not, hov el er, discrimiil~tebetv een n orkers of different ethnicities and nationalities. Rather, these workers \\-ere seen as welcoirie additions to the population at a time when "population n-as considered a scarce econoiriic a i d military asset" (Zolberg 1981:9). States during this period had a relatively benign oien- of immigration a i d immigrant integration. Little concern m7as voiced regarding the integration or irlcorporation of the nem7 a i d foreign workers: immigrants \\-ere "welcome[d] ...for the skills and capital they brought n-ith their1...and princes rejoiced at the misfortune of their fellon- imonarchs in losing their subjects" (Harris 1993:l). Surprising15 in a period in which states n-ere also attempting to consolidate (or create) national identities, the presence of foreigners inside the territory n-as not regarded as a irrajor threat. A more recent exairiple of state-sponsored labor iriigration is the "guest-worker" period ofWestern European history In the economic boo111 n-hich follon-ed the second World W x , many European industrial states experienced pronourlced labor shortages. With their labor forces declining due to deiriographic shifts even as their economies expanded rapid13 the countries of Western Europe turned to foreign labor to fill their labor market needs.Though France and West Germany are the most notable a i d oft-cited examples ofthis pattern, the use of foreign labor "as a coiriiriodity" (Weiner 1995: 23) m7asby no irieans liiriited to these countries; Sn-itzerlaild, Belgium, Sweden, a i d the Netherlailds also follon-ed the "guestworker" pattern of labor importation. Recruiting workers fro111 Turkey and Southern Europe, these Western European states n-ere able to fill the lom-paying, lom-status jobs avoided by native populations (Salt 1981; Bohning 1972). I11 fact, the aim o f . . . [the] recruitment policy n-as not to foster organized ilmnigration but to counterbalance cyclical and demographic bottlenecks in the ...labor market. Only people who could inmlediately start to work n-ere welcome and thus recruited. Their x o r k \cis generally unpleasant and unprestigious and f ~ ~ r t h e r characterized by lower xciges (Munz and Ulrich 1997: 79).
Indeed, this strategy met mith enoririous initial success. under this model, o ~ e r eight million foreign norkers mere ddiriitted into Western Europe betneen 1938 a i d 1972 (Fmman and Munz 1992, Salt 1981) Western Europedn go~ernments perceir ed their labor shortages as teiriporary d i d the "guest-\\ orkers" n ere seen as 111 the an important safety \all e to be turned on and off as dictated by fl~~ct~~dtioils business cycle. The recruitment a i d rotation system used in Western Europe took as its f~~ildmiental premise the tempordry nature of labor migrdtion. iriigrants mould pose no integrdtire chdllenges to host societies, it nas thought, because they mould live and nork 111 host societies for only a liiriited period of time and then would return hoirie The initial 1\31es of migrants recruited under these programs \\-ere young, single men n ho indeed cmie, worked, and returned home as mticipated by the policy Honever, these workers often came back to work again aiter
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being rotated out of host countries. The attempt, in the mid 1970s, by Western European go~erninentsto "shut off" the safety valve 111 response to a European recession, led to certain "unexpected side effects" (Munz d i d Ulricll 1997: 83); illany of the "teiriporary iriigrants" chose to bra\-e unemployirient in Geririmy and other Western European countries 111 order to reiridiil until better times drrived. This change marked a criticdl t~riliilgpoint 111 the character oflabor iriigration to the Western European irldustrial states-foreign labor had ceased to be temporary d i d the recruitirient and rotation system of labor iriigration mas gradually overtaken 111 the 1970s by fairiily reuilification as major 7 ehicle for i i r i i r i i horation into Western Europe (Munz and Ulrich 1997. Blotevogel, Muller-ter Jung, and Z Castles d i d Kosack 1985) This shift also Wood 1993, Fassman d i d M L ~1992. had a iri,yor impdct on the deiriographic chardcteristics of the foreign population 111 Western Europe While prel iously the "typical" immigrmt had been young, single man, the post-recruitirient iiriiriigrant pop~ldtioniilcluded a large proportion of momen d i d children (Blote~ogel,Muller-ter Jung d i d Wood 1993, Fmman a i d Munz 1992).This developirient, 111 combiil~tionn it11 the emctirient of highly restrictir e immigr~tionpolicies, contributed to "iridrked increase in the foreign resident populations' ax7erdgeduration of s t q n hile their representation 111 the labor force increased due to the high feiridle employirient rate airlong ilev immigr~nts"(Fassiridil d i d M L ~1992.162) Z In Geriridily, for instance, the recruitment halt after 1973 resulted not 111 reduction of the foreign population, but 111 an overall ~ r ~ c ~ c aIn c c . Germany, the "foreign population rose fro111 4,127,400 to 4,189,100 betmeen 1971 and 1988" (Blotevogel, Muller-ter Jung, d i d Wood 1993.88).These changes in the coiriposition d i d clldrdcteristics of the immigrmt pop~~lation in Western European deiriocracies contributed to the dc facto permanent settlement of "teiripordry" foreign morkers d i d their fmiilies 111 Western Europe.The guests had "coirie to stay" (Rogers 1983). Illegal iiriiriigration to Western irld~stridlsocieties can be seen as mother recent manifest~tionof"1dbor migrdtion." Europe, the United States, and el en Japan sax a iridrked increase in illegal iiriiriigration in the 1980s elen as more restrictire immigrdtion policies mere instituted. Though reliable iilforiridtion about the migrdtion patterns and eiriployirient of illegal iriigrants is difficult to obtain, it has been fouild that increases 111 illegal immigr~tionare highly correlated nith the tightelling of restrictions on legal immigr~tion(Harris 1993. Cornelius et.al 1991, Morita and Sassen 1994. Blotel ogel, Muller- ter Jung d i d Wood 1993. Fassiridil a i d Munz 1992. Sassen 1991). Piore argues that the rise 111 illegal iiriiriigration is the "the most corlspicuo~~s exairiple of the iildbility of duthorities to control ail ongoing iriigration flon" (Piore 1979.26) The gron th of the iilforiridl econoiriy a i d the rise in urldocuiriented morkers in iild~stridlsocieties has been attributed 111 part to an expdildiilg recr~utineiltnetnork for lo\\ \\age labor. Labor brokers, often mith organized crime ties, locate, transport, d i d deli~erforeign norkers to the fxtories d i d firiris that require d i d eiriploy them, chdrging exorbitant fees to both the eiriployer and the nen employees (Weiner 1995, Harris 1993, Cornelius et dl 1991, Hollifield 1992). In the case of illegal labor, "middlemen," like labor
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brokers d i d recruiting agents, rather tlldil states, take demand for labor.
011
the f~mctionof filling the
THEORIES OF LABOR MIGRATION Push-Pull Models Scllolars of i~ltertlatiotlal111igratio11 luve attempted to explain the root causes of labor migration as well as tlle prevailing patterns of labor tnigration.While no one conlprehensive theory of nligration has emerged as d o n l i ~ l ~ nscllolars t, 1x1~-e explored the question using various models and concepts as n-ell as from various levels of a~lalysis.Several scholars ha\-e studied labor migration using neoclassical econonlic theory as a guide (Todaro l9S9: To&aro and Maruszko 19S7: To&aro 1976: Lee 1969: Todaro 1969: Grubel and Scott 1967: Grubel and Scott 1966: Sjaastad 1962).Explaining itntnigration flows as the "aggregates of itldirridual decisions" to escape the negatirre "push" factors of the home country and benefit from the positive "pull" factors of the host country these models most connnot~lycite econonlic, political, and social conditions in the home country as "push" fi~ctors. Itlternational itqualities p r o d e the basis for this model and the gap betn-een rich and poor countries is thought to sl~apei~ldividualdecisions to migrate as a means to achieve a better statldard of lirring. In other words, people migrate because it is n-orth it to them in terms of perceirred net gains in sta~~&ard of lirring: the potential benefits of nligration in terms of income, lifestyle, and opportunity outweigh the risks and costs of l~ligratiot~.Accordi~lg to this model, trends or patterns of itlternatio~lalnligration are simply the consequence of many itldirridual or family decisions. Though some researchers classify models based on fanlily or household nligration decisions as distinct from 1x0-classical "push-pull" models (Massey et.al. 1993), they seem to come closer to being a variation on the "push-pull" tllenle rather than theories unto themselves. In this vien; as in the conrretltional "push-pull" argument, decisions to migrate are tl~adebased on a cost-benefit calculation of sending a family tl~el~lber abroad to work. Families and itldirriduals n-ork to nlaxitnize i ~ ~ c o nand l e opportunities and the nligration of one or more tnetnbers of tlle fa~nilyoften emerges as the most effectirre means to tl~at end. This type of expla~lationcan be applied to some extent to the case of rzikkc(jirz migration to Japan in the l9SOs and 1990s. Eco~lonlicpressures in Brazil, c o n bitled with tlle emergence of a Japanese labor shortage, can be seen as "push-pull" factors contributing to tlle nligration decisions of rzikkci Braziliatls.Tsuda cites the dramatic n-age differentials4betn-een the two countries as a mqor incentirre for r/ikkcjjir/migration. With the possibility of earning substa~ltiallymore money than they could in Brazil and escaping ecotlonlic and political instability in Brazil, rlikkci Brazilians respond to the "pull" of the Japanese labor shortage. According to the logic of the neo-classical econonlic "push-pull" model of labor migration, 111 addition to the ecorloinic push 'lctors of declirlirla n-dges and restricted job opportunities ill the ini~raiitserldirla country, there inust ~ l s obe sufficient eco-
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nomic demand for migrant labor in the receil-ing country for migration to be initiated. In the Japanese-Brazilian case, the sewre and extended economic crisis in Brazil coincided x i t h a growing economic crisis of a different sort in Japallan acute shortage of unskilled labor, which n-as a significant pull hctor drm-ing the Japanese-Brazilians to Japan (Tsuda 1999: 5).
Thus, the coiilcideilce of"push" aild "pull" factors in Brazil a i d Japan led to many iildividual "rational choices" to migrate by r~ikkciBrazilails, according to this theory of labor iriigration. These types of explanations are efictive up to a point, but have several serious sl~ortcoiriings.One proiriinent critic,WR. Bohning, highlights the limitations and specific flaw of this type of model. The push-pull . . . models . . . have the nlarginal ~rlanjuggling with a pocket calculator to compute present d u e s of in\-estment in mo\-es to an alternate location. Besides the unreality of the underlying assumptions (homogeneity, substitutability, etc.), the specific determinants are exogenous (opportunities) or indeterminate (psychic incomes/costs) and their measurement is influenced by the migration variables themselx-es (feedback). Furthernlore . . . the migrants can quickly slip from the push to the pull category or \-ice versa, which makes the distinction sonlexhat meaningless (Bijhning 1981: 36).
In addition, by attributing iriigration flov s to the aggregation of many i r l d i ~ i d ~ d "ratioilal choices," this "push-pull" model ignores the role of states 111 initiating migrdtion flov s. State eiiorts aiiried at the active recruitirient d i d eiriployilieilt of foreign morkers clearly p l q a more prominent role tlldil that of siiriply creating demand for migrmts. states are more than just pdssire recipients ofiriigrant labor. Furthermore, these explmdtions fail to expldin \T hy migrdtion continues in spite of dimiilishing "pull" fxtors. m11y does migrdtion to ad\-anced irldustrial democracies "persist . . in the face of restrictionist policies and dilti-iiliiliigrdilt sentiments" (Hollifield 1992 6) a i d despite diiriinishiilg econoiriic demand? Also, 111 the particular case of rukkcl Brazilian iriigration to Japan, "push-pull" models fa1 to "consider the importmt ethnic and socioculturdl \dridbles that have created and sustained such a large migrant flov over such a great geogrdphical distmce" (Tsuda 1999.2) Specificall7;"push-pull" iriodels say nothing about the phenomenon of permanent iriigrant settlement in host societies. 111 pdrtic~ldr,the "pushpull'' iriodel can not account for the "unexpected side eiiects" of curtailed recruitment progrmis in Western European "guest-\\ orker" states d i d the dcjacto settlement of illegal iriigrants a i d P L ~ ~ ~ C Z /11I1PJapan L Why do migrmts remain 111 host societies aiter the "pull" has ceased?
Dual Labor Market Theories Appro~chingthe question of the causes d i d pdtterns of interilatioilal labor iriigration \T ith ail eye to more generalizdble explmatioils, other scholars ha-e exmillled the issue by coilsideriilg the structure of labor iridrkets 111 iriodern irldustrial states (Cornelius 1998. Harris 1995; Cornelius 1991. Piore 1979).These researchers propose that iriodern irldustrial econoiriies tend to split into primary and seconddry
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labor markets due to n hat Piore terms the "inotivatioil~lpower" of hierarchy and status. I11 other n-ords,jobs lon- 111 status a i d pay i r i ~ ~reirrain st that n-ay regardless of a decreased supply of workers to fill theiri. Where neo-classical "push-pull" the~ a \\-age increase as a means to attract workers, dual labor marory T \ - O L I ~predict ket theory posits that ilative workers d l reject \\-age increases in low status jobs due to the probleiri of "structural illflation" (Massey et.al 1993: Piore 1979). This line of thought begins with the idea that there is a rocid as n-ell as ail economic f~~ilction to the \\-age structure (Piore 1979). Because people choose jobs in part because of the positioning of particular jobs in a \\-age and status hierarchy, ail increase in the \\-ages of the lowest status jobs d l result in deirrailds for c o n mensurate \\-age increases for jobs more elevated in the status hierarch): Massey et.al. illustrate this point: Raising n-ages at the bottom of the hierarchy vmuld upset socially defined relationships betxeen status and remuneration. If n-ages are increased at the bottom, there \ d l be strong pressure to raise n-ages by corresponding amounts at other le\-els of the hierarchy. If the xages of busboys are raised in response to a shortage of entry-led xorkers . . . they n1ay 07-erlap with those of xaitresses, thereby threatening their status and undermining the accepted social hierarcl~y.W,iitresses, in turn, denland a corresponding n-age increase, \ ~ h i c hthreatens the position of cooks, who also pressure employers for a raise (Massey et.31. 1993:441).
Proponents of a dual labor market theory of labor iriigration hold that status acts S as necessary iriotiratioilal factor 111 the labor market d i d that ~ ~ T T - S ~ X L Iand dead-end jobs present serious motivdtiondl problems d i d thus are difficult to fill \\ ith native morkers, but are easily filled by iriigrants mho ostensibly seek ~m-onzc rather than status.This is attributed by most scholars to particular "irii, orant irientdlity" T\ hereby migrmts are not iilitidlly tllredtened by the social stigirid of loner tier jobs Since migrants view thenlselx-es as temporary sojourners x i t h strictly instrumem tal moti\-es, they are responding to a different ren-ard structure than do mti\-e workers. Therefore, unlike the nati\-es, migrant xorkers 7-ien- demeaning and dead-end jobs as a means to a11 e11d-a short-term opportunity to reap substam tial economic ren-ards that will enable them to return to their home country to regain their previous lkes 011 better fim~lcialfooting (Tsuda 1999: 7).
This nillingness to accept decrease in status as the price for iilcredsed incoirie has been demonstrated in the case of rukkcl Brazilian migrmts to Japan mho, despite university d i d professioildl educdtion 111 Brazil, l m e accepted uilskilled f x tory jobs 111 Jdpm. HOT\el er, as teiriporary iriigratioils become long-term or permanent settleirieilt, this iriotir dtioilal structure also changes 111 pdrtic~ldr,for m k k c ~Brazilians 111Japan, the stigmatiz~tionand labeling of 3K jobs as "immigr~ilt mork" iridy not be so easily accepted as Jdpdilese educated d i d socidlized second generation comes of age. Proponents of this type oftheory oflabor iriigration identify s t / r ~ t u ~dnol r l a d )I 1 n h 1 in the secondary sector of the economies of modern illdustrial societies (Cornelius 1998; Cornelius 1994. Piore 1979) This demand, they argue, is iiriper-
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~ i o u to s cyclical changes in the econoniy and is most often filled by foreign markers This theor3 though more poneifid tlldn siiriple "p~sh-p~111" iriodels, also fails to explain the persistence of migrdtion in the face of iull or nearly f~111employment in host countries d i d the phenoirienon of permanent settlement by "teiripordry" labor migrmts It also fails to dcco~mtfor the dyilmiic d i d flexible nature of the "iriigrant iriotiratioilal structure" (Tsudd 1999. 7) and changes to that structure o ~ e time. r This theory reduces the explandtion of iriigration flov s to purely of labor migrdtion irlcludiilg labor market factors d i d ignores other diiriei~sioi~s fmiily net\\ orks, state polic7; and changes in interilatioildl norms Dual labor market theory is demand sensitive and disregdrds "pull" factors oritc~dcof the structure of the labor iridrket. World Systems Theory Other scllolars 1~~1~-e cl~aracterizedlabor migration as more t l ~ msimply tlle aggregate of tl~anyitldirridual level decisions or as tlle result of labor tl~arketstructure in particular states. They offer structural or system level expla~latiotlsfor tlle phetlonletlotl of labor migration. For instance, scholars admncing a n-orld systems theory of labor nligration explain labor migration as a consequence of the spread and petletration of the eco~lotnicprocesses of capitalism into tlle semi-periphery and periphery (Harris 1995: Sassen 1991: Castells 19S9: Sassen 198s: Petras l9Sl: Portes and Walton 19Sl). Guided byW~llerstein's(1971) conceptualization of the world system as being dirrided into an interdependent core, senli-periphery and periphery and tl~arkedby an inter~latiotlaldivision of labor, these scholars argue tl~atthe "penetration of capitalist eco~lotnicrelations into peripheral, tlo11-capitalist societies creates a mobile population that is prone to migrate abroad" (Massey et.al. 1993:414). In this vien; labor migration is neither the result of i~ldividual ratiotlal decisions to migrate nor the result of cl~aracteristicsof particular labor markets. Rather, itlternational labor nligration is the result of tlle gradual incorporation of tlle tlo11-capitalist n-orld into tlle global capitalist system. Capitalist petletration disrupts traditional patterns of production and lea~~es a peripheral population uprooted and displaced and cotlseyuently more likely to migrate. In the same way entry into tlle global capitalist system leads to the creation of "tnaterial and ideological links" (Massey et.al. 1993: 146) to the countries of tlle core, again facilitating migration. The flows of labor across national boutldaries are generated ill p ~ r by t the specific economic ~ i i dpolitic~lillfluelices of the stronger core ecoiiomies over the n-eker ones and the p~tteriiof class for~il~~tiorl \~.hich results . . . [md are] dr,nui fio111 one labor inarket to another by ,vxi~tionsin level of real m d social \\-age reilmrleratioii to labor. [They are Jso] recruited across national bouiidaries fio111 ail irlterrlatioiiJ pool ofreserve labor, re] reguldted by state policies \\-hich define the corlditiorls of bouiidary crossing [md are] s h ~ p e d by the cyclical rh-thms ~ i i dtrends ofthe entire n-orld ecorloin>-(Petrds 1981: 43).
World systems theory is an attempt to explain labor migration at the system level. It addresses several ditnensiotls of the plletlonlenon not explained by either "pushpull" models or dual labor tl~arkettheory. For instance, it more effectirrely accounts
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
for the phenomenon of clear, patterned iriigratioil flon s from particular places at particular times as result of state sponsored recruitment in the core H o n e ~ e r , though it acknowledges the role of the state in creating iriigratioil flon s, it addresses neither the state's illability to stop migrdtion flows once started nor the pheiloirieiloil of perillanent settleirient by iliigrdilts elen after the demand for labor 111 the core has been satisfied. In the particular case of mkkcl Brazilian irii,oration to Japan, world systems theory is effect11 e 111 illustrating the pull exerted by Japan's "core" econoiriy oil Brazil's neaker econoiri7; but does not address the ethnic dimeilsion of the phenomeilon or the subsequent settleirient of m k k c ~Brazilians 111 Japan despite Japanese recession. Globalization Model A fourth school of thought on itlternational labor nligration attempts to address those issues (initiation and persistence of labor migration, pernlanent settlement) as n-ell as to p r o d e a generalizable, systen-level model of labor nligration based on the ideas of a globalization of both tl~arketsand rights (Sassen 1996: Litn 1992: Kritz, Lim, and Zlotnik 1992: Hollifield 1992).These scholars argue that immigration flows and patterns can not be explained simply in terms of i~ldividual choices, labor nlarket characteristics, or capitalist penetratiot~.Rather, nlarket k c tors (econonlic integration, structural denlatlds for labor) combine n-ith political hctors (state sponsored recruitment, rights-based liberal policies) and social hctors (transnatio~dethnic networks) to make labor nligration a "highly cotlditioned and structured [phetlonlenot1] embedded in complex economic, social, and ethnic netn-orks" (Sassen 1996:163).These scholars acknon-ledge tlle role of tlle state in the initiation of migration flows and c o ~ x x d etlle existence of structural characteristics of labor tl~arketsin advanced itldustrial societies tlut provide a clear detlmld for foreign labor. Hon-ever, proponents of this "globalizatiot1" model of labor nligration tl~aintainthat in order to explain the initiation and persistence of migration flon-s as n-ell as the pattern of pertlmlent nligrant settletnent after "tenporary" migration, one nl~istlook at a mriety of processes, including clmlges in the i~ltertlatiotlalecononlic system, changes in itlter~latio~lal hutl~anrights norms, and cllanges in the nature of state so~w-eigtlt): First, globalization and the increasing integration of econonlies is identified as a tnajor hctor contributing to itlter~latio~lal labor nligratiot~.Hollifield describes the i~lterdependencebetn-een states in a globalized political and ecotlonlic e m rontnent and identifies the constraitm placed on states by such an etmirotlment. The increasing irltegr'1tio11 of rlatio~iJeconomies in the post-n-~rperiod has resulted in the globJizatiorl of m ~ r k e t snot just for c ~ p i t ~goods, l, m d services, but for labor as n-ell. It is esceedi~iglycdificult for states si~nplyto ~ i t h d r from a~ these 111~rkets\\-hen p ~ r t i c i p ~ t i oin~ it h e n ~is no longer convenient or n-hen it conflicts n-it11 the ~ixiorlalirlterest.The price for n - i t h d r a ~ may; ~ l be too high to P J ~both , in ecorlo~nicm d political terms (Hollifield 1992:222).
Labor nligration, according to this line of thought, can be the result of state-spo11sored recruitment, enlployer recruitment, and/or i~ldividual,perso~laldecisions to
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migrdte. the importmt point is that the moveirient of labor across ildtioildl borders is but one of the inexordble chmges brought about as result of economic globalizdtion and integrdtion This explmls the Imtlatlorl of iriigration flov s, but n hat explandtion is offered for the pclc~ctcrlcc of migrdtion d i d the development of permanent settlement? Migration flov s, once started, persist, according to this model, because of chmges 111 both the interrlatioilal h~iridnrights regline a i d a related shift in the character of state sovereignty "Teiriporary" labor iriigrants nere able to remain in Western Europe aiter the end of guest-norker recruitment programs because of a change 111 the nature of the rights a ailable to immigrmts. Fmiily uilific~tion, education for immigrmt children, housing rights, and other related rights had come to be seen by the interrlatioilal coiriiriunity as "hu111ar111ghtc rather than rights tied to citizeilship" (Smell 1996 35) Hollifield \\rites that the expansion of civil and social rights in liberal democracies has contributed as much, if not more than the spread of market relations to increases in immigration. Once foreign xorkers entered the labor market . . . they were integrated quickly into the economy and society and for reasons haring to do more n-ith libem1 than n-ith i~itiusri~id democracy it n-as difficult to get rid of them for political expediency (Hollifield 1992:222).
In eiiect, the extension of rights, via a liberal corlstitutioilal logic, to immigrants as iildividuals, serves to constrain states' abilities to prevent perirranent settleirient by labor migrants.The extension of these rights ofiriembership facilitates the creation of iriigrant networks (Massey and Garcia-Espana 1987: Choldin 1987; Banerjee 1983;Tilly a i d Bron-11 1967). Migration networks have been fouild to "increase the likelihood of internatiorlal moveirient because they lon-er the costs and risks of iriovement and increase the expected returns to iriigration Py] constit~~t[ing] a form of social capital that people can draw upon to gain access to foreign employment" (Massey et.al 1993:448). In the case of ~ l i k k c iBrazilian migration to Japan, the creation of such migration networks has clearly been significant. Tsuda identifies a "self-sustaining migration systeiri [for r~ikkci Brazilian iriigration to Japan]. . .that [includes] econoiriic pressures, along nit11 trailsilatioilal ethnic connections, cultural perceptions of iriigration, and trailsnatiorlal social net\\-orks" (Tsuda 1999: 22) as explanations for the i~litiatior~a i d pcrrirtc~m of this migrant flon-.WWlge differentials between Japan and Brazil, an economic crisis in Brazil, and a deirraild for unskilled labor in Japan coiilcided with a policy change (officially) elriphasizing the ethnic ties between ~ l i k k c iBrazilians and Japanese. This coincidence initiated the migration flon- at this particular time betn-eel1 Brazil and Japan a i d m7asfollon-ed by cultural glorification of migration \ ~ i t h i nthe Japanese-Brazilian sending c o n munit\-. . . [and] the dex-elopment of a culture of migration [and the establishment of] highly efficient and conlprehensi~-e transnatioml labor recruitment and enlploynlent nen~orks,reinforced by personal n e n ~ o r k sof fkiends and relatives (Tsuda 1999: 23).
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Tsudd identifies these "trmsnational social net\\-orks" a i d the nem7 '"culture of migr~tion"as the key eleirients respoilsible for the persistence of the iriigration flon a i d the emergeilce of long-teriri rukkcl Brdzilidn settleilient 111 Jdpm. The expmsion of iriinority rights nithin states d i d the gron th of an interilatioildl huiridil rights regime identifying a u m m tal set of rights coiribine to limit state capacities to "reguldte iriigration according to the realist priilciples of sovereignty a i d the natioilal interest" (Hollifield 1992.228) This raises the question of \\ hether states hale the abilit7; in a globalized em ironirient, to eiiectively regulate the irio~ementinto (or out 00 ildtioildl territory. Migrdtioil d i d globdlization appear to pose a challenge to trdditioilal conceptions of sovereignty There is a clear "contrddictioil betmeen segregated natioilal spaces d i d the iilcreasin,o interildtioi~a1 moveirient ofmorkers drir en by the morld labor market" (Harris 1995.2). Sassen addresses this question 111 her mapping of the components ofthe "nen geography of poner" (Sassen 1996.5) \\ rought by economic globaliz~tionand coilcludes that "in the global econoiriy . i r i ~ ~ cthat h n e describe as global, ii~ludiilgsome of the most strategic f~mctioilsnecessary for glob~liz~tion, is grouilded in ildtioildl territories" (Sdssen 1996 13). Labor migr~tionis precisely one of these "iunctions of glob~lizatioil" thdt is inextricably tied to the idea of ildtioilal territory. Coilsideriilg labor migr~tion111 the context of the processes of econoiriic globalization brings to light the inadequacy of coin-entiondl notioils of state so~ereignty m d territoridlity. If states 111 a globalized economic em ironment are constrdined 111 their eiiorts to regulate the entry d i d settleilient of labor iriigrants, n h a t is the nature of state so~ereigntyin such ail ein7iroilirieilt? Sassen claiiris thdt economic globaliz~tionhas contributed not to an erosion of sol ereignty, but to a "decentering" (Sassen 1996.28) of sol ereignty 111 light of nhich "immigr~tioncan be seen as a strategic site for the exmiiil~tioilof the relation-the distance, the tensionbetneen the ideal of sovereignty as control o ~ e \\ r ho enters d i d the constraints states encounter in making actual policy oil the matter Iiriirii,oration is . . a sort of \\ reilch once can thron into theories about sol ereignty" (Sdssen 1996 63) The globdlizatioil model of labor migr~tionposits that migr~tionflov s begin for a 7 m e t y of reasons related not only to global iridrket forces, but also to ethnic iletnorks and trdilsilatioilal coiriiriunities. These flov s persist, according to this model, even in the face of restrictive policies, dimiilishing demand, and anti-iiriiriigrant sentiirient, because of the liberal extension d i d expdilsion of ilieilibers11ip 111 host societies The com ergeilce of economic globalization and the grov th of the iilterildtioilal h~~iridil rights regline has contributed to a "decentering" (Sassen 1996.28) of state sovereignty that liiriits state poner to regulate migr~tionflons a i d limit permanent settlement. If, as this iriodel posits, labor mi,o~ti011111 an em ironment of economic globaliz~tion,extended irieiribership rights, d i d "decentered" (Smell 1996 28) sol ereignty l e a es open the possibility of long-teriri settleirient by migrmts, the problem of iiriiriigrant integration emerges as a crucidl area of inquiry for both researchers d i d policy-iridkers.
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
IMMIGRANT INTEGRATION Immigrdnt integration is a criticdl area o f s t ~ ~ d111ylight of the filldings of research oil immigrmt flon s d i d trends towl-drds irlcredsing permanent settlement. If these patterns are the result of the dynmiics of economic globalization and a changing iilterildtioilal human rights regime, the cldleilges brought oil by their1 are not likely to disappear xx it11 time. Rather, native populations a i d iiriiriigrants n 111 be forced to co-exist Hoxx sirioothly this co-existence proceeds depends largely oil the integrative or dbsorptire strategy d i d capacity of receiring states. Scholars of iilterildtioilal migrdtion cite the inherent contradictions ofpolicies oflabor importdtion mith no iilstit~tioilalpronsions for iiriiriigrant integration (Cornelius, Martin, and Hollifield 1991, Cornelius 1993). Case studies of various European nations' experiences nith iiriiriigrant labor highlight the dispdrity betmeen policy intent d i d policy 0~1tcoi1ies.though European guest-worker policies of the 1970s intended to emphmze the tempordry mture of labor migrdtion by rotating and abruptly stopping the flon of migrmts, these policies actually c o r ~ t ~ i b u t ctod permanent immigrmt settlement (Weiner 1996. Hollifield 1991;Martin 1991; Castles a i d Kosack 1983). Clear15 permanent immigrmt settleirient has happened and contiilues to happen in the context of econoiriic globaliz~tiona i d strengthened iilterildtioildl h~liridilrights nori1is This trend towl-drd permanent settleirient must be accompanied by research and policy measures that address the institutiorlal mechmisiris f~~ilitdtiilg iiriiriigrant integrdtion What are the "deteririiilants" ofimmigr~ntintegrationj Are there different models for immigrmt integrdtion and can they be adapted to different ildtural contextsj What iilstit~tioildlpro1 isions help or lliilder immigrant integration?What role do national citizenship and naturalization traditions play in shaping patterns of immigrant integration?
Assimilation, Separation, and Cultural Pluralism Research into the particular results of various national responses to labor nligration has yielded some insight into the general "deternli~mltsof immigrant integration." Clearly, state policy (both inlnligration and innnigrant) plays a large part in "deternlining" the extent atld nature of inlnligrant engagement n-it11 and integration into the host society (Weiner 1996: Cornelius, Martin, and Hollifield 1991). What Weiner describes as the "social contract" betn-een regimes and migrants, both in terms of entry rules and tnembership rules, sets the tone for the entire integration process and is central to the success or hilure of that process (Weiner 1996). The process of inlnligrant integration appears to follow one of se~-era1patterns. Each of these patterns of integration confronts the issues of culture, language, identity and citizenship in entirely different n-ays and ciziz be envisioned as lying on a continuunl n-it11 assimilation filling on one end of the "integration continuum" and "11ot1-itlcorporatiot~"or separation filling at the opposite end. Hon-e~~er, this linear conception of integration may not be appropriate. Some scholars of itntnigrant i~lcorporationor "acc~ilt~iration" suggest that inlnligrants do not nec-
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essarily iriove in a sequenced pattern through pre-deteririined "stages" of acculturation; a more nuanced a i d flexible model is required. For example, Berry's (1997) multidimeilsioilal fiamen-ork for acculturation acknowledges the fluid and flexible nature ofaccu1turatioil.The strategies in Berry's model are defined in relation to attitudes on tn-o issues, cultural irrainterlailce and coiltact/participatioil (Figure 1) a i d are labeled "assimilatioil," "separatioil/segregation," "margiilalization" aild "integration" (Berry 1997). Berry's "acculturation strategies" coordinate with the "integration patterns" identified by other scholars in the field.The assiiriilationist pattern, espoused by Robert Park (1930) can be defined as a "process of hoiriogenization nit11 convergence around a norm rooted in either irrajority or minority ethnic groups or in some nen- amalgairi accepted on all sides" (Hargreaves 19982).Assimilation implies that "differe1lce"-in culture, language, identity-will be eliminated in at least some groups, presuirrabl7; in this case, the immigrants. France, for exairiple, has approached the problem of iiriiriigrant integration nit11 a decidedly assiiriilationist stance: "Freilch nationhood . . . is centrally expressed in the striving for cultural unity [aild] political irlclusion has entailed cultural assiiriilation" (Brubaker 1992: 1). "Non-incorporation," on the other hand, allows for the maintenailce of difference, but with the purpose of stigmatizing it and assuring separation. The guest n-orker programs of the oil-producing Arab states can be seen as an exairiple of this type of pattern. Maintaining "difference" a i d identity in this type of einiroilirient poses irrany risks including discriiriination, mis~~ilderstandiilg, a i d oiten social conflict a i d violence. A third model of immigrant integration is the "cultural pluralist" or "iriulticultural" model which lies soiriewhere betn-eel1 assimilation and separation a i d entails a "iriore tolerant and peririissive attitude to the cultural origins" of all groups and encourages (or at least tolerates) the maintenance of diiierence-in language, culture, religion, a i d custoiris. Multiculturalisiri a i d its institutiorlal a i d policy implications have, however, become a flashpoint of controversy in liberal societies. Multic~~lt~~ralism raises questions about the nature of citizenship (iildividual os. group) a i d the role of ethnicity, language and culture in determining (or defining) iriembership in the Figure 1: Berry's (1997) iriultidiirierlsioilal frmien-ork of dcculturatioii
1 I ISSUE 2: Is ~t coilsldered to be of\-alue to mamtain
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
ISSUE 1 1, ~t tonsldeled to be o f ~ a l u eto nsintrm on& identity rnd cbrr~~cter~strcsl YES Integr~tion
YES
NO
Assimilation
Ethnicity, Language, and Culture The comparative research on the iiriiriigrant integration experience 111 Europe also suggests se~eralgenerdlizdtioils about the role of ethnicity 111 the integration process Castles and Kosack, drming on tlle British case, find that though majority of immigrmts in Britain at the time of their study are \\ hite, the "term 'iiriiriigrant' has come to medn 'black man' 111 popular speech" (Castles d i d Kosdck 1985.1) Similarl7; Weiner illustrates the distiilct vocabulary of iiriiriigration that has eirierged 111 both Geririmy aild Great Britdin to distinguish migrmts xx 110 ha1 e an ethnic "right" to In e ~x~itlliil tlle borders ofthe state from those n h o are merely dllowed to enter and nark under certain coilditioils (Weiner 1996). Ethilicity has a clear impact on immigrdnt integrdtion. in particular, the extent of immigrmt integrdtion is affected by the type of"citizens1~ip regime" in existence in the host societies. Brubaker dram the important distinction betn-eel1 "ethnic" and "civic" citizenship regiiries by contrasting France's relatively open (though assiiriilationist) rlaturalization policy nit11 Germaily's less integrative racially and ethnically deteririined citizensl~ippolicy based on the principle ofjur rar~pir~ir (Brubaker 1992).Brubaker argues that deep "institutional a i d norirrative traditions" within particular nation-states shape the attitude taken toward iiriiriigrants. France's "civic" citizeilship regiirie, \T-llich allow for the autoirratic civic illcorporation of immigrants, reflects the Freilch idea, rooted in the French Revolution, of the Freilch "nation as the creation of their state'' (Brubaker 1992: 184).This stands in marked contrast to the Gerirran vision of the "nation as the basis of [the] state'' (Brubaker 1992: 181). The eth~loculturalinflection of German self-u~ldersta~ldi~~g and German citizem ship Im- makes it difficult to reconcile-in the political imagination of Gernlans and ilrmligrants alike-the preservation of Turkish cultural identity and autonomy, for exanlple, with the acquisition of Gernlan citizenship. State-menlbership is too closely tied to 1xitio11-nlelr~bersl~ip . . . Persons drawn to the idea of differentialist integration ha\-e therefore tried to work out [integrative] lrlodels that do not require a person to become a formal member of the state (Brubaker 1992: 178).
Brubaker's andlysis of the German case raises several interesting questions about the possible obstacles to immigrmt integration in "ethnic" citizensl~ipregiiries like Germany and Jdpm. If Frmce's "LIT ic" citizeilship regline follon s a f~~ndairientaliiriiriigrants to ly nccli~z~lat~or~~ct iriodel of iiriiriigrant iiltegratioil-requiriilg bec oirie "Freilchmen" d i d " F r e n c h ~O ~~I ~ I I " - T T here does the German "ethnic " citizenship lie on the integration continuum? Specificall7; can immigrmt integration and iilcorpordtioil occur 111 an "ethnic" citizenship regiirie mithout becoiriing enforced separation d i d ruimiilg the risk of discriiriirlation and social conflict? Which iriodels of iiriiriigrant integration are a ailable and practicable, on a policy l e el, ~ for "ethnic" citizensl~ipregimes like Germany and Jdpm? 111 particuldr, 111 this type of state, \T hat factors constitute iriembership or nail-meiriberslip 111 the national c oiriiriunity?
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
O 6 c d iimliigrdtion and immigrdnt policy in "ethilic citizenship regiiries" suggests that c t h m - ~ t y is the criticdl factor 111 frairiing questions of iriembership. Immigrmts of non-Geriridn or non-Japanese etlmicit7; el en those long-settled 111 the country like T ~ ~ r k i sguestnorkers h or the Korean iriinority 111 Japan, are discouraged, through restrictive policies on naturaliz~tion,from becoiriing citizens. They are, regardless of the length of their stay d i d intentions to reiridin 111 the countr7; alnays "foreigners" since they are "ui~~ssimil~ble" It is ethnicity rather than langudge, culture, or even religion that bars these residents from f~d1iilclusion 111 society. ,414cc~~flc1, or ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe d i d the former Sol let Union, h o n e ~ e rare , automatic~llyddmitted d i d can easily gdin Geriridn citizenship regardless of lmguage or culturdl differeilces.This re1 eals that the "real objection to 11011-Ger11iai1 iimliigrdtion has not been economic or demogrdphic, but cultural d i d political" (Brubdker 1992. 14). A similar situation has no\\ eirierged in Japan with the entry of ethnic Japanese immigrants from Latin America: this group's integration into Japanese society is presuiried to follon- n a urally from their ethnic similarity However, shared ethnicity does not guarantee siriooth integration and state maneuvers, in Gerirrany and Japan, to fill the deirraild for lon-skilled labor n-ith ethnic Gerirrans a i d ethnic Japanese run the risk of creating the very social conflict they ostensibly seek to avoid. The examillation of the integrative processes of groups ethnically similar to host populations allows for a dissection of the probleiris associated nit11 iiriiriigrant integration: by exairlining such cases, one can "control" for factors associated nit11 etlmicity and isolate the issues that f x t o r into the integration experiences of all iiriiriigrants. Consideration of such cases can potentially highlight the obstacles to successf~diiriiriigrant integration posed by existing institutiorlal fiairieworks (in educational, housing, labor market, and social service spheres) in ''ethnic" citizenship regimes.
NOTES 1. This figure, calcu1'1ted by Teitelbmm and Russell using n-orld-n-ide datd, iiicludes p e r i i ~ ~ r ~immigrmts, er~t teiilporary; il~igr'liits,~ i i drefugees. Teitelbauin m d Russell estiinate that half of these ii~igrarltsare liriiig ~ i i d / o r\~.orkiiigill the developed ~vorld,d d e the other h~lfreflecta gro\~-iiigtrend of inigrxiorl ~ i t h i i the i Third World. 2. Another e d y ; erail~pleof stxe spoilsored "l~lborii~igr~~tiorl" t h ~ ist often cited is the est~blishmeiitof the slave t r d e . Ho\~ex-er,the slave t r d e , d i l e techrlically; fitting the defirlitioii of"1abor inigrxiorl" is actuJly quite diiiererlt t h m \\-hat is under coiisideratioii here. As Zolberg (1981) irldic'ltes, though the "iii~port~tior~" of rle'lrly eight inillion Ail-icms to Europe m d the A i l ~ e r i c ~n-'~1s "by far the l q e s t coii~poiieiitof the Westerrl-doi~~iii~~ted [migr~tiorl]iietn-ork," the eleinerlt of coercioii present in the slxe t r d e sep~ratesit cxegoricJly; il-0111other, less violent ii~arlifestatioiisofstxe sponsored ii~igr~~tioii-r'~iigiiig il-0111 the operliiig of borders to actud recruitinerlt p r o g r ~ i l ~and s rlet~vorks. 3. In discussiiig the cdse of Gerii~aiiyBlotex-ogel,Miiller-ter Jurlg, and Wood cite the fact that the first recruiting ~greeillerltentered into by Geril~~liiy occurred ill 1953 n-hell the Geriilm urleil~ployi~~eiit rate n-as at 7'%.They; argue t h ~ the t recruitii~erltof foreigii
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
workers \cis a "stopgap" measure designed to ease "certain bottlenecks \ ~ h i c hexisted in indil-idual companies in some industries and regions.. . [for] x o r k that Germans would no longer do" (Blotemgel, Miiller- ter Jung, and Wood 1993:83). 4. Tsuda reports that ~iikkc!iiil earn fil-e to ten times their "middle-class Brazilian incomes" by taking on unskilled work in Japan (Tsuda 1999: 3).
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
CHAPTER 3
JAPANESE IMMIGRATION POLICY AND PERSPECTIVES
Itntnigration and inlnligrant integration are nen- problems for Japan. Until relatirrely recently, Japan has had very little experience n-ith the entry and settlement of foreign nationals: Japan truly has not been and does not fisllion itself to be a "country of innnigratiot1." One Japanese scholar's attempt to identify the significant "n-aves of inn~ligration"in Japanese history locates only three exanlples.These "waves" include the eighth century settlement of Korean artists and intellectuals, the asylum petition of a snlall nutnber of protninent Chinese families during the mid 1600s, and the forced inlnligration of Koreans and Chinese as workers during the SecotldWorldww (Koshiro 199s).Clearly, iinnligration has played a minor role in Japan's long history Japan's tight restrictions on itntnigration as well as a culturally conditioned distrust of outsiders made it, for nlucll of its modern history, a less desirable destination for would-be labor tnigrants tlml the more accepting (and more accessible) i~ldustrialdemocracies of the West.This pattern clmlged in the 19SOs n-it11 the trenle~~dous gron-tll of the Japanese ecotlomy and comequent denland for labor during the "bubble" period. Ethnic and cultural homogeneity has been credited n-it11 Eacilitating Japan's econonlic success (Muller 1993), low crime rate (Kanji 1WO), and egalitarian social structure (Tezuka 1992: Kanji 1990: Kanji 19SS),while also playing a critical role in defining the Japanese ~latiotlalidentity. Reiscl~aueretnpllasizes the integral role of race and etlmicity in defining the Japanese nation. The line b e n ~ e e r luchi and soto-bet\veen "illside" m d outsiden-\\-as clear. A persoil \\-as by race, larlau'lae, culture, and iixion either fully J ~ p ~ i i e sore not 1' Japmese ~t 1' 11. The Japmese formed 1' sort of aigaiitic inoderii tribe.. . [Tlhe Tapaiiese . . .pride theinselres on the "purity" of their blood" (Reisch~uer 1995:396),
A Japanese ~latiotlalidentity built around the notion of racial purity and cultural integrity developed in part because of Japan's geographical isolation as an island nation and in part because of cotlscious political' efforts to create a nlythology of a "pure" ethnic nation (Eisenstadt 1996: Hutcllitlson and Smith 1994: Smith
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1993) This natiorlal identity \\-l-ds reflected in the r ~ ~ h o r ~ j ~literdture wor~ that eirierged in the 1970s d i d 1980s \ \ h h elriphasized the uniqueness of the Jdpanese. This body of literdture often contains the phrase "the Japanese are tflii'itsii i~iii:okii.'' Zil'irsu means "one" or "uni," but iiziil:oku is a multi-x-ocal term which.. .means not only race, but ethnic conlmunity and nation. Racial, ethnic, and national categories almost ox-erlap in the Japanese perception of themselx-es (Yoshino 1992:25).
Ethilicity, langudge, d i d culture are the keystones of Jdpmese self-image and ilatioilal identity This iriodel of ildtioildl identity correspoilds nit11 a pdrticularly Jdpmese pattern of coilfronting the issue of iiriiriigration, \\ hich is, by definition, the ddmission of "outsiders." I11 general, Japan has been hostile to the idea of iiriiriigration, displaying a distaste for d i d L U ~ \illii~gilessto ddiliit foreigners. This pattern, basically a rejection of those outside the ethnic, ilatioilal cominuilit); iriirrors the patterns ofJapmese social organizdtion that h a e been identified by the Japanese cultural anthropologist Clue Nakane When the consciousness of 'our place' ('us') and 'other places' ('them') is strong, and as the feeling becomes acute, there dex-elops within the society such extreme contrasts in hunlan relations that it s e e m as if anyone other than 'our people' is no longer considered to be human (Nakane 1972a: 21).
It is not surprising then, to find that \\ hen coilfionted nit11 the prospect of largescale iiriiriigration into Japan, iridily Japanese react \\ ith a f~~i~dairientdl "ideological unr\illiilgiless to accept culturally different people of any kind" (Sekine 1991.19). 111 fact, oil the subject ofimmigrdtion,Jdpdli is ail interrlatioilal diloiridly 111 that it succeeded 111 its post-nar irldustrializdtion d i d ec011011iic inoderilizdtion t ~ t l l ~ depending oil foreign labor (Mori 1997,Yairimdka 1993. Reubens 1982) As result, nhile Jdpm's interilatioilal peers airlong the irldustrialized states, including Germany and France, turned to foreign labor 111 the post-nar period to ddvmce their large-scale iild~stridlizdtionprocesses, Japan relied instedd oil "a large rural labor pool a i d the massive introduction oflabor-sa\mg teclmologies by large corpordtioils" (Ymiaildkd 1993.74).The sedsoilal ~ ~ l t c i r l amigrdtion l of norkers from Hokkdido and Northern Hoilshuu as nell as a "rural labor reservoir"(Mori 1997.39) of nearly ten million norkers satisfied much of the need for uilskilled labor during the rapid grov th of the 1950s d i d 196Os.Tl10~1ghthis "reser~oir"of \\orkers froiri rural areas T T ~ S s o ~ m eof labor market flexibility d i d acted as "safety \all e" (Mori 1997. 39) 111 the econoili); it proved to be liiriited resource. Many rural norkers migrdted to the cities a i d becmie permanent (inflexible) meiribers of the urban labor force, lexiilg the dgriculturdl sector \\ ith a smaller a i d aging mark force (Mori 1997, Koshiro 1998) Jdpmese industry thus lost its doiriestic "safety ~dlve"(Mori 1997.39) In spite of this loss, Japan did not turn immediately to a strategy of importing foreign labor,Japan iridiiltaiiled a strict bail oil the entry of uilskilled foreign norkers as specified 111 the 1931 Iiriiriigration Control Ac t4.
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
~ t t
JAPAN'S LABOR SHORTAGE Demogrdphic shifts d i d several structural changes in the Japanese labor market of the late 1980s brought about set of circuiristances thdt cldlenged Japan's ability to remain iildepeildent of foreign labor First, Japan's extremely lo\\- fertility rate, coiribined n it11 rapidly aging population, led to decrease, in dbsolute terms, 111 the nuiriber of "econoiriically active" citizens (Mori 1997.63), contributing to drairidtic increase in the depeildency ratio, thdt is, the ratio of people o\er sixtyfile to those betxxeen fifteen a i d sixty-four (Figure 2). In dddition, higher le\ els of educational dttdirlirient changed the dttributes ofthe Japanese n orking age population, skening the skills and occupdtiorlal preferences of youn, J,7p mese entering the \\ ork force (Mori 1997, Fuyyasu 199 1. Shimada 1990, Watmabe 1990, Kobdyashi 1987). O\er\\heliriingl7; these norkers shunned the dirty (kltarla~), dangerous (klkc~~), and deiridilding (kltcul) "3K" jobs 111 f a o r of higher status jobs (Fuqiyas~199 1). Figure 2: Depeildency Ratio (Ratio of elderly pop~ldtionto pop~ldtionaged 1361) 111 Japan, 1950-1997
0.0 I I 1950
I
I
1960
I
I
1970
I
I
1980
I
I
1990
I
I
1996
Year Source: Statistics Bureau, Japan Management and Coordination Agency
These demogrdphic shifts took place in the context ofstructurdl changes in the Japanese labor market thdt coiribined to create a strong demand for labor 111 certdin sectors of the Japanese econoniy One major structural change in the Japanese labor iridrket \\ as an increase in the number of "high due-added, lo\\ energy and lo\\ resource iildustries" (Mori 1997 11)This, in coi-~jui~tion \\ ith the pre\ lously discussed increase 111 educdtioildl dttainment miong the younger generation, created iridrked change in the quality and occ~~patioilal preferences of the Japanese labor force, contributiilg to a second structural change 111 the labor market. the emergence of acute labor shortages 111 the construction a i d i r i d n ~ ~ f x t ~ u ing sectors of the econoniy Watanabe explains that
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
[slince the most attractil-e jobs are those in sophisticated serl-ices and high-tech industries, there is an especially critical labor shortage i n . . .occupations...~~11ic11 hn-e long relied on an ab~mdantsupply of young workers. Construction has already been mentioned. Also, the nlanuhcturing sector is in need of assenlbly workers, packers, welders, and press operators, while serl-ice-sector jobs in supermarkets, dry cleaners, restaurants, and hospitals are up for grabs.As the population ages, young people make up a progressix-ely snlaller proportion of the labor force. And as local industries in outlying regions del-elop, the supply of seasonal labor fro111 the countryside is drying up. More important, young Japanese today are intent on careers in the up-market sectors of the labor force, and nothing is likely to nuke them seek x o r k else\~here(Watambe 1990:47).
These sectoral shifts in labor hit Jdpm's small and iriedium-sized businesses hardest. While large corporations and manuf,lcturers could respond to labor shortages by illcreasing \\ages to attract norkers or by iriol ing fxtories abroad, iliai~ysirid11 and mediuiri sized enterprises \\-ere forced to shut dovm (Spencer 1992) The Japanese labor shortage nas begliming to be seen as ail intrdctable probleiri, not airieildble to eas7; short-term solutiorls [Tlhe lack of xorkers willing to perform society's more onerous tasks is beconing a structural problem . . . Today's job 1-acancies will not be filled merely by improl-ing working conditions and raising xages, nor can they be eliminated through automation. Efforts in those directions are now reaching their limits . . . Giren their absolute dependence on local recruitment, preferably of energetic young xorkers, the enlployers in [n~any]businesses are becoming understandably shrill in their demand for non-Japanese labor (Wtanabe 1990:47).
Though these demands for foreign labor \\-ere met with little action on the part of government officials, they brought on a stream of illegal foreign n-orkers entering and \\-orking in Japan during the late 1980s. In f
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A second explanation for the influx of illegal iiriiriigrdilts to Japan 111 the late 1980s is the eiriergence of netnork of labor brokers edger to cdpitalize on the strong deirimd for urlskilled labor in Jdpdil (Spencer 1992. W,ltanabe 1990). [Nletx~orksof enlploynlent agents . . . ha\-e spread out to link Japan with overseas sources of unskilled labor . . . Job brokers in other countries scout out prospective xorkers and help them find ~ i y into s Japan; brokers here line up jobs for the emigrants. Because they are engaged in a profitable illegal actirit\; the brokers receive generous fees [and] using their ample funds, they put together xelloiled organizations to circumr-ent the Ian- . . . [Tlhe core of the problem is clearly the existence of an extensive ~undergro~md labor market (Wata~labe1990:46).
This "undergrouild" iletnork of labor recruiting d i d eiriployineilt persisted during the 198Os, nit11 most foreign morkers entering Japan legally as tourists or students and then 7 iolating or overstaying their 7 isds in order to reiridiil d i d nork 111 Jdpdil (Cornelius 1994. Sassen and Morita 1994. Ymianakd 1993, W,ltandbe 1990, Shiiridda 1990, Shiiridda 1989).These illegal foreign laborers, easily fillding mork at factories d i d constrL~ctionsites, lived 111 plain viev of both the authorities d i d the Japanese public, leading iridily 111Japan to question the xx isdoiri of ha1 ing an open "back door" to the country. Large gatherings of foreigners in parks and public places uilderscored the gap betn een official immigr~tionpolicy and the reality of the demand for foreign labor and proiripted ilatioilal debate over i i r i i r i i gration and iriulticulturalisiri 111 Jdpdil 111 tlle context of globdlized econoiriy (Mori 1997. Cornelius 1991; Shiiriddd lC)94.Yairidildka 1993) The open "back door" resulted fioiri the contrddiction betnee11 Japan's oflicidl policies coilceriliilg uilskilled foreign labor and the strong structurdl deiridild for uilskilled foreign labor during the boo111 of the 1980s (Mori 1997. Cornelius 1991) The grommg iluiriber of illegal foreign workers respoilding to that demand proiripted appeals fro111 all sides for a rethiilking of Japan's iiriiriigration policy. Coilser~dtives, dttrib~tirlgJapan's phenomenal economic success to the ildtioil's hoiriogeneity d i d ildt~lrdl"11aririoi1y", cdutioned dgdiilst opeiliilg tlle c o ~ i l t r yto foreigners for fear of the social conflict and disharmoily mhich, they belieled, xx ould surely follon (Cornelius 1994. Shiiridda 1994. Tezuka 1992. Kanji 1990). Human rights organizations emphmzed the 7 ulnerability of illegal norkers to exploitdtion d i d tlle miserdble lir ing coilditioils d i d insecurity they endured as meiribers of the urldergrouild labor force (Mori 1991, Spencer 1992) The debate divided politicians, scholars, d i d the Japanese public into tmo cmips-one fa1 oring "iilterildtioildlizatioil" (kokriwlkn) d i d an "opei1111g of the country" (ka~koku) and the other ad~ocdtiilga "closed country" (takoku). i l " into the more This debate over iiriiriigration and " i i l t e r n ~ t i o n ~ l i z ~ t i ofits general and ongoing debate about Japan's role 111 d i d respoilsibilities to interim tioildl society (Reischauer 1995;Wolferen 1989; Hagihara 1985; Bef~l1983; Pdssiil OPL of the 1970s 1983; Mouer and Sugiirioto 1983).While the P L I ~ I ~ ~ ~ J I P L Iliterdture and 1980s emphmzed Jdpdil's uniqueness d i d difference from the rest ofinterilatioildl societ); there has also been an ongoing concern, n-ithin Japanese politicdl
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a i d acadeiriic circles, nit11 defiiling Japan's position relative to other states. Pdssiil (1983) traces this debdte to the begiililiilg of the Meiji era. The present concern n-ith internatiomlization shows some similarities to [an] earlier concern. In the nineteenth century Japan is a "back\mrd" industrializing country . . . One of the primary reasons for the formulation of law codes based upon Western models is the widespread corn-iction that the unequal treaties . . . could be eliminated only by corn-incing the Poxers that Japanese Imn-as as cidized and lrlodern as their o\m. Meiji Japan n-as . . . forced, by the pressure of growing economic and political interdependence, to think about keeping up n-ith the xorld . . .To do this, it is necessary to i~ltermtiol~alize-that is, to "modernize" its organizational forms, institutions, practices, and bellax-ior along lines that xould facilitate interaction x i t h the outside world . . . [Tlhere is com stant concern about getting along n-ith other nation-being respected, being liked-and with international responsibilities (Passin 1983:19).
Though Japan entered iilterildtioilal society as "bdcknard" ildtioil after the tmo hurldred year isoldtion of tlle T o k ~ ~ g a xera, d changes 111 the iilterildtioildl systeiri as me11 as Jdpdil's emergence as an economic superpomer have proiripted a renened concern xx ith "interilatioilalizatioil" as iriedils to assLmie global responsibilities a i d leddership commensurdte n ith Japan's economic pon er The push for "interilatioilalizatioil" d i d the difficulty that Japan has had in defiiling d i d taking action oil that front res~ltsfroin an interildl mibivdleilce regarding Japan's place in the iilterildtioilal systeiri Is Japan an "ddult" nation, ready to take oil global or regional leddership roles? Mouer and Sugiirioto describe the debdte as a question of xx hether "the ildtioildl goal [is] one of catching up [md] ildtioildl S L I I V ~ V[or ~ ~ ofl iilfl~~ei~[iilg] the surl ival of other countries a i d iilcreasingly pldying leddership role" (Mouer d i d S~~giinoto 1983. 271) This question of Jdpdil's role d i d respoilsibillties 111 changing iilterildtioildl enriroilirient extends into discussioils of Japanese pdrticipdtion 111 interildtioildl orgailizatioi1s a i d United Ndtions peacekeeping operdtions as nell as into discussioils of issues such as iiriiriigration. In ail era of increasing global integration on both econoiriic and h u m a n i t ~ r i ~issues, n xx hat are Japan's optioi~sfor reconciling domestic economic d i d socidl C O I I C ~ I I I S ~x ith interildtioildl noriris d i d expectations conceriling, for exairiple, the h~~iridil rights of foreign morkers? The cnkokri-ka~kokudebdte of the 1980s, though focusing specificdlly on tlle problem of immigrdtion, revealed many of the more general probleiris regarding Japan's changing place 111 a nen global ein ironinent. The ka~kokriside embraced the idea of Japan as an interilatioildl leader, xx hile cnkoku proponents elriphasized the uiliqueness of Japanese society d i d tlle need to safeguard Jdpmese culture While supporters of kn~kokriargued that opening Jdpdil to foreigners could only enhmce the richness ofJdpanese culture d i d iiriprove Japan's iilterildtioilal reputation (Oka 1991, Shiiriddd 1991), tnkokri adherents mdrned that the entry of urlskilled foreign labor nould lead to criirie, irldustrial inefficieiq a i d the creation of a periridnent uildercldss (Tezukd 1992, Kmji 1990).
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SAKOKU VS. KAIKOKU The debate oler the "foreign norker probleiri" revealed the concern, on the part of inmy Jdpmese politicidils, scholars, and significant segment of the public, about the possible negative impact of allovmlg foreign workers to enter d i d nork 111 Japan A primary concern of sakoku proponents m71-dsthe dilution of "culturdl integrity" thdt T V O L I ~accoi1ipmy ~ the adiriission of foreign norkers. The presence of many foreigners would in time lead to an increase in the n u n ber of people of mixed race.This would probably be accompanied by the emergence of a sense of crisis in some sections of society along x i t h the abandonment of traditional d u e s . . . [Olur national 1-italityxould gradually be sapped (Kanji 1990:36).
Kanji's stance is representative of anti-iiriiriigration arguirients based on notions of cultural or racial "purity" (Koike 1998; Muto 1993; Tezuka 1992; Tezuka 1989; Kanji 1989: Koike 1989; Kanji 1988). Citing the problems associated with iiriiriigration and iriinorities in Gerirrail7; the United States, and other iriulti-ethnic societies, takoku proponents xx m l e d against the dmgers of turimlg Japan into "country of iiriiriigrdtion " Iiltroduciilg foreign xx orkers n ould h a e the urlinteilded efict, they argued, of corrupting Jdpmese culture. Jdpm's strength, according to this group, steiriiried fioiri a haxmg common race and culture. dllov ing foreign morkers into Japan's borders nould bring about Japan's decline (Kmji 1990). A second d i d related drgument ddvmced 111 f x o r of a closed country inr 011 es the iiripact of immigr~tionon Japan's socidl structure. takoku proponents predicted the creation of perinanent foreign uilderclass as a result of labor iriigration (Tezukd 1992. Kmji 1990).According to this argument, the entry and employment offoreign morkers nould lead to labor market segmentation (Tezuka 1992), the clustering of foreigners in lox\ status jobs, d i d the est~blishirientof "ethnic ghettoes" 111 Japanese cities (Tezuka 1992, Kmji 1990). Contellding that the Japanese public is not ready or able to live, nork, shop, and play dloilgside foreigners, these scholars and g o ernirient ~ oflicidls einmoned an extreiriely polarized Japan 111 the nake of the ddiriission of ~mskilledforeign labor Snkokri proponents reject the idea ofiiriiriigrant integrdtion, arguing that Japanese society is iilcdpable of absorbing foreigners and mi11 necessmly isolate foreigners and imnorities (Tezukd 1992, Kmji 1990) This camp also predicts that immigr~tionand the entry of foreign norkers mould lead to the destruction of Japanese societal reldtions, consensus, and l~~ririoi~y,"run[iling] a deep crack through society [and ellding] the freedoiri of social iriobility d i d reldti~e fairness that ha1 e chaxterized Japanese society" (Kanji 1990.35) Another prediction of the cakoku camp is thdt the liberdlizdtion of iiriiriigration policies xx ould contribute to the breakdon 11 of lax d i d order 111 Japan (Tezukd 1992, Kanji 1990) Citing 111 particular the illegal actir ities of some of the foreign morkers xx ho congregated inTokyo's public parks in the 198Os, some scholars and xx riters anticipdted ail increase 111 crime as the nuiriber of foreigners in Japan grem. The Japanese legal system, it mas argued, is not equipped to hmdle the arrest and prosecution of foreigners (Kanji 1990).Indeed, the lack of action and eilforceirient
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of existing iiriiriigration policies to deal nith the groniilg illegal iiriiriigration problem seemed to lend credence to this 7 lev of Japan's legal apparatus. Snkoku proponents cited the neakness of the Japanese legal system as a factor facilitating illegal iiriiriigration and dctir ities d i d denied any connection betmeen the go1 erilirieilt's lack of dction against the illegal eiriployirient of foreign uilskilled labor a i d iildustry's deiridild for xx orkers In fact, the tnkokri cmip questioned the very existence of labor shortage In response to the structural d i d deiliogr,lphic evidence d i d expldildtioils of Japan's labor shortage, cnkoku proponents argued that shortages in particular sectors ofthe ~l labor market reflect probleiri t ~ t 1 1 1iild~~stry. Why are young people reluctant to n-ork for an autonlakerl It is not because they see the n-ork as "dirty difficult, and dangerous" . . .The real reason is that they think the auto industry is Olling behind the times. Business executkes need to be alert to this sort of early-\varning signal and reform their actil-ities accordingly rather than complaining that young people's un\dingness to n-ork for them leaves them no choice but to hire foreigners. If Japanese industry can manage to get by without resorting to foreign labor, its future should generally be bright: if not, ho\~ex-er,its progress is likely to grind to a halt.West Gernlany offers a good 1esson.The first nl:ljor problem to emerge from West German industry's reliance on imported labor n-as that it fell behind in terms of technology (Kulji 1990:53).
Snkokri proponents marl1 that by resorting to foreign uilskilled labor, Japanese iildustries risk reducing eflicienc); productivit); a i d "falling behind the times" (Tezukd 1992. Kmji 1990. Slliiliadd 199O).The better dlterildtive, they argue, is the automation of iildustry and the dpplication of robotic technology to stremdiile operations and reduce dependence oil labor (Tezuka 1992. Kanji 1990, Shimadd 1990, Kobdyashi 1987) Those oil the other side of the debate, h o n e ~ e rcdutioned , thdt closing Jdpdil off mas not only iiladxxdble, but also iiripossible 111 ail iilterildtioildl eilx7iroilirient of ever-deepening integrdtion. The k a ~ k o k usupporters varied in the degree to xx hich they felt that Japan should be opened, but agreed oil several points First, those f a oring a liberdlization of Japanese immigr~tionpolicy noted the reality of the open "back door" to illegal immigr~tioild i d ~xdriledthat illegal iiriiriigrants xx ere 7 ulnerable to exploitdtion and lluiridil rights T ioldtioils (Slliiliadd 1991, F L I J ~ ~ ~1991. S L I Watmdbe 1990. Selby 1989. Sakdiya 1989, Isllikaxd 1988b, Kobdyashi 1987). Spencer describes the cycle of exploitation thdt has been obser~ed in the experience of illegal foreign n orkers else\\ here. [I]llegal foreign workers' status outside the la\^ makes them prey to abuse by labor brokers and employers who treat them badly and threaten to turn them in if they cause trouble . . . .The likelihood of being disco\-ered prevents illegal workers fro111 reporting riolations [and] the language barrier and a lack of basic a\mreness also hinder reporting . . . Legally established workplace safety stmdards are ignored by employers of illegal laborers . . . [and] i~ljuredworkers often do not receil-e \~orkers'compensation, either for fear of disco\-ery or because they are required to n-aive co\-erage as a condition for receiving employment (Spencer 1992:765).
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Kalkokri proponents argued thdt Japan ought to take a degree of responsibility for the nelfare of its uildergrourld population of foreign norkers. Scholars like W
Open country ad1 ocdtes suggested that the reality of illegal immigrmts li~iilgand xx orking in Japan forced the issue onto the internatiorlal stage Though the i i r i i r i i grants xx ere present illegall7; discriiriinatory d i d cruel tredtment of foreign ndtionals 111 Japan nould h a e an obvious, d i d uildesired, negative impact oil Japan's iilterildtioilal relations (Sekine 199 1,Watmabe 1990. Shimadd 1990). Another issue raised by knlkokri proponents mas the need for domestic iilstitutioildl dddptation to the ilev globdlized iilterildtioilal em ironment. Again, knlkoku supporters cited the groning illegal iiriiriigratioil problem as el idence that reality had outpaced the debate oil the possibility of iriulticultural Jdpdil (Slliiliadd 1989) They argued that by ignoring the actrial presence offoreign morkers in Jdpdil a i d focusing the debate on hypothetical questions of iiriiriigration policy reform, cnkoku proponents ran the risk of creating socidl conflict 111Japan (Shimadd 1991, Okd 1994. Koiridi 1990, Kurosmd 1989). O n this point, they seemed to agree, 111 part, nit11 the cnkokri vie\\ thdt the large-scale immigrdtion of foreign morkers Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
corild lead to the disruption of social reldtions in Japan Home\ er, the t n o camps differed sharply in their opinion of Japanese society's dbility to adapt to chmge. While the takoku drgument is based oil the preiriise thdt Japanese society is fundairientdlly iilcdpable of lldildliilg large-scale iiriiriigration, the kn~kokrivie\\ places great emphms oil the dbility of Japanese society and its iilstitutioils to adapt and adj~lst111 order to facilitate the smooth integrdtion of foreigners into society (Shiiridda 199O.W,ltanabe 1990. K ~ ~ r o s a n1989). a I11 other mords, kn~kokrisupporters accepted the notion that immigr~tiond i d diversity had already arrived 111 Japan, for better or for norse, d i d that the next appropriate step entdiled iridkiilg iilstit~tioildlddj~I~tll1ellt~ to this nev reality 111 order to prelent socidl strife. Shimadd asserts that Japan "ought to be focusing [its] attention oil the long-range social issues thdt [foreign norkers'] presence raise[s] a i d oil hov to pay for prograins for their1 a i d their fmiilies" (Shiiridda 1989.27).
1990 IMMIGRATION CONTROL A N D REFUGEE RECOGNITION ACT The national discussion over the role of foreign n-orkers in Japan extended into a policy debate as it became clear that the denland for unskilled labor n-as insetxitirre to cyclical fluctuatiotls in the eco~lomy(Cornelius 1991).The various mi11istries n-ithin the Japanese government staked out positions in line n-ith tlleir on-11 bureaucratic interests and tlleir approaches to tlle stlk~k~~-k(zik~ku debate. Within the Japanese bureaucrat); the Ministry of Justice represented tlle most vellenlent support of tlle "closed country" stance. As the goT7ernmentorgan most closely involved with inmligration, tlle Ministry of Justice strongly rejected any proposal advocating the liberalization of policies concerning the entry of unskilled foreign labor (Spencer 1992: Sekine 1991). Other govmlnlent ministries varied in tlleir ofjici(z1pronouncements on the subject of utlskilled foreign 1abor.These protlouncetnents ranged from the Ministry of Labor's proposal for a permit and penalty system for employers wishing to hire foreign n-orkers in skilled positions (Shinlada 1994: Spencer 1992: Sekine 1991: Wcmtlabe 1990) to the Ministry of Foreign Affiairs' support of a "more lenient itntnigration policy n-it11 a view to impro~ingexternal relations" (Shinlada 19S9:26).The issue was contested within the Japanese legislative system for tnuch of 19S9 with little evidence of a consellsus between the bureaucratic ministries, the business n-orld, and the Japanese public. Hon-e~~er, by the end of l9S9, the Diet passed a piece of itntnigration reform legislation tlut n-as closely modeled on the conservative recotlltlle~ldatiotlsmade by the Ministry of Justice. The itntnigration reform tlut emerged in December 1989 took the form of a nen- anletldnlent to the existing Itntnigration Control Act. This ame~ldmetlt, commot~ly referred to as the 1990 Inlnligration Control and Refugee Recognition Act (ICRRA)', was designed to address the illegal inlnligration problem, set sta~dardsfor entry and residence, and clarifv several new residence statuses (Mori 1997: Shitl~ada1994).Tllougll some a~lalystshave characterized the reform as "epochal in scope" (Shimada 1994: 61), others have argued tlut its
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attempt to "liberaliz[e] . . . the Iiriiriigration Law m7as . . . one-sided" (Spencer 1992:762). In effect, the nen- policy irraintains the official ban on unskilled foreign labor, n-hile "respond[ing] to calls for interrlatioilalization by irraking it easier for qualified foreign n-orkers to enter the country" (Shimada 1994:62).The 1990 reform introduced irieasures aimed at curbing illegal immigration and the illegal eiriployinent of foreigners; penalties n-ere introduced for both employers of unskilled foreign workers a i d for the n-orkers themselves (ICRRA 1990:Articles 70-78: Mori 1997; Shiirrada 1991: JICA 1991).Japanese legislators, taking a page from the European a i d Airierican iiriiriigration experiences", instituted a program of stiff criiriiilal a i d fillailcia1 penalties against employers of illegal iiriiriigrants (Cornelius 1991). I11 addition, the nen- ameildirient clarifies a nem7 set of procedures for larlding and diseiribarkation examiilatioils in response to airibiguities within the existing landing rules a i d procedures ( I C R F U 1990: Articles 3-9; Mori 1997; Shiirrada 1997:JICA 1991). However, the most sigilificant reforiri irrade in the 1990 amendment m7as the adjustirient of the number of residence statuses. In essence, the nen- policy caref~11lydelineates the range of peririissible activities for foreigners in Japan, increasing the nuiriber of acceptable statuses fro111 eighteen to tweiltyseven (ICRRA 1990:Article 2, Article 19). However, as the reform maintains the ban on unskilled foreign labor, the increase in residence statuses is achieved in other ways.The nem7 lan- specifies tn-o broad categories of officially sanctioned residence categories, one designating professional or occupatioilal requireirients for residence a i d the other designating personal relationships or statuses q u a l i ~ i n gforeigners for residence (ICRRA 1990). Mori labels these categories respectively as the "peririissible intake" category and the "peririissible establishment" category (Mori 1997:lO). In the "permissible intake" categor); the nen- law basically increases the number of activities for n-llich foreigners may be admitted into the country (Table 2). Authorized activities in this category include diploirrac); medical practice or research, journalism, engineering, and college or high school education (ICRRA Article 2-2).With the appropriate visas and guarantors to enter Japan and live and work in those "skilled" capacities, foreigners may be admitted through the "front door."The door for unskilled foreign labor, however, remains officially closed. It is in the second category of residence statuses in n-llich one can discern the "side door" provisions d e ised ~ to ease the problems associated nit11 Jdpm's structural demand for uilskilled labor (Mori 1997, Cornelius 1994). In n h a t Mori labels the "peririissible establishirieid' cdtegor7; four residence statuses are created for xx hich no legal restrictions on the scope of the iiriiriigrants' actirities are imposed (ICRRA 1990. Mori 1997, Slliiriddd 1994). 111 particular, the nev lax permits the entry of descendents of Japanese citizens, up to the third generation, xx ithout stipulating as to the type of activities that iridy be engaged in mhile 111 Jdpai~Thoseentering under this category o f 1 isa are to be considered "long-term residents" or settlers (tcy6) a i d have the benefit of unlimited opportunities for visa renenal arid the option to d d j ~ stheir t status to tlldt of "pernianent resident" (Mori 1997, Cornelius 1994). Perhaps more significantl7; the spouses and children of those 1~1kkcy1~ entering ~xitllin this category are also considered mithin the Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Table 2:Authorized Occupational Statuses for Foreigners in Japan (Restricted Activities): 19'90-Present Diplomat
Im-estordMamger
Specialist Humanities/ I~ltermtioilalSerl-ices Intra-coi~~paily transferee Entertainer Skilled labor
Official Legal/Accounting Services Professor Medical Serl-ices Artist Researcher Religious Instructor ~ctiv~ties JouriiJist Eiigiiieer Source: 1990 Imliligr'~tiorl Control ~ i i dRefugee Recogiiitiorl Act, Anliexed Table I
"permissible establislmle~lt"category (Table 3).As such, no legal restrictions obtain as to tlle scope of actirrities undertaken by this group n-ithit1Japan. W l u t is n-orth noting here ill relation to the ~ldmittaiiceof foreign labor is tlut this [rlikkeijirl] status . . . iinposes no legal restriction on the activities uiidertak'Ire legally authorized to ell during . . . residence ill Japm.Tllese foreign ~i~~tiorlals ~ w r not k only in skilled but unskilled jobs 1' s well . . . It [is] ail effective side door for the introduction of l e g J labor" (Mori 1997:108).
A cotnprotnise in the r c d w k ~ ~ - k o i k odebate k ~ ~ n-as achieved in the form of the new lam; introducing a population of ethnically similar unskilled foreign n-orkers n-ith the legal right to engage in unskilled n-ork. This so-called "r/ikkcjjir/ pro~ision"in the new law created a legitimate avenue for the hiring of utlskilled foreign workers. Devised as a "politically lon--costn (Cornelius 1991:396) resolution to the foreign n-orker problem, it rested on the assunlption tlut as ethnic Japanese, r/ikkcjjir/ would fill the denland for unskilled workers without disturbing the ethnic and cultural uniformity of the nation. Y~ma~laka cites i~ltertlaldocutnents "dating from before the . . . reform [that] suggest that . . . r/ikkcjjir/ were acceptable because, as relatives ofJapanese, they 'n-ould be able to assimilate into Japanese society regardless of ~~atiotlality"' (Ymm~aka entering Japan as a result of the policy 1993:79).- In fact, tl~anyof the ~zikkciji~z change n-ere second or third generation Japanese from Brazil and Peru, ut&nliliar, in most cases, n-it11 tlle language and culture of Japan (Tsuchida 199s). As a consequence, the "side door" opened to r/ikkcjjir/ by Japan's 1990 inlnligration reform is, in reality Japan's first experience with the integration of legally admitted foreign unskilled labor. This reality gives nen- life to the concerns and warnings of tlle koikok~lproponents of the 1980s. HaT-e appropriate institutional adjustments been tl~adeto deal n-ith the rlikkci foreign workers integration into Japanese society! Or, since the rlikkci n-orkers and their finlilies are entering only tllrougll a "side door" have Japanese institutions remained indifferent to the presence of unskilled foreign workers and tlleir finlilies in the country! (even with their ethnic ~ 0 x 1 The challenges to integration hced by ~zikkciji~z tlection to Japan) lligllligllt the itlstitutiotlal, political, and social dilenlnlas tlut tl~ulticulturalis~~l and globalization pose in Japan. To wllat extent have ~zikkciji~z
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Table 3: Residence Statuses for Foreigners in Japan (Unrestricted Activities): 1990-Present Status of Reslden~e
Status authorlzmg lesldeilce
Perir~anentResident
Those permitted pemlanent residence by Minister of Justice
Spouse of Child of Japanese National
Spouses of Japanese nationals, children adopted by Japanese ~xitionals, or those born as children of Japanese nationals
Spouse or Child of Perir~anentResident
Spouses of those who stay x i t h status of Perir~anent Resident or those x ~ h o are Special Perirlanent Residents. Those born as children of permanent residents in Japan and ha~-ingbeen residing in Japan Those who are authorized to reside in Long Term Resident Japan with designation of period of stay by the Minister of Justice in consideration of special circumsta~lces Source: 1990 Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act, Annexed E b l e I1
been integrated into Japanese society? What institutiorlal and en\-ironmental factors f d i t d t e or challenge the iiltegrdtioil of this group into Japanese society? Has the incorporation of P L ~ ~ ~ C I Jinto I P L Japan's morkforce led to labor market segirientdtion, the "ghettoizdtion " of rukkcilir~,d i d the creation of culturally defined uilderclm as predicted by takoku supporters? Are the h~~iridil rights of m k k e i ~ i r ~ morkers d i d their fairlilies respected d i d protected by the Japanese legal system? Hale the institutiorlal addptatioils recoiriirieilded by the k a ~ k o k ucamp been iridde appropriately 111 the educational system and other social service eilr~iroilirieilts~
NOTES 1. H o \ ~ e ~ this w , iiotiori of"raciJ purity" is riot entirely 'lccurxe. "Japanese blood" is mixed ~ i t tlut h of people fiom the Korem periirisula as n-ell as the Aim, ari iridigerious populatiori located pri~ilarilyiii iiortherri Japm.The 111yth of racidl purity however, e1ilp1~sizes the prinlacy of"Jqaiiese blood," referred to iri J ~ p ~ i i e 1'sse,iurl-kci.w s/l~~,qi. 2. Though the closirig of the country by the T o k u g a ~ af e u d ~ledders l "ce~ileiitedthe coilgruelice ofstate and ethiiie" (Smith 1993:105),it n-as the eiiorts or1 the p x t ofthe MelJi elites to corisolidxe Jap~iiese~i~~tiorial identity that succeeded ill "turri[iiig] 1' politically fi'~g~ileiited ethiiic co~il~iluiiity irito a n o r e cohesive, ecoiiomicJly ceiitralized arid nlobi, , . thereby cre~t[irig] a Jap~iieseiixiorial politic~lidentity . . . and lized politic~lco~il~iluiiity secur[irig] [the] ethriic basis of ~iloderiiJapanese iixiorial identity" (S~nith1993). literature iriclude Yuji Aida's Tile Sri~ic-iwcc$ 3. Represeritatives of the rli/~oi!iii~rorl Jnynilc.~Coilsc-io~~si~css (1972),Masdo I
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Comnlu~lication'' (1976), Michihiro Matsumoto's H n r q c i (1969) and Txkesl~iIshidx's J~pni~csc.Cclltcli.c:.+i Sfcliiy mf'Oi.(qiils nilii Cilnmi-tcristii-s (1974). 4. The Ilmnigration Control Act of 195 1 has been the guiding piece of legislation on ilmnigration in Japan and, despite being amended on eighteen occasions, has remained c o m sistent in its restrictions on unskilled foreign labor (Mori 1997: Shinlada 1994). oyobi ~iniliizii~ i~i~irc~ilio in Japanese. 5. S1i~ii~y~ikokukmii.i 6. Cornelius notes that Japan's effort to curb illegal immigration and employment through employer sanctions has proven to be as unenforceable as the employer sanctions introduced in the United States in 1986 by the Ilrmligration Reform and ControlAct.The primary reason for this difficulty in enforcement is that, as in the United States, "employers . . . h x e turned increasingly to sub-contractors and labor brokers to insulate themselx-es against prosecution" (Cornelius 1994:392). 7. The official stance of the Ministry of Justice (of x h i c h the Immigration Bureau is a part) is that this provision is strictly an opportunity for Onlilies to reunite and for ilikkriji~i to become hnliliar x i t h their Japanese roots. In reality, ~iikkc!ji~i have generally not had contact x i t h their Japanese relatives.
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CHAPTER 4
JAPANESE EMIGRATION TO BRAZIL
The o~~erthronof tlle Tokugan-a Shogunate and tlle restoration of 1111perialRule by Japan's Meiji reformers in 1868 brought n-it11 it tlle opening of the country to the outside n-orld after tn-o llutldred years.Tllese political developnlents also ushered in the beginning of a11 era of Japanese emigration. Initial migration flon-s from Japan had the United States and Hawaii as their destinations and were orgallired by prirrate enligration co~llpanies(Tsuchida 1998:Tigtler 1981: Suzuki 1969: Fujii 1959: Scllutnpeter 1910). Sadly, t1~a11yof these early forays into the outside world ended in tragedy n-ith migrants forced to endure unfair treatment, l~arslllirring cotlditions, and lon- n-ages at the hands of u~lscrupulousemployers and irresponsible etnigration co~llpanies(Tsuchida 1998: Suzuki 1969: Scllunlpeter 1940). These "pioneer" enligrants, by calling upon tlle Japanese goT7ernment to rescue tllem from the near slaxry of their lirres abroad, succeeded not only in securing passage home, but in strengthening the official Japanese prejudice against the idea ofJapanese enligration. As a result, in 1896, the Meiji govmlnlent establislled the Emigrants Protection Law n-hich n-as "intended to control enligration companies . . . rather than to protect enligrants" (Tsuchida 1998:87). Nevertheless, enligration from Japan continued, prinlarily to the United States, until the early 1900s n-hen U.S. inlnligration policy gren- increasingly exclusiotlary toward Asians (Son-ell 1996: Tigner 1981: Sims 1972: Suzuki 1969: Fujii 1959: Schutnpeter 1910).This change in U.S. inlnligration policy and corresponding changes in Hawaii, however, did not bringJapanese migration to an end. Rather, these clmlges caused a shift in Japanese migration flows: South American destinations, particularly Peru and Brazil, became more popular among Japanese etnigrants during the early to mid1900s. Much of the Japanese emigration of this period can be classified as "state policy enligration" (Tsuchida 1998:100), sponsored and etlcouraged by the Japanese government. Though Brazil n-as a pritl~arytarget for this state-sponsored emigration, Japanese enligrants were also encouraged to t r a d to and settle in Matlclluria and the South Seas, particularly the Philippines. Japanese "state policy enligration"
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mas uildertaken 111 an effort to ease population pressures at home as me11 as (in the case of emigrdtion to Manchuria) to "estdblish Japanese order" (Tsuchida 1998. 103) in Japanese colonies. State policy eimgrdtion to the Pldippines in the 1920s and 1930s airiounted to more tlldil 30,000 Japanese nhile over 300,000 Japanese eiriigrated to Mdncllurid 111 the 1930s (Tsuchida 1998, Schuiripeter 1940) Neither of these iriigration flov s mas as s~~ccessiul as the emigrdtion flon directed to South America. Japanese eiriigration to the Pldippines declined after a number of e m grants died as a result ofdifficult coilditioils and disease (Ts~chidd1998. Goodiri,lil 1967) Likemise, state policy emigrmts to Manchuria, iridily of\\ hoiri nere faririers or irieiribers of the Japanese "Youth Volunteer Corps for De~eloping Mdilcllurid d i d Moi~golia"suffered or n ere lost during the inr asion of Mdilcll~~rid by the Sol let dririy at the close ofthe secoildWorld W x , aliriost 200,000 Japanese eiriigrants died in Mdilcllurid aiter the iin-moil (Tsuchida 1998 110)' In contrast, rates of Jdpdilese eiriigration to South Americd, particuldrly to Brazil, reiridined strong nell into the 1960s, creating a large pop~ldtioilof ethnic Jdpmese 111 Brazil.
JAPANESE EMIGRATION TO BRAZIL Phase One: 1908-1923 Brazil's denland for labor in this period stemned from the historical convergence of several disparate factors. First, tlle elinlitlation of slave trading in 1850 and the barring of the use of slaves in 1888 led Brazilian land on-ners to turn to the recruittnent of foreign labor, prinlarily Germms and Italians', to meet the detlmld for agricultural laborers (Tsuchida 1998: Suzuki 1969: Fujii 1959). The home countries of these nligrant workers soon restricted the contracting of their natio11als for work on Brazilian plantations as a result of poor treatment and conditions of near slavery'. This labor vacuum, in conjunction with the nen- supply of Japanese etnigrants made available due to U.S. itntnigration restrictions, led to a change in Brazilian policy: beginning in 1908, Japanese migrant labor was both permitted and recruited (Tsuchida 1998: Suzuki 1969: Fujii 1959). A 1908 contract between the Kokoku Emigration Col~lpatlyand the State of SXo Paulo led to tlle arriml, on June 18, of seven hutdred eighty-one Japanese enligrants whose travel costs had been subsidized by the Brazilian state. These arrangements, llatldled by the enligration company unfortu~~ately did not preT7ent the same probletns n-hich had plagued the previous generation of emigrants to Han-aii. The first Japanese to arrirre in Brazil suffered "cotlditiotls of senli-sla~wy [and] lon- pay" (Tsuchida 1998:99),further reinforcing tlle Japanese govxtmlent's negatirre stance toward enligratiot~.This migration flon; like the earlier flow to Han-aii, ended abruptly: after SXo Paulo withdren- its t r a ~ ~ subsidy el in 1920, the flon- of Japanese migrants stalled, ending this first phase of migration to Brazil n-ith over thirty tllousand Japanese working, prinlarily in Brazil's agricultural sector (Suzuki 1969) (Table 4).
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Table 4: Japanese Immigr~tionto Brazil: 1908-1963 Year 1908-1923
Total
Number of I~mnigra~lts 31.414
Percent of Total Imnigra~lts 13.4'%
234,636
Source: Suzuki 1969 Phase 2: 1924-41 The Japanese govxtmlent tl~aintai~led its opposition to enligration until 1924 when, at the Inlperial Eco~lotnicConference, enligration came to be seen as a n-ay to tlmlage Japan's gron-ing domestic problems. The conference was held in order to discuss solutions a b r o d for the serious social proble~nsat home, such 1' s irlcre'~ses in populatio~i,urlenlploy~nerltduring the chronic recessions follon-irlg the First World W x , and the relief of ricti~nsof the Great Koi~ioE ~ r t h q u ~ k. e. . With gron-irlg e~ithusi~snl for ~nigratio~i o17erseas, the go17erlilnerlt e id conferees resolved to encourage e n l i p t i o n , and sought a provisio~i~l budget to supply 110 earthquake ~~ictinls n-it11 funds needed for e~iligr~~tiorl to Brdzil (Tsuchid~ 1998:lOl).
The goT7ernmentof Japan thus began a concerted effort to promote and facilitate enligration, primarily through the creation of the Kaigai K 6 ~ Kabuslliki 6 Kaislla (Overseas Developtnent Conlpany) to provide a "centralized and highly rationalized nlatlagetnetlt of nligration to Brazil and [to] organize . . . the intercontine11tal tratlsportation of hunlatl beings on a large scale" (Fujii 1939:6). Further measures adopted by the Japanese government in an effort to promote enligration included the payment of migrants' tratlsportatiotl expenses4 and the staging of public lectures etlcouragitlg emigration, pertlmlent settlement, and assitnilation into host societies (Tsuchida 199s: Sekine 1991: Suzuki 1969: Fujii 1959).The Japanese govmlnlent also paid emigrants a connnission, subsidized prefectural level emigrant associations, and provided free boarding and orientation prior to departure for Brazil (Tigner 19Sl).Tllese efforts resulted in a dratl~aticincrease in Japanese enligration to Brazil with an atmual average of S,S00 Japanese entering Brazil and peaking in 1933 n-ith 23,000 Japanese i~mnigratingto Brazil (Suzuki 1969) (Table 1).Son-ell notes that the Japanese govmlnlent tl~aintainedan actirre role in the lives of the nligrants evm after their arrival in Brazil but tlut its actions abroad were aimed primarily at pronloting the assitnilation and pernlatlent settlement of its nationals. Officials appointed in Tokyo "adopted a strategy of avoiding friction with the local populace . . . autllorities in Japan instructed settlers not to create Buddhist or Shinto institutions . . . to become '~lonli~lal Christians''~~ld] . . . to wear Western clothing" (Sowell 1996:133). Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
This level of emigration n-as brought to an end in 1934 nit11 nen- restrictions put on Japanese immigration by the Brazilian government. As a result of growing Brazilian ilatioilalisiri as well as the perception and fear of Japanese iiriperialism, Brazil restricted the aimual number of iilcoiriing Japanese to only 2 percent of the total admitted over the previous fifq years (Tsuchida 1998: Son-ell 1996: FuJii 1939). This tense internatiorlal backdrop coiilcided nit11 the birth of a strong Brazilian nationalist iriovement, causing Japanese enclaves a i d language schools in Brazil to be seen as increasingly suspect. As a result, Japanese migrant coiriiriuilities in Japan in the 1930s \\-ere sub~ectedto a "coilscious campaign of cultural Brazilianization" (Son-ell 1996:133). This cairipaign m7as conducted primarily through the Brazilian education system, nit11 Japanese school children "punished for using the Japanese language in school" (Son-ell 1996:133) and Japanese nem7spapers, periodicals, and textbooks restricted in an effort to iurther promote the assiiriilation of this group into Brazilian society Indeed, Willems identifies these eiiorts as reflections of the prexailing attitude ton-ard "outsiders" in Brazil at that time. H e \\-rites that it n-as taken for granted that these [inlnligrant] groups ought to be "absorbed," "digested," "diluted" or xhatex-er nlay be the biologically or chemically colored metaphor used to indicate that alien groups must cease to exist as distinct sociocultural units and merge into Brazilian society xithout learing dix-ergent patterns in the national hole (Willems 195 1:209).
This phase ofJdpanese migration to Brazil ended as the Second WorldWar began; migr~tionflon s fioiri Japan dniildled and those Japanese In ing a i d working 111 Brazil nere subjected to restrictions of moveirient and rights (Sowell 1996) for the length of the m71-dr. Phase 3: 1952-1963 Japanese enligration to Brazil did not resume until the signing of the treaty of Sat1 Francisco in 1951 and the end of the American occupation of Japan (Tsuchida 1998: Sims 1972: Suzuki 1969).During this period, the Japanese govertlnlent again p r o d e d transportation subsidies for those citizens willing to emigrate and Brazil became the destination of choice for the tnajority of Japanese emigrants once more (Tsuchida 1998: Suzuki 1969). Betn-een 1952 and 1963, the Japanese go\-ertlnlent etlcouraged enligration once more as a means to deal with an overwhelming population problen- this time in the wake of a military defeat and loss of colonies. Indeed, Tap~n had 110 "rien- n-orld" to dbsorb its p o ~ ~ i l ~ t i o110 i i , relief fro~ilother couritries or iriterriatioiiJ or@zatioiis. Post-n-'lr Japm beam n-it11 a slidler territory and 1' sxdleri popul~tiori(Tsuchida 1998:105).
As a result, during the post-n-ar phase of Japanese emigration to Brazil, Japanese tlatiotlals entered Brazil antlually at a rate of about four thousand people (Suzuki 1969).Tllis figure, however, does not reflect the nlarked dcrlir/c in enligration from Japan begitming in the early 1960s: due to the growth of the Japanese ecotlomy and the nen- denland for labor at home, the "state policy emigration" of earlier Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
percent of irieiribers of immigrmt generdtions prefer periodicdls d i d nev spapers xx ritten 111 Japanese xx hile members of subsequent generdtions prefer periodicals xx ritten 111 Portuguese 01er Japanese lmguage iridterials at rate of dlmost five to one (Commissrio de Recenseairiento 1964).This preference bec oiries el en more marked n hen the iildir iduals' place of educdtion is also considered, of descerldants educated 111 Brdzilidn sc11ools, 33.2 percent prefer Brdzilidn iridterials as coiripared xx ith only 9 1 percent fxoring Japanese redding iridterial Place of educdtion seeiris to ha1 e played an iiriportdilt role 111 the dcculturation of Japanese-Brazilians. Suzuki notes that those immigrmts educated only 111Jdpdil or partially 111Japan are "more Japanese in culturdl backgrouild, v hile [those educated in Brdzil] tend . . to shov more Brdzilidn cultural traits" (Suzuki 1969. 13). One "cultural trait" apparently greatly iilflueilced by the place of educdtion is the 111dnid~1al'sreligious orientation O f Jdpdilese-Brazilians educated 111 Brazilians schools, 60 percent belong to one of the "Brdzilidn religioils". Catllolicisi1i, Spiritisin or syi~cretisinnit11 Cdtholicisiri (Coi1iiriissio de Recellsemiento 1964). This figure is roughly five times the iluiriber of Brdzilidn religion adherents found airlong those iiriiriigrants educated in Japan. Suzuki interprets this as el idence that the Brdzilidn educdtion systeiri plqs ail "active role . . 111 religious dcculturation [iridkiilg religio~~sdcc~~lt~~ratioil] f~~ilction of Brdzilidn school atteildmce" (Suzuki 1969 122). Here too, the generation of the irldiridudl plqs iri,yor role, adoption of Brazilian religions increases more than 10 percent betmeen the second generation d i d the third a i d fourth geilerdtioils (Coiriiriissio de Recellsemiento 1961) A f~lrtheriridilifestdtioil of the acculturdtion of the desceildmt generations of Japanese-Brazilians is the decline 111 the exclusn e use of Japanese nmies The Commissrio de Recellsemiento data re~edlsa 10 percent decrease 111 the use of only Jdpmese ilmies betmeen immigrmt generations d i d desceildmt generdtioix. This shiit is accompmied by correspoildiilg increase in the use of Brdzilidn ilairies, or, more commoill7; combination of both Japanese a i d a Brazilian nairie (Commissrio de Recenseairiento 1961) As 111 the case of religious dcculturation, xx hen broken do\\ 11 by generdtion, the trend anay fioiri exclusive use ofJapmese ilairies bec oiries more apparent, successir e geilerdtioils of Japanese-Brdzilims ha1 e been more prone to use Brazilian nairies or coiribiilation of both Japanese and Brdzilidn nairies The most coiriprehensive data dvdilable on the Japanese iiriiriigration a i d settleirient 111 Brazil, then, clearly shov s an iiriiriigrant group nhich has assiiriilated to Brazilian societv o ~ e the r course of several generations The second d i d third generations of Japanese-Brazilians seem to be more culturdlly "Brdzilidn" than '7dpanese"- lmguage, religion, d i d nairiing patterns fall closer to the Brdzilidn noriri than the Japanese noriri for the majority in the descerldant generdtions. Second, third, d i d successive generations of Japanese-Braziliarls h a e moved out of the agricultural colonies of their iiriiriigrant ancestors d i d moved into the large cities (Sonell 1996. Suzuki 1969) The Coiriiriissio de Recellsemiento data shov that o ~ e rtime, the Japanese in Brazil have 111 fact been "absorbed" d i d l m e "inerge[d] into Brdzilidn society TT ithout leanilg [a] dn ergent pattern in the Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
ilatioilal whole" (Willems 1951: 209). Indeed, the successf~dintegration ofiiriiriigrants in Brazil inay be attributed in part to the general acceptance in Brazil of racial and culturdl difference Willeiris notes the lack of contact, in the past, betneen some iiriiriigrant groups d i d "native" Brdzilidils, but describes the deal age less as a ildtne-foreigner cleadge than ail ~ r b d i l - r ~ ~ rone d l (Willeiris 1939.214) Likenise, the ~rbdilizdtionand ir~dustrializationof Brazil also reduced the separation betmeen various ethnic groups in Brazil The importmce of this process can hardly be ox-erestinlated, cheifly because the formerly homogeneous areas lost their cultural iinperx-iousness. Brazilims of different ethnic origins now found possibilities of earning a lix-elihood d ~ i c hdid not exist [before] (Willems 1939: 2 13).
Thus, in contrast to the culture of Japan, Brazilian culture pro\-ed to be miellable to the coexistence of\-arious ethnic groups and supportive of the acculturdtion of these groups.
RETURN MIGRATION T O JAPAN AFTER 1990 Japan's labor shortage of the 1980s pronlpted tnajor changes in the nation's restrictirre itntnigration policy The 1990 reform of the Itntnigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act tl~aintai~led tlle official "no utlskilled labor" policy, but opened a "side door" to permit the entry of r/ikkcjjir/ as unskilled workers (Tsuchida 1998: Cornelius 1994:Yammaka 1993: Sekine 1991). Under tlle new policy, i/ikkcjjir/ and their families are admitted on a visa valid for three years and with utllimited renewals. The response to this policy clmlge l~asbeen overwhelming- the tlumber of Brazilian izikkcijiiz living in Japan has increased from about 2,000 in 1986 to almost 155,000 in 1993 (Cornelius 1994: Kqita 1998), accounting for more that1 10 percent of the total population of r/ikkcjjir/ in Brazil (Cornelius 1994).This migration flow \\-as fueled in part by tlle "push" of Brazil's (Tsuchida 1998). faltering economy hyper-inflation, and high une~~lploytnetlt Having successf~illyintegrated as a group into Brazilian society,Japanese-Brazilim migrating to Japan in pursuit of finatlcial admntage face a unique set of linguistic and cultural challenges as they attempt to li~-e;and n-ork in Japan.
NOTES ill Maiichuri~\\-ere pri~llarilyxmlnerl ~ i i dchildreii n-hose 1. Those x h o rem~~iiied husbarlds and fxhers had joined the xnr effort on Japan's behalf.At the end ofthe n-ar, those Japmese lefi in Maiichuri~n-ere not n-elconled b ~ c kto J a p ~ r by; l the Japanese goverrlnleiit. O n the corltrxy, oiily; childreii under txvelx-e >-em of age n-ere Jloxved to return n-hile xmlnerl m d older childreii n-ere left in Maiichuri~.Hoxvever,Tsuchida indicates t h ~ in t the Ian; recogrlitioii 1990s, n-it11 the adoption of the rlikkc(iii~provisioii in Japmese i~n~nigratioii for these people m d their desceiidaiits is beco~niiigeasier (Tsuchida 1998: 110). 2. At this time, Asims m d Africais xyere prohibited fio111 entry; into Brdzil 1' s i~nnligrants in '~ccordmcen-it11 Brdzil's 1891 Coiistitutioii (Tsuchida 1998).
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3. The German go\-ernnlent stopped emigration flom to Brazil in 1839, while the Italian go\-ernment followed suit in 1906 (Tsuchida 1998;Tigner 1982; Suzuki 1969; F ~ ~ j i i 1959). 4. The Japanese go\-ernment granted an a\-erage annual subsidy of 173,000 yen to the 01-erseas Dex-elopnlent Conlpany in addition to pro\-iding both the transportation expenses of the emigrants and a trxel allon-mce of fifty yen per emigrant. Tigner calculates the total of go\-ernment subsidies betxeen 1923 and 1933 to be 16,364,000 yen (Tigner 1981). 5. The Comnissio de Recenseamento data is collected between 1958 and 1962 by 07-er six thousmd 7-olunteers in honor of the fiftieth anni\-ersary of Japanese ilrlmigration to Brazil. 66,637 farlilies (438,719 people) were inter\-iexed throughout Brazil, represening 99 percent of the population ofJapanese-Brazilians at the tinle.The purpose of the project xvas to systematically collect data on the present situation of ilrmligrants and their descelldants in terms of population, social and economic characteristics, in addition to collecting information about the historical background of this group. See also Tigner 1982 and Suzuki 1969.
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CHAPTER 5
NIKKEIJIN I N JAPAN
The years prior to the 1990 airiendment ofthe Iiriiriigration Control d i d R e f ~ ~ g e e Recogilltion Act s n only small number of Latin Airierican I U ~ ~ C I J Ipresent H 111 Japan, either as legally ddiriitted "skilled" norkers or as uilduthorized "uilskilled" morkers. Honever, the liberdlization of m k k c ~imiriigration and the creation ofthe tcqu visa category peririitting ~ u k k c y their ~ ~ , spouses d i d children to enter, live, and mork 111Jdpdil contributed to a surge 111 rukkcqlr~migrdtion froiri Latin Airierica to Japan. O f the Latin Airierican I U ~ ~ C Z / Itaking H ad~antdgeof the nev iiriiriigration polic7; the vast majority \\-ere Portuguese speaking Japanese-Brazilidils, coiriprising, on a erage approximately ilinety perc entl of the Latin Airiericdn m k k c ~i i r i i r i i gration to Jdpdil since 1990 (Figure 3) Figure 3:Total Latin Airierican 1986-1996
d i d
Total Brazilian Iiriiriigrdtion to Japan:
Source: Ministry of Justice, Iiriiriigration Statistics 1997
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
53
NIKKEIJIN "RETURNEES": WHO ARE THEY? The increase in rukkclllr~immigrdtion to Japan mas follomed by an effort to collect data oil the nev rukkcl pop~ldtionThe Japan Internatiorlal Cooperdtion Agency UICA), one ofthe agencies nhich origindlly coordimted the orllglntlorl ofJapmese overseds, coi~ii~iissioiledsurl ey d i d other data collection on the econoiriic, social, a i d professlolldl chardcteristics of Latin Airierican rukkclllr~iriigrants as nell as of the motn dtions d i d iliechdilisiris of this gro~p's" r e t ~ ~ r iriigration i~" to Japan The group coiriiriissioiled to carry out the JICA surle); the Kdigai Nikkeljin Kyokdi (KNK), collected the initial survey data' betnee11 April d i d J ~ l y1991 froin 1,027 w k k e y ~t h r o ~ g l l o Japan. ~t Then, the same organization, KNK, collected more detailed iilforiridtioil betnee11 August 1, 1992 d i d February 28, 1993 from oler 3,000 rukkclllr~throughout Jdpdil TT 110 cons~~lted their " X k k c y Advisory ~~ Center" either 111 person or by iridil or telephone.This data pro1 ides a bdseline description of the f~~rldairiental demogrdphic ch~racteristicsof the initid1 mkkc11111pop~~latioil xx hile also outhiling the early integrdtion experiences of this group. In subsequent years, tlle KNK iridintdined detailed stdtistics and reports based on the consultations of rukkcl iiriiriigrants to the A ~ k k c l l l rAd1 ~ isory Center. the number of cons~ltdtioilsa\ eraged 3,500 dim~~dlly These records reveal certdin 01era11 trends 111 the problems faced by rukkclllr~111 Japan d i d identi@ the challenges to I U ~ ~ C I J I inteH gration Together, the data fioiri the JICA coimmssioned survey and the reports of the KNK, coiribined xx it11 goverilinent iiriiriigration a i d alien registration figures, p r o ~ i d ethe best a~aildbleinformation about the general chardcteristics and experiences of the Latin Airierican I U ~ ~ C I J I iiliiliigrdilt H coi1ii1i~1ility111 Japan since the 1990 change in immigrdtion policy The JICA data releal that the rukkclllr~ n h o responded to the change 111 Japanese immigrdtion policy and iiriiriigrated to Japan are largely of descendent generations 111 Brazil (Figure 4). Over fiity percent of ~ u k k c yrespoildents ~ surveyed for the JICA study are one or tmo generdtions reirioled fioiri the origindl immigrmt ancestor UICA 1992) I11 addition, 01er fifty percent of the spouses of these respoildents are also second or third generation etlmic Japanese, xx hile more than 25 percent of rukkclllr~spouses are not ethnically Japanese at all UICA 1992). The ilen migrmts are overnheliriiilgly in their tmenties and thirties. aliriost seventy percent of the original JICA respoildents are betmeen the ages of tmenty a i d forty years old, a pattern reflected 111 official immigrdtion statistics as nell (Thle 5) I11 ddditioil, tlle KNK data, as me11 as dlieil registrdtion statistics, reflect a groniilg number of younger immigrmts d i d a clear increase over time 111 the number of Latin Ai1iericdn w k k c ~moilien a i d children li~iilg111 Jdpdil (KNK 1998) These patterns roughly parallel the patterns obser~ed in the "guestnorker" immigrdtion to Western European countries in the 1930s and 1960s I11 the European case, early iriigration of young irien nas follomed by the iriigration of spouses a i d fairiilies, iridrking tlle onset of permanent immigrant settleirient (Rogers 1983). I11 the case of Latin Airiericdn rukkcl migrdtion to Japan, the intermediate step is uimecessary; spouses d i d children of w k k c ~iiliiliigrdnts are legally entitled to the smie liberal 7 isd reguldtioils. X k k c ~immigrdtion to Jdpdil since the
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Figure 4: Respondents According to Generatloll \ot Nlhhelllll
FIISIGcncrill~on
Source:JICA 1992 Table 3: Age Distribution of A\-ikkci Immigrants to Japan: 1986-1993
Source:Japanese Ministry ofJustice; Immigration Statistics 1996 1990 iiriiriigration reform has been iridrked by many nhole fmiily iriigrations 111 whlch a t~lkkclfather or mother 1s accoinpanied by spouse and children to ln-e and work in Jdpan. A nridtion of this pattern has one parent, usually a t11kkc1 father, working in Japan for a short time, returning to Latin Airiericd and, accoinpalied by spouse and ~hildren,t r a elling to Japan for longer and possibly periridnent stay (KNK 1998; K.~jitd 1998; Kitdgd~x-a1993). NIKKEIJIN IN JAPAN Though r/ikkcjjir/ returning to Japan may have relatives lirritlg in Japan, fanlily ties play almost no role in their decision to migrate and work in Japan UICA 1991). In hct, most rzikkcijirz are recruited for n-ork in Japanese factories eT7et1while they
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are in Brazil. Many irimuf~~cturers in Japan hire labor contractors, brokers, and recruiting agents to locate, hire, d i d arrange passage for potentidl rukkcqlr~employees (K
Stdtistics froin the Ministry of Labor reflect the coilcentrdtion of ~ u k k c iyi r~i i r~i i grants in the "3K" jobs (Table 6). A ~ k k c q l rare ~ generdlly o~erqudlifiedfor these jobs-JICA reports that 31 percent of rukkcl respondents to their 1992 surley are college graduates nhile 42 percent completed high school-but accept their1 as iliedils to increase their iilcoirie (JICA 1992) M i ~ mclaiiris that the "return" migrdtion of P U ~ ~ C I J I to P L Japan represents a case of skilled labor migrating to x o r k in jobs x h i c h are incompatible with their education, 'obliged to forget that they belong to a liberal professional middle class [in Brazil] and . . .become members of another class: the proletarian class in Japanese Octories' (Miura 1998: 6, quotingY,lnlochi 1991).
This change 111 status is typical of the "guest-morker" pattern of teiriporary labor migrdtion d i d indeed, 111 the case of teiriporary xx orkers pursuing short-teriri gain, raises no iiriiriediate concerns d b o ~ ~the t creation of an iiriiriigrant undercl~ss. Homever, P U ~ ~ C I J I iiliiliigrdilts PL 111 Japan, xx ith their unrestricted visas d i d ~~illiiriited renenals, are not necessarily "teiriporary" labor iriigrants. In fact, several Japanese immigr~tionspecidlists have noted an illcreasing tendency tonard the dc facto settlement of 1 u k k c y ~ 1iiriiriigrants (Tsuda 1999, Kajita 1998, Oka 1991, Shimadd 1994. Mori 1994. Kitagav a 1993).A sigilificdnt percentage of rukkcqlr~ entering under the 1990 reform, especidlly those arrir ing xx ith school age children, seeiri to be settling 111Japan for more than just d tempordry stay (K,ljita 1998, Mori 1991, Mori 1993. JICA 1992).The JICA data identifr. 29.9 percent of the respoildents as h a m g sollie degree of"sett1eirient desire" UICA 1992 133) and according to Hosei Unirersity's surl e7; 32.6 percent of rukkcl fmiilies xx ith children express a desire to remain 111 Japan Likev ise, other estiiridtes predict that 30 to 10 percent of rukkcqlr~"returnees" plan to periridneiltly settle 111 Japan (K
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oil the subject of ethilicity a i d culture while also exposing Jdpdilese socidl iilstitutioils to nem7 set of circumstai~es. Table 6: Occ~pdtioildlDistribution of Xrikkc~Iiriiriigrants in Japan: 1992-1993 Mmuhcturi~~g Coi~struction Service Wholesale/Retail Trai~sportatio~~ Other Total
1992 36.3'X~ 22.2'X~ 10.0% 6.5% 1.~ ' X J 3.2'X~ 100%
Source: Ministry of Labor, Eiriployirient Security Bureau Stdtistics 1993 NIKKEIJIN IN AICHI PREFECTURE Latin Atnerican r/ikkcjjir/itntnigratm and their fimilies are concentrated in particular geograpllical regions within Japan, according to Ministry of Justice innnigration and alien registration statistics (Table 7). The geographical distribution of r/ikkcjjir/ inlnligrants directly corresponds to the presence of certain "3K" industries (auto manufiuxuring, plastics, electrical product ~nanubcturiong)in particular Japanese prefectures, including Aichi, Shizuoka, and Ka~lagan-a.The Japanese prefectures with tlle highest Latin American rzikkci populations are Aichi, Kanagawa, Shizuoka, and Saitama. Since 1992,Aichi has nlaintaitled its position as host to tlle highest number of Latin American rlikkci n-orkers and their fimilies in Japan, with 46,957 rzikkcijirz living in the prefecture in 1997 (Ministry of Justice 1997). Of tlut number, 12,917 (90%) are Japatlese-Braziliatls (Figure 3). Table 7: Ranking of Japanese Prefectures by Total Population of Latin Atnerican A\7kkc~ijirz:1990-1996
Source: Ministry of Justice 1998 Aichi prefecture, located 130 miles west of Tokyo, l~asconsistently had the highest concentration of Latin American r/ikkcjjir/ itntnigratm every year since 1992, with most r/ikkcjjir/employed in the automobile industry in Eactories located in the company ton-11s on the outskirts of Aichi's largest city, Nagoya. Automobile giant Toyota, based in Aiclli inToyota city is a ~najoremployer of Latin American rzikkcijirz. Other mqor employers of r/ikkcjjir/ include the nlatly parts
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
manufacturing factories in Toyohashi city and Nagoya. I11 addition, Aichi has the highest nuiribers of rukkcl children enrolled in its public schools, according to the Ministry of Education (Ministry of Ed~cdtioil1998).The geographical coilcelltration of mkkclllr~111 Aichi, as nell as the large number of school-age immigrmt children attending schools there iridke Aichi ail ideal locdtion for im estigating the integration patterns of rukkcqlr~in Japan. To this end, inter\iems mere coilducted by the author during October and Noveiriber of 1999 in Aichi prefecture Interviev subjects iilcluded mkkc~ Brdzilidn xx orkers, Japanese officidls iin-olved n it11 the iiriiriigratioil and/or eiriployineilt of W ~ ~ C Z / I H111 Aichi, leaders of volunteer or locally sponsored organizations created to facilitate rukkcl integration, teachers d i d adirii11istrdtors at local eleirientary a i d junior high schools, d i d organizers of church sponsored langudge or culturdl programs created for rukkcqlr~.The iilterviev s nere open-ended 111 nature a i d ranged froiri one to three hours each in length Most ofthe iilterviens xx ere coilducted 111Japanese, though severdl required the dssistmce of Portuguese interpreter The majority of the mkkc~Brazilians iilterviemed live d i d mark 111 Toyota city, as such, iridily ofthe iilterviens took place in d i d around Toyota city. NIKKEIJIN A N D THE LABOR MARKET The interview responses gathered for this study re~~elealed several patterns and tllemes related to the labor market participation of uikkci Brazilians in Aichi. First, the data collected shon- a pattern of labor nlarket segmentation, as suggested by the national data, n-it11 uikkci Brazilians concentrated o~-endlelnlinglyin lon--end unskilled jobs. This labor tl~arketsegmentation, along n-it11 several other fi~ctors, emerges as a pritl~aryobstacle to the successf~ilintegration of rlikkci Brazilians in Figure 5: A\7ikkcjjir/in Aichi Prefecture by Country of Origin Peru 80,0
90°/0
Source: Ministry of Justice 1998
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Argentina
Japanese society.Another significant theme that emerged in the interviews relates to the role and responsibility of intermediate coiripanies in contributing to the problems that have emerged in the integration process of ~ l i k k c Brazilians i in Japan. Respoi~lentsconsistently cited the lack ofinforirration fro111 and accountability of the intermediate labor brokering companies as a major source of insecurity and instability in their lives in Japan. A third irrajor theirie relating to the labor irrarket i in Japan is the experience of discriiriiilation, prejexperiences of ~ l i k k c Brazilians udice, and bullying on the job. Labor Market Segmentation
Aichi prefecture has the highest number of foreign n-orkers of all tlle Japanese prefectures as well as the highest tlutnber of rzikkci workers: r/ikkcjjir/co~~lprise greater of foreigners in Japan and over eighty pertlml fifiy percent of the total 11~111lber cent of foreigners in Aichi (Table 8). Investigation of the labor tl~arketcharacteristics of r/ikkcjjir/ in Aiclli in general and Toyota city in particular shon-ed a concentration of rlikkci enlploynletlt in ~~lat~ufacturing and construction jobs.The recruitment, enlployment, and concentration of rzikkcijirz in these lon--end jobs persists despite the Japanese recession, suggesting that the denland for labor is, in one, u~laffectedby tlle ups and downs of the ecotlonly. This perh c t , a rtr.~rct~riill sistent denlatld for unskilled foreign labor continues in spite of the official ban on unskilled foreign workers, leaving rzikkci "side door" entrants as the pritl~arylegal solution to the labor shortage. Table 8: Foreign Workers in Jdpanese Prefectures: 1995 Total Foreign Workers Total Nikkei Worker All Jdpan 97,735 38,130 Aichi 14,494 12,200 Sllizuok~ 11,130 9,710 K m ~ g ~ w ~ 5,765 3,116 GUIIIIM 2,890 2,197 Sxtm~ 3,627 2,335 Source: Mimstrv of Labor, E~~lplovnlent Securitj BureC~u St~tistics,1995 A7ikkci Brazilian n-orkers intervien-ed for this study ge~lerallyacknon-ledged and accepted their low occupatio~lalstatus in Japan as a necessary trade-off in their quest to take admntage of their rzikkci visa and n-ork status and earn money in Japan. Hon-ever, 11latly respo~ldentsresented the negatirre image of Brazilians tlut accotnpanies their positioning as a group in bottom tier, 3K jobs. The words of one 44 year old second generation rlikkci Brazilian respondent are representatirre of the sentinlents expressed by most Brazilian respo~ldentson this subject. If J1p~11n-mts ~vorkers~ i i dthey come, the citizens should accept that. N o m ~ ter 110~~111~11>tiines they s.17; "We don't n.~iitforeigners" they should uiiderstaiid that the foreign \\-orkers 'Ire doing n-ork tlut J~paiiese\\-ill not do . . . Brazilims here ~ l \ \ - ~ ty~s l kabout \\-h~tn-ork they used to do ill Brdzil. But, no matter \\-h~t
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
they xere in Brazil, they end up doing the same kind of n-ork in Japanese Octories. I just do my job. I think we foreigners x~illdo anything while Japanese will not . . .Japanese people ha\-e limits that they put on thenlselx-es.'
All of the Brdzilidil respoildents cited the desire to earn an increased incoirie as their iridin iriotintioil for iriigrating to Japan. Many clmned that they or their spouse nere iilitidlly dpprehensive about the prospect of li~iilga i d working in Japan, but ultimately nere d r m n by the promise of high \\ages and safe ein-1roilirieilt. Most respondents, though initially plaililiilg only d teiriporary sojourn in Japan, responded that their plms to return to Brazil 11a e been postponed iildefinitely since arriving in Japan. The experience of this informant, a second generation r~ikkciBrazilian who is working in a Toyota city parts distributing f x t o r y along with her husbaild, a n o n - ~ l i k k c iBrazilian, is typical. We came here because my husband could not get any n-ork anymore as an electrician in Brazil. I is an English teacher in Brazil. But, \ye decided to come here and x o r k in the Octory for a fen- years . . . maybe two or three . . . now \ye 1x1~-e been here for seven years and \ye have -el baby. I think \ye could stay here.'
The coiribiilatioil of this lengthening' (and possible peririmeilce) of the stay in Japan, the legal mture ofthis migrdtion, and the coilcentrdtion of rukkcl Brdzilidils at the loner end of the labor iridrket is significant obstacle to the smooth integration of this group. As rukkcl Brazilians stay in Japan longer, their coilsignment to the urldesirdble 3K jobs creates sit~dtion111 ~xllich c~lt~lrdlly defined "second class" comes into being 111 Jdpm's "egalitdridil" societf; realizing the f e m expressed by cakoku proponents prior to the change in iiriiriigratioil policy The relegdtion of m k k c ~norkers to these lo\\ status jobs is leading to the stigiridtizdtion of these dirty, deirimding, d i d dangerous jobs as "immigrmt mork" d i d further, contributiilg to negative stereotypes of Latin Ainericdn ~ u k k c yDespite ~ the generally high educdtioildl levels of the rukkcl xx orkers, their dc farto restriction to morking 111 lo\\-skilled jobs 111 Japan persists even as their presence 111 Japan becomes long-teriri a i d possibly periridileilt in nature. The question of second generdtion mobility is also criticdl TX hen el dl~dtiilgthe long-teriri prospects for the integration of this group.This issue is tied to the issue of educational opport~~nities d i d dcllie~einent of mkkcl children 111 Japan, but certain characteristics of the current situation iridke the prospect of second generdtioil iriobility for I I ~ ~ ~ C I Jseein I H remote. First of all, as nil1 be discussed belon, some m k k c ~Brdzilidils travel to Japan along nith children mho are old enough to take jobs rather than attend Japanese high schools for nhich they are ill-prepared n ithout proficiency 111 the Japanese language For these children, the sit~dtionis l iriuch the same as it is for their parents. they are limited to lomer l e ~ e jobs Younger children n h o do attend Japanese schools iridy run out of educational opport~~nities aiter junior high school due to a lack of Japanese langudge ability or f,lilure to master the Japanese system of dd~mceirieiltthrough successhl completion of exmiiildtions. These rukkcl children, liiriited by a lo\\ educational level, i r i q find themselves also filling lox\ l e ~ e jobs l simil~rto those of their parents According to representatir e of the Kdigdi Nikkeljin Kyokai,
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Many cases hn-e been reported of children x ~ h ohn-e exceeded Japan's compulsory education age when they arrive in Japall undertaking light labor under the orders of their parents. But, the actual conditions and exact numbers are not k n o \ ~ n. . .Enlployment related problems \ d l emerge concerning children xhose parents' stay in Japan becomes long and who complete conlpulsory education (or who are born in Japan), but the actual state of affiirs is not clear . . .Because many of the parents of these children hn-e come to Japan x i t h financial gain as their primary goal, they do not pay much attention to the education of their children. Since they have come x i t h earning money as a prinlary goal, they n-ill probably nuke their children go to x o r k as xell x h e n they become 16 or 17 years old. But, since the children ha\-e only the l e d of compulsory education, they are qualified only for unskilled jobs, so in the end, they 011 into the same rut as their parents. If these children's educational opportunities are not taken, then their enlploynlent choices n-ill be limited."
This unofficial, but actual, restriction of even younger generations of ~ l i k k c i Brazilians to the lower tiers ofthe labor market solidifies the stigirratization ofcertain jobs as "iiriiriigrant n-ork" and reinforces negative stereotypes depicting ~ l i k k c i Brazilians as only qualified for such jobs. The lack of social a i d occupatiorlal mobility for generations beyond the original migrant generation is a sigilificant obstacle to integration.
Halten Gaisha The eiriployment of rukkcl Brazilians is process that begins even before they leal e e d jobs in Jdpdil Brazil. the majority of rukkcl Brdzilidn norkers i i l t e r ~ i e ~ ~found before leal ing Brazil. Many labor-brokering "intermediate" coiripmies, or hakcr~ q a / h , operate brmcll offices 111 Brazil dild provide illformation a i d dssistmce to m k k c ~Brazilians a i d their spouses in securing jobs in Japan I11 most cases, the privately ox\ ned h n k c ~ lgal& organize the visa pdpermork, tralel drrmgeirients, and li~iilgdrrdngeirients 111 Japan for m k k c ~ Brdzilidils, contrdcting 1~1ththeir1 as uilskilled laborers As 111 the case of this second generation rukkcl Brazilian currently living in Toyotd cit); the offer of a high paying job in Japan and ail escape from dismal econoiriic coilditioils 111 Brazil pro1 e to be a compelliilg "push-pull" f x t o r for many rukkci Brdzilidils, leading to the initial decision to mork 111 Japan Brazil's bad economy makes us come to Japan. We ~iikkciare lucky because we hn-e -el \my to escape . . . so we &.We ilikkri hn-e -el \my out that other Brazilians do not. Because of that I think ~iikkciBrazilians are lucky and happy But, we come and the reality here is different than we expect.We h x e n1my problems at work and in life and x e don't know how to take care of these problenls."
However, as the respondent's experience reflects, the jobs proiriised by the hakcr~ p s h are not necessarily stable ones. rukkcl Brdzilidns n11o imgrdte 1~1ththe help
of h a k c ~ lp i s h a receive very little information about their future n-orking and 1177ing coilditions in Japan. Here, the same respondent explains his view on this subject. Before coming here, people should be nude m-are of the reality of the situation in Japan. The i ~ n k rpisiln i~ should take responsibilit\; but they are in too much of
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
a hurry to get iiikkei workers. The companies x h o demand foreign workers do not ah-ays commit to a long enlploynlent period, so they hire and fire us according to their need. The i ~ n k r::nisiln i~ don't tell us ilikkri Brazilians about that. We do not know that our job may be only for a short time and then we xill be in a strange place and searching for a job. Nobody would come if they knew it \cis a job for such a short time as three months.The llnkoi ::nislln and the other c o n pallies are using us ilikkri Brazilians.There would not be so 111a11y probleins if they would treat us like hunlan beings instead of nmchmdise."
This uncertdinty contributes to the pattern of m k k c ~Brdzilidils 11io~iilgfroin one 3K job to mother nitlliil Japan as the demand in particular companies rises and fdls This nas the pattern folloned by one fairilly inter^ iewed by the author, wl-ho, when they cmie to Japan in 1991 found jobs in a Hiroshima factory for the entire fmiily (iriother, father, son, d i d daughter) through h n k c ~ lplsha." Subsequently the fmiily has become iin 011 ed \T it11 at least two more h a k c ~ pl l s h a and has finally ended up tdking jobs 111 fxtories in Toyotd city. While all h a k c ~ lgnlrha are not necessarily uilscrupulous, respondents clearly felt ~ulnerdblein their dealings nith these intermediate coiripdilies This 7 ulnerability is 111 large part due to the lack of clear iilforiridtioil floning froin tlle hake11 gnlsha to the norkers, keeping the Brdzilidn norkers, iridily of TT hoiri do not have firm grasp of the Jdpmese langudge, at the mercy of the hake11 p l s h a for illcome, job security, housing, d i d insurdilce. 111 tlle nords of one respoildent, 33 year old n o n - m k k c ~Brazilian, My life n-as better when I lil-ed in Okazaki because I did not hn-e -em intermediate company and I spent two years there as a regular employee . . .When I had an intermediate coinpaiq; I had many problems. Sometimes they didn't gil-e us all of our money. Once the intermediate company kept half of my money so I quit because I couldn't s x e nloney.'
One area 111 xx hich the mibiguity illherent in this systeiri of employirient causes particular probleiris for rukkcl morkers is in the issue of iilsurdilce coverage Among those m k k c ~Brazilians interviened, only about half mere actually enrolled in the Japanese natiorlal health iilsurdilce system.This is due in part to a decision by some m k k c ~norkers m t to enroll as iriedils to sax7e more irioney despite the legal requirement for all irldi~id~dls to be enrolled. It is also due to f d u r e by many coiripmies, especially the h n k c ~ lg a ~ c h to , contribute to the iilsurdilce scheme for their rukkcl employees. According to a Japanese staii irieiriber at the Kdigdi Nikkeijin KyOkdi, F'lctory n-orkers 'Ire required to join and coritribute to social irisuraiice, peiisioii, m d lnedical iiisuraiice p r o g r ~ ~ iThe a . co~ilpaiiyand the n-orker lilust e ~ c hcoiltribute their portiori to the irisuraice schenle. Holyever, there 'Ire marly cases of enlployers fdirig to coiitribute or1 behJf of rlikkcjiirl ~vorkersand like\\-ise, cdses iri \\-hich rlikkc(iiii f i l to coiitribute. Uriskilled iiikke(iiii n-orkers, Illally of n-ho~n 'Ire ill\-ol\d \\-ith private labor brokeririg 'lgericies, n-ork arid chaiige jobs ofteii. These comp~iiies,n-hich ail11 to m'lke a profit, often refuse to pay n-orkers' c o n peiis~tioiiirisuraice, social security and liledicd irisuraice for iiikkei \vorkers."
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
A l k k c ~Brdzilidn markers n ho mere iilterviemed coilsisteiltly cited the insurdilce issue as niajor concern, this held true el en for those v ho chose to enroll. While most n h o did not enroll either could not because of a lack of cooperation from their coiripdilies or chose not to in an effort to sale more irioile); irimy related stories oftheir on11 or of friends' experiences ofbeing turned anay from hospitals 111 Japan. Many cited this fear as justification for m t eilrolhilg 111 the Japanese insurance schemes. One third generdtion respoildent, mho is enrolled, explained the dilemma as follov s Insurance is a big problem. Many people are not entered. Some people think that they n-ill only stay a short time in Japan so entering insurance \ d l be a xvaste because the money n-ill not come back. They think that if they get sick slightlj; they can pay in cash. But, if they get really sick, they n-ill be in big trouble. The hospital xi11 not let them in and the colnpany n-ill turn a blind eye."
The lack ofreguldtion ofthe h n k c ~ lg n ~ c h aby the Jdpmese go1 erilirient is one clear cause of the insecurity and vulnerdbility o f m k k c ~Brazilian norkers in Japan There are fen clear policies d i d little eilforceirieilt of existing rules regarding the responsibilities of these coiripanies tomdrd their employees.This is particularly evident 111 the area of insurance coverage. According to a representative of the Kaigai Nikkeijin Kyokai, the issue ofn-orkers' compeilsation insurance is diflicult because although it is required that employers purchase it . . . some employers do not purchase it and prey on the ignorance of the ~iikkciworkers and, if a11 injury happens, quickly send the worker to his/her home country."
While there is an official ildtioildl policy requiring ,111 eiriployees to be entered into the health iilsurdilce system, the decision to dllov foreign morkers to enter into the less expensive National Health Iilsurance ( k i ~ k w r ~ H l ro~k c ~ l )is left to local officials.When the coiripdilies or the eiriployees fail to enter into the "required" Socidl Iilsurance ( S h a h H o k c r ~ ) ,responsibility for the enforcement of that ~ioldtionis taken neither bv the ildtioildl oflicidls nor tlle local officials.Yet, local oflicidls 111 areas mith high rates of foreign morkers h a e not permitted m k k c ~Brdzilidils to ~ o l ~ i l t d r ijoin l y the less expensire K o k r m l r ~iilsurance,Aichi oflicidls hale rejected insurance, ~11111elocal officials requests to enroll rukkcl Brdzilidils into tlle ki1k~t111111 111 other prefectures ha1 e d l l o ed ~ ~foreigners to enroll. A Brazilian staff irieiriber at the Aichi Interilatioilal Associdtion expldiils the situation d i d her hopes for a resolution to the problem. Insurance is a mljor problem for Brazilians 11ere.The truth is that people are supposed to enter their Brazilian enlployees into the insurance. Kok~ii~iiil i n s ~ m n c eis actually for people \ ~ h oare self-employed and shakai insurance is for people who are employed by companies. But, the sllnkni insurance is expensive because it includes the pension. .\ikkci Brazilians should be entered into shakai insurance, but both ~iikkciBrazilians and their intermediate companies often do not ~ 1 ntot contribute to it. Many ilikkci Brazilians would prefer kokcliizi~iinsurance, but the decision to allow them to enter it is nude at the local lei-el.At the national lei-el, officially they do not permit ilikkri people to get it, but they also do not pass a
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Ian- against it. There is no clear solid policy. I x~ishthey vmuld come up x i t h a clear policy.That \my we could nuke a choice.'"
Many respondents cited the instability a i d insecurity of employirient under the auspices of the h n k c ~ pl l s h a as a major reason for f,lilure miong mkkcl Brazilians to integrate into Japanese society Without a sense of beloilging or an idea of hov long the job nil1 last, rukkcl Brazilians and their fairlilies are isolated from the surrouilding Jdpdllese society. Liken ise, the lack of clear a i d uilairibiguously ellforced policies regarding the rights of m k k c ~norkers 11s-h-11s the h n k c ~ lgnltha creates 111 ~vhic11the h n k c ~ lgnlrha hold great deal of power 01-er the workers, sit~~dtioil potentially restricting their1 froiri social benefits such as insurance col-erage and health care.
Workplace Discrimination When questioned about norkpldce experiences and ii1ipressio11~,internev s ~ b jects consistently cited langudge difficulties, isolation, and prejudice as their primary concerns at mork Clear15 these concerns are closely related. X k k c ~morkers xx ith high l e els ~ of Japanese langudge dbility like the follov ing respondent, ha1 e fev complaints about isolation and discrii~iiildtionat nork. At the conlpan?; there are some people who discrimimte, but others x ~ h odo not. The last colnpany I worked at had 111a11y people x ~ h odid discriminate against foreigners, but this colnpany is better . . . People who don't speak Japanese get more discrimination from people at the colnpany. I tried to learn the language and I feel good about learning it. But there are 11la11y people x ~ h ocome here who do not know Japanese . . . I think ilikkri Brazilians who don't speak Japanese are treated badly because of it.'.
This nas certainly the experience of the folloning respoildent, a second generation rukkcl Brdzilidn in 111s forties. H e states that Ev31 if 11ikkci Brazilians 11x1-e some bad points, Japanese people should treat us in a better ray. Japanese seem to ha\-e the impression that ilikkci Brazilians are not a part of humanity . . . People are rude to me at n-ork and bully me and treat me badly . . . This is ridiculous. I feel that Japanese think of us as less than human. That is how we are treated. Japanese ah-ays think that ilikkri Brazilians are just here for the money. So they just dump all the disgusting xork on us."
The language difficulty as well as the underlying feeling of prejudice against ~ l i k k c i workers also contributes to the isolation of r~ikkciworkers from Japanese co-workers. The following response froiri a third generation r~ikkciBrazilian, m7astypical. At the begiliriing, other rlikkci Br'~ziliaris lid I \\-ere treated as ignormt m d iriferior ~t n-ork. Or1 the outside, people tredted us n-it11 prejudice . . .There 'Ire Illany Japmese people at 1117- \\-orkpl~ce,but n-e do not t ~ l ktogether."'
Some Brazilian respondents, like this fetl~alethird generation uikkci Brazilian n-110 is fluent in Japanese, perceirre the discrinlitlation against foreigners on a system level rather than a personal l e ~ ~ e l .
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
In Brazil, everybody has a chance and opportunity In Japan, it seems like foreigners don't really have a: chance. I don't know about Japanese society but it looks like if a Japanese and a foreigner ha\-e exactly the same situation and qualities, the Japanese will ah-ays be chosen.'''
In general, respondents cited ail isolation froiri Japanese co-workers in the workplace mhich they attributed 111 part to language diiiereilces and 111 part to discriiriination dgdiilst foreigners. A l k k c ~Brazilidil pdrticipdtioil 111 the Japanese labor iridrket has not, 111 general, fxilitdted their smooth integration into Japanese society. Labor market segirientation, nit11 m k k c ~Brazilians concentrated ovenl-helmingly in lo\\ status jobs, has created a dirision between "regular" Japanese workers d i d second class m k k c ~ workers. Despite a shrinking host econoili); the demand for rukkcl norkers persists 111 low end jobs d i d educatioilal challenges for m k k c ~children 111Jdpdil do not offer much hope for iiriproved job opportunities for the second generation. In ddditioil to this isoldtion 111 tlle labor market, m k k c ~Brdzilidils 111 tlle current situation are ~ulnerdbleto intermediate coiripmies' exploitdtion 111 terms of job security and This difference fioiri "regular" Japanese morkers access to insurance d i d ho~~siilg creates ail additlolldl obstacle to integration, keeping m k k c ~Brazilians uilcertaiil about their iuture prospects d i d ~mcoimectedto the surrouilding coiriiriuility. Fiilall7; rukkcl Brdzilidils' experiences ofdiscriiriiilatioil in the morkpldce have created a f ~ ~ r t hrift e r betneen them d i d Japanese society X k k c ~Brdzilidils are T ictiiris of negative images and stereotypes of Brdzilidils that have d e eloped ~ 111Japan, ethnic similarity does not protect rukkcl Brazilian from bullying and discriiriination at the v orkpldce
NIKKEIJIN A N D H O U S I N G The KNK stdtistics reflect concern about housiilg issues on the part of rukkcqlr~ 111 Japan. Though the original JICA survey reported no housing related concerns H tlle subsequent KNK reports reflect a gron oil the part of W ~ ~ C Z / Irespoildents-', ing number of inquiries d i d probleim steiriiriiilg fro111 the Jdpmese system of requiring Japanese guarantor for most rental arrangements (KNK 1998) In many / I H housing 111 the foriri of cases, inteririediate coiripdilies hiring I L ~ ~ ~ C Z provide coiripmy dpartirients located near the norkpldce. A second pattern follomed by m k k c ~Brdzilidils 111 tlle realiri of housing is the rentdl of public housing units.This pattern is follomed most significantly 111 areas, like Toyota cit); \\here there are illany job opport~mitiesfor foreigners d i d mllere the prefectural or city housing authority has agreed to rent to foreigners. A final and less prevalent pattern is for m k k c ~norkers to seek out private dccoiriiriodatioils Honever, this option is the least prdcticdl for w k k e ~Brdzilidils for sel era1 reasons.According to a representatire of the Kaigdi Nikkeljin KyOkdi, Iii Japm it is f d y difficult for iiidivid~idforeigners to secure reiitJ housiiig because lmdlords iristiiictively; lnistrust foreigners ~ i i dthe lmguage bxrier J s o cduses them to keep foreigners at a distalice. .\i'kke(iii~ n-ho caririot s p e ~ Japanese k 'Ire seen ill the same n..lyThe Iilm>-fees m d experises to pay; ill adunce of reiit-
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
ing an apartment are also an obstacle to ilikkr!iiil. Because of that, n1my labor brokering agencies hn-e :acted as middlemen in securing rooms."
The experience of the followiilg respoildent, third generation, bilirlg~d Uapmese and Portuguese) rukkcl Brazilian In-ing in Nagoya, deirioilstrdtes that eren foreigners who speak Japanese face some difficulty in securing rental dccoiriinoddtioils. To rent a house or . . . apartment, it is 1-ery difficult if you are a foreigner. Many do not accept foreigners . . . I live in public housing now . . . but I x m t e d to m x e . But, I xvas refused by a few lmdlords "because you are a foreigner" ev31 though I am fluent in Japanese.''
The experience of r~ikkcjjir~in Toyota city f ~ ~ r t h eillustrates r these patterns. Within Toyota city there are about 3,000 Brazilians. O f these, approxiirrately 3,500'' live n-ithin Homi Dailchi, a public housing development witlliil the city. Homi Danchi, a sprawling deoelopirient nit11 over forty buildings, is divided into tn-o parts, the Kenei Jutaku (Prefecture sponsored housing units for fairlilies ) and the K6dm Jutaku (nationally sponsored housing units).The Kodail apartments are more expensive to rent and, in Homi Dailchi, are mostly inhabited by single inen living in accoiliiliodatioils secured by the hnkc~lp i r h n . The Kenei apartirients are set aside especially for fmiily use d i d iriost mkkcl Brazilian fmiilies live in these prefecturdlly sponsored units I11 Hoirii Dmchi, w k k c ~Braziliails make up aliriost fifty percent of the residents of the Kenel Jutaku, with 3,330 living there 111 October 1999. The K6dm ~mitsare home to approximately 200 m k k c ~Brdzilidn residents, mostly single men." The inter\ lev iridterials collected for this study revealed sel era1 iri,yor problem areas related to the housing sit~dtioild i d llo~~siilg policies and their effect oil the integration of m k k c ~Brazilian norkers in Aichi prefecture. Though most of those iilterviev ed In e xx ithin Homi Dmclli 111Toyota, the policies applied there d i d the problems that hale emerged there are siiriildr to those reported 111 other areas, ii~ludiilgHmiairidtsu aild Yokohairid. First, the restrictive housing policies and general difficulty for foreigners to rent apdrtments in Japan limit the options a\ ailable to m k k c ~morkers aild lead to the concentration o f m k k c ~Brazilidils 111 certain housing developirients xx here they can rent xx ith less difficulty.This coilcentration isoldtes rukkcl Brazilians d i d their fmiilies from the broader Japanese society, impedes linguistic assiiriilation, d i d has created coilflict d i d iriis~~ilderstdildii~g betneen m k k c ~Brdzilidils d i d Jdpmese residents Second15 problems have developed v ithin the public housing developments due to the lack of accountability betneen residents d i d the housing authorities 111 sit~dtiorls\\here the hakcr~gnltha have rented out blocks of apdrtments for their eiriployees. Fiilall7; in the absence of nail-discriiriinatiorl policies, rukkcqlr~ are routinely turned dmdy fioiri renting non-public accoiriiriodations. Japanese lax\ o f i r s no protection to foreigners 111 this regard
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Ghetto or Enclave? In Toyotd ~ 1 % as me11 as Toyohashi and Nagoya, w k k e ~coimn~~ilities 11a e developed 111 the areas close to coiripmies employing rukkcqlr~in Aichi prefecture-'. These coiriiriunities, like Hoirii Danchi, are home to Brazilian restaurants, balks, and churches and have become ail iiriportant resource for m k k c ~imiriigrants. The practical difficulty oflocdting h o ~ s i i ~outside g of compmy sponsored or publicly run de~elopirientsclearly fosters the creation of these rukkcl " e i d x e s " d i d seeiris to be directly at odds n it11 the origiildl logic of the immigr~tionreform that effectnely opened the "side door" to I L ~ ~ ~ C I Jbecause IH of the supposed ease ofassiiriilation that dccoiripanies ethnic similmty It seems that because of the difficulty 111 acquiring housing, rukkcqlr~are coiripelled to remain physically separate, for the most part, from "regular Jqmlese"This separation is clearly a lmldrmce to siriooth integration and, in fact, promotes social isolation d l i c h can a i d has led to social coi1flict.A major reason that this residential segregation impedes integration is that the high coilcentration of r~ikkciBrazilians in developments like Hoirii Dailchi reduces the need for linguistic assimilatioil. In other words, r~ikkciBrazilians n-110 come to Japan d i d irioTe directly into company apartirients or public housing de~elopirientsnit11 high numbers of other Brazilians do not learn Jdpmese language or custoiris siiriply because they do not r~ccdto learn to get by in Jqml.This point nas made by many of the interview respondents, both Japanese and Brdzilidn Here, the director of the Toyota Interrldtioilal Association describes the SltLIdtloll .\ikkri Brazilians are concentrated in Homi Dmchi . . .They are segregated and form their o \ m community there for the most part. This is due to conr-enience . . . A?\\ci Brazilians can lil-e there and have their o \ m xorld where they can speak Portuguese. At the early stages, the integration \cis better because the Brazilians had the need to learn Japanese to surl-il-e.Non; because there are so many Brazilians, the need is not so strong.'-
Likewise this third generation m k k c ~Brdzilidn 111 ing ap~rtinents,shares her perspectir e.
111
Holm Danchi's Kenel
Now it is easy to come 11ere.There are so 11la11y Brazilians and we h x e each other in Homi Danchi and we can get Brazilian food and nen-spapers.We can live in a: Brazilian world.'"
One Japanese resident of the Dmclli n11o is a iriember of the Residents' Council and recently elected official of the iriuilicipal goverilment, explains that this concentration of rukkcl Brazilians 111 Hoirii Dailchi is problem because it thredtens balmce It is a problem of balance . . . It is 1-eryilnportant to 1 x 1 balance ~ . . . I think sewn Japanese for ewry three foreigners is a good balmce.Any more xould make it difficult to keep order in the n-ard.The later generation [of ilikkci Brazilians] are more Brazilian than Japanese in culture. Many of them can't speak Japanese or understand the culture . . . [A] problem that results from a lack of balance is that people 110 longer feel that they need to learn the language.Wit11 so many ilikkci Brazilians concentrated in one area, the need to learn Japanese seems to decrease. They can speak Portuguese to each other and form their 0 ~ ~ Brazilian 11 conlmunity." Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Though living in the same comm~~nity, Japanese a i d Brazilian residents have very little contact or interaction with each other a i d essentially live in separate worlds. The separate worlds that exist betn-eel1 Brazilian and Japanese residents of the same coiriiriunity are clearly observable at Homi Danchi. 0 1 1 the shore of a sirdl lake within the Dailchi, Brazilians, both ~likkciand noil-~likkci,gather to listen to music, exchange stories, and enjoy Brazilian style barbecue, particularly on the weekends. These gatherings are a major bone of contention among the Japanese residents of Homi Danchi. Japanese residents coiriplain that these gatherings, as well as the nightly gatherings in a square at the center of the Dailchi, are too noisy and are frightening a i d disconcerting to them as they go about their daily busi1less.A f ~ ~ r t hcomplaint er ofJapanese residents ofthe Dailchi concerns the sale, by ~likkciBrazilians, of Brazilian food products, newspapers, and videos fioiri trucks on the streets within the Danchi. According to one resident, I xould say that the number one problem is the problem of Brazilians selling things fro111 trucks 011 the street below the "plaza" in Homi Danchi.These trucks may belong to iiikkri Brazilians, but they also may be borrowed fro111 other people, nlaybe Koreans . . .They sell Brazilian newspapers, videos, and most troublesome, meat, barbecue, eggs, and other foodstuff. B L I ~they , do not ha\-e -el license to sell those things.We are doing x h a t \ye can to educate people that this is illegal and \ye are trying to create a designated space for such activities on the Or side of the 1ake.The mljor problem n-ith the current situation is that it creates an incom-enience for the customers of the AIIcitcrscl supermarket [in the "plaza"] People are scared to n-alk past the area . . .This selling goes on quite late at night, until 2 a.m. or 3 a.m.'"
This 7 lev nas disputed by most mkkc~Brdzilidils who nere interviewed Most expressed iildigrldtion that their leisure actir ities, even when not h~ririingmyone, \\-ere viewed as negative behxior T1m type of cultural iriisurlderstaildiilg m7as exacerbated by feeling that the rules baniling such actir ities are not clear and that Japanese duthorities had alloned the actir ities to continue despite their supposed illegality. One second generdtion mkkc~Brazilian respondent, though he hiiriself does not participate in the gatherings near the lake, described his frustration at hearing about Japanese residents' anger over Brazilims' activities. I h x e problems n-ith the \my that iiikkci Brazilians here sit and play cards and do barbecue and things like that. But, I think that a lot of the problems here between iiikkci Brazilians and Japanese are because things are not clear.Japanese should tell iiikkci Brazilians the rules more clearly or else Brazilians \ d l not know. The Japanese "allon-" things but then call them "problenls" . . . like the trucks. The Japanese cities and go\-ernment missed nlany opportunities to let Brazilians know the rules . . . I mean . . .why ha\-e they allo\~edthe trucks to sell things until now? Why did they let it get to be such a big problem? Somebody let it happen in the first place.The police or somebody let it happen. I n-ant to know why . . . I think the difference betxeen foreigners and Japanese is that foreigners \ d l do things because they can . . . Some Japanese people are letting this happen."
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
A f ~ ~ r t h coilflict er betmeen Japanese a i d mkkcl Brdzilidils at Hoirii Danchi concerns the disposal of household garbage Jdpmese rules concerning the separation of garbage are quite strict, n ith flmimable garbage, non-flairiiridble garbage, recyclable~,aild large garbage required to be sorted d i d p x k e d separately d i d collected only oil particular days from 7 drious desigildted sites.This system is quite coiriplicdted d i d is coilipletely foreign to Brdzilidils 111 Japan and inevitably becomes source of coilflict nith Japanese residents to n h o m the Brazilians' iriis-sorting of garbage is seen as ail iilcoilr eilieilce At Homi Danchi, as m k k c ~Brazilians initially began iriol ing in, the signs instructing residents on garbage rules nere printed only 111 Jdpanese. After several years in mhich the garbage problem persisted and became more contentious, the Housing Authority and Residents' Couilcil erected ile\\ signs 111 both Portuguese and Japanese Though this change has reportedly eased the probleiri somenhat, Jdpmese residents a i d some Brazilians complain that some Brdzilidils still do not obey the rules. A second generation m k k c ~ expressed the follov ing sentiment. I think that some Brazilians do not obey the Japanese rules, like for sorting garbage. If we are Brazilians in Japan, \ye should obey Japanese rules. Like they s q "When in Rome, do as the Ronlans do." I know it is illlpossible for us to do all things like Japanese because we are foreigners, but it \ ~ o u l dbe the right thing to try."
This problem, though seeiliiilgly trn-id, is actually a iri,yor source of conflict at Homi Dailchi", contributing to further negative stereotypes of Brazilians as dirty a i d uilllygienic. One Japanese resident, when questioned about her opinion of ~likkciBrazilians living in the same developirient responded by listing all of her grievances against r~ikkciBrazilians despite her admission that she had never spoken to a Brazilian. The Brazilians play loud music until late into the night and disturb us. They do not pay attention to the rules about garbage and throw their garbage out of the window and on the ground. I heard that Brazilians use ashtrays for a toilet."
Several m k k c ~Brdzilidils, n h e n questioned oil the subject, expressed doubt that only Brdzilidils \\-ere responsible for disobeying tlle garbage rules. A female m k k c ~ Brdzilidn respoildent iridde this point drgmlg that It is not only Brazilians who disobey the rules.There are Japanese who disobey them too, but they do not stand out like Brazilians because they are Japanese."
Likewise, this third generdtion m k k c ~resident of Homi Dailchi responded that People say that ilikkri Brazilians do bad things like dump garbage and abmdon cars. But, it's not all of us . . . I am in Japan and it is not my country. I am trying to obey the rules. I do hat I can to participate and nuke other people obey the rules, Brazilians and Japanese. We should all obey the rules.'"
Other mkkcl Brazilians posited that it is perhaps the absence o f a sense of belonging to tlle coiriiriLmity that contributed to disregard for Japanese rules. I11 any case, though the rules coilceriling garbage are quite strict and complicdted, there
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
is little enforceirient or puilishinent of those n-110 do not obey. This detached attitude contributes to the perpetuation of the probleir1.'Clear15 there are several issues around d l i c h Japanese a i d ~ l i k k c Brazilians i 1177ing within Homi Dailchi are in conflict. Most of this conflict is manifested as a subtle uildercurrent to the daily life of the residents of the Danchi; Brazilians and Japanese have very little interaction nith each other there and they foriri their ilegdtir e opinions of each other 111 the absence of real contact Hove\ er, the dillmosity ton drds rukkcl Brdzilidils TX as made apparent 111 a frightening \\ dy by ail iilcident 111 the summer of 1999 at Hoirii Danchi, xx hen dispute betmeen young Brdzilidn d i d Japanese gang members escalated and resulted 111 ail anti-foreigner demoilstr~tionat Holm Ddilclli led by a right-v ing ilatioilalist g r o ~ pThe right\\ ing group circled Hoirii Dmclli on iriotorcycles for sel era1 hours, chanting slogans exhorting Braziliails to "go home" d i d tllredteiliilg T ioleilce thus ledviilg Brdzilidn residents of Hoim Dailchi afraid to leave their apartirients ' A l k k c ~Brdzilidils 111 Toyota city remain physicdlly and psychologicdlly isolated from Japanese society due to the many obstacles preventing them fro111 renting prir ate dpartirients. These realities keep m k k c ~Brazilians residenti~llysegregated and li~iilg priiri~rily 111 p ~ b l i c h o ~ s i i ~ developinents g like Homi Dmchi. Residential segregation of this type is clearly hiildrailce to siriooth integration, nit11 Jdpmese residents, creating not only conflict d i d c~lturdli1iis~1ilderstdildi11g but also reducing the necessity d i d urgency of leari111lg the host lmguage. The results of residentid1 segregation for the mkkcl Brazilian pop~ldtionof Aiclli are telling. isolation and separation has contributed to negdtire midges of Brazilians, coilflict xx ith the host popul~tion,d i d T ioleilce targeted at the 111111ority group
Company sponsored housing As in the case of izikkci Brazilians' labor tl~arketexperiences, the lack of accounability of hokcr/ g(zir/m emerges again as a mqor source of trouble in tlle area of housing. One key problem identified by both Japanese officials and rlikkci Brazilian l~ out large blocks of the developtnent and workers is that of the h(zkcr/~ c l i r renting using them as company dorms. While this is helpful for rlikkci Brazilians in tlut they are able to circunlrrent restrictive housing policies, the practice ultimately has been a source of major conflict and an obstacle to integration'" due to the lack of accoutltability-bet\\~eetl both tlle employee occupants and the Housing Authority and tlle Housing Authority and the h(zkcr/~ c l i r l mFor instance, if a /zcdwz gelirh(z rented out a block of K6dan apartments, the Housing Authority would not be made aware of how m m y ilikkci Brazilians were living in each apartment and exactly who they were. Tlms, n-hen probletns emerged-such as cotnplaints of noise or garbage problems-the Housing Authority was u~lableto take action. According to a tl~el~lber of the Residents' Council at Homi Danchi, One ofthe imjor probleins in the Daiichi is the l ~ c kof ~~ccourltability. Especially because ofthe situation o f c o n ~ p ~ i i irerltirla es out n-hole sections and usins thein '1s coinpaiiy dorms.We [of the Residents' Courlcil] could never re& kilo\\- \\-ho \\-'IS in \~.hich~ p a r t i n e ~From ~ t . the ver>-lbe~iiiiiiiig,the Residents' Couiicil \\-as 'I\\-are of the problein m d n-mted to stop it.4" Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
This phenomenon is most common in the K6ddil (ildtioildlly sponsored) h o ~ ~ s i n g units nhich are rented priirimly to single morkers Thus, these "dorm" style living arrangements often hale sel era1 single m k k c ~Brazilian inen lir ing together and rotating O L I ~as their jobs are teririinated or they iriol e to other jobs. Coiriiriunity leaders at the Toyota Internatiorlal Associdtion fmiiliar xx it11 the probleiri point out S the drairidtic differences betmeen the integrdtion of fmiilies d i d singles. S ~ the director of the Toyotd Iilterilatioilal Associdtion, Brazilians x i t h Onlilies tend to try to adapt . . . I inem obey rules about garbage and things like that. Just like if you are single and you do not know many people . . . only people at work, right? Well, if you are x i t h your finlilj; you ha\-e more interaction x i t h people because of that . . . I think single Brazilians are excluded and isolated."
At Homi Danchi, the Residents' Couilcil has iridde several attempts to deal nith this probleiri Their first strategy for soh ing this problem of the lack of dccountability oil the part of h n k c ~ lgal& d i d their employees In ing in the K6dan apartments \x7ds to rent the dpartirieilts directly to the m k k c ~Brazilian norkers theiriselves, in their on11 ilairies. H o w e ~ er, this did not prove to be an adequate solution to the probleiri. n hen coiriplaints emerged or duthorities dtteiripted to recoup money for property dairidge, the langudge barrier as nell as m k k c ~norkers' claiiris that they had no money to pay dmiages reportedly qudshed efforts to correct the problem. Bmcall7; the Housing Authority and the Residents' Couilcil found theiriselves uilable to effectively enforce rules within the Dailchi Many Braziliails who nere inter\ iened for this study expressed frustration at the lack of concrete enforcement of the rules. I n-is11 t h x the housiiig ofice ~ o u l d strictly puiiish the fen- people n-ho do riot l or some obey the rules and do b ~ dthiiigs. O r the police or the I ~ k e i gnislio '~uthorities.Somebody should be strict about the rules. It should come fro~il ~bove.Theyshould not tell US to take c x e ofproble~ilso u r s e l ~ sPeople . ~ - h do o b ~ thirigs d disturb ~ l of l us."
In an effort to deal with this problem, the Housing Autllority and Residents' Council recently i~nplenlenteda new policy putting the responsibility for property datl~ageon /zcdm g&/zcl. According to one conlnlunity leader, There are still co111p~iiyreritals, but 1 i o ~the ~ - coliq~riies~ilusttdke respoiisibility i bemeell some liokeii gnislin m d the iri cdse of trouble.This is due to ~ i dgreelnerit riatiorial housiiig corporatiori [n-hich admillisters the ICodari ap~rtmeiits]. . . If colllpanies refuse to take responsibility they are expelled f?om the system. So, we hn-e gone through three phases x i t h this problem . . . First, the coirlpanies were renting out the apartments and them gking them to the i l i k k c i Brazilians. That system led to many problems so the responsibility n-as transferred to the i i i k k c i Brazilians thenlselx-es during the second phase. This also had its drn~backs because hen there xere problems, i i i k k c i Brazilians \ ~ o u l dsay that they didn't ~mderstaildor that they didn't hn-e money [to repair danlage]. Nox, x i t h the new agreement, the i l n k r i l p i s l l n are responsible for any trouble."
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Though it is too soon to gauge the effectir eness of this nen polic7; it is being lauded by local coiriiriuility leaders as at least step in the right direction, iridkiilg 11akcr1 q a / h accountdble for at least one aspect of the problem. Honever, the director of the Toyotd Interilatioilal Association points O L I ~that even this step is limited in its e f i c tiveness n ithout some ildtioildl level c hmge in lam. The Housing Authority changed their policy to ban company rentals starting on August 1, 1999. Also, they now hn-e -el Portuguese speaking Brazilian staff m e n ber at the housing office in Hoini Danchi. The Housing Corporation is now much more cooperative t h a n they used to be . . . but no law has changed.There hn-e only been scattered local efforts to open up."
The August policy also raises some questions about the appropriateness of employers regulating the prir ate actir ities of eiriployees The mechanisiri through which this nem7policy is irieant to nork is that the hakcr~g a d l a , no\\ responsible for dairiages, n 111 be able to hold rukkcl Brazilian xx orkers dccountable (in xx dy that the Housing Authority and Residents' C o ~ ~ i l cci lo ~ l dnot) due to their control oler the norkers'job security and \\ages This added measure of poner over the In es of rukkcl Brdzilidils on the part of l l a k c ~ lq a l t h is probleiridtic given the already uilequdl relatioilship between the two. Absence of Policy A7ikkci Brazilians in Japan are residentially segregated, living prinlarily in public
housing developnletlts or separate company dormitories. As discussed above, this by circunlsta~~ce is a result of the lack of access to other types of acconlnlodatio~~s foreigners in Japan. One mqor factor contributing to this situation is the absence of ally Japanese laws protecting Brazilians, or other foreigners, from discrinlitlation in the housing market. Japanese landlords are legally free to turn prospective tellants away on tlle basis of nationality. One Japanese staff member of tlle Nagoya Itlternational Center, which is run by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, explains tlut this practice is acceptable because it is not etlsllrined in lm; O f course ~ v ehave discri~niii~~tiori iri J ~ p a i i. . . but one thiiig I call be proud of iri Jlpm is t h ~ TT-e t discri~niii~~te or1 the persoii~ll e d m d not ill the Ian: Iii Europe~riand Alilericm history there is 1' ver>-lxld record of discri~niii~~tiori ill the Ian- . . . Here, there is rio history; of legal discrimiriatioii . . . O f course, the Korem situxiori is diiiererit . . .But, ill terms ofhousirig, it is 1' private x7ersuspublic issue. If the OTT-iier h ~ 1's b ~ ililage d of foreigners, then he c m refuse to relit to foreigiier~.~~
In essence, Japanese law offers little protection to foreigners from discrinlitlation in the housing market.Tllis absence of policy contributes to the isolation of rlikkci Brazilians and thus stands in the n-ay of the group's stnootll integration. A7ikkci Brazilians, like other foreigners in Japan, are not protected by lm- from ethnic, cultural, or racial discrimination. As explained by another Japanese staff metnber of the Nagoya Internatiotlal Center
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Here in Japan, we do not have m y actil-e protection of foreigners . . . Here, we can live -e~itthoutthe law to clean up problems and set up systems. Our society is based on a code. O u r code society is different than America's litigious systen~.~"
A iriember of the Toyotd Iilterilatioildl Association chdracterizes the probleiri as lack of societal risioil. Japan is a 1-ery equal society . . . In the lax, el-erybody is equal. But the interpretation of the law is not equal . . . T h e big problem is that people are living here in@pan xithout any sense of protection or belonging.This society does not foster looking into the future or thinking about the "big picture."'-
A Japanese jourrldlist wl1o nrites d b o ~ ~mkkcl t Brdzilidils both 111 Japan and 111 Brdzil elriphasizes the interaction betneen protecting foreigners' rights and promotiilg integrdtion, based oil the exairiple ofWestern societies In Camda or Englmd, the minority is taught the basic aspects of the culture of the host society.Along n-ith that, their hunlan rights are protected and respected. In Japan, x e do not do
Xlkkc~Brazilians interriewed described many situations 111 wl-hich they ha\-e been barred from renting dpdrtinents because ofbeing Brdzilidil.Tl1is respondent, third generation mkkcl Brazilian, currently lives 111 coi~ipmyapdrtineilt TX ith 111s sister, but is trying to get ail apartirient for himself since he mould like to stay in Japan. He describes his difficulties in fillding his 0x1 11 dpdrtirient I would like my own apartment, but I 11x1-e n1my problems finding one because I am Brazilian. That is because there were . . . problems n-ith a snlall group of Brazilians destroying apartments. Nox, when other Brazilians try to rent apartments, we are suspected. This is true for all foreigners I think. We must depend on Japanese people for an apartnlent.@pmese people only care that you are a foreigner . . . ev31 if you have the money. I think there is a problem of trust. Brazilians hn-e -el bad image here.'"
Langudge proficiency does not appear to open the door for mkkc~Brazilians in the housing iridrket.' Many respoildents, TX ho, like the prel ious respondent, are bilingual, describe experiences of being turned n d y by ldildlords thdt are identicdl to the stories ofnon-Jdpmese spedking Brdzilians In dddition to being restricted from prirate accommod~tionoil the basis of ilatioilalit7; mkkc~Brazilian respondents also related stories of being barred from some shops d i d restdurdilts for the same reason. Sel era1 described experiences 111 xx hich, upon their entry into a shop or superiridrket, an ailnouncement rids broadcast 01er the loudspeaker cd~tioiliilgclerks to " P q dttention because Brazilians are 111 the store "There is one notable case ofd Brdzilian noiridil (noil-mkkcl) n ho mas not permitted to enter jemelry store in Hmiairidtsu because of her nationality. Aiter disco\ ering thdt no Japanese Ian s exist to protect foreigners fioiri that type of discriiriination, she sued the shop ox\ ner under internatioilal la\, citing the Coinentioil on the Eliiriiilation ofAll Foriris of Racial Discrimin~tion,to xx hich Japan is signatory. Her subsequent ~ i c t o r yin the Japanese legal system 111 October 1999 is lmdiridrk decision 111 Japan, d i d ~mderscoresthe need for
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Japanese la\\ to adapt to the nen realities of foreigners noriris upholding their human rights (French 1999)
111 Japan d i d
interildtioildl
NIKKEIJIN AND EDUCATION The tlutnber of rlikkci Brazilians making education related inquiries at the Nikkeijin Ad~isoryCenter of the Kaigai Nikkeijin Kyokai l~asincreased sllarply since the early 1990s (Figure 6). Indeed, education l~asemerged as the most serious and controversial issue concerning the nligration of rzikkci Brazilians to Japan. The Ministry of Education reports tl~ato x r 3,000 Japanese public schools lm-e special Japanese language classes to serve about 17,300 foreign students (Table 9). Aichi prefecture has the highest tlumber of schools n-it11 such Japanese classrooms, with 466 schools creating classrootns for about 2,000 foreign students (Table 10). Portuguese is the first language of the tnajority of foreign students in elementary and middle schools, n-ith the number of Portuguese speakers filling sharply in high schools. This is consistent n-ith the demographic data regarding the age and family characteristics of rzikkci Brazilians in Japan: most rlikkci Brazilians are betn-een twenty and forty years old and those with children have mostly eleme11tary or junior high school aged children. Also, tl~anyyoung rlikkci Brazilians n-110 are not within the age range of compulsory education and do not have the Japanese language ability to attend high school find few alternatives other than taking jobs in factories or engaging in gang activity" Figure 6: Education and Language Concerns among rzikkcijirz in Japan 1995)
Source: KNK 1998 The issue of the education of rlikkci Brazilian children is strongly contested both within the rzikkci Brazilian connnunity and n-ithin Japanese society at large.
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Within the rukkcl Brazilian commuility, there are strong feelings about parents' decisions to bring children fioiri Brazil to Japan Many wkkc~Brdzilidils interviened disapproved of rukkcl Brazilian parents n h o came to Japan to make irioney and brought their children dlong xx ithout m y clear idea of the length of their stay. The follov ing respondent, a non-mkkc~Brdzilian dccoiripmied 111 Japan by his second generation rukkcl Brazilian n lie, for instmce, left his children in Brazil n ith his parents rather than keep the fairiily together in Japan. He described this decision as diffic~ltone, made nit11 the hope that he xx 111 return to Brdzil d i d that his children xx 111 also remain there. My children are x i t h my parents in Brazil. They are in a good school there. We don't n-ant to bring them here at all because they n-ill lose their chances in life. We belie\-e that we are sacrificing for the sake of our children . . . I thought of my plans and goals before I came to Japan . . . Some ~iikkriBrazilians make money here to use in Brazil, others ~ 1 n tot stay in Japan and they bring their kids and Omilies.''
In contrast, the following respondent, a second generation r~ikkciBrazilian, having brought his children to Japan, non- finds it difficult into conceive of leaving Japan hiiriself, given his children's assiiriilation to Japanese society. I had ah-ays planned on returning to Brazil in my fifties, but now I am not sure. I am half and half on this subject. By that time, my kids n-ill be done x i t h high school and they can decide whether they ~ 1 n tot stay in Japan or not . . . T h e kids are not proficient in Portuguese . . .The reason I stayed is because of my children. I think people should know before they come to Japan that their kids xi11 not learn Portuguese in Japan. They should be prepared to put their kids in the Japanese educational system . . . If they intend for the kids to be in Brazil as adults, they should leave them in the Brazilian schools where they can get the best education for that purpose . . . My children think that they are Japanese."
This issue also causes rifts nithin fairiilies. One third generation mkkc~Brdzilidn who came to Japan nit11 her parents when she m7ds 111 eleirientary school d i d is nom7 l-~tteildiilg a Japanese high school, describes her fmiily's dilemma. I n-ant to go to university in Japan and x o r k here after that, but my parents n-ant to go back to Brazil. If my parents go back, I n-ill work here and send 111011ey.'~
Other fairiilies face another decision-whether the child should pursue her education in Japan aiter junior high school or nhether she should begin contributirlg to the fairiily finances. One young mkkc~Brdzilidn girl, good student, m71-dstorn betneen desire to attend Japanese high school and her parents' wishes for her to help financially. She coiripromised, and nit11 the help of her junior high school, is nom7 atterlding high school classes part-time and norking part-tiirie 111 a factory. One j ~ m i o rhigh school teacher of internatioilal students expldins the problem. Sometimes the children try to do well and go to high school, but Onlily pressures nuke that road illlpossible for them. If their parents have jobs and are doing \yell, the child can study hard and ad\-ance to the nest step or lex-el."
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Efforts to address the educdtion probleiri are focused primarily at the local ler el. Schools, like those in Toyotd ~ 1 % that have high numbers of rukkcl Brdzilidn students, hare taken the initidtire, O L I ~of ilecessitf; 111 creating interilatioildl classrooms d i d atteilipting to keep Brdzilidn youngsters 111 school. In ddditioil, both the Toyota city gor ernment d i d the Aichi prefectural goverilment have agreed to pay the salary of one Portuguese spedking part-tiirie dssistdilt teacher for schools 1~1th illany m k k c ~Brazilian children. Some local officials, irlcluding the follov ing local goverilirieilt leader, expressed desire for cooperation from the Brazilian gor ernment 111 dddressing this probleiri Right now it seems that all the efforts are at the local 1e1-el.The national go\-ermnent needs to pay attention to education. We should do something about drop-outs . . . that is a long-term problem, but there is no action or inclination for any action now. I think ilikkri Brazilians should be taught Japanese. I also think that there should be a role for the Brazilian go\-ernment in creating Brazilian education in Japan. Both sides need to make efforts regarding education and this is a perfect time.The main problem is education 11ere.The schools need Brazilian staff members. We should do something for the sake of the children. The cooperation of the Brazilian go\-ernment is questionable. These children's situation is ~mclear. . . they ill lose opportunities in both countries if no decision is nude about whether they will stay in Japan or not.'"
There are noxr ser era1 private Portuguese schools 111Japan The Pythagords school has opened in G~miridPrefecture d i d there is some discussion of branch opening 111 Aic11i. 111 addition, second prirate school, EAS, operates in Toyota These schools are for-profit iilstitutioils a i d are quite expensive giren rukkcl Brdzilidn \\-age ler els I11 addition, they are regarded 1~1thsuspicion by many 111 the m k k c ~ Brdzilidn c o i m n ~ ~ i l iseen t ~ ; as money-iridkiilg ventures by the or~nersrather than as educatiorlal irlstitutioils Also, rukkcl Brdzilidils TT ho plan on only a teiripordry stay 111 Japan to earn irioney are generdlly uimilliilg to sacrifice the irioney required for tuition at the Portuguese schools. 0 1 1 the other hand, rukkcl Brdzilidn parents, like this m k k c ~Brdzilidn father oftmo, r~ho intend oil ail extended s t q 111 Japan, are concerned xr ith iiriproving their children's Japanese langudge dbility. I do not think it is good to build a Brazilian school here in Japan. The goals of that kind of school can be acconlplished in the regular Japanese school. My son came here x h e n he is in kindergarten and he xvas ah-ays in the Japanese school . . . Now he speaks ody@panese. But, his &end has been in the Portuguese class and learns only Portuguese, and he can't speak Japanese.'-
Homever, there is not, as yet, ildtioildl lerel support fioiri the Ministry ofEducation or any discussion of ofiring special training or support to those teachers ledding "iiltern~tional"classrooiris.The transition from teaching classes of all Japanese students to teaching classes of foreign students can be d difficult one. According to this eleirientary school teacher 111 Toyota city, We took it for granted that kids xould sit and study as usual. But, x h e n \ye got foreign students here, \ye realized that the \my that we teach would ha\-e to change too. With foreign students, the teachers 11x1-e a one-o~~-one relationship with students. I had culture shock when I started teaching foreign students . . .
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When I tried to start class, the students wouldn't come. I needed to h x e one011-one relationships first . . .This is so different from regular Japanese students. It is easier to teach Japanese students, but you know that they are not listening just because it is interesting. They do it because their parents nlake them."
Clearl); some support or dssistdilce in making this transition is necessary The absence of such support and training eirierged as major concern of teachers, adiriinistr~tors,parents, d i d xol~mteersquestioned on the subject for this study. In addition to the issue of teacher training, severdl other iri,yor subjects eirierged 111 discussior~sabout educdtion xx it11 Japanese d i d w k k c ~Brdzilidils iin 017 ed xx it11 this issue. The relianc e on ~olunteergroups to fill in xx here irimpoxx er d i d tedc her expertise f,llls short emerged as problematic aspect of the educdtion of m k k c ~ Brdzilidils 111 Japan Also, the ddxeilt of an apparent "glass ceiling" for w k k c ~ Brdzilidn cllildren poses major obstacle to the long-teriri integrdtion of this group
Lack o f teacher training and support The interxiexxs conducted for this study focused oil the sit~dtionof w k k c ~ Brdzilidils 111Toyota city Witllin Toyota cit); Higashi Homi Eleirientary school and Homi Junior High school have the highest population of mkkcl Brazilian students. In fact, Higdslu Hoirii Elelllentdry school xx as the first school 111 all ofJapan to hax e the experience of large iluiribers of foreign students enrolled. In 1992-93, the Millistry of Ed~cdtioilnamed it a "research site" ledding to mmy xisits by obseners, Table 9: Students Requiring Special Japanese Lmguage Clmrooms: 1991-1997 Elementary School Mlddle School High School Total
1991 3,978 1,485
1993 7,369 2,881
-
3,463
-
10,450
1993 8,192 3,350 264 11,806
1997 12,302 4,533 46 1 17,296
Source: Ministry of Education 1998
Table 10: Special Jdpmese Language Cl~ssrooms,Selected Prefectures: 1997 Ilrmllgrant Students All Japan Alch Shlzuoka Kmagan ,I G~mlna Saltama
17,296 2,192 1,525 1,633 740 848
Source: Ministry of Education 1998
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Schools \I lth S p e c d Language Classrooms 3,209 466 319 418 139 314
from both Japanese researchers and researchers fioiri abroad In all of Japan, Higashi Homi Eleirientdry is supposed to be the model for progrmis mned at educating foreign students Higds11i Holm Elementary has an "internatioilal" section nith three f~d1time teachers for eightyone students, sixtyeight of xx hoiri are from Brazil Prii1cipd1 Nuuse expldiils that We still have 111any problems, but the administration and teachers are committed to trying to solve them and to help the children.'"
Because of the large nuiriber of foreign students, the school is entitled to one Portuguese spedking assistant teacher, paid by the cit7; mho helps students nit11 no Japanese lmgudge ability. At the elementary school, as at Hoirii Junior High School, the teachers 111 charge of the iilterildtioilal students are not specifically trained 111 bilingual or iriulticultural educdtion In f x t , these positlolls are filled by teachers n 110 either volunteer for the task or n 110 are dssigned to the iilterildtioildl classrooiri This teacher froiri Higashi Hoirii eleirientarv discussed the teachers' fr~strdtioilat the lack of ilatioildl lei-el support and the level of self-iriotn-ation of the internatiorlal teachers. It is 1-ery difficult to do this job.The teachers who are doing it n-ant to do it.We get no special training from the Ministry of Education.We only receil-e x h a t we seek out on our own fro111 the Conlmunity Center or Toyota International Association. But, \ye are very busy just x i t h our xork.We use the curriculum as a base, but, depending on the students' ability, that can't really be fruitfully used. So, the teachers make up their own materials usually.Also,\ye often \-isit students' homes to discuss problems x i t h parents. In terms of funding and training, the city does not cooperate so much. I xis11 that they would. Also, the Ministry of Education does not acknowledge the real situation. If they did, they should do more for us.""
The situation is similar at the junior high scllool level. Faculty tnetnbers at Hotni Junior High report that teachers for the i~ltertlatiotlalclassroom are selected either because of their ow11 desire to teach foreign students or by appoi~ltnlentby the principal. Unlike the elementary scllool level, hon-e~~er, tlle goal of the international classroom at the junior high scllool level is to get the foreign students into the regular class and riot to teach them in the i~ltertlatiotlalclassrootn i~ldefinitely. This poses a problem because of tlle nature of the subject matter taught at the ju11ior high school level in Japanese schools. In contrast to elenlentary scllools in which socializatiotl and basic language and tl~atllenlaticalskills are the tl~ainteaching priority junior high scllool classes are quite rigorous and densely packed n-ith infornlation aimed at preparing tlle students for high scllool entrance exams. Without an adequate Japanese language base, classes on literature, history, or science taught in Japanese are beyond tlle ability of rlikkci Brazilian junior high scllool students.Teachers reported tlut students who had conlpleted Japanese elementary scllool before advancing to junior high scllool fire significantly better tlml those n-110 arrirre in Japan at junior high scllool age.Yet, n-hen tl~ai~~streanled into regular Japanese classes, rlikkci Brazilian students at the junior high scllool level often struggle n-ithout adequate reading or vocabulary skills to hatldle
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adranced subject iridterial taught in Japanese d i d siiriply "sit t h r o ~ g h "cldsses xr hich are beyond their grasp The mode of instruction and lack of special bilingual or multicultur~lcurriculum geared toxrdrd educating internatiorlal students reduces the lerel of educdtion offered to their1 Despite the best efforts d i d enthusidsiri of the teachers d i d adimilistrators, iilterilatioildl st~ldeilts111 Japanese public schools are receiving second rate ler el ofirlstructioil due to a lack ofcentrdlized ilatioilal support d i d leddership for such progrmis, ledding to make-shift efforts at the local and school ler el. If lmguage ledriling is centrdl to smooth integration, there needs to be concerted effort to teach language 111 the best possible 1\37' A l k k c ~Brdzilidn st~~deilts iriust be offered effectir e lmguage instruction a i d ail opport~mityto learn other subjects on lerel that preserves their f~ltureeducatioildl opportunities.
Reliance on volunteer groups Adult education is primarily undertaken by volunteer organizations. In Toyota, adults can attend Japanese language classes at the Toyota Itlternatio~lalAssociation or tllrough the Hotnigaoka Itlternatiotlal Center.The TIA class, offered at a 110111itla1 fee, is held once a week on Su~ldaytnornings for two hours.The teachers are all volunteers, n-it11 only a few Portuguese-speaking instructors. Students are dirrided according to ability and focus on either n-riting, speaking, or reading Japanese. These classes are fiirly n-ell attended, but reportedly luve a rapid turnover rate, as students' work schedules change or they become frustrated at their slow progress. The classes offered by the Homigaoka Itlter~latio~lalCenter are also divided according to language ability and are free to the students, all of n-lmm live within Homi Danchi. The instructors are all volunteers, n-ith one or tn-o Portuguese speakers among them.At the Homigaoka Itlternatiotlal Center, instruction is amilable in Japanese for both children and adults, with special tutoring amilable in 11~~1th and science for junior high school students. Atte~ldanceat these classes, also is spotty varying from week to n-eek depending on held on S u ~ ~ d amornings, y work schedules and the n-eather, according to organizers. In Nagoya, language instruction is amilable at the Nagoya Itlternational Center, the Aichi Itlternatio~lal Association, and at the Catllolic Church affiliated Mikokoro Center.Tllese classes are also amilable once a week, on the n-eeketlds. Also, once a year, the Ministry of Labor offers a semitlar for rlikkci workers. The Ministry of Labor, through its Nikkeis Service Center provides several books and panlplllets in Portuguese, Spanish, and Japanese for Latin Americans in Japan, listing various work related ~~ocabulary and phrases. S i k k c i workers must visit the Nikkeis Service Center to receive these materials. Children's education at the public schools is also heavily reliant on volunteer support. At both Higashi Homi Eletnetmry School and Homi Junior High School, the "i~lternatiotlalclassrooms" are dependent on the help of T-olunteersto instruct uikkci Brazilian children. The number of actual teachers is limited: at the elenlentary school there are three wide at the junior high school, there are only tn-o teachers.Volunteer helpers from the Homigaoka Itlternational Center visit the
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
iilterildtioilal classrooiri sel-era1 times a week to help students with their lessons. The 7 olunteers at the internatiorlal cldssrooiri enable the students to learn 111 i r i ~ ~ c h siridller groups and to have one-on-one instruction Honever, these 7 olunteers are generally not Portuguese speakers or trdiiled educators A teacher at Homi Junior High describes the risks of relying on volunteer support 111 the schools Right nox, we 11x1-e some I-olunteers x h o come and help us here. But, it is not clear whether this \ d l continue or whether we n-ill get paid teachers in the future.We have one part-time iiikkci Brazilian teacher x h o is paid by the city and one person who comes once a month and is paid by the prefecture. EI-ery year, the school asks the city for more support and training. We do not 11x1-e a single person who speaks Portuguese to counsel the students. It is not an easy job. I xis11 we could ha\-e some help like that."
This is clearly a probleiri, as the instruction n-hich these children receive is not coordinated or consistent and varies depending on n-llich volunteers are present a i d hov long they are dnilable The aiiri of the "internatioilal" cl~ssrooinat the j ~ ~ n i ohigh r school is to "iridinstredm" the students as soon as possible H o n e ~ e r , given the lo\\ l e els ~ of m k k c ~Brazilian students n ho are able to pass the entrmce exairis d i d enter high school, it seems that this iri~iilstremiiilgmay be occurring preiridturely Some Japanese respondents, like this representative of the Kaigdi Nikkeljin Kyokai, expressed desire that mkkci Brdzilidils tlleirisel~es become more inr 011 ed 111 the ~olunteeractir ities d i d i11str~1ction of w k k c ~Brazilian youngsters. For example, though the problem of ilikkr!jiii children's education is exceedingly important and is a problem that needs urgent attention, iiikkc!jiii themseh-es are not effectkely dealing x i t h the problem. O f the measures that 11x1-e been taken thus Or . . . these measures cannot be thought of as the results of iiikkc!jiii organizational actkities. In addition, there appears to be a preralent attitude among iiikkc!jiii that "Somebody n-ill take care of things for us.'"" X i k k c ~Brdzilidn adults, many of n h o m are not proficient in Japanese themselves, tend to prefer to use their time norking rather than getting iin-olved in ~olunteer actir ities. A staii member at tlle Aiclli Iilterilatioilal Associdtion coiriirients that Brazilians don't 11x1-e the \ d l or the power to get together and start something. This is because the \my of thinking is different. Brazilians don't start groups. I think there are many little groups, but not a unified large gro~~p."
The 11ea-y reliance oil volunteer inr 011 eirient to f,lcilitate language teaching for m k k c ~Brdzilidils 111 Japan is probleiridtic for several redsoils First, the level of instruction provided to mkkci Brazilian students is actually less than they require to stay on par TT it11 their peers, the instruction fio111 volunteers is uilstructured and illconsistent. Secoildl7; because of the 7 oluntdry nature of this iilstruction, its contiiluation into the future is not certain. Finall7; the efforts of volunteer groups xx ithin the public schools may iridsk the need for clear, centralized education policy for interilatioildl students. ~olunteeractivities at school i r i q be preventing the ilatioilal Ministry of Ed~cdtionfioiri pro~idiilgtlle necessary support to these schools 111 their attempts to educate internatiorlal students
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"Glass Ceiling" The most serious issue that emerged 111 this exairiination ofthe educdtioildl experiences of mkkc~Brazilians in Japan is that of ail apparent "glass ceilii~g''for lllkkc~ Brdzilidn st~~deilts This "glass ceiling" results from the ~0111bllldtl0lloffairiily decisions to extend the miouilt oftime spent 111Japan indefinitely d i d the lack of adequate educatioilal programs for teaching Jdpmese as second lmguage. A teacher describes the dileiriirid. Parents often originally planned to come and earn a certain amount of money. But, the parents end up staying longer for nlany reasons.This leaves the children uncertain about the future and in a difficult s i t ~ ~ : ~ t i o n . ~ ~
The rukkcl Brazilian children n ho succeed in Japanese schools are those mhose fmiilies have inrested not only time, but also great deal of money for private tutoring d i d crairi ~~11001s. O f the children interviened for this study n ho hale entered high school, all hale receir ed s~bstdiltidlfairilly fiildilcial s ~ p p o r tSeveral . f ~ u l t yand staff members expldined that, at the eleirientary school level, teachers become frustrated n hen they see students nit11 the potential to succeed uildble to do so for lack of finmcidl resources Some Brazilian kids who speak Japanese can study ev31 better than@pmese kids. Those students often go on to junior high and even high school. But, that costs money so the finlily that spends money on education ends up with no sa~-ings.~'
Thus, as a result of the absence of a structured curriculuiri for internatiorlal students in the public schools, the lack of adequate teacher trailling and resources, and the inddequdcy of fairilly finmcial contributioils t o w d education, iridily wkkc~ Brdzilidn children, if they attend Japanese public schools at all, are leit nith fev options beyond the junior high school 1e~el.This"glass ceiling" thredtens to keep mkkc~Brdzilians ofthe second generation uilqualified for not only high school and uilir ersity in Japan, but also for ad~anceirientto jobs higher 111 status than those of their parents.This haildicdp to second generdtion iriobility is a iri,ljor chdllenge to the siriooth long-teriri integration of this group, thredteiling to keep subsequent generations confined to lower l e ~ ejobs, l reinforcing the image that 3K jobs are "immigr~ntnork." An additiondl issue raised by the iilterviev s d i d obser~ationsiridde for this study concerns the limited future opportunities, 111 either Japan or Brazil, for mkkc~ Brdzilidn cllildren educated in Japan Because of the probleiris discussed d b o ~ epoor teacher trdining, reliance on ~olunteerinstruction, lack of structured curriculum-rukkcl Brdzilidn st~~deilts 111 Japanese public schools h a e fen options 111 Japan after graduation from junior high school Though their speaking ability 111 Japanese may be quite good, they generally have fallen behiild their Japanese peers 111 other subjects requiring reading d i d TX riting ability (Table 11) Yet, by going through the Jdpmese system, iridily of these children l m e also lost their Portuguese lmguage proficient); have little desire to return to Brazil, d i d are not qudlified for university, professional schools, or jobs there (Table 12).This reality has created a difficult situation for this generation of rukkcl Brdzilidn cllildreil. one
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respondent chardcterized the children as a "lost generation" mithout future prospects 111 either country.The parents of this "lost generdtion" are generally college graduates d i d p r o f e s ~ i o ~ ~ TTaho l ~ l m e iridde a choice to become uilskilled laborers in Japan Their children, because of this decision, are leit, in many cases xx ith fev options other tlldil ~mskilledlabor 111 either Japan or Brazil. Table 11: Xkkcr Brdzilidil Students' Anxieties about the Future'" Since I don't understand kanji, at test time, I can't read the questions. Since I can't do so well in school, I am insecure about xhether or not I can get into high school I don't know where to go to high school Wlxit xi11 lxippen if I don't succeed at the entrance esam for high school? I don't know n-lxit kind of future job possibilities I 1x1~2.
Survev of 44 rzrkkcr Br~zilimstudents, H o m Tunlor Hiell School 1999
Table 12: Sikkci Brazilian Students' Motirration to Remain in Japan'I'R beell iri Jap~ri1' long time I \\-ant to go to high school here If I go back to Brazil, I don't kriox~if I kriox~Portuguese eriough or riot. I got used to Japm I ha^ 111aiiy friends here If I go tuck, I \voii't uriderstmd the laiigu'~geco~ilpletelyso I \\-ori't be dble to enter school there.
Survey of 44 Sikkci Brazilian students, Hotni Junior High School 1999 The integration of r/ikkcjjir/in Aichi prefecture is not proceeding snloothly In addition to several dramatic insta~lcesof social cotlflict between natives and rlikkci Brazilians, there is an underlying friction and a high level of distrust betn-een the tn-o groups. Though some effort has been tl~adeat the local government level to ease these tensions, no clear and practicable institutional adjusttlmlts have been tl~adeat tlle national lwei to Eacilitate the integration of this group. O n all of the hypothesized "determitlants" of inlnligrant integration, the Japanese response to rzikkci Brazilian inlnligration falls short and, in h c t , seems to be hindering the integration of this group. A7ikkci Brazilians are left vultlerable to unscrupulous itltertnediate companies, confined to segregated housing acco~~n~lodatiotls, and are isolated from Japanese society. The actual "coexistence" of rzikkci Brazilians and tlatirre Japanese is a fir cry from tlle easy assinlilation and smooth integration presumed by lawmakers behind tlle Immigratiot~ Control and Refugee Recognition Act tlut opened the "side door" to rlikkci inmligratiot1. A7ikkci Brazilians are concentrated at tlle lon-est levels of the labor tl~arketand interact
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
very little nith native Japanese, even at the morkpldce. A l k k c ~norkers have no occupatioilal iriobility d i d do not h a e the opportunity to orgmize at the morkplace Furtheririore, mkkcl Brazilians' on 11 cultural trdditions are not T alued 111 Japanese society and negatir e midges and stereotypes ofBrazilia11s persist, ledding to hrther discrimiil~tionand isoldtion X l k k c ~Brdzilidns are judged as neither "real Jdpanese" nor "real foreigners," leading iridily mkkcl Brazilia11s to coiriplaii~that they are treated as "second class Jdpmese" and looked do\\ 11 upon for their lack of Japanese larlgudge skills despite their "Jdpanese f x e " In education, mkkcl Brdzilidn children receir e s~b-stmddrdinstruction, due to the lack of a clear curriculum for internatiorlal students, insuflicient teacher training, and the inflexibility of the Japanese higher education system in adjusting to the reality of foreign students. These shortfalls in the education systeiri also hinder integration by reducing the possibility ofsecoild generation iriobility a i d keeping ~likkciBrazilian childre11 on a separate (and lower) educational and professional track than ilative children. Most probleirratic is the complete lack of protections for the rights of this group. Though ethnically siiriilar and admitted to Japan on the basis of that ethnic meiribership, ~likkciBrazilians are not granted the rights of irieiribership in the political coiriiriunity a i d remain vulnerable to discriiriiilation a i d exploitation while in Japan. Protections that are seen as human rights in other industrialized countries are not observed in Japan for this (or any) group of foreigners.
NOTES 1. Other "seiidiiig countries" identified by iininigratioii statistics include Peru, Argerltiii'~,P'lraguay;, and Bolivia. 2. This surx7e>-\\-as distributed to rlikke(iiil ~t the \vorkplace and at popular g~theriiig spots vid local represeiit~tix-es irl various regions that are highly populated by Lxiii Americaii ilikkejiirl. 3. The Hosei surveJ- ssd~i~pled 394 ilikke(iiil froin cities throughout J~parland focused oil the \\-orking and living corlditiorls of ilikkei ~vorkers. 4 Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Hoini Daiichi on October 16, 1999. 5. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Hoini Daiichi on October 31, 1999. 6 Another p~tterrlthat has einerged ~inorlgrlikke(iiil is t h ~ of t going tuck and forth ever>-ttn-o or three y a r s betn-eel1J ~ p a i and i Brazi1,Those iiiterrie\\-ed for this study Seller~ l l yfavored reil~~~iiiiiig ill J ~ p a i for i longer periods r ~ t h e rthaii returiiiiig to Brazil periodit~~iii c ~ l l yThis inethod n-'1s fax-ored as 1' nleaiis to sax7e more nloiiey ~ i i d~ i ~ ~ ~ i iai (rel'ltively) stable lifestyle. 7. The age range for J~paiiesecoi~~pulsory educatioii is il-0111 sir to fifieerl. 8. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Tokyo on Noxwi~ber10, 1999. 9 Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Toyota city on October 24, 1999. 10. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Toyota city on October 24, 1999. 11. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Hoini Daiichi on October 31, 1999. 12. Author inter+\\- coiiducted ~t H o i l ~ i g ~ ~ oIrlterrlatioiiJ ka Center on October 17, 1999. 13. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Tokyo on Noxwi~ber10, 1999.
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
39. Also, this practice only serl-ed to exacerbate the residential segregation of ~iikkci Brazilians, learing them, as a group, limited to living only in certain areas. 40. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 16, 1999. 41. Author inter\-iew conducted at Toyota Illterllatioml Associatio~loffices on October 14, 1999. 42. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 20, 1999. 43. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 16, 1999. 44. Author inter\-iew conducted at Toyota Illterllatioml Associatio~loffices on October 14, 1999. 45. Author interrien- conducted at Nagoya I~ltermtionalCenter on October 25, 1999. 46. Author interrien- conducted at Nagoya I~ltermtionalCenter on October 25, 1999. 47. Author interrien- conducted at Toyota Illterllatioml Associatio~loffices October 14, 1999. 48. Lecture to Nagoya Uni\-ersity Research Group on the Foreign Worker Problem, October 23, 1999. 49. A ~ t h o interview r conducted in Toyota city on October 24, 1999. 30. Linguistic proficiency appears to ease ~iikkr!jiiltransitions in the workplace by nlaking them more hr-ored employees by \~orkplacesuperiors. Hon-ever, as these examples shon; Japanese language ability does not appear to help ~iikkciBrazilians acquire housing on the private market. A?kkci Brazilians, despite language ability are still considered "foreigm ers" in Japan. 3 1. A report from Mr. Sugihara, a legal interpreter xorking x i t h local police stations in Aichi prefecture, cites this young Brazilian population as the most in\-oh-ed in criminal actil-ities, including arson, car theft and burglary. 32. Author interrien- conducted at Homigaoka International Center on October 17, 1999. 33. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 16, 1999. 34. Author interview conducted at Homi Junior High School on October 22, 1999. 55. Author interview conducted at Higashi Homi Elementary School on October 22, 1999. 36. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 16, 1999. 37. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 16, 1999. 38. Author interview conducted at Higashi Homi Elementary School on October 22, 1999. 39. Author interview conducted at Higashi Homi Elementary School on October 22, 1999. 60. Author interview conducted at Higashi Homi Elementary School on October 22, 1999. 61. Author interview conducted at Homi Junior High School on October 22, 1999. 62. Author interview conducted in Tokyo on No\-ember 10, 1999. 63. Author interrien- conducted at Aichi I~ltermtionalAssociation on October 19, 1999. 64. Author interview conducted at Homi Junior High School on October 22, 1999. 65. Author interview conducted at Higashi Homi Elementary School on October 22, 1999.
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00. These are responses (in Ebles 11 and 12) given by students at Homi Junior High School to a surl-ey given in preparation for an open house presentation by the Oculty.While the actual number of students with each of these responses n-as not anilable, these responses xere the most conlmon. 07. Sex-enty-six percent of the ilikkri Brazilian students surl-eyed at Homi Junior High School reported that they hope to remain in Japan permanently.
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
CHAPTER 6
ETHNIC GERMANS I N GERMANY: A SIMILAR CASE
Like Japan, Germmy is an "ethnic citizenship regime" tlut does not consider itself a "country of immigratio11,"This is despite the recruitment, entry, and settlement of temporary "guest-n-orkers" and their Eamilies: Gertlmly has the second largest nutnber of inlnligrants in tlle n-orld,n-it11 over seT7et1nlillion foreign born residents living in Germany today (Munz and Weitler 1992: xiii). Gertlml itntnigration and r, a clear line tlaturalization l a y guided by the principle of j ~ l rr q q ~ ~ i r / idram betn-een Gertlmx and foreigners based on tne~~lbersllip in tlle Gertlml ethnic conmlunity.Tllis concept of ethnic tne~~lbersllip serT7esto effectively restrict "outsiders" n-110 may be living n-ithit1 Germmy's borders-guest\\~orkers, asylum seekers, refugees-from itlclusion in the political community. Thus, guestn-orkers and tlleir families, despite l~avitlglived in Gertlmly for more than thirty years and having achieved linguistic proficiency to become "sociologically German" (Kajita 199S:Weil 1W l ) , are still considered "foreigners." Hon-ever, as in the Japanese case, a different category of ethnically similar and culturally different "outsiders" poses a challenge to traditiotlal ethnic conceptions of membership. The contrast in Gertlmly between etlmic Gernlan "nen-comers" and Southern European "old"nen-comers" is an interesting and instructive c o ~ ~ ~ p a r i to s o the n case of ~zikkcdi~z comers" to Japan (Kajita 19%: 139). Both cases highlight the relatirre importance of hypothesized "deternli~mltsof immigrant integration" like sl~aredethnicit); li11guistic competence, labor nlarket positioning, and residential segregation. A c o n parison of the tn-o cases also utlderscores the impact of inlnligration and i m n grant policy on the integration process. Gernlan policy responses to the presence of ethnic Gertlml inlnligrants from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union have differed from theJapanese response to tlle large-scale entry of Latin Atnerican r/ikkcjjir/.As a result, though the Gernlan and Japanese cases are very similar, their outcomes have been quite different. Despite similar starting points, the integration process of etlmic Gernlan inlnligratlts in Germany l~asproceeded in a different tlmmer than that of ethnic Japanese inlnligrants to Japan.
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HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Aucclcdlo, or etlmic Germans, are those iildi~id~~dls d i d their desceildents xx ho, as a result of migratory moveirients during the nineteenth centur); border chmges after the first World W x , and mass exp~~lsions of Geriridils after the second World W x , found their is el^ es In ing TX ithi11 the territories of other countries, including Polmd, Roiridilid, and the Sol let Union1.In recognition ofthe suffering and hardships endured by this group, the ethnic German pop~ldtioilo ~ t s i d eof Gerniai~y xx as granted West Geriridn citizenship 111 1949 through Article 116 of the Geriridil constitution. This change nas folloned in 1933 by the creation of actcc~cdlc~ status xx hich expanded the definition of Geriridil-ness to iilclude ethnic German residents of Central Europe, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia (Munz d i d Ulrich 1997) As result, those residents of Centrdl d i d Edstern European d i d S o ~ i e t countries xx ho could docuirient their German ancestry mere able to apply for and Home~er,Cold War politics kept receir e adiriission to West Geririmy as actcc~cdle~". the number of ar4cclcdlc1 enteringWest Germany quite lox\ betmeen the 1950s and the 1990s-oil average only about 30,000 ethnic Germans iiriiriigrated yearly to West Germany until the late 1980s (Buildes~usgleicl~salrit 1991.1) But, the nuiriber of ar4cwdlc1 seeking ~dmissioninto Geririmy increased drairidticdlly begiililiilg 111 1987 and continued to grov into the 1990s as Cold War tensions cmie to ail end and econoiriic coilditioils 111 Edstern a i d Centrdl Europe d i d the former Sol let Union served as "p~1~11" factor 111 proiripting etlmic German migrdtion to Germany (Table 13). As in Japan, demogrdphic and labor market coilsideratioils played into the ilatioilal discussion over iiriiriigration, d i d shared ethnicity served to iridke this group more desirable than ethnicdlly "other" guest-norkers already settled in the country.While the settleirient of Southern European guest-\\ orkers and their fairidies 111 Geririmy had long been portrqed as Germany's "foreigner probleiri" and the root of an uiliridilageable depletion of ilatioildl resources, the "return" of ethnic Geririms, in spite of a lack of linguistic d i d c~lturaldifference, nas portrqed 111 positive light After all the nfi,,icdlri \\ere Germans not forelgnels, to recare them \\as an act of patllotlsm not just hunlan~t\ the\ n ere \oung m d h ~ evactl~ d the quallficatlons that n e l e needed, and the German population n a decre,wng, so that mcleasmg numbels of penslonels mould hale to be suppolted economlc,~ll\h a s h ~ n h ~ nolhfolce ng The T h l k ~ t i c c ~ t ~from i l ~ c ~Eatern Europe \\ere the ansnel the\ \\auld solle all the denlographlc problems ofWest Gelnlam (Rathzel 1990 40)
Thus, as 111 Japan, ethnic siiriildrity nas iin-oked as a rdtioildle for melcoimilg particular immigrmt group as means of easing deiriographic changes If, as the globdlizdtion model of labor migrdtion posits, a coiribiilation of market fxtors, politicdl factors a i d social fxtors lead to interilatioildl labor iriigration, the German and Japanese cases can be outlined as follov s (Figure 7). Seen this 1\37; an interdction of multiple factors brought about these immigr~tionflov s. the coiriplex interplay of iridrket related "push" factors, political and policy "pull"
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Table 13 Ethnic German Migration to West Germany: 1930-1994 1950-1934 1953-1939 1960-1964 1963-1969 1970-1974 1973-1979 1980-1984 1983-1989 1990-1994
18,491 60,598 17,037 26,196 20,780 46,122 48,709 147,964 238,201
Source: Bundesausgleichs~ilit,Info-Dienst Deutsche Aussiedler 1993.
Figure 7: Process of,-ir~sr~cdlci a i d X~kkclMigration nitllin Globdlization Model Market hctors Economic instability (Eastern/Central Europe,FSU) Hyper-inflation (Brazil) Unenlploynlent (Brazil) Global economic integration
Political Factors "Law of return" for nclssiciilcr (Germany) Loosening of emigration restrictions (Former Soviet bloc) Ilrmligration Control and Refugee Recognition Act ilikkri "side door" Qapan)
i I~ltermtionalMigration of niissicdlri. and iiikkr!iiil to Germany and Japan
+
I
Social Factors Ease of c o n l r n u ~ ~ i c a t i o n / t ~ i ~ - e l Creation ofT~insnationa1ethnic networks Establishnlent of social netxorks within "host" country
i Long-term settlement
fxtors favoring "co-ethnic" immigrant groups, and n e d y created social net\\-orks leads to the long-term settleirient of these ethnically similar minority groups. Yet, the ethnic siiriilarity of aurricdlcr iiriiriigrants, like that of r~ikkciBrazilians, m7as not accompanied in most cases with fmiiliarity with the Gerirran language a i d culture. Ethnic Gerirran communities in Europe a i d the Soviet Union varied in the extent to which they irraintained Gerirran traditions a i d linguistic profiCopyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
cietlcy. For example, though ethnic Gernlan cotntnunities in Rotlmlia nlaintained a strong sense of Gernlan identity and facility in the Gertlml language, etlmic Gertlmx from Poland and the S o ~ i e Union t do not display the same cultural and linguistic cllaracteristics (Kemper 1993: 261). The co~llpositionof tlle (z~~rricillcr. itntnigrant flow since the 19SOs has shifted to include more ethnic Gernlatls from former S o ~ i eterritories t and fewer from Poland and Ronlania (Figure S). In addition, ge~leratio~lal shifts lm-e occurred, with younger generations, particularly those i~ldividualsof mixed Gernlan and Polish or Russian parentage, less competent in the Gernlan language and less Eamiliar with Gertlml traditions and culture (Kemper 1993: Hofi~latln1994).As in the case of uikkci Brazilian nligration inmligra~ltssince the late 19SOs have been of to Japan, tlle bulk of the (z~~rricillcr. younger getlerations (Kemper 1993). As a result of these patterns, the etlmic Gertlml inlnligrants to Germmy in the 1980s and 1990s have entered Germany with a limited conmlatld of the Gernlan language and little cultural familiarity with Gertlml society. Figure 8: Ethnic Gertlml Inlnligratiotl to Gertlmly by Country of Origin: 1983-1994
Source: Bu~ldesausgleichs~tl~t 1993 Gertlml inlnligration law continued to allow ethnic Gernlan itntnigration into the 19905,but in response to the increased denland for (z~~rricillcr. entry status, the reyuiretnents for obtaining this status n-ere made more stringent. In particular, a pair of new lm-s-the Ethnic Gertlml Reception Law of 1991 and the WorldWx I1 Law of 1992-tightened tlle requirenlents for being considered for (z~~rricillci. status (Munz and Ulrich 1997: Ronge 1997: Hofil~a~ln 1991). Already in 1990, expecting co~iti~iuously large rlu~i~bers ofn~igrmts,the German go\wlilllerlt chmged its 1,w to m ~ k ei m ~ n i g r ~ t i oofn ethnic Germuis from the for~nerSoviet bloc more dificult n-ithout c11~1igingthe g e ~ i e r Jright of i~nmi-
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gration that is guaranteed by the Gernlan constitution for this special group. As a result, missictilrr\yere required to register before they could leal-e their countries of origin. Being granted German status has also become more difficult because it is now necessary to prove some degree of German ancestry (Hofi1la1111 1994: 12).
Nen legisldtion m7as also implemented 111 1993 to put into e f i c t a quota of 223,000 nucclcdlc~entries per year. this legisldtion rids conceived of as a irieans to a d j ~ l iiriiriigratioil ~t policy to German society's ability to absorb ddditioilal i i r i i r i i grants (Hdilbroimer, Martin, and Motomura 1997, Ronge 1997). These ilev restrictions, 111 addition to the iiripact of Geriridil re-unification and the comequent moveirient of East Geriridils to ~x-lldtnas once West Geririm); hale caused a decrease in the iluiriber of ar~ss~cdlc~ migrdtions to Germany.Yet those who hale already arrived face cldleilges similar to those ofmkkc~Brdzilians 111Japan, as ethi1icdlly similar d i d culturally different iiriiriigrants. How has the German state approached the problem of integration for this uilique group? H o n successiul has ar~ss~cdlc~ integration into Geriridn society been?
GERMAN POLICY One significant difference betn-eel1 Gerirran policy ton-ard ethnic Germans and Japanese policy ton-ard r~ikkcjjir~ is the official perception of these iiriirii,orants. While r~ikkcjjir~ in Japan do receive visa privileges, they are nonetheless officially treated as foreigners.The German policy stance, hon-ever, approaches armicdlcr not as foreigners, but as returning irieiribers of the German ethnic commuilit): As such, nr4ssicdlo autoirratically receive Gerirran citizenship and social a i d political rights. Because armicdlcr are not considered "foreigners," they are treated differently than guestworkers, ref~~gees, or asyluiri seekers. Aussicdlolc' autoirratic political irlclusion is coilsisteilt with this ethno-ilatioilal notion of iriembership and fxilitates the integration of nr4ssicdlo by making them equal members ofthe political coiriiri~~nity and valuable resources for political parties seeking additional votes (Faist 1991).As a group, ar4ssicdlcrl~avebeen courted by the CDU/CSU n-llich has sought to elriphasize the shared heritage of Germans a i d nr4ssicdlo a i d to differentiate these "returnees" from ethnically other (and politically more liberal) Political incorporation of ethnic Germans has remained almost undisputed. Underlying the conflict 01-er 1-oting rights for guestxorkers and the unquestioned incorporation of ethnic Germans has been a debate over the definition of the ethno-cultural concept of citizenship.The C D U and CSU used the symbolic politics of "return" or "assinlilation" of guestworkers to circunn-ent questions of political citizenship. To justifi- the exclusion of guestxorkers and inclusion of ethnic Gernlans, the C D U and CSU were able to draw upon Gernlan citizem ship law (Faist 1994:60).
This difference mith Japanese practice is significmt, as mkkcl Brazilians in Japan, though entering by virtue of iloiriiilal "lax of return," are treated upon entr7; as "foreigners" despite their irieiribership in the etlmic coiriiriLmity Likenise, mitllout a political loice (through eilhanchiseirient) or a political ally (in politicdl
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party or fxtion), m k k c ~Brazilians are ponerless to address the issues that iiripdct their integrdtion into Jdpmese society. This 1111s-iridtch betmeen the Iiriiriigration Lan's ratioide (as a "la\ of return") and tlle reality of the m k k c ~Brazilian experience 111 Japan re1 eals an iilconsistency nithill Japanese ideas about membership and citizensl~ipX k k c ~Brazilians reiridiil outsiders despite being irieiribers of the ethnic community. The Gerirran policy response to the influx of ethnic Gerirrails has been tn-ofold. Unlike Japan, in Germaily, both inz~rl$pior~ and i r ~ t q p i o rpolicies ~ have eirierged to irrailage the entry of this group of immigrants. Iiriiriigration policies set guidelines for adiriission and citizenship wl-hile integration policies define programs and initiatives available to and affecting immigrants once they have arrived. As discussed above, German immigration policy regarding armicdlcr treats this group not as iiriiriigrants, but as "returnees"-imiliigrI~tion l a w applying to armicdlcr include the Citizenship Law of 1913, the Expellee Lan- of 1933, Aursicdlo. Law of 1990 and World War I1 Lan- of 1992 (Munz and Ulrich 1997)'. in Japan, are treated as citizens and potenThese ethnic Gerirrails, unlike r~ikkcjjir~ tial residents from the time of their arrival. Gerirran i r ~ t q p i o rpolicies, ~ unlike immigration policies, address the rights and privileges of armicdlcr within Gerirran society and also delineate the respoilsibilities of the German state to ease the trailsition of this privileged group of immigrants into German society. The measures specified in German integration policies corlcerning nursicdlo include access to housing, education, pensions, and language training and are outlined in the Pension Law Integration Measures Law (Ei~~~qlicdcrr~~~~qrn~~pnrsctr~~qr~qcrctz), ( F r c ~ r ~ d r c ~ ~ t c r ~ ~ qand c s c t zHousing ) Lan- ((Ilbl~r~rnu~r~zr~~i~clrct~~~qc~ctz) (Munz and Ulrich 1997). Labor market
A ~ ~ r r i c i l 'in h . Germmy like uikkci Brazilians in Japan, are concentrated in unskilled jobs at tlle bottom tier of tlle labor market. A 1989 enlpirical study from the University of Gottinge11 reports that lon-er educatio~lal levels and a lack of to these jobs, but that "a key quesGertlml language ability restrict adult (z~~rricillcr. tion is whether these tendencies among (z~~rricillci. are likely to be reduced by political program aimed at integration.. . [i~lcluding]language and other courses" (Hofi~latm1994: 11). Likewise, Schmidt's 1994 study finds tlut Ethnic G e r m m i ~ n ~ i ~ i g r m 11.0t111 s Eastern Europe display; lox~erlevels of educdtion, lox~errdtes oiself-e1l1plo>-111e11t m d higher u~ien~ploy;n~erlt rates t h ~ n~ i ~ t i ~ e s . . . Si~nilarto foreign guest-n-orkers, Germlrl i m ~ i ~ i g r m tre s Inore likely to ~ v o r k in blue collx jobs; they do, h o ~ e v e reverltuJly; , r e ~ c hearnings parity \\-it11 11'1tive Ger~ilms(Schn~idt1994:1).
So, in terms of labor 11larket segmentation, the integration experience of (z~~rricillcr. in Germmy seems, on tlle surfice, to be quite similar to that of uikkci Brazilians in Japan. Both groups are concentrated at the lon-er etld of the labor nlarket in jobs shutlned by a sllrinking tlatirre population. Yet, one important difference are employed betn-een tlle tn-o groups' labor tl~arketexperiences is tlut (z~~rricillcr.
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directly by Gerirran coiripanies, n-ithout the iriediation of labor brokering corporations. As such, ar~sricdlcrworkers are paid directly by their eiriployers and do not run the risk, as do r ~ i k k c Brazilians i in Japan, of withheld \\-ages and restriction from insurance programs. I11 addition, because aurricdlcr are automatically granted German citizenship, they are entitled to unemployirient insurance a i d all of the same legal protections as ally other German citizens, including the right to organize and join labor unioils. Also, nursicdlcr, as Gerirran citizens, despite failing to "have.. .contributed to social insurailce furlds.. .are treated as ifthey had paid into these insurance schemes" (Faist 1991:61). Thus, though a similar pattern of labor market segirientation has emerged among aurricdlcr iiriiriigrants to Germany, this group's labor irrarket situation is actually much more secure than that of ~ l i k k c i Brazilians in Japan due to the clear application of equal social and political rights to them by virtue of their ethnic meiribership in German society This security is i in Japan because of the lack absent in the labor market activities o f r ~ i k k cBrazilians of concrete policy initiatives affirming the rights of ~ l i k k c iBrazilian n-orkers in Japan. S i k k c i Brazilians, unlike nr~rsicdlo.,exist in an ambiguous legal position as neither "real Japanese" nor "foreign" workers. Housing
Ethnic Gertlmx in Germmy are entitled to special assistance from local authorities in locating, securing, and paying for housing upon their arrival in Germany. Al~rricillcr.,upon entering Gertlmly are housed temporarily "by a central organization close to the eastern border.. .[where] they are registered and divided into categories.. . [and] then sent to the various Lander" (Faist and Haussertlmln 1996:92). ~CIT' needs are the responsibility of the local authorities Once there, ( Z I I ~ S ~ C ~ ~ho~ising and their needs are evaluated and addressed at this level. Coinpared to 1' 11 other groups, ethnic Germans are the most privileged group ill the housing nl'lrket. The>- receive special help froin housiiig ~ i i dsociJ ~ ~ - e l f x e ~uthoritiesill finding ~ ~ c c o ~ i l i n o d ~[~iid] ~ t i o r'Ire l immedi~~tely eligible for 'In ~ p ~ r t inelit ill the socid housing stock. Indeed, they have the highest priority. .-1~~.~sicii/cr C J I ~get access to ail 'lpartmerlt earlier t h ~ n l o c ~ families l n-ho h a ~ ebeell looking for housiiig for some y a r s (Faist m d Hausserinaiirl 1996: 88).
Thus, in terms of housing, t l m i ~ d l ~are i . a most prirrileged group, receiving this special treatment bcc(z11rc of their ethnic metllbersllip in Gernlan society. This is in contrast to the situation of r ~ i k k c iBrazilians n-110, despite tlleir ethnic ~nembership, are limited by restrictive policies, social discrinli~lationin the llousitlg market, and a lack of legal protection from discritnitlation to lirritlg primarily in public housing units or col~lpanydormitories, which have become as a result, ethnic etlclaxs tlut effectirrely isolate r ~ i k k c iBrazilians from "regular" Japanese. Al~rricillcr.,unlike r ~ i k k c j j i r have ~, not followed a pattern of residential segregatiot1.There does not appear to be a fortl~atiotlof ethnic ghettoes or enclaves populated by ethnic Gernlatls. Iii contrast to other inigraiit minorities, [n~~ssiciilci.] have not.. .de\doped their o ~ sociJ ~ n systems, iieither on the iiistitutioiiJ nor informal level of irlteractioii.
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To a large extent, they are lil-ing in isolated Omily groups. Outside contacts are fen- and extend only 1-ery gradually . . . A lack of contact x i t h members of the receil-ing society is not compensated for by increased contact with other m e n bers of the ill-migrant group (Hofimnn 1994: 14).
Though this situation of relative isolation is not ideal in terms of integration, it is a situation that does not foster social conflict betn-eel1 iriigrants and natives or the segregation of migrants as npmly froiri the ilative population. In this sense, the relative absence of residential segregation a i d ghettoization of ethnic Gerirrans indicates a more successf~dintegration process for nussicdlcr in Gerirrany than that of ~likkciBrazilians in Japan.This can be attributed in part to the special housiilg l a m (Il~~h~~,ar~i~zzct~~~clsct~~q~qcsctz) applying to ethnic Gerirrails. Perhaps the most significant aspect of Gerirraily's immigrant housing policies, and the most telling difference from the Japanese case, is the fact that this llousing policy clearly a i d uilairibiguously places the respoilsibility for immigrmt housing on local duthorities rather than relying on ad h c responses coiriing 4tc1 the arrival of immigrmts to the region.There is a coordirlation of policy betmeen the ildtioildl a i d state l e els ~ a i d a clear delegdtion of respoilsibilities regarding the integration of ethnic Germans in Geririmv.
Political Rights, Language, and Integration The most significant difference between the integration experiences of nussicdlo in Germany and ~likkciji~l in Japan is the political irlclusion a i d citizenship of ar~ssicd1cr"returilees"to Gerirraily. I11 the Gerirran case, partisan politics on the part of the C D U and CSU painted armicdlcr iiriiriigration as the joyful return of ethnic brothers a i d sisters and contrasted that joyiul return with the "iin-asion" of Germany by "foreign" guest\\-orkers, reiugees, and asyluiri seekers. The provisions for the entry of ethnic Gerirrans \\-ere portrayed and treated by these political parties, in terms of securing a i d protecting the rights ofaussicdlcr, as a "law ofreturn" rather than as siiriply a means to acquire additional labor. The integration of armicdlcr in Gerirrany has proceeded n-ithout appreciable conflict between ethnic Germans and ilatives due to both the "relatively positive attitudes on the part of the irldigenous population ton-ard an influx of seemingly 'similar' people" (Ronge 1997:117) a i d the iiripleirientation of far-sighted policies intended to ease the integration process of this particular group. Housing provisions preventing residential segregation, language training for both adults a i d children, labor irrarket rights and protections, and, most significantl~the political irlclusion a i d elriponerment of nussicdlcr all coiribine to facilitate smooth integration. The automatic right to citizeilship, political participation, and representation gives armicdlcr in Germany a irieasure of security and power uilavailable to ~likkci "returnees" to Japan. This is partly a result of the nature of the political discourse regarding these ethnically similar immigrant groups in each country; armicdlcr are perceived as Germans returning home, while ~likkciBrazilians are the least undesirable "foreigners" available to do "immigrant work." While ~likkciBrazilians in Japan are pon-erless in addressing probleiris of discriiriiilation at the workplace or
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in the housing market, disputes nit11 inteririediate companies, shortfalls in the education system, or other problems f
Japan
Germany
Yes No No
Yes No Possibly
Yes No No
Yes Yes Yes
Yes Voluntary groups Yes
Yes State run No
Clear15 for both of these groups of ethnicdlly similar iiriiriigrants, the lack of langudge proficieilcy is major obstacle to integrdtion The coiriposition of the immigrmt flov s of n ~ t u ~ c d land e ~ mkkc11111iilclude priirimly younger geilerdtioils xx ith little knov ledge of the langudge of their ethnic "homeland." W l d e Geriridn integration policies pro1 ide for lmguage trailling funded by the Federal Institute of Labor for ar4cclcdlc1 prior to their entry 111 the labor iridrket (Keiriper 1993 261), the Jdpmese go~ernmentpro1 ides little organized lmguage training for adult
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~ u k k e y relying ~ ~ , instedd on local duthorities or prirate organizations Likemise, ethnic German children h a e access to the same educational opportunities as ilatir e German children. I11 addition, the German educatioildl system is more flexible than the Japanese educdtioildl systeiri and has thirty years' experience in educating foreign born children Curriculd are in place for educdtiilg ethnic d i d language minorities in Geriridn schools As d result, in the Geriridn case there is little risk of ethnic Germans reiridiiling a language iriinority beyond the initial i i r i i r i i grant generation, as can be seen by considering the German educated children of former guestnorkers The Geriridil case shoms the positive integrdtion outcomes for ethnic Geriridils resulting from compreheilsn e d i d coi1sistent policy initiatn es aiiried at fditdtiilg integration d i d reducing the chance for social conflict. 0 1 1 the other h a d , the Japanese case highlights the negatir e rairiifications for integration resulting fioiri short-sighted d i d ~mcoordiilatediiriiriigrant policies In both ofthese "ethnic" citizenship regimes, the entry of etlmicdlly similar and culturdlly different "returnees" has l~ighlightedthe liimtatioils of ethno-ndtiondl notions of membership d i d coi~ii~i~~ility. Ethilicity alone is a poor deteririiilant of integration, even 111 "ethnic" citizeilship regimes. Indeed, certain contradictions xx ithin the German d i d Japanese experiences shon that in today's globalized interilatioilal coiriiriunit7; dtteiripts to iridiiltdiil purely ethnic criterid for iilclusion c d i l theiriselves potentially lead to coilflict betneen ildti~es,etlmicdlly different "oldc oiriers," d i d etllilicdlly siiriildr "IICTT coiners " The presence of guest\\ orkers 111 Germany, long-settled as residents a i d "sociologically" Geriridn (Kajita 1998), like the "sociologic~llyJapanese" (K.~jitd1998) Korean iriinority 111 Japan, raises questions regdrdiilg the requireirients of membership in these states While n r i c w d l o 111 Germany receive privileged tredtment 111 coiripdrison to the "sociologically Geririm" former guestnorkers, r u k k c ~ l l rin ~ Japan receir e treatirient coiriparable to that ofthe Korean iriinority 111Jdpm.Toda7; there are dpproxiiridtely 700,000 Korean residents in Japan, coilcentrated primarily 111 the Osaka d i d Kyho areas (Hicks 1997). Most of these members of the Korean iriinority in Japan are desceilddnts of Koreans n ho mere brought to Japan in the 1930s a i d 1910s (during Japanese colonial rule of Korea) as forced laborers. Though the xx x's end sax illany of these Korean laborers returning to their countr); large number reiridiiled in Jdpdil and no\\ selerdl generdtioils ofJdpanese born "Korems" live 111 Japan (Weiner 1998. Hicks 1997. Jo 1983) H,lring been stripped ofJdpanese citizenship in 1932, their legal status n-as uncertain until 1991, when they xere giren the status of "special permanent resident" under the "Special Law." Under this lanKoreans.. .are giren the most stable residential status, that is, they may be forced to l e a x only if they are sentenced to impriso~lmentfor life or longer than seven years and if the Ministry of Justice finds a serious inf?ingement of Japanese national interest (Hananli 1998: 222).
Despite this "stable" residentid1 status, Koreans in Japan have been excluded from f~d1integrdtion due to social d i d legal discriiriin~tion.Hicks describes the situation of Koreans 111 Japan as a form of dpartheid.
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The una\-oidable contacts that do occur between [Koreans and Japanese] in-oh-e tension, disdain, and discrimimtion. Effecti\-el?; Japan practices a type of apartheid, but unlike the former policies of South Africa, it is apartheid by dehult rather than plan. It is also almost in\-isible, not only to the outside w x l d but also to most Japanese themseh-es (Hicks 1997: 4).
The Korean 111111ority in Japan is, despite long term residence, separated from "mainstreairi" Japanese society Koreans in Japan are subject to discrimiilation 111 housing, employirient, and educdtion d i d are forced to either deny their culturdl identity d i d "pass" as Japanese or to reiridiil isolated d i d separate from Japanese society Yung-Hmdn Jo xx rites that The degree of discrimination and its most determimti\-e ingredients are not easily measurable. Racism, and the continuing colonial mentality and policies, are important ingredients, and they in turn are influenced by historical hostilities and the national psychological benefits of a scapegoat . . . the difficulty [Korean Japanese] ha\-e in finding secure jobs s t e m from racial discrimination [and because] their alien status is used as an excuse for refusing [them] . . . To ax-oid 7-arious forms of discrimination on the job and at school, [Korean@pmese] often hide the fact of their Korean ancestry by using a Japanese name to help them "pass."@pmese policy ton-ard [Korean Japanese] has been to reduce their n u n bers . . . and to compel the remaining [Korean Japanese] to become assimilated . . . [Tlhis policy delllands that the [Korean Japanese] abandon their ethnic, cultural, and linguistic characteristics and become merged x i t h the nujority Qo 1987: 142).
Social discrimin~tionagainst Korean residents of Japan has contributed to probleiris siiriilar to those non experienced by rukkcqlr~"returnees" to Japan Koreans I P L , do hale are routinely restricted froiri private rent& though, like I U ~ ~ C I Jthey access to public housing units based oil a~~dildbility (Hicks 1997). Likenise, 111 terms of eiriployment, Koreans in Japan " f x e both dc fncto and dc j u / c discriiriiilation" (Hicks 1997 2 0 ) ,mith Koreans restricted froiri certdin jobs because they do not hold oflicidl Japanese domicile certificates required for employirient (Hicks 1997) The issue of eiriployment is also closely tied, as in the m k k c ~case, nit11 that of educdtion. Jo reports that Koreans in Japan are undereiriployed partly as a result of discriiriirldtion a i d partly as a result of restriction within the education system (Jo 1987: 137).This is pdrtic~ldrlythe case for residents of North Korean origin who are, 111 iridily cases, educated at private North Korean "etlmic schools" (not approved by the Japanese go~ernment)but then are sel-erely discriiriindted against 111 the labor iridrket.Yet,those Korean children who do attend Japanese schools also f x e significant barriers to admission to Japanese high schools and uni\-ersities. Fourteen out of thirty-five high schools in Aichi Prefecture either refuse [Korea~l@panese]or use stiff entrance criteria against thenl. The excuses for such discrimimtory policy against the [Korean Japanese] include: (1) they tend to make trouble at school; (2) when that occurs, it tends to in-ite inter\-ention by the [Korean Japanese] orgallization: (3) their schools offer no ethnic education: and (4) it is too much of a
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headache for teachers to find places for [Korean Japanese] graduates in companies and at universities do 1987: 137).
The Korean iriinority 111Japan is thus, like the ilev m k k c ~Brdzilidn iriiilorit~;kept from integrdtiilg into Japanese society by both discrimin~torypolicies d i d negatile Japanese attitudes tonard "foreigners" In other words, Korems are excluded a i d discriiriinated against on the basis of their "non-Japanese blood" n hile w k k c ~ J I H are excluded and discriimildted against dcsp~tctheir "Jdpanese blood" The struggle for an expmsion of rights a i d iiriproveirieilt of tredtirient for the Korean iriinority 111Japan has been undertdken through both doiriestic a i d interilatioilal legal channels. O n the level of litigation n ithin the Japanese legal system, cases hale been brought by i i l d i ~ i d ~ Korems ~dl dgaiilst discriiriiilatory landlords, eiriployers, d i d co~mtryclubs (Hicks 1997). Perhaps more iiriportantl7; changes 111 Koreans' status in Japan have occurred as a result of the adoption by Japan ofvarious internatioilal coveilailts a i d coin-entioils. Namel7; Japan's ratification of the Interilatiorlal Coveilailt on Economic, Social, a i d Cultural Rights, the Coin-ention on the Eliiriiilation of All Foriris of Discrimillation Against Women, the Interilatioilal Covenant oil Civil and Political Rights, a i d the R e f ~ ~ g e e Coin-ention of 1982 have given the Korean minority in Japan a significant form of leverage in their quest for equality and ail end to discriiriiilatory practices (Gurowitz 1999; Hicks 197: Jo 1987). As a result of Japan's acceptance of these iilterildtioilal instruirients, Koreans in Japan have successf~~lly dchie~ed equal access to social security a i d health iilsurdilce (Hicks 1997) In addition, after heated protests by the Korean iriinority during the 1980s, the 1991 Special Lav abolished the controversidl policy of fingerprinting Korean residents for Alien Registration purposes. However, Jo maint~insthat In spite of some improx-ements, nlany elusive issues still face the Korean c o n munit\- in Japan. The recently achiex-ed equal status in access to social n-elhre benefits has not diminished the importance of delrlands for equal opportunities in higher education and employment. In addition, institutional reforms are necessary but insufficient conditions for reforming the racial consciousness of the older Japanese do 1987: 147).
If ~likkciji~land nursicdlo are granted special privileges by virtue of their ethnic meiribership yet are still expected to assiiriilate linguistically a i d culturall7; can the political exclusion of econoiriicall7; socially, a i d linguistically integrated ethnic "others" be justified! These contradictions betn-eel1 the logic of "ethnic" citizenship regimes d i d the logic ( d i d reality) of rights-baed illdustrid1 deinocrdcies are highlighted by the entry of "co-ethnic" immigrants to Geririmy d i d Japan The German response to these contradictioils has led to sigilificdilt cllmges 111 policies affecting other settled "foreign" minorities (especially foririer guestnorkers and their fairiilies), expailding their rights a i d easing the rlaturdlizdtion process In Japan, oil the other hand, most discussiorls of human rights 111 recent decades hale been led by iriembers of the resident Korean 111111ority regarding the practice of fingerprinting foreigners d i d the fight for local voting rights for foreigners. The
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addition of rl~kkclBrazilians to this discussion may lead to a similar expansion of 111111ority rights consistent mith chdilging iilterildtioildl human rights noriris.
NOTES 1. The end of World War I m d the coiicomitmt redra\-iiig of the borders of the Hoheiizollerrl and Hapsburg eii~piresled to the creation of ethiiic Gerinaii diasporas ill Eastern Europe, adding to Jre& existing Geriilarl d i ~ s p o r ~ills parts of Eastern Europe. The end of World War I1 san- the expulsioii of ethnic Germans froin Eastern Europeaii countries to parts of the Soviet Uiiioii, priinarily to Siberia '1s forced labor, reducing the size of these ethnic con~il~uiiities.While soine ii~eii~bers of these reii~~~iiiirlg ethiiic Gerii~aii coii~ii~urlities n-ere able to coiiceal their ethiiicity and p ~ s s1' s Poles, Rommims, or other Eastern Europe~liis,inail>-suffered h m h treatinerlt or discriii~iiiatioiion the bdsis of their ethnicity See Bdde 1990; Rorlge 1997: Munz m d Ulrich 1997. 2. Roiige q u e s t h ~ Geriilarl t policies perinittiiig the entry of ethiiic Gerii~msfroin Eastern Europe, Central Europe, and the former Soviet Urlioii ha-e beeii tredted by the t i o n but '1s "polic[ies] dddressirlg the Geriilm policy establishinerlt not '1s i i l ~ i i ~ i g r ~ ~policies coilsequelices of \\-a:" (Roiige 1997: 118).This is consistelit n-it11 the officiJ stance holdofiii1ii1igr~1tio11" and is quite siinilx to Jqaiiese efforts ing that Germmy is not 1' "co~i~ltry to ii~~~irltairl a siinilar stmce by opening "side doors" to ethiiic Japmese n-hile il~~~iiit~~iiiiiig 1 ' 11 official bail on the iinii~igr~~tioii of unskilled l'lbor. restrictions ill the Soviet Unioii '1s it cruii~bledill 3. In fact, the easing of eii~igr~~tiorl the late 1980s correspoiids directly to the increase ill the r x e of ethnic Geriilm iinii~igr'~tioii to Gerinaiiy fioii~those regions. Roiige argues that the looseiiiiig of (foriner) Soviet eii~igr~~tioii restrictions n-'1s the cause of lie\\- German restrictions on the iii~inigrxiorlof ethnic Gerinms. These chaiiges \ x r e iinpleinerlted in the e d y 1990s after several >-em of rising entries by ethiiic Geril~~liis, reachiiig almost 400,000 ,-l~r.r.siedlo. per >-exin 1989 and 1990. See Roiige 1997. 4 In addition, the issue of ethiiic Gerinaii iininigratioii \\-as used politically as a coiitrast to the issue of asyluin seekers. Asyluin seekers \\-ere portrayed by corlserrative pdrties in Gerii~my'1s 1' dr'liii oil the resources of the Geriilarl n-ebre stdte m d '1s 1' group prone to exploit the Gerinaii state's geiierosity. Like\\-ise, asylum seekers (and to some extent settled former guestn-orkers) \\-ere routiiiely depicted ill this context as foreign "iiinders," ste&ig a\\-a>-the resources of Gerinaii citizens. In this context, ethnic Gerii~msn-ere presented by Gerinm corlserratives as special Gerinaiis rather than as "foreigners." See F A 1994. 5. These ldter iinii~igr~~tioii policies \\-ere 'lctually atteii~ptsby the Gerinaii state to quietly liii~itthe rluiilber ofethiiic Gerinaii iininigraiits t>>-iii~posiiig1' quota systeii~.Tl~ese and ~ ~ iethnic ii adinissioiis \\-ithout other restrictions n-ere justified '1s a inems to i l ~ ~ ~ i i i tthe exceeding Gerin'liiy's "~~bsorptioii cap~city"(Roiige 1997:2). Faist ~ l s oq u e s t h ~ these t restrictioiis \ x r e kept quiet for political redsolis, particul~rly to inairltaiii the contrast betn-eel1 ethrlic~lly"legitiii~~~te" iii~inigr~liits (mr.r.siedlo)and "others" including refugees and ~ s y l u iseekers i~ d o s e c1'1iii1s oil the Geriilm ~velfarestate \\-ere seen by the CDU ~ i i dCSU '1s less d i d thaii siiililx claiins by ethiiic Gerii~ms.See F A 1994. 6 Muiiz and Ulrich cite sevxll isolated macks on olrssietller and describe perceptions '1s "foreign Gerii~ms." of n~~.uictl/ei Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
7. Under Japanese colonial rule, Koreans had a special type of Japanese ~lationality. Hon-el-er, after the Nationality Law is passed in Japan in 1950, ~lationalityxvas restricted only to those of@pmese parentage.Thus, x i t h the enactment of the 1952 Peace Treaty in which Japan gave up its colonial hold on Korea, Koreans lost their Japanese ~lationality. Hicks argues that "by depriving the Koreans of their Japanese ~lationalityJapan acted illegall?; inmlorallj; and unwisely . . . [since] the usual international practice allom indil-idual choice of natio~xilitywhen territorial changes occur" (Hicks 1997: 31).
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
CHAPTER 7
PROSPECTS AND IMPLICATIONS
The e d e n c e fi-0111the case of Latin A ~ ~ ~ e r i crlikkci a n itntnigration and settlement in Japan offers a utliyue opportunity to exanline the relative i ~ ~ ~ p o r t a nofc ek c tors, like ethnicit); culture, and language, widely tllougllt to affect the integration of immigrants. Wllile the co~lrretltio~lal n-isdom on the "deternli~mlts"of i m n grant integration suggests that etlmicity plays a prinlary role in facilitating itntnigrant integration in "etht~ic"citizet~sllipregimes like tlut of Japan, the research u~ldertakenhere suggests that other, less ascriptirre factors may play more important roles in fostering a peaceful integratirre process for i~mnigratltsin such enrrironnlents. In particular, this research suggests that though Japan need not, and n ~ a yn e x r , become a "country of immigration," it, like Germany, must acknon-ledge the existence of inlnligrant nlinorities li~lingas pertlmlent settlers within its borders and take appropriate institutiotlal measures to preT7etlt violence and social conflict and to promote cirric incorporation. The presence of izikkc(jiiz in Japan has had two basic effects. First, it has created a linguistic and cultural minority n-ithit1 Japanese society Though other such tninorities have long existed within Japan (Koreans, illegal inmligrants), the arrirral of the izikkcijiiz population nlarks the first time that an inlnligrant nli~loritygroup in Japan can lay claim to i?~c~/ibcrr/z& in the ethnic connnunity. A second result of the entry and settlement of izikkcijiiz in Japan is tlle acceleration of the "crisis" of tllulticulturalis~~l in Japan.Though tlle presence of this group is a result of policies based on the premise of a connection betn-een shared ethnicity and stnootll integration, tlle reality of cultural difference l~asled to tensions n-ithin tlle labor market, educatiotlal system, housing market, and other social service spheres.The 11011integration of r/ikkcjjir/ may lead to further social conflict and the entre~~chnletlt of a culturally defined underclass. O n a more abstract level, the entry and settlement of r/ikkcjjir/ since tlle creation of legal "side doors" facilitating their entry and employnlent in Japan l~asled to a theoretical and practical diletntlu concerning the ~latureand requirenlents of tl~e~nbership in Japanese society. Wllile Japanese "blood" has traditio~lallybeen
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
considered the only areilue of meiribership a i d citizenship in Japanese society, thus excludiilg the resident Korean iriinority, the nexr presence of group of 1111g~mticdllyand culturally "other" c t h ~ Japanese c has cldlenged this basic premise of the Japanese "ethnic" citizeilship regime What does it iriedil to be Japanese? Are linguistic and cultural integration iilto Japanese society more or less relevmt than ethnic siiriildrity 111 today's "globdlized" interildtioildl enr-iroilment? The research presented here highlights these d i d other coiltrddictiorls betr~een Japanese I ~ I I ~ I I I ~ I policies ~ ~ I O H a i d I ~ I I I I I I ~ policies I ~ P ~ ~ While the 1990 Iiriiriigratioil Control d i d R e f ~ ~ g eRecognition e Act mas based oil the logic of jut t n ~ ~ g u ~ m c , Japanese domestic policies regarding these "ethnic immigr~nts"effectir ely isolate w k k e y ~fioiri Japanese society and reillforce their status as "outsiders "This contradiction can be seen as result of the lack of coordiilation 111 Japanese politics betnee11 the level of "syiribolic politics" (Edeliridn 1964) d i d "prdcticdl politics " While the realiri of"syiribo1ic politics" iilcludes nation's ideas ofmembership and culture, the lerel of"prdcticd1 politics" ii1r701~esthe day-to-day issues affected by e yJapm.This ~ irlcludes educdtion, housing, labor iridrket, the iriigration o f ~ l ~ k k to a i d insurance issues. This study reveals a f~~ildairieiltdl contrddiction betmeen the Japanese gorernment's official tredtirient of I L I ~ ~ C Z / IasH "ethnic returnees" (rather than labor iriigrants) 111 immigrdtion policy and their actual treatment, once 111 Japan, as residents and workers. Pdradoxicdll~~ l l k k e yare ~ treated as "irieiribers" of Japanese society until the point that they enter Japanese territory.
ETHNICITY, LANGUAGE, A N D CULTURE Japan's 1990 Itntnigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act opened a "side door" to r~ikkcjjir~ simply by virtue of their etlmicity.Tl1e policy constructed within the logic of the Japanese "ethnic" citizenship regime, n-as adopted based on the assu~nptionthat sllared etlmicity would guarantee smooth integration. In other words, the policy tl~akersequated etlmicity with other fi~ctorssuch as language and culture. According to Tsuda, R a i l 1 descent is the priinary; basis for the definitioii of Jqarlese ethnic identity because of 1' 11 ~inderlyiiigJ~paiieseethnic assu~ilptiontlut correlates race ~ i t h culture. Iii other n-ords, those ~ - h oare r'lcially Jqaiiese (i.e. o f J ~ p ~ i i e descent) se 'Ire assumed to be culturJly;J ~ p ~ i i e 1s' se n-ell ( T s u d ~1999: 11).
Though this ideological argument n ~ a yluve created a politically acceptable c o n promise solution to the problem of the detlmld for utlskilled labor in Japan, in practice, as this research illustrates, it l~asproven to be a radical miscalculation. Factors otller tlml etlmicity particularly language and cultural differences, stand in the way of the smooth integration of this group. In reality, neither native Japanese nor r~ikkcjjir~ tllenlselves consider ~zikkciji~z to "benJapanese. From the perspectiye of m m y of the r~ikkciBrazilians intervien-ed for this study, socialization in Brazil, despite Japanese "blood," tl~akesthem more "Brazilian" in character and identity than "Japanese." In their patterns of social behavior, values, and nlindset, these ethnic Japanese "returnees" expressed feelings of separateness and isolation from Japanese society: none of those intervien-ed
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
described ail identific~tionn it11 their Japanese "ethnic identity" either in Brazil or upon their "return" to Jdpm. 011 the contrdr); man); like this second generation m k k c ~Brdzilidn respoildent, described an anareness thdt as rukkcl Brdzilidils, they possess a xx orldviev entirely different tlldil that of ilatir e Jdpmese Inside my home, growing up, we ah-ays spoke Japanese and had Japanese food and culture. But, since I came to Japan, I did not fit in so easily. I think this is because I h a x a different n-ay of thinking. AS you v m ~ ~ expect, ld the culture is different. Sociologically speaking, it is completely different ev31 though I am ethnically the same.'
Likev ise, native Japanese do not tlliilk of or treat rukkclllr~as Japanese, as can be e\idenced by the discriiriination, especially mithin the housiilg iridrket, against w k k e y ~X l k k c y ~are routinely denied access to prirate dpdrtinent rentdls and are resideiltidlly segregated d i d efictively isolated fro111 Japanese society Likenise, at the n-orkplace, r~ikkcjjir~ priirrarily work in groups of other r~ikkcjjir~ and have little interaction nit11 native Japanese: this isolation o f r ~ i k k c j j i ris~ attributed priirrarily to the language barrier betn-eel1 native a i d ethnic Japanese. Despite their ethnic sinilarity, ~likkciji~l are still considered "foreigners" in Japan due to linguistic and cultural differences. Successiul integration of this group into Japanese society xx 111 be highly uillikely if these differences contiilue to be ignored The most basic requirement of immigrmt integration is the dbility to coiriiriunicate xx ithin the host society. mitllout thdt dbility sepdration and/or isoldtion of the iiriiriigrant group is likely. Langudge trailling for rukkclllr~,currently a~aildblepriirimly fioiri private or ~0111111~111ityorganizatioils, is necessity d i d s110~1ldbe proirioted fioiri the highest go1 erilirient l e el. ~ The German exairiple is instructir e, ar4c clcdlc~n itllout Geriridil language dbility are provided by the federal go1 ernment xx ith langudge trdiiliilg p1101 to their entry into the labor force (Kemper 1993.261) The issue of linguistic integration is closely tied to iridily other issue areas. For instance, 111 the Japanese labor market, rukkclllr~ are dependent oil intermediate coiripdilies for eiriployment, xx ages, d i d benefits As a result, m k k c ~xx orkers are kept isolated as group xx itlliil coiripmies and have little opportunity or need to learn Jdpanese. A siiriilar structural fxtor, the restrictir e housing sit~dtionfor mkkc11111 111 Japan, keeps rukkclllr~, as a group, resideiltidlly segregated nithin certdin public housiilg developirients. Their residential segregation reduces the urgency of their need to learn Japanese and contributes to their nail-iilcorporatioi~. Liken ise, as n 111 be discussed belom, the Jdpmese educatiorlal systeiri must adapt to the reality of its "iilterildtioil~lization" by pro1 idiilg adequate curricula d i d iilstruction to 11011-Japmese c11ildre11. The status quo keeps rukkcl children from gdiiliilg a full mritteil and verbal understanding of Japanese and thus prelents their coiriplete integration into Japanese society by deilying their1 access to the full range of secondary d i d higher education Though lmguage instruction d i d training can help allevidte coilflicts thdt stem from linguistic nail-iilcorpor~tioil, culturdl diiiereilces must be treated differently. Japanese "interil~tioil~lizatioil" does not appear to have progressed to the point at
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
which cultural diiiereilce is acceptable.Thougl1 on the level of"syiribo1ic politics," Japan has elribraced the ideas of "interilatioilalization" a i d "globalization," on the level of"practica1 politics," the expectation of either conzplctc assimilation or separation persists. For instance, though multiple generations of ethnic Koreans have lived in Japan since after the second World War, irrany have adopted Japanese names and kept their Korean heritage secret in an attempt to avoid discriiriination and "pass" as Japanese (Guron-itz 1999; Kajita 1998). O n the other haid, Koreans in Japan who cling to their Korean cultural identity and traits "have long been excluded from the priirrary labor irrarket through social a i d economic discriiriination, and as a result opened their on-11businesses and ethnic-oriented enterprises . . . These business activities have . . . hardened their relative separation from Japanese" (Kajita 1998:132). Only hirly recently has their been any moveirient within Japanese official circles to address the situation of the Korean minority in Japan, with discussioils in some areas of granting local voting rights to Korean residents (Gurowitz 1999: Kajita 1998). Likewise, the experience of the nem7 l-~ikkci Brazilian population in Japan reveals an overall acculturation pattern tending ton-ard either separatioil/segregatioil or assiiriilation according to Berry's (1997) multidimeilsioilal framen-ork. In other words, r ~ i k k c iBrazilians c m irraintain their Brazilian identity and characteristics in Japan, but by doing so often cut off relationships n-ith Japanese society Hon-ever, by abandoning their Brazilian identity and adopting the values and custoiris of Japanese society, r ~ i k k c iBrazilians have a greater likelihood of success in Japan.Thus, despite noiriirlal "iriembership" in the Japanese ethnic community, ~ l i k k c i j i in ~ l Japan iriust adapt to Japanese society either by abarldoning their Brazilian linguistic a i d cultural characteristics or, as is more typical, by remaining separate fioiri Japanese society. X i k k c i Brazilians in Japan are treated as "foreigners" despite their ethnic ties to Japan and, as a result, are subject to the exclusion and discrimillation borne of Japanese attitudes ton-ard foreigners.
IMMIGRANT A N D IMMIGRATION POLICY A\7ikkcjjir/ in Japan are limited in their adaptirre strategies as a result of both structural and itldlrridual level hctors. The most significant obstacle to the integration of this immigrant group is the wide gap betn-eenJapanese inlnligration and i m n grant policy. The "izikkcijiiz provision" of the Inlnligratiotl Control and Refugee Recognition Act, though franled as a "lan- of return" is, in reality only a "side door" opened in order to secure cheap "foreign" labor for unskilled work in Japan. A\7ikkcjjir/ are culturally and linguistically foreign to Japan and tlleir ethnic similarity does not necessarily ease their integration into Japanese society Thus, izikkcijiiz, once admitted to Japan, face similar integratirre cldletlges to those of other foreigners in Japan The cllallenges faced by r/ikkcjjir/ in their effort to adapt to Japanese society highlight the general hctors and processes that affect the integration of inlnligrants in Japan and point to certain structural obstacles to smooth integration, particularly the fragtnetmtiotl betn-een itntnigration policy that admits izikkcijiiz as "ethnic returnees" and inlnligrant policies based on the view that r/ikkcjjir/ are no more
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
than teiriporary labor iriigrants. The 1990 change in immigration policy m7as accompanied by few significant policy changes in immigrant policy.The Japanese policy establishment Giled to adapt Japanese social irlstitutioils to the reality ofthe entry and subsequent settleirient of ~likkciji~l in Japan.This f<~ilure can be attributed to Japanese cultural attitudes regarding foreigners as separate and iixpable of adapting to Japanese society.These cultural attitudes are reflected in the uncoordinated a i d ineffective policy response by the Japanese governirient to the entry and settleirient of a significant iiriiriigrant population. The absence of institutiorlal adaptation to the reality of a legally admitted, cultural a i d linguistic iriinority within Japan has contributed to the poor integration of this group, despite their ethnic similarity. The fears of sakoku proponents-of social conflict a i d the creation of a foreign underclass-are being realized, not because of the prcscm-c of ~likkciji~l, but because of the uilcoordinated response, on the part of Japanese doiriestic iilstitutions, to the change in immigration policy. In particular, institutiorlal responses in the areas of housing policy a i d educational policy have been inadequate to fxilitate the integration of ~likkciji~l. As a result of the gap betn-eel1 the change in iiriiriigration policy a i d the response within Japanese social and legal institutions, r~ikkcjjir~ are effectively kept residentially segregated fioiri Japanese society.This separation has contributed to the creation of ethnic eilclaves, like Homi Danchi in Toyota city, n-here r~ikkciBrazilians live isolated fro111Japanese s0ciety.A~discussed above, linguistic irlcorporation and the ability to coiriiriunicate in the language of the host society are f ~ ~ i ~ d a m e n t a l imperatives for integration, particularly in relatively hoiriogeneous "ethnic" citizenship regimes like Japan; the isolation of immigrants in such ethnic eilclaves is a niajor barrier to linguistic illcorporation as iiriiriigrants witllin eilclaves can survive n-ithout learning the host language. This has proven to be the case for many ~likkciBrazilians in Japan, particularly the most recent arrirds who are automatically inserted into a "Brazilian" world within Japan. The lack of access for iiriiriigrants to the private housiilg market, coiribined nit11 restrictive housing rules and social discrimination, leaves ~likkciji~l with few llousing options other than public housing deoelopirients or coiripany dorms populated priirrarily by other r~ikkcjjir~. In addition,Japanese law does not protect foreigners, even ~likkciji~l, from racial (or cultural) discriiriination. Xikkcijir~are foreigners in the eyes ofthe law and, as such, are vulnerable to such discriiriiilation based on negative attitudes toward foreigners in general and r~ikkciBrazilians in particular. These prejudices and stereotypes have an especially deleterious effect on ~likkciji~l integration as they are translated in terms of housing options. This physical into the physical isolation of r~ikkcjjir~ isolation is the first stage of a negative integration cycle-residential segregation leads to linguistic ilon-incorporati011 which in turn leads to further negative images of r~ikkciBrazilians. Perhaps most significantl~the research presented here uilderscores the need for educational policy and iilstitutioils to rapidly adapt to changes in iiriiriigration policy Here again, linguistic irlcorporation emerges as the primary concern. The entry o f r ~ i k k cBrazilian i children into the Japanese public school systeiri irrakes eoident the f~~i~damental diiiereilces between the tn-o groups in spite of their shared Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
etlmicity. The niyth of shared ethilicity guarding against conflict cruiribles 111 the f x e of the inability to coiriiriLmicdte in coiriirion langudge In particular, language trailling a i d education emerge ds key deteririinants of immigrmt integration 111Japan Ethnicit); it seeiris, matters much less than linguistic coiripdtibi1ity.A~ a result, the Japanese educatioildl system iriust adapt to the existence ofthis minority group if I U ~ ~ C I J I Hare to integrdte sirioothly into Japanese society. A l k k c ~ Brdzilidn cllildren are currently receiving instruction from teachers xx ho, despite their concern d i d eilth~~siasin for teaching interilatioilal students, are limited by lack of trailling, resources, and s ~ p p o r fioiri t tlle Ministry of Ed~cdtioilStudents are taught n ithout a coordinated curriculuiri by teachers d i d T olunteers xx it11 no experience or trdiiliilg TT it11 the iriethods d i d theories of biliilg~~dl or multicultural educdtion As r e s ~ l tof tlle lack of resources directed tonard the creation of adequate progrmis for non-Japanese speaking students, m k k c ~Brazilian children fd1 behiild not only in Japanese langudge ability, but also 111 other subjects that are taught in Jdpanese. This leaves theiri, as a group, xx ith fev options beyond the j~miorhigh school level in Japan, ledding to the decision dmong many young m k k c ~ Brazilians to take lov-le~eljobs similar to those held by their parents 111 Japan Thus, the f d u r e ofJdpmese educdtioildl policy to adapt to the chmges brought about by immigrdtion policy are contributiilg to the possibility of long-term labor iridrket segirientdtion, mith rukkcl Brdzilidils coilcentrdted at the lomest le~elsof the labor iridrket.The f e m ofboth tnkokri a i d k a ~ k o k uproponents regarding the creation of ail uilderclm, increases in crime, a i d social conflict xx 111 be realized unless the educdtion systeiri morks to promote equality betneen ilatires d i d iiliiliigrdnts and facilitates the linguistic and social integration of 111111ority groups. Without appropriate adaptdtion of the educatiorlal system, permanent labor iridrket segmentation, and the entrenchment of a culturally defined urlderclass n 111 surely follov IH tlle Japanese labor Also, the nature of the iilcorpordtion of I I ~ ~ ~ C I J into market 1 ~ proven s to be sigilificdnt obstacle to integrdtion A l k k c ~Brazilians' illdirect eiriployirient \la inteririedidte coiripdilies d i d labor brokers has led to their margiidization ~ ~ i t l l ithe i l labor iridrket as me11 as nithin certain socidl service spheres X k k c l Brazilians, uillike actcclcdlc~in Geririm); are ~ulnerdbleto exploitdtion at the hands of their noiriirlal eiriployers, the hnkcr~gnltha. Withheld \\ages, uncertainty d b o ~ the t terms of employirient, and spotty access to insurdilce coverage are all effects of ail d i l i b i g ~ ~ osysteiri ~s of illdirect eiriployment of m k k c ~ Brdzilidn iiriiriigrants 111 Japan. This "systeiri" keeps rukkcl Brazilian morkers in sit~dtionof insecurity and reduces their capacity to settle into the larger community The unequal pomer relationship betneen m k k c ~Brazilians and hnkc~lgnltha reduces m k k c ~Brazilians' control o ~ e their r In es 111Japan d i d f ~ ~ r t hisoldtes er them from Jdpmese society, as they reiridiil 111 lomer level jobs iilcreasingly perceived as "immigr~ntnork," are surrouilded aliriost exclusnely by other rukkcl Brdzilidn xx orkers, d i d have little interdction xx it11 ilatir e Japanese co-n orkers.
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
MULTICULTURALISM IN JAPAN? This case highlights the dileiriirids of i~iulticulturalisi~iin "ethnic" citizeilship regimes like Jdpm. The dynairiics of globdlizdtion, iilterildtioildl econoiriic integration, d i d the internatiorlal iriigration of labor challenge the long-stmding def111Japan The iiriiriigration and illitlolls ofilieilibers11ip 111 tlle ildtioildl coiriiri~~ility settleirient of Latin Ainericdil rukkclllr~in Jdpdil brings to the surfxe the probleiriatic practical and theoretical aspects of maint~iningail ethno-cultural definition of meiribership and citizenship 111 globalized iilterildtioilal systeiri chardcterized by a rights-based noriridtive frairiemork It also highlights the f~~rldairientdl "deteririiilants" of immigr~ntiiltegratioil-linguistic incorporation, educdtiorlal iilfidstr~~cture, d i d coordinated iiliiliigrdilt and iiriiriigration policy. It is iilcremngly difficult, gn en chdilging nornis ofiilterilatioilal human rights, for nation-states to restrict the rights of certain groups based on racial or ethnic characteristics alone (Guron-itz 1999: Hollifield 1992). In this case, the Japanese goverilirieilt places r~ikkcjjir~ in an impossible position vis-l-vis integration. 0 1 1 the one hand, the official Japanese claiiri is that foreigners can never be "Japanese" and that rukkclllr~are permitted entry bccmtc oftheir "ethnic iriembership."But, oil the other hand, once in Japan, elen ~ u k k c are y ~ to becoirie "as Japanese as possible" (e g. lmguage, social rules, etc.) or to remain separate fioiri the broader Japanese society. Home\ er, this expectation of complete ~ssimilationor ' ~ a p ~ i l i z ~ t i ois nat" odds \\-it11 the values of cultural diversity a i d the maintenance of authentic cultural identity d l i c h are iilcreasingly seen as rights in other advanced illdustrial democracies (Gurowitz 1999: Glazer 1998: Barbieri 1998; Brubaker 1992; Hollifield 1992). In addition, these expectations go against internatiorlal treaties a i d agreements agreed to by Japan in its efforts to becoirie more "intern~tional" player Japan is signatory not only to the Coin-ention on the Elimiil~tionof Racial Discrii~iiilatioi~, but also the Interrlatioilal Covenant on Econoiriic, Social, a i d Culturdl Rights and the Iilterildtioildl Covenant oil C i ~ ial i d Politicdl Rights. Guron-itz argues that debates over internatio~lalizationhave cchanged the context in which ilrmligrants are discussed . . . and they have empo\~erednew actors to contest and challenge state identity and policy with an arsenal of international norms that \ ~ o u l dnot be useful if the go\-ernment were not already highly sensitive to international criticism (Guron-itz 1999: 443).
Indeed, as the Hairimiatsu court victory under ~ r ~ t c ~ r ~ a t laul ~ o r ~for a l Brdzilidn ~xoiliai~ deirioilstrdtes, iilterildtioildl legal standards and agreeirients i r i q becoirie the most sigilificmt battlefield on \T hich the rights of ~ u k k c 1y11~Japan are contested 'As result of the entry of rukkcl Brdzilims, Japan has been coilfionted \\ ith a "crisis of iriulticulturalisi~i"111 that it iriust reconcile traditiondl Japanese ideas of ethnic membership mith the reality of large pop~ldtionof culturally different "co-ethnics" d i d clldilgiilg iilterilatioilal expectdtioils regarding tlle rights and tredtirient of such iriinority groups. What does i~iulticulturalisi~imean in Japan d i d other "ethnic" citizeilship regimes? Like Germany, Japan does not perceive itself as "country ofiiriiriigra-
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
tion." However, the increase in the nuiriber of foreigners-both legally a i d illegally admitted-in both nations has proiripted a re-thinking of questions of meiribership and the rights and responsibilities of"members" that irrq. have previously been taken for granted. In the German case, the entry of armicdlcr, with their special privileges based on ethnic irieiribership, has revealed the difficulty of restricting linguistically and socially integrated "foreigners" fioiri civic a i d social rights and iriembership. As a result, rlaturalization laws for settled former guestworkers and their descerldents have been liberalized (Faist 1991).Though in the Japanese case, such action has yet to be taken, the entry and settlement ofr~ikkcjjir~ and their fmiilies has set up a dilemma vis-l-vis the linguistically and socially incorporated Korean iriinority in Japan. If appropriate policy measures, particularly in terms of political rights and inclusion, are taken to facilitate the integration of r~ikkcjjir~ "ethnic" returnees in Japan, d l they also apply to the "sociologically Japanese" (Kajita 1998:120) Korean minority! Liken-ise,if Koreans in Japan are granted local voting rights, will those rights apply to ~likkciji~l as well! Though Japan may never becoirie a "country of immigration" according to the model of the United States, Canada, or Australia, the presence of a sigilificant number ofiiriiriigrants within its borders necessitates the creation a i d iiripleirientation of viable immigrant policies that \\-ill proiriote the integration of iiriiriigrants and prevent violence, social conflict, and fiagirientation. The research presented here suggests several key areas that must be addressed n-hen considering models of immigrant integration for ''ethnic" citizeilship regimes like Japan. Foreiriost airlong these is the question of education; clear15 educational systems must adapt to the presence of linguistic, ethnic, or cultural minorities in order to proiriote linguistic incorporation, equal access to equal educational opportunities, and to allon- second generation occupational mobility.The failure to adapt educational infiastructure d l likely result in the creation of an entreilched iriinority uilderclass, the stigmatization of iiriiriigrants, and the possibility of social conflict. In addition, this research suggests that language, more than ethnicity, plays the most significant role in facilitating the integration of immigrants. Both a n-illiilgness on the part ofiiriiriigrants to learn the language of the host society a i d the opportunity a i d educational illhastructure to provide that irlstruction make up a significant part of the "social contract" (Weiner 1996:52) between iiriiriigrants and host societies; n-ithout both parts ofthat "social contract" siriooth integration is unlikely Liken-ise, another part of the "social contract'' between iiriiriigrants and host societies that is relevant to the creation of a viable integration iriodel is that of housing policy The coilcentration of iiriiriigrants in particular areas is a hiildrailce to integration and leads to physical and social isolation from the host society. Without housing policies that prevent residential segregation, even of ethnically siiriilar immigrants, this separation d l persist and continue to prevent integration even if language proficiency is achieved; Gerirran housing policies for nursicdlo provide a usef~dmodel for Japan. Another critical area for consideration is that of political rights for resident "foreigners." The lack of political rights for ethnic Japanese in Japan is a significant difference fiom the case of ethnic Gerirran "returnees" to Gerirraily While armicdlcr in Gerirrany are granted autoirratic citiCopyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
zenship by virtue o f a strict coiriiriitirient to the logic ofjris snr~gui~is, ~likkcjjir~ in Japan have neither the protection of Japanese citizenship nor the benefit of political representation. This lack of political rights is both alienating a i d irlcoilsistent with the use, by the Japanese goverilirient, of ethnic criteria to sanction the entry of this group.
POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS Beyond these general ideas, the research undertaken and presented here suggests several specific policy r e c o ~ ~ l ~ ~ l e t l d aBased t i o ~ ~on s . this observation and a~lalysisof the case of rlikkci Brazilians in Aiclli prefecture, it is apparent that certain institutional and etlviro~ltnetmlfactors have contributed to the no11-integration, thus h r , of this group. While probletns of prejudice and discritnination n ~ a ybest be sol\-ed at the itldlrridual level and tllrougll perso~lal contact n-it11 "others," structural itnpedinletlts to the integration of this group can be addressed by policy measures. The follon-ing policy r e c o t ~ ~ t ~ ~ e ~ ~ daim a t i to o t ~address s some of the structural itnpedinletlts to the integration of izikkcijiiz in Japanese society Adult lmguage trdirlirlg prior to eii~ployinerlt:As ill the case of n~~z.sicd/cr \\-orkers ill Geril~aiiy;,rlikke(iiil should receix-e lxlsic larlgudge traiiiiiig '1s 1' prerequisite to their entry into the labor market. This iileasure is ~ppropridte to "ethnic" citizeiiship regiines like Gerin'liiy m d Japm m d the d o p tioii of such 1' policy ~ o u l dserve to reduce the PO\\-erofthe 11okei1gnisllo as \\-ell as to bring iininigraiit policy inore in line \\-it11 the stated goals of the 1990 iii~ii~igr~~tiorl policy Iii other n-ords, providing lmguage tr'~iiiirlg to rlikkcjiirl "returnees" to J ~ p a i n-ould i indicate 1' shifi in their tredtinerlt fioin siinpl>-"side door" unskilled ldborers to true ethnic "returiiees." Regulxiorl of Hnkcrl Gnislln: In ail effort to reduce the rulnerability of rlikkcjiirl n-orkers in Jqarl, l ~ k c r gnis11n l (iiitermediate labor brokering c o n pmies) should be regulated by the cerltrJ gox7errlmerlt.Though the 11okerl ,qoisIlo system of indirect einployinerlt I~IJ>-provide the inost efficient and cost effkctix-e inethod ofsupplyiiig uiiskilled ldbor to J~paiieseindustry;,it has becoine a sigrlificmt obstacle to the irltegratioii of this group.70 m~eliorate this situxiorl, 11okei1gnisllo should be held '~ccourltableby the Jqarlese goveriiinerlt for the fiir p,lyiileiit of their foreigii ~vorkersm d their erlrollil~eiit in both n-orkers' coil~perls~tiorl m d h e ~ l t hinsurance prograins ~ i t h i rJ~paii. l Violdtirlg coil~paiiiesmust be restricted fioin f~irthereil~ployii~eiit offoreigii ~wrkers. Strict enforcemelit of local l a m ~ i i dregulatioiis: Both iixix-e J~paiieseand foreigii violators of l o c ~ 1l ~ m~d regulatioiis s (e.g. household g'lrtuge disp o s ~ rules, l pnkiiig regulatioiis) should be coiisisteiitly puiiished. The clear ~pplicatioiiof penalties and fines for such ~ i o l ~ ~ t i oinust r l s replax the 11011eiiforceinerlt of rio1'1tiorls of local policies; continued rlorl-erlforceil~eiit coiltributes to coiiflict oil the local level bet~werl11'1tive ~ i i dforeign residents as \\-ell as 1' reinforceii~eiitof negative iii~dgesof foreigners.
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Creation of bilingual curriculum for public schools/T~iiningof bilingual teachers: The Japanese educational system must adapt to the presence of non-Japanese speaking students. This adaptation must be spearheaded and managed f h 1 1 the highest lei-els \ ~ i t h i nthe national Ministry of Education rather than being addressed in a piece-meal nlanner at the local or school lei-el. Though non-Japanese speaking students may be concentrated only in certain geographical areas, their instruction should be ev31 and coordinated and afforded the benefit of the support of the national educational infiastructure. Namely an appropriate system of bilingual education should be dex-eloped, aimed at keeping non-~xitix-espeakers of Japanese on par n-ith native Jlapanese students in all subjects \ ~ h i l ealso adnncing in their Japanese reading, \~riting,and speaking ability. Because of the f~mdamentaldifferences between the Japanese language and Portuguese, especially in reading and \~riting,a strict adherence to any particular language model \ d l be difficult, but teachers of intermtiom1 students should be trained in the methods and techniques of bilingual education. A curriculum for non-Japanese speaking students must be dex-eloped and aimed at proriding intensi\-e Japanese language instruction while adopting the techniques of the nrious language models to a\-oid the loss of content material in other subjects. Adoption of No11-discrinlinatim policies in the housing market: .\ikkr!ii~i and other foreign residents of Japan should be protected by la\^ from discrimination based on cultural background. Restriction of ilikkr!iiil to certain areas and types of housing has contributed to the isolation of this group and their imbility to integrate snloothly into Japanese society. To correct this problem and hcilitate integration, lm-s guaranteeing equal treatment of foreign residents should be adopted: the rights of foreigners must be a c t i d y protected in the la^. In a11 additional effort to incorporate ~iikkc!ji~iinto the pril-ate housing nlarket, a 1-oucher system should be established l hereby ~iikkc!ji~iare issued x-ouchers from national and/or local go\-ernment authorities to be used in the acquisition of private rental accommodations. This system would be similar to the "Section 8" housing policies in the United States, and landlords Oiling to honor these 1-ouchers \ ~ o u l dbe cited and fined. Japanese domestic l n ~ sregarding the (hunlan) rights of foreigners must come into agreement n-ith international treaties agreed to by Japan concerning hunlan rights on an international l e d . Similar non-discrimi~xition policies should be enacted to ensure equal access to medical care for foreigners. Political incorporation of foreigners: Sikkr!jiil, as well as Koreans and other legally resident minority groups in Japan, should be granted some measure of political rights. While the logic of j i s snipliilis (and the eximple of Gernlan policy to\vard missiciilcr) suggests the propriety of granting automatic citizenship and political rights to ilikkr!jiil in light of their ethnic menlbership in Japanese society at the 1-ery least, ~iikkc!ji~iand other legal foreign residents should be granted the right to vote in local elections. Furthermore, obstacles to the citizenship and full political incorporation of subsequent generations of ~iikkc!iiil "returnees" should be eliminated. In other words, the children of i~ikkr!ji~i\ ~ h oare born and raised in Japan by
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
ilmnigrant parents should ha\-e the opportunity to become@pmese citizens. These changes \ d l facilitate the integration of this group by gi\-ing ilikkrijili a measure of political power and 1-oice in the political process.
The adoption of such policies will reduce the physical, psychological, and political isolation of ~likkciji~l "returnees" to Japan aild promote the integration of this group. Without the appropriate institutioilal adaptations to the presence of this group of linguistically and culturally diiierent ethnic immigrants, f~lrthersocial conflict, the perpetuation of negative images of foreigners, a i d the creation and entrenchment of a minority uilderclass d l result. Japan's attempt to solve a labor shortage by admitting "Japanese foreigners" nil1 result in long-teriri negative consequences irlcluding the fragirientation of Japanese society 14r1lcs.sJapanese policymakers take clear a i d rapid action to address the reality of linguistic a i d cultural difference nithill Japan. Japanese immigrant policies must be brought into agreement with immigration policies.
FUTURE RESEARCH ON NIKKEIJIN IN JAPAN Due to the novelty of this case a i d the teildency thus far airlong researchers on this topic to focus their efforts on case studies 111 pdrtic~ldrmkkc11111coiriiriunities 111 Japan, it is clear that further research efforts iriust be uildertaken to deepen uilderstarlding of the probleiris of iiriiriigrant integration 111Japan. There is a need for a iriultidiscipliilary approach to the issue; other fields are rich with research and methods suited to the study of this topic. I11 particular, insights can be draw1 from the diverse fields of psycholog); sociology cultural anthropology in addition to political science to gain a iriulti-fxeted uilderstarlding of the dynamics ofthis case. Future research on this topic should consider both iildir idual l e el ~ attitudes and perceptions as nell as state and local level policy processes Macro-level policies a i d structural change can not be made nithout also urlderstdilding the experiences of people "on the ground" Likewise, individuals' stories d i d dttit~~des are shaped by the larger structurdl processes that comprise the iilstitutioilal and socidl em iroilirient Future research into this case should also strive for iriethodologicdl dnersity. Both qumtitdtir e d i d qudlitati~enietllods s110~1ldbe employed to add to knonledge on the subject. The use of both quantitdtive a i d qudlitatir e iriethods nould permit both deeper d i d broader perspective on the problem. Researchers should iriol e beyond case studies of local commuilities and explore the dynairiics of this group's integration process oil a natioilal scale Both interviev s and smiple surveys of r~ikkcjjir~and native Japanese should be uildertaken in f~ltureresearch eiiorts in an attempt to urlderstand the range of experiences a i d attitudes of both groups regarding the integrative process of foreigners in Japan. Statistical analysis may be usef~din comparing various local policies and identifying the factors that positively or negatively aiiect those policies. Liken-ise, open-ended qualitative interviews of local a i d national leaders may help to trace the political bases of integration policies at both levels.
Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody
Another possible area for further research is that of the impact of r~ikkcjjir~ immigration to Japan on r~ikkcicoiriiriunities in Brazil a i d other Latin American countries.To what extent has the phenomenon of r~ikkciemigration to Japan created and strengthened trailsilatioilal ethnic networks! What effect has r~ikkciiriigration to Japan had on ~likkciBrazilians' perceptions of their omm ethnic identity? Furthermore, research should be undertaken tracing the paths of the so-called "lost generation" of r~ikkcichildren in Japan, those without adequate education in either Japanese schools or Brazilian schools. One significant consideration for f~ltureresearch into this topic is that of "researcher eficts."This is particularly probleirratic for qualitative researchers, but applies to some extent to those corlducting quantitative research as well. Specificall3 when interviewing iildividuals, there is the risk of receiving biased or imperfect iilforirration simply because of the identity of the interviewer. Factors such as the language used in the intervien- as n-ell as the interviewee's perception of the interviewer affect the quality and tone of the ansm7ers.Native Japanese researchers corlducting interviews irrq. get ansm7erssigi&cantly different than that those of a Portuguese speaking or non-Japanese researcher.This obstacle might be overcome through the employirient of a multi-ethnic a i d multi-lingual research team.
CONCLUSION Clearly the integration of rzikkcijirz in Japan is not proceeding smoothly. Due to serious structural factors, most notably the gap between inlnligration and i m n grant policies, mqor obstacles to the integration of this group ha\-e emerged. Ethnic similarity has not facilitated the integration of this group and serious problems ha\-e lee\-eloped as a result of their entry and settlenlent into a Japanese society unprepared itlstitutiotlally to face the reality of a culturally diverse resident population. Gaps in the housing, education, and social service spheres h a x Telldered this group isolated from the broader Japanese society. Unfortunately, without a closing of the gap between Japanese inlnligrant and itntnigration policies, the threat of social cotlflict and dirrision retl~ainssignificant. Though a few dratl~aticitlcidents ofviolence between rzikkcijirz and tlatirreJapatlese have already occurred, the everyday tllisutldersta~lditlgs and animosity betn-een these two groups are equally dangerous. Physical separation due to restrictirre housing policies, as n-ell as an isolating itntnigrant enlploynlent system, l u ~ exace erbated negatirre attitudes and discritnination ton-ard r/ikkcjjir/. In addition, the fiilure of the Japanese government to take active steps to assure the future opportunities of rzikkcijirz children through equal educatiotlal opportunities has the potelltial to lead to a long-term etltre~~chnlent of rzikkcijirz in l o d e v e l jobs. As a result of the fiilure of Japanese institutions to adapt to the entry and settletnent of this group, the fears of both rizkoku and koikok~radherents may be realized: if the current separation and isolation of this group is allowed to continue, Japan will be hced n-it11 the creation of a pernlanetlt utlderclass and continued cotlflict betn-een itntnigrants and tlatirres.
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However, these issues need not escalate into inore serious sit~~dtioi~. Policy i n tiatives mned at dddptiilg Jdpmese irlstitutioils to the reality of a m ~ ~ l t i c u l t uand r~l multi-ethnic population can reduce the threat of conflict as nell as address Japanese commitments to "interilatioil~lizatioil."Deiriogrqhc changes a i d the demand for uilskilled labor brought about the initial change 111 iiriiriigration policy. the subsequent entry d i d settleilient of ethnic Japanese rukkcqlr~has highlighted the inadequacy of the current iilirastructure 111Jdpdil for dealing mith 1111guistic d i d cultural diiierence. Perhaps, as in the Geriridil case, the entry of an ethi1icdlly siiliildr and culturally "other" group ofiiriiriigrants xx 111 bring about chmges 111 the nay that membership a i d citizeilship are corlceptualized in the Japanese "ethnic" citizenship regime The dyilmiics of globdlizdtion and the iilterildtioildl migrdtion of labor hale coiribined in this case nit11 chdilging iilterilatioildl huiridil rights noriris to l~ighlightthe inadequacy of purely "ethnic" bases of iriembership. Traditioildl Japanese attitudes strictly separating Japanese from "others" h a e contributed to ineffectire policy responses to the chdilging realities of iilterildtioildl labor iriigration and noriris of uiliversdl h~iridilrights TT hile falsely iilfldtiilg the importmce of ethnicity I11 toddy's "globdlized" em ironirient, langudge plays more sigilificdilt role tlldil ethi~icity111 fditdtiilg integration The exairilllatioil of this extreme case of ail "etllilic" citizeilship regiirie's coilfiontdtion TX ith ethnically similar a i d liilguistically a i d culturdlly different immigrmts opens mindov into the f~ltureof immigrmt integration 111 lligllly globdlized, econoiliically integrated iilterildtioilal systeiri The groning acceptance of internatiorlal h~liridil rights to racial d i d cultural tolerance, coiribined xx ith ail ii~reasinglyiriobile interilatioilal labor force, points to the need, as 111 this case, for states to adopt appropriate iiniriigrmt policies aimed at reducing conflict betmeen natives and immigrmts v ithout ~ioldtiilgthe rights of either group.
NOTES 1. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Nagoya on October 18, 1999. 2. Gurox~itzcites the existence of iiiterii~~tiorlal irlstrumerlts as \\-ell as the tiiniiig of efforts to gdin rights for Korems in Japm 1' s the key reasons behind the relative iinproveinelit ofthe treatinerlt ofI
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