Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, Volume 2: The Early Roman Period

CORPUS PAPYRORUM JUDAICARUM VOLUME II

CORPUS PAPYRORUM JUDAICARUM VOLUME II EDITED

BY

VICTOR A. TCHERIKOVER (1894-1958) PROFESSOR HEBREW

OF A N C I E N T UNIVERSITY,

HISTORY

IN

THE

JERUSALEM

AND

ALEXANDER FUKS ASSOCIATE ANCIENT

HISTORY

HEBREW

PROFESSOR AND

OF

CLASSICS IN

UNIVERSITY,

PUBLISHED

THE

JERUSALEM

FOR

THE MAGNES PRESS, THE HEBREW

UNIVERSITY

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE,

MASSACHUSETTS

i960

The Corpus Papyrorum

Judaicarum

has been printed by the generosity of the Lucius N . Littauer Foundation

©

i960 B Y THE

ALL

M A G N E S

IN

R E S E R V E D

GREAT

U N I V E R S I T Y

PRINTED

PRESS

U N I V E R S I T Y

RIGHTS

D I S T R I B U T E D O X F O R D

THE

H E B R E W

BRITAIN

PRESS,

IN GREAT

BY

L O N D O N

BRITAIN

V I C T O R A. T C H E R I K O V E R (1894-1958) T H E architect and editor of the Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum passed a w a y in Jerusalem on 16 January 1958. Victor A. Tcherikover w a s born in St. Petersburg in 1894. After having graduated in the University of Moscow, he went t o the University of Berlin for further historical studies. In Berlin he worked under the supervision of E d . Meyer and U . Wilcken. H e w a s drawn b y the latter into the field of Hellenistic History and Papyrology, subjects for which he maintained his enthusiasm t o the end of his life. In 1925 he came t o Jerusalem and joined the staff of the recently founded Hebrew University. H e was the pioneer of teaching and research in Ancient History in Jerusalem, and later became the first occupant of the chair of Ancient History in Jerusalem. I n 1 9 2 7 he published his first book, Die hellenistischen Stadtegriindungen. Though he had wide historical interests, his field of research was chiefly the history of the Jews in the Hellenistic and R o m a n periods. Early in his research he grasped the importance of papyrological docu­ ments in the field he had chosen, and devoted much of his time t o the s t u d y and historical interpretation of papyri. Over m a n y years he published both in Hebrew and in English studies dealing w i t h various aspects of Jewish history in the Hellenistic and R o m a n periods and in the field he liked t o call 'Jewish papyrology'. His main contributions were: The Jews and the Greeks in the Hellenistic Period (in Hebrew), The Jews in Egypt in the Hellenistic-Roman Age in the Light of the Papyri (in Hebrew), 'Palestine under the P t o l e m i e s ' (Mizraim, v), ' S y n t a x i s and Laographia' ( / . Jur. Pap. v), 'The S a m b a t h i o n s ' (Scripta Hierosolymitana, i), ' J e w i s h Apolo­ getic Literature Reconsidered' (Eos, xlviii. 3), 'The Ideology of the Letter of Aristeas' (HTR, li). T w o major undertakings round off the well-planned lifetime of Tcherikover the historian—the Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews (Philadelphia, 1959), and t h e Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum. A s scholar, teacher, and m a n Tcherikover w a s a true representative of the humanistic tradition.

PREFACE T H E second volume of the Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum was in the press when Professor Victor A. Tcherikover died on 1 6 January 1958. I regarded the completion of Professor Tcherikover's undertaking as m y fore­ m o s t d u t y t o the memory of a dear teacher, colleague, and friend. N o w that the second volume has been completed, work is being done b y Mr. M. Stern and myself on the manuscript of the third and final volume, and it is hoped that it will follow before long. Professor Tcherikover h a d seen galleys of Sections V I I , I X , and X I ; he h a d not seen proofs of Section V I I I ; Section X was, at the time of his death, not y e t ready for the press. Sections V I I I and I X of this volume are b y Victor A. Tcherikover, Sections V I I and X I b y A. Fuks, Section X b y Tcherikover and Fuks. All unsigned com­ mentaries to documents and introductions t o sections in this volume are b y Tcherikover; those written b y F u k s are signed A. F . ; Introduction t o Section V I I , signed M. S., is b y Mr. Menahem Stern. Many people helped with this volume, none more than Mr. D . M. Lewis (Oxford) and Mr. M. Stern (Jerusalem). Mr. Lewis not only advised constantly on various points of scholarship but also translated most of the documents in this volume, read a n d reread proofs of the book, and w a s unsparingly helpful in all stages of production. Mr. Stern not only wrote the Introduction t o Section V I I , but also advised on m a n y points of Jewish history, and contributed m u c h t o improve the biblio­ graphical lists in this volume. Special thanks are due t o Mrs. A. Tcherikover, w h o transcribed almost all the papyrological t e x t s , and whose never abating interest in the progress of this v o l u m e has been of great help. W a r m thanks go out t o Professor J. Schwartz (Strasbourg), whose thorough knowledge of the material and patient work considerably improved Section I X . H e also made available for publication four unpublished ostraka (Nos. 183a, 256, 328a, 350). Dr. H. A. Musurillo, S.J. (St. Andrew-on-Hudson), kindly m a d e available proofs of his book Acts of the Pagan Martyrs long before it w a s published; he also agreed t o read proof of Section V I I I and made several useful comments. Thanks are due t o Mr. C. H. Roberts (Oxford), Professor E . G. Turner (London), Dr. J. W. B . Barns (Oxford), Mr. T. R e e k m a n s (Louvain), Mr. T. C. Skeat (London), Professor H . Gerstinger (Graz), and Professor E . Kiessling (Marburg), w h o patiently answered m a n y queries concerning both readings and interpretations. Thanks are also due t o friends and colleagues in Jerusalem: Dr. S. Applebaum gave m u c h help on matters of s t y l e ; Dr. M. Amit read proofs of Sections V I I and V I I I ; Mr. D . Rokeah, former student of Professor Tcherikover, prepared the List of Abbreviations and Indexes t o this volume. The Ministry of Education and Culture of the State of Israel as well as the

viii

PREFACE

Institute of Jewish Studies of the Hebrew University and its former Chairman Professor B . Dinur, are t o be thanked for their initial grants, which enabled us t o begin the work. To Mr. E . Poznanski, Academic Secretary of the Hebrew University, thanks are due for help and advice on m a n y matters connected w i t h the Corpus. Finally deep appreciation must be recorded of the assistance given b y the Trustees of the Lucius N . Littauer Foundation, whose generous grant m a d e this publication possible, and particularly b y its Director, Mr. H. Starr, and Professor H . A. Wolfson. A. F .

CONTENTS V I C T O R A. T C H E R I K O V E R (1894-1958)

v

PREFACE

vii

LIST OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S

xi

EXPLANATORY NOTE

xvi

SECTION VII: JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN PERIOD 1-24 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149.

Jewish-owned land in the chora of Alexandria Agreement about a legacy Deed of Divorce Jewish landowner in the Bousirite district Engagement of a wet-nurse Annulment of a contract with a wet-nurse Payment of debt by a Jewish freedwoman Repayment of loan to a loan-society

5 8 10 12 15 19 20 22

SECTION VIII: 'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

25-107

150. The so-called'Boule-papyras' 1 5 1 . A petition to the Prefect 152. Jewish money-lenders in Alexandria 153. The Letter of Claudius to the Alexandrians 154-159. Acts of Alexandrian Martyrs 154. An Interview between Flaccus and the Leaders of the anti-Semites 155. Isidoros before the Emperor Gaius Caligula 156. Isidoros and Lampon before Claudius 5 7 - Jews and Greeks before Trajan 158. Jews and Greeks before Hadrian 159. A trial before Commodus I

SECTION IX. OSTRAKA FROM T H E J E W I S H APOLLINOPOLIS MAGNA (EDFU) 160-229. Part I. The Jewish Tax 230-374. Part II. Various Taxes (A.D. 56-117) 375-403. Part III. Various Taxes (A.D. 1 5 1 - 1 6 5 ) 404-408. Part IV. Miscellaneous

QUARTER

S E C T I O N X. V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S O F T H E E A R L Y PERIOD 409. Receipt for bath-tax 410. Fragment of an account 4 1 1 . Loan of barley

25 29 33 36 55 60 64 66 82 87 99

OF 108-77 119 136 168 176

ROMAN 178-224 178 179 179

x

CONTENTS 412. 413. 414. 415. 416. 417. 418. 419. 420. 421. 422. 423. 424. 425. 426. 427. 428. 429. 430. 431. 432. 433. 434.

Return of sheep and goats Abstract of a loan Contract of a loan A list of clothes Fragment from a tax-list An agreement concerning a loan in form of a deposit Tiberius Julius Alexander Marcus Julius Alexander Gaius Julius Alexander The Jewish tax in Arsinoe Receipt for reception of a cargo Sale of part of a house in the Jewish quarter in Oxyrhynchos Letter from Johanna to Epagathos An account List of persons liable to the poll-tax Notification of death A list of sitologoi A customs-house registry A census return The enrolment of a Jew for land-work Supply of water to two Jewish houses of prayer A list of names A fragment

S E C T I O N X I . T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 ) 435. 436. 437. 438. 439. 440. 441. 442. 443. 444. 445. 446. 447. 448. 449.

181 183 183 185 186 186 188 197 200 204 209 210 210 212 213 213 215 216 216 218 220 224 224 225-60

The Revolt in Alexandria A letter from Aline to Apollonios A letter from Eudaimonis to Apollonios Jewish victories in the Hermoupolite district Jewish defeat in the vicinity of Memphis A letter from Heliodoros to his father Sarapion Letters from Heliodoros to his brothers A letter from Eudaimonis to her daughter Aline Apollonios's application to the prefect of Egypt for leave of sixty days Letter from Ammonios and Hermokles to Apollonios Confiscation of Jewish Property A letter from Herodes to Apollonios the strategos Damage to property in the Oxyrhynchite district Confiscation of Jewish land in the Athribite district Damage to agricultural property caused in the course of the Jewish revolt 450. Annual festival in the Oxyrhynchite district in commemoration of victory over the Jews

INDEXES

228 233 235 236 239 240 242 244 246 249 251 253 255 255 257 258

261-283

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS I.

PAPYRI,

AND

OSTRAKA,

INSCRIPTIONS

Berlin inv. 1 2 5 3 7 = Arch. v i . 2 2 0 , no. 6, ed. Plaumann. B G U = A e g y p t i s c h e U r k u n d e n aus den staatlichen Museen zu B e r l i n : Griechische U r k u n d e n , 1 8 9 5 - . BL = F . Preisigke, F . Bilabel, M . A . D a v i d , B . A . v a n Groningen, E . Kiessling, Berichtigungsliste der griechischen Papyrusurkwnden aus Agypten, 1913, 1922, 1931, 1933. 1958. CI] — Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum, ed. J . B . F r e y , 1 9 3 6 , 1 9 5 2 . O. Deissm. = P . M . M e y e r , Griechische Texte aus Agypten, 1 9 1 6 , pp. 1 0 7 - 2 0 5 . D i k a i o m a t a = Ausziige aus alexandrinischen Gesetzen und V e r o r d n u n g e n . . . herausgegeben v o n der G r a e c a Halensis,

Polonaises. R a p p o r t s . I . T e l l E d f o u , 1 9 3 7 » II. TellEdfou, 1 9 3 8 ; I I I . TellEdfou, 1939. O G I S = W . Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones selectae, 1 9 0 3 - 5 . O I F A O = Ostrakon (Institut francais d'arch6ologie orientale du Caire). Olsson = B . Olsson, Papyrusbriefe aus der friihesten Romerzeit, 1925. O. Petrie, see O. A s h m . Pap. Primer = M . D a v i d and B . A . v a n Groningen, Papyrological Primer, second (English) edition, 1 9 4 6 . P . B a d . = F . Bilabel, Veroffentlichungen aus den badischen Papyrussammlungen, 1923, 1924. P . Berl. inv. 8 8 7 7 ( = U x k u l l - G y l l e n b a n d , Stzb. preuss. Ak., ph.-hist. Kl., 1 9 3 0 , xxviii). P . Berl. Moller = S . Moller, Griechische Pa­ pyri aus dem Berliner Museum, 1929. P . bibl. univ. Giss. 4 6 = Premerstein, Alexandrinische Geronten vor Kaiser Gaius,

1913Ghedini, Lett. Crist. — G . Ghedini, Lettere cristiane dai papiri greet del III e IV secolo, 1 9 2 3 . Goodspeed a n d Colwell = E . J . Goodspeed a n d E . C . Colwell, A Greek Papyrus Reader, 1 9 3 5 . ILS = H . Dessau, Inscriptiones latinae selectae, 1892-1916. K n u d t z o n , Bakchiastexte = E . J . Knudtzon, Bakchiastexte und andere Papyri der Lunder Papyrussammlung, 1946. Lietzmann = H . Lietzmann, Griechische Papyri, 2. AufL, 1 9 1 0 . M . Chr. = L . Mitteis a n d U . W i l c k e n , Grundztige und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, ii. 2 , 1 9 1 2 . Meyer, Jur. Pap. — P . M e y e r , Griechische Texte aus Agypten, 1 9 1 6 . Milligan = G . Milligan, Selections from the Greek Papyri, 1 9 1 0 . Musurillo — H . A . Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs, Acta Alexandrinorum,

1 9 3 9 . PP- 4 - B o u r . = P . B o u r i a n t = Les papyrus Bouriant, ed. P . Collart, 1 9 2 6 . P . B r e m . = U . W i l c k e n , Die Bremer Papyri (Abhandlungen der preussischen A k a d e mie der Wissenschaften, 1 9 3 6 , Phil.-hist. Klasse No. 2), 1 9 3 6 . P . Cairo 1 0 4 4 8 = T h . Reinach, RE J x x x i , 1895, 1 6 1 sqq.; xxxii, 1896, 160. P . Cairo M a s p . = J . Maspero, Papyrus grecs d'dpoque byzantine, 1911-16. P . Cornell = W . L . W e s t e r m a n n a n d C . J . K r a e m e r , j r . : Greek Papyri in the Library of Cornell University, 1926. P. E n t . = O. G u e r a u d , ENTEYSE1Z, 1931-2. P . F a y . = P . F a y . O. = B . P . Grenfell, A . S . H u n t , D . G . H o g a r t h , Fayum Towns and their Papyri, 1900. P . F l o r . = G . Vitelli a n d D . Comparetti, Papiri greco-egizii: Papiri Fiorenlini,

1954O. A s h m . , O. B o d l . , O. C a m b . , O. F l i n d . P e t . = J . G . T a i t , Greek Ostraka in the Bodleian Library at Oxford and various other Collections, 1 9 3 0 . O. Briiss.-Berl. = Ostraka aus Briissel und Berlin, ed. P . Viereck, 1 9 2 2 . O E = G . Manteuffel in: Fouilles F r a n c o -

1905-15* P . F o u a d = Les Papyrus Fouad I, ed. A . Bataille, O. G u e r a u d , P . J o u g u e t , a n d others, 1 9 3 9 . P . Giss. = O. E g e r , E . K o r n e m a n n , a n d P . M . M e y e r , Griechische Papyri im Museum des oberhessischen Geschichtsvereins zu Giessen, 1910-12.

2

1 1

P.

xii P.

LIST OF

ABBREVIATIONS

H a m b . = P . M . Meyer, Griechische Papyrusurkunden der Hamburger Staats und Universitatsbibliothek, 1911-24. P . H a w a r a = The Hawara Papyri, ed. (Sir) W . M . Flinders P e t r i e ; ( H a w a r a , B i a h m u , and Arsinoe), 1 8 8 9 . P . H i b . = B . P . Grenfell, A . S . H u n t , E . G . Turner, a n d M . T h . L e n g e r , The Hibeh Papyri, 1906-55. P . Lille = P . J o u g u e t (ed.), Papyrus grecs, 1907-28. P . L i p s . = L . Mitteis, Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, 1906. P . L o n d . = F . G . K e n y o n a n d H . I . Bell, Greek Papyri in the British Museum, 1893-1917. P . L o n d . inv. 2 7 8 5 = Bell, Arch, x , 1 9 3 2 , 5 sqq. P . L o u v r e (cf. P . P a r . ) = W . B r u n e t de Presle, Notices et extraits des papyrus grecs du musee du Louvre et de la bibliotheque imperiale, 1865. P . Merton = H . I . Bell a n d C . H . R o b e r t s , Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the Col­ lection of W. Merton, 1948-. P . Mich. = Michigan P a p y r i , 1 9 3 1 . P . Mich. i n v . 6 2 2 9 ( = Aeg. x v , 1 9 3 5 ) . P . Oxford = Some Oxford Papyri, ed. E . P . Wegener, 1 9 4 2 . P . O x y . = The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. B . P . Grenfell, A . S . H u n t , a n d others, 1 8 9 8 - . P . P a r . (cf. P . L o u v r e ) = W . B r u n e t de Presle, Notices et extraits des papyrus grecs du musee du Louvre et de la bibliatheque imperiale, 1865. P . Phil. = J . Scherer, Papyrus de Philodelphie, 1 9 4 7 . P . Princet. = Papyri in the Princeton Uni­ versity Collections, vol. i. ed. A . C . J o h n s o n a n d H . B . v a n Hoesen, 1 9 3 1 ; vol. ii, ed. E . H . K a s e , 1 9 3 6 . P . R y l . = Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, 1911-. P S I = G . Vitelli a n d others, Pubblicazioni delta Societa italiana per la ricerca dei Papiri greci e latini in Egitto: Papiri greci e latini, 1 9 1 2 — . P. S t r a s s b . = F . Preisigke, Griechische Papyrus der Kaiserlichen Universitats und Landesbibliothek zu Strassburg, 1906-20. P . T e b t . = The Tebtunis Papyri, ed. b y B . P . Grenfell, A . S . H u n t , J . G . S m y l y , E . J . Goodspeed, 1 9 0 2 - 3 8 . P . univ. Bibl. Giess. = H . K l i n g a n d others, Mitteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung der Giessener Universitatsbibliothek, 1924-.

P.

V i n d o b . Boswinkel = Einige Wiener Papyri, ed. E . Boswinkel, 1 9 4 2 . P . W a r r e n = The Warren Papyri, ed. M . D a v i d , B . A . v a n Groningen, a n d J . C . v a n Oven, 1 9 4 1 . P . Wisconsin 1 6 = Clauson, Aeg. i x , 1 9 2 8 , 240-80. P . Y a l e inv. 1 5 3 6 = Welles, TAP A lxvii, 1 9 3 6 , 7 sqqS B = F . Preisigke a n d F . Bilabel, Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Agypten, vols. 1 - 2 , 1 9 1 3 - 2 2 ; vol. 3 , 1 9 2 6 - 7 ; vols. 4 - 5 , 1 9 3 1 - 8 , 1 9 5 2 . S c h u b a r t , Griech. Pap. = W . Schubart, Griechische Papyri, Text, 1 9 2 7 ; Kommentar, 1 9 2 7 . S E G = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, 1 9 2 3 S P = A . S . H u n t and C . C . E d g a r , Select Papyri, 1932-4. S y l l . = W . Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 1915-27. U P Z = U . Wilcken, Urkunden der Ptolemderzeit, 1922—. W . Chr. = L . Mitteis a n d U . W i l c k e n , Grundziige und Chrestomatie der Papyruskunde, i. 2, 1 9 1 2 . W O = W i l c k e n , Ostr. = U . W i l c k e n , Grie­ chische Ostraka aus Agypten und Nubien, 1899. 2.

PERIODICALS

Abh. preuss. Ak., Phil.-hist. Kl. =Abhandlungen der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Aeg. = Aegyptus: Rivista italiana di egittologia e di papirologia, 1920-. AJPh = American Journal of Philology, 1880-. Am. Journ. Theol. = American Journal of Theology, 1897-1920. Anal. Bollandiana = Analecta bollandiana, 1882-. Anglican-Theol. Rev. = Anglican Theo­ logical Review, 1918-. Ann. d. Serv. = Annates du Service des Antiquites de l'£gypte, 1899-. Ann.Epigr. = L'Annie Spigraphique, 1889Ann. Inst. Phil. Hist. Orient. Slav. = Annuaire (Institut de philologie et d'histoire orientates, Universite libre de Bruxelles) 1932-. Anz. K. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Kl. — Anzeiger der koniglichen Akademie in Wien, Philologische-historische Klasse, 1864-.

xiii

L I S T OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S Arch. = Archiv fur Papyrusforschung, 1900-. Arch.f. Religionswiss. — Archiv f.Religionswissenschaft, 1898-. Archivio Giuridico = Archivio giuridico, 1868-. Atene e Roma — Atene e Roma, 1898-. Berl. Phil. Woch., see Phil. Woch. BIFAO — Bulletin de I'Institut frangais d'Archeologie orientate, 1901-. Bilychnis = Bilychnis, Rome, 1 9 1 2 - 3 1 . BO = Bibliotheca Orientalis, 1943-. BSAA — Bulletin de la Societe archeologique d'Alexandrie, 1904-. Bull. Ac. Roy. de Belgique, CI. lettres et sc. mor. et pol. = Bulletin de V Academie royale de Belgique, classe des lettres et sciences morales et politiques, 1899—. Byzantion = Byzantion, revue internationale des etudes byzantines, 1924-. Byz. Zeitschr. = Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 1892-. Chr. d'Eg. — Chronique d'Egypte, 1925-. Classical Weekly — Classical Weekly, 19075 7 (now Classical World). CP = Class. Phil. = Classical Philology, 1906-. CQ = Classical Quarterly, 1907—. CR — Classical Review, 1887-. CR Ac. Inscr. — Comptes rendus de 1'Aca­ demie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres. Didaskaleion — Didaskaleion, 1912-. DLZ = Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 18 80-. Edinburgh Review — Edinburgh Review, or Critical Journal. 1802-1929. Eranos = Eranos: Acta philologica Suecana, 1906-. lit. Papyr. = Etudes de Papyrologie, 1932-. Expos. Times = The Expository Times, 1889Le Flambeau = Le Flambeau (Brussels), 1918-24. Forsch. u. Fortschr. = Forschungen und Fortschritte; Korrespondenzblatt der deutschen Wissenschaft Technik, 1925-. GGA = Gdttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1739-. Gnomon = Gnomon, kritische Zeitschrift fur die gesamte klassische Altertumswissenschaft, 1 9 2 5 - . Gottinger Nachrichten = Nachrichten der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gbttingen. Harv. St. Class. Phil. — Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 1890-.

Hermes — Hermes, Zeitschrift fur classische Philologie, 1866-. Hist. Jahrb. — Historisches Jahrbuch, 1880-. Hist. Zeitschr. — Historische Zeitschrift, 1859-. HTR — The Harvard Theological Review, 1908-. Jahr. der judisch-literarischen Gesellschaft ( F r a n k f u r t a.M.) — Jahrbuch der Judischliterarischen Gesellschaft, 1903-1931/32. JEA = Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 1914-. Jew.

Soc.

Stud.

= Jewish

Social

Studies,

1939-. JHS = Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1880-. /. Jur. Pap. — Journal of Juristic Papyro­ logy, 1 9 4 6 ; 1 9 4 7 Journ. Sav. — Journal des Savants, 1665-. JRS = Journal of Roman Studies, 1911-. JTS — Journal of Theological Studies, 1899-. Klio — Klio, Beitrdge zur alten Geschichte, 1901-. Krit. Vierteljahrschr. f. Gesetzgeb. = Kriti­ sche Vierteljahresschrift fur Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft, 1859-. Kyrkohistorisk Arsskrift = Kyrkohistorisk Arsskrift, 1900-. Latomus

— Latomus,

revue

d'etudes

latines,

I937-Litteris = Litteris, an International Critical Review of the Humanities, 1924-. Lit. Zentralblatt — Literarisches Zentralblatt fur Deutschland, 1850-. MGWJ = Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums, 1852—1939. Mnemosyne — Mnemosyne, 1852—. Museum = Museum, Maandblad voor philo­ logie en geschiedenis, 1893-. N. Jahrb. = Neue Jahrbiicher fur Antike und deutsche Bildung, (1938-42). OLZ = Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, 1898Oudtestament. Stud. = Oudtestamentische Studien, 1943-. Phil. Woch. = Berlinerphilologische Wochenschrift, 1881-1920. Preuss. Jahrb. = Preussische Jahrbiicher, 1858-. RB = Revue biblique, 1892—. REG — Revue des Etudes grecques, 1888-. REJ = Revue des Etudes juives, 1880-. Rev. Arch. = Revue Archeology .t.e, 1 8 4 4 - . Rev. belg. de philol. — Revue ^elge de philo­ logie et d'histoire, 192 2-.

LIST OF

xiv

ABBREVIATIONS

Rev. binid. = Revue binidictine, 1884-. Rev. de France — La Revue de France, 1921-. Rev. des quest, hist = Revue des questions historiques, i860-. Rev. d'hist. eccl. = Revue d'histoire eccUsiastique, 1900-. Rev. d. Philol. = Revue de Philologie, 1877-. Rev. it. anc. — Revue des itudes anciennes, 1898-. Rev. hist. d. droit frangais et etr anger — Revue historique de droit frangais et itranger, 1 9 2 2 - (formerly Nouvelle revue historique de droit). Rev. hist, philos. relig. = Revue d'histoire et de philosophic religieuses, 1921-. Rev. Hist. Rel. = Revue de I'histoire des religions, 1880-. RID A — Revue Internationale des Droits de V Antiquiti, 1948-. Riv. d. Filol. = Rivista di filologia, 1 8 7 3 - . Sav. Ztschr. — Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte, 1880-. La Scuola Cattolica — La Scuola Cattolica, 1873-. Stud. Pal. •= C . W e s s e l y , Studien zur Palaographie und Papyruskunde, 1902-22. Stzb. Berl. Ak., see Stzb. preuss. Ak. Wiss. ph.-hist. Kl. Stzb. Heid. Ak. — Heidelberg Akademie der Wissenschaften. Sitzungsberichte phil.hist. Klasse. Stzb. preuss. Ak., Wiss. ph.-hist. Kl. — Sit­ zungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Klasse. Stzb. Wiener Ak., phil.-hist. Klasse — Sit­ zungsberichte der Akademie der Wissen­ schaften in Wien, philologisch-historische Klasse. Symb. Osloen. = Symbolae Osloenses, 1922-. TAP A = Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1869-. Tarbiz = A Quarterly for Jewish Studies (in Hebrew), 1 9 3 0 - . Tijdschr. v. Gesch. — Tijdschriftvoor Geschiedenis, 1 8 8 6 - . TLZ — Theol. Lit. Zeit. — Theologische Lite­ raturzeitung, 1876-. II Vessillo Israelitico — II Vessillo Israelitico, 1 8 7 4 - 1 9 2 2 . Vestnik Drevnej Istorii = BCCTHHR ^ p e B H e f i HCTOpHH, 1 9 3

8-.

Vossische Zeitg. = VossischeZeitung, 1751-. YCS = Yale Classical Studies, 192 8-. Zion = A Quarterly for Research in Jewish History (in H e b r e w ) , 1 9 2 6 - .

3.

BOOKS AND

OTHER

PUBLICATIONS A r n i m , Leben und Werke des Dio Chrys. = H . F . A . v o n A r n i m , Leben und Werke des Dio von Prusa, 1898. B e v a n = E . B e v a n , A History of Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty, 1927. B l a s s - D e b r u n n e r = F . Blass, Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechisch (bearb. v o n A . Debrunner), 8te Aufl. 1 9 4 9 . B l a u , Papyri und Talmud = L . Blau, Papyri und Talmud in gegenseitiger Beleuchtung, 1 9 1 3 . B l u d a u = B l u d a u , Juden und Judenverfolgungen im alien Alexandrien, 1906. BMC. A l e x a n d r i a = British Museum. D e p t . of Coins and Medals. Catalogue of the coins of Alexandria and the nomes, 1892. CAH — Cambridge Ancient History. Calderini, Dizion. d. nomi geogr. = A . C a l derini, Dizionario dei nomi geografici e topografici dell'Egitto greco-romano . . ., 1935Calderini, Le schede di censimento dell'Egitto romano = A . Calderini, . . . La composizione delta famiglia secondo le schede di censimento dell'Egitto romano, 1925. Cantarelli, La serie dei prefetti = L . Cantarelli, La serie dei prefetti di Egitto. Memoria del prof. L u i g i Cantarelli. C o w l e y = Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C., 1 9 2 3 . Dessau, Prosop. = H . Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani, 3 vols. 1 8 9 6 - 8 . Diction, d'arch. Chrit. = F . Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'archiologie chretienne et de liturgie, 1903-. F u c h s = L . F u c h s , Die Juden Agyptens in ptolemdischer und romischer Zeit, 1 9 2 4 . Goodenough, Jurisprudence — E . R. Goodenough, The Jurisprudence of the Jewish Courts in Egypt, 1929. G r o a g and Stein, PIR = E . G r o a g et A . 2

Stein, Prosopographia

Imperii

Romani,

I933-Groningen, Le Gymnasiarque = B . A. van Groningen, Le Gymnasiarche des mitropoles de I'Egypte romaine, 1924. G u l a k , Das Urkundenwesen im Talmud — A . G u l a k , Das Urkundenwesen im Talmud im Lichte der griechisch-aegyptischen Papyri und des griechischen und roemischen Rechts, 1 9 3 5 .

LIST OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S Heichelheim, Wirtsch. d. Alt. = F . Heichelheim, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Altertums, 1938. J o h n s o n = A . C . J o h n s o n , Roman Egypt, 1936. J u s t e r = J . J u s t e r , Les Juifs dans I'Empire romain, 1 9 1 4 . K u h n e r - G e r t h = R . Kiihner, Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, Teil I I , B . Gerth, 1 8 9 8 - 1 9 0 4 . M . Grundz. — L . Mitteis und U . W i l c k e n , Grundzuge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, ii. 1 . 1 9 1 2 . Milne = J . G . Milne, A History of Egypt under Roman Rule, 3 r d ed., 1 9 2 4 . NB = F . Preisigke, Namenbuch enthaltend alle Menschennamen, soweit sie in griechi­ schen Urkunden Agyptens sich vorfinden, 1922. Oxford Class. Diet. = Oxford Classical Dic­ tionary, 1 9 4 9 . Pape-Benseler = W . P a p e - E . Benseler, Worterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen, 3 . Aufl., 1 8 6 3 - 7 0 . Peremans-Vergote = W . Peremans and J . V e r g o t e , Papyrologisch Handboek, 1942. Preisigke, Girowesen — F . Preisigke, Girowesen in griechischen Agypten, 1910. Premerstein, A AM — A . v o n Premerstein, Zu den sogenannten alexandrinischen Martyrerakten, Philologus, Supplementb a n d X V I , H e f t ii, 1 9 2 3 . Premerstein, AG = A . v o n Premerstein, Alexandrinische Geronten vor Kaiser Gaius, 1 9 3 9 . RE

= Pauly-Wissowa,

der

classischen

Real-Encyklopddie Altertumswissenschaft,

1894R e i n a c h , Textes = T h . R e i n a c h , Textes d'auteurs grecs et romains relatifs au Judaisme, 1895. Riccobono, Fontes Juris Romani — S. Riccobono, Fontes Juris Romani Anteiustiniani, i, L e g e s , 1 9 4 1 .

xv

Rostovtzeff, Kolonat — M. Rostovtzeff, Studien zur Geschichte des romischen Kolonates, 1 9 1 0 . Rostovtzeff, SEHHW = M . Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Hel­ lenistic World, 1 9 4 1 . Rostovtzeff, SEHRE = M. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, 1926. —, SEHRE = id., r e v . P . M . F r a s e r , 1 9 5 7 . R o t h = J . M . R o t h , Greek Papyri Lights on Jewish History, 1924. S a n Nicolo = M . S a n Nicolo, Agyptisches Vereinswesen zur Zeit der Ptolemder und Romer, 1 9 1 3 . Schiirer = E . Schurer, Geschichte des judischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, 1901-9. Stein, Prdfekten = A . Stein, Die Prdfekten von Agypten in der rom. Kaiser zeit, 1 9 5 0 . S t r a c k - B i l l e r b e c k = H . L . S t r a c k und P . Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testa­ ment aus Talmud und Midrasch, 1922-56. Taubenschlag = R . Taubenschlag, The Law of Greco-Roman Egypt in the Light of the Papyri, 2 n d edition, 1 9 5 5 . Thes. Ling. Gr. = H . S t e p h a n u s , Thesaurus Linguae Graecae. T r a m o n t a n o = R . T r a m o n t a n o , La Lettera di Aristea a Filocrate, 1931. W a l l a c e = S . L . W a l l a c e , Taxation in Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian, 1938. WB = F . Preisigke und E . Kiessling, Wdrterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden, 1925-31W . Grundz. = U . W i l c k e n , Grundzuge und Chrestomatie der Papyruskunde, i. 1 , 1 9 1 2 . W i l c k e n , Ant. = U . W i l c k e n , Zum alexan­ drinischen Antisemitismus, A b h . d. S a c h s . Ges. d. W i s s . 2 7 , 1 9 0 9 , p p . 7 8 8 sqq. W u t h n o w = H . W u t h n o w , Die semitischen Menschennamen in griechischen Inschriften und Papyri des vordern Orients, 1930. 1

2

2

EXPLANATORY

NOTE

Square brackets [ ] indicate a lacuna, round brackets ( ) the resolution of a symbol or abbreviation, angular brackets < ) a mistaken omission in the original, braces { } a superfluous letter or letters, double square brackets O deletion. a

P A R T II

THE E A R L Y R O M A N PERIOD

SECTION VII

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A IN THE EARLY R O M A N PERIOD T H E eight documents of the present section stand o u t from t h e bulk of t h e Jewish papyri in that t h e y give us a glimpse of t h e life of Jews in Alexandria during t h e formative years of t h e Augustan settlement of E g y p t . Thus they serve as a welcome counterpart t o the general statement of Strabo (ap. J o s . ant. 1 4 . 1 1 7 ) concerning the organization of the community. Being of a legal character these documents tend t o raise the question of h o w far t h e influence of specific Jewish law as applied t o Jews can be traced in t h e papyrological evidence. All the eight papyri come from the excavations undertaken b y a German expedition under the direction of O. Rubensohn at Abusir el-Meleq on t h e site of a settlement in t h e Herakleopolite nome, t h e ancient name of which h a d apparently been Bousiris. A m o n g the m a n y documents uncovered in Abusir from mummy-cartonage and published in B G U iv, one distinguishes t w o main groups (cf. Schubart, Arch. v. 36). One of them, the smaller in number, consists of documents deriving partly from the late Ptolemaic age, and the information t h e y supply has a bearing only on local conditions of t h e Herakleopolite n o m e and above all of Bousiris. More interest attaches t o the second group a n d especially t o those documents in it which are drawn in t h e typical Alexandrian form of avyxcoprjaig. These documents date from the 6th t o t h e 26th year of Augustus and emanate undoubtedly from Alexandria, a conclusion which is forced on us b y the geographical and topographical allusions which are found in t h e m , all of which hint at Alexandria and are capable of being explained only b y an assumption of an Alexandrian origin (cf. Schubart, op. cit. 37 sqq.). I n addition, other facts such as the mention of institutions specifically Alexandrian (e.g. Kpirriptov iv rfj avXfj), the occurrence of soldiers serving in the 22nd legion stationed then in the capital (cf. Lesquier,L'Armee romained'Egypte, p . 388), and the evidence of N o . 151 (where ivravOa clearly means Alexandria) point in the same direction. Since all these documents come from Alexandria, w e should have expected to meet here m a n y Jews because of t h e large Jewish population known t o have inhabited that city, the more so, since t h e only quarters expressly m e n ­ tioned in the documents are 8 and jS. Concerning /3 there is no explicit evidence that it w a s inhabited mainly b y Jews, b u t as regards 8 w e have t h e assertion of Jos. bell. 2. 495 t o the effect that the Jewish population w a s concentrated in it (. . . S e A r a , OVVCOKLCTTO yap e/cet TO 'IOVSCLIKOV) .* Hence it is a fair inference t h a t 1

Philo, Flacc. 5 5 states that of the five quarters named after the first letters of the alphabet (for their enumeration cf. Ps.-Callisthenes, i. 3 2 ; P. M. Fraser, JEA xxxvii, 1951, 104, from a late Syriac source; see also Seyfarth, Aeg. x x x v , 1955, 15), two are named Jewish, one of them being, B 5195

as would appear, the S. Whether the second of them is the cannot be determined. Y e t , as is implied by Leg. 1 3 2 , the Jews were numerous enough to make their presence felt in the other regions as well, their synagogues being found throughout the town. B

SECTION VII

2

there should be a high proportion of Jews among the persons occurring i n t h e synchoreseis. Still, w e must take exception t o t h e long list of Jews drawn from t h e m b y Segre (BSAA xxviii, 1933, 157), m a n y items of which would n o t stand a closer examination, a n d w e limit accordingly the number of t h e papyri in­ cluded in this section. Our main reason for doing so is that w e cannot find o u t a w a y t o distinguish among J e w s a n d non-Jews in most of the documents. W e have also t o bear in mind that though t h e only quarters mentioned are j8 and 8, t h e y appear only in some of the papyri, and there is no cogent argument t o make us deny t h e possibility of having among the documents synchoreseis relating t o other parts of t h e t o w n as well, as t h e office of Protarchos in which most of t h e m were drawn u p need n o t necessarily have been limited in its activities b y local considerations. I n addition w e m a y note that t h e 8 w a s b y n o means exclusively Jewish, and w e cannot prove even that Jews constituted t h e v a s t majority of its population i n t h e time of A u g u s t u s . Another possible explana­ tion for t h e relatively low number of Jews in t h e synchoreseis m a y be sought in the natural inclination of a part a t least of t h e Jews t o have recourse t o their autonomous courts (Modona, Aegyptus, hi, 1922, 39). Still, the most w e i g h t y reason for our rather scanty inclusion of t h e synchoreseis in t h e present section is that first adduced, that it is hardly possible t o discern in t h e m J e w s from non-Jews. 1

2

The Jewishness of some of t h e persons appearing i n our eight documents is fairly certain, while of others it is either probable or possible. So Theodoros, t h e son of Nikodemos (Nos. 142-3), who deposits his testament in the Jewish archive, belongs undoubtedly t o t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t y . The theophoric name borne b y one of the brothers, a n d t h e names Alexander and Nikodemos, common among Jews, m a y serve t o corroborate our supposition (cf. N o . 143,7, note a d l o c ) . On the other hand, there is nothing t o reveal t h e nationality of Alexander's creditor, Ammonios (No. 142). Dionysia, t o w h o m Theodoros bequeathes a s u m of 200 drachmai, is likely to have been a Jewess (No. 143). N e x t (No. 144) we have a divorce case, one of the parties t o which is Apollonia, the daughter of Sambathion, who, as her father's name shows, is probably a Jewess, and her mother Eirene a n d her husband Hermogenes m a y also be Jews. W e have, however, t o reckon w i t h t h e possibility of a m i x e d marriage, a phenomenon perhaps not unusual in Alex­ andria though wholly disapproved b y Philo, w h o declares it (de spec. leg. 3. 29) 1

According to Segre there are nearly fifty Jews to be found in the Alexandrian papyri published in B G U I V . However, his criteria for inclusion seem to be somewhat lax: (a) the word K a l a a p o s , which sometimes goes with a name, does not point to the man's Jewishness; it means that the person in question was an imperial slave or freedman; (b) theophoric names were certainly not restricted to J e w s ; (c) not all the inhabitants of the quarter were Jews. 3

Though Strabo says that a region of the town was assigned to the Jews, it does not neces­ sarily mean that this region is identical with one of the five quarters. I t may be only a part of one of the quarters, possibly of the 8 . Stronger

evidence in favour of a Jewish majority in two of the five quarters is supplied by Philo, Flacc. 5 5 , according to whom two of the five town-quarters were labelled 'Jewish'. Y e t much depends on the translation of the words 8 i a TO irXeLoTovs

'IovSalovs

iv ravrais KarotKeiv. Goodenough, Jurisprudence, 16, n. 29, translates 'inhabited mostly by J e w s ' ; Colson (Loeb edition) gives as his translation 'because most of the Jews inhabit them', and adds note 'or perhaps: "because most of the inhabitants are Jews", i.e. there are also Gen­ tiles'. Box, Philonis in Flaccum, 1939, translates 'because Jews for the most part dwell in them*. I prefer Colson's first version.

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

3

forbidden b y the Law because of the likelihood of apostasy from monotheism b y the children of a marriage of this kind. T h e following document (No. 145) h a s as its subject a transfer of land. One of t h e lots bordering on t h e land in question is denoted as t h e land of Helkias. Helkias seems t o b e a contemporary Jewish landowner rather than t h e renowned Jewish commander whose activities fall in the reign of Kleopatra I I I , some ninety years before t h e drawing of t h e present document (cf. t h e commentary). Concerning t h e parties t o t h e agreement, there is nothing t o establish t h e Jewishness of either Protarchos, t h e former owner, or his wife, designated aar-q, b u t t h e name of t h e buyer, Tryphon son of Simon, renders it probable that he w a s a J e w . N e x t come t w o agreements in both of which there appear Jewish wet-nurses (Nos. 146-7). Another Jewess, called Martha (No. 148), plays her part in satisfying t h e financial demands of t h e creditor of her late patron, whose property she shares w i t h his son. There is nothing t o b e said as t o t h e nationality of t h e patron himself. T h e last of the series is a highly interesting synchoresis dealing w i t h a repayment of some debt t o a loan society (No. 149). It is almost certain t h a t t h e three debtors are J e w s . The documents, as w e see, are fairly illustrative of t h e variegated onomasticon of Alexandrian Jews. W e find Hebrew (or Semitic) names like Isakis, Marion, Martha, b y the side of theophoric names (Theodoros, Theodotos) a n d c o m m o n Greek names, well established in Hellenistic Jewry (Lysimachos, Tryphon, Alexander). 1

The social picture that emerges from t h e documents confirms largely t h e impression w e get from Philo's writings, t h a t t h e rich financiers and business­ m e n constituted only a part, a n d probably a numerically negligible one, of Alexandrian Jews. A s t h e benefits of t h e synchoretic agreements extended t o the different grades of t h e population, it results inevitably t h a t w e find repre­ sented in t h e m people of various social classes a n d of different economic stand­ ing. Of those appearing in the present documents, highest in t h e social order seem t o rank t h e Macedonian Alexander and his brother Theodoros, w h o owned some land in t h e Alexandrian chora. Y e t even these brothers do not seem economic­ ally well-off and some land possessed b y Theodoros w a s knocked down t o a creditor. Other Jewish landowners are Helkias, whose land is situated in the Bousirite nome, and possibly Tryphon, son of Simon (No. 145), w h o p a y s at least 1,400 drachmai for land in t h e same district (ibid.). All these people come from t h e higher social grades of t h e Jewish population of Alexandria, b u t that cannot b e maintained in respect of t h e others, w h o definitely occupy a place among t h e lower ones. So Apollonia (No. 144) w i t h her rather meagre dowry of 60 drachmai, and t h e t w o Jewish wet-nurses (Nos. 146-7). One of t h e m (Theodote) is designated as a Tlepaivrj, while her husband styles himself a 2

1

Cf. also J o s . ant. 8. 1 9 1 ; Jubil. 30. 1 1 sqq., who extend the prohibition of marriage to all but co-religionists; cf. b. Abodah Zarah 36b. See also Belkin, Philo and the Oral Law, 232; Allon, Tarbiz (in Hebrew), vi. 32 sq.. A list of mixed marriages is drawn up by Juster, ii. 4 5 , n. 5 ; but some of those referred to by him may be accounted for by special circumstances. For the question of marriages between persons

of different nationalities in Graeco-Roman E g y p t cf. Taubenschlag , 104 sqq. It stands to reason, though it is not abso­ lutely certain, that Theodoros too was a Mace­ donian. It is noteworthy that Alexander is one of the few persons in the papyri of the Abusir find who are classed among the Macedonians (the others are a man in B G U 1052 and a woman, Laodike, daughter of Lysias, in B G U 1059). 2

2

SECTION VII

4

IJepa'qs rijs imyovrjg; her m o n t h l y salary consists of 8 drachmai and a quantity of oil. Another Jewess is a freedwoman (No. 148). Finally t h e three J e w s of N o . 149, w h o p a y their loan of 140 drachmai i n 14 instalments, and are denoted 'Persians', are n o t likely t o have belonged t o t h e well-to-do section of t h e population (cf. Vol. I , p p . 50 sq.). As stated above, t h e present documents are drawn in the form of a synchoresis, a kind of document which originated in t h e legal conditions of Ptolemaic Alexandria. I t appears t o have developed from settlements of disputed matters brought before t h e court, a n d s o publicity w a s inherent i n i t from t h e very start. I t would seem that it remained an instrument specifically Alexandrian. The synchoreseis dealt with in the present section are all addressed t o Protarchos, a public notary, whose activity falls a t least between the years 16th and 26th of Augustus. T h e y are all worded objectively. N o . 148 refers in addition t o a v7T6fjivrifj,a delivered t o t h e archidikastes. Though these documents are of a legal character, w e nevertheless look in t h e m in vain for any details which m a y throw some light on t h e working of the Jewish jurisdiction of Alexandria, t h e existence of which is implied b y t h e celebrated passage of Strabo a n d is expressly attested b y t h e Thoseftha (Peah 4. 6; K e t h u b o t h 3. 1). I n t h e present section there is only a single reference t o t h e functions of Jewish autonomous institutions, namely t h e Jewish archive i n which t h e testament of t h e 'Macedonian' Theodoros w a s kept (No. 143). I t i s reasonable t o suppose that t h e Jewish archive enjoyed some sort of official recognition, especially as w e know from t h e Gnomon of the Idios Logos 7 that for a testament t o be valid t h e government of E g y p t required it t o have been drawn before a public n o t a r y . A s t h e testament of Theodoros is not quoted in full, w e cannot s a y whether i t differed in a n y w a y from t h e common t y p e of Graeco-Egyptian testaments. Apart from this single mention of the Jewish apx^tov (No. 143) the papyri do not bear a n y distinct mark of Jewish law or institutions, and one of t h e m plainly contradicts w h a t we know t o be Jewish law. This is N o . 144, a deed of divorce. I t is drawn in t h e usual form of Graeco-Egyptian divorce a s known from other papyri (cf. N o . 144, Introduction), and t h e full equality of b o t h parties t o t h e deed can hardly b e explained in terms of traditional Jewish law, either Biblical or Talmudic, according t o which t h e husband exercises t h e sole right of sending t h e divorce, t h e wife being reduced t o a subordinate position. I t is true t h a t t h e court could at t h e wife's instigation force t h e hus­ band t o send a divorce; y e t e v e n so n o change in the inferior legal status of t h e wife is implied. I n agreement with Graeco-Egyptian but n o t with Jewish usage 1

2

3

1

Cf. for the ovy>x<*>pyoeis

in general, Schubart,

op. cit. 47 sqq.; P . M. Meyer, Jurist. Papyri,

92 sq.;

Pringsheim, Greek Law of Sale, 32 sq.; L . Wenger, Die 743 2

Quellen

des roemischen

Rechts,

143 n. 79,

sq. 8[i\a0TJKai Soon, [irj Kara 8r][iomovs

yevcovrai,

aKvpol

elai.

7

JLarl a l0

xP ]f ' f '^S

Cf. S . Riccobono, jun., 11

Gnomon dell'Idios Logos, 119 sq. That Jewish women in actual practice exer­ cised right of divorce might be inferred from Cowley, no. 1 5 , 23, but here too we may interpret 3

the case in question only to mean that the woman could come into the congregation and demand a divorce. Cf. Belkin, op. cit. 269. See J . N . E p ­ stein, Jahrb. der judisch-literarischen Gesellschaft (Frankfurt a.M.), vi, 1909, 368 sqq., for parallel references in the Palestinian Talmud. In any case the legal practice of Elephantine Jewry can hardly serve as an example of strict Jewish law, because of the non-Jewish influence prevalent there. We should mention that ant. 1 5 . 259, 18. 136, apparently relate two cases in which women

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A IN T H E EARLY ROMAN P E R I O D

5

is also t h e appearance of a Kvpios at t h e side of t h e w o m a n in t w o of t h e docu­ m e n t s (Nos. 143-4). B u t w h y should we expect t o find traces of Jewish law in an Alexandrian synchoresis drawn in a non-Jewish office and naturally according t o t h e requirements and forms of t h e general law prevalent in t h e t o w n ? T h e problem is rather w h y t h e J e w s w h o h a d their o w n autonomous courts h a d nevertheless recourse t o non-Jewish tribunals. Though w e d o n o t k n o w enough t o reach conclusions as t o t h e scope a n d nature of Jewish jurisprudence in Alexandria, w e m a y point t o t h e following considerations: (a) that in t h e synchoreseis t h e general l a w as applied t o Jews, exposed as t h e y were t o e x ­ ternal influence, is consonant with what emerges otherwise from t h e papyri coming from t h e x<*>P ( - Vol. I, p p . 32 s q q . ) ; (b) the jurisdiction of t h e Jewish courts of Alexandria seems n o t t o have been compulsory and hence t h e J e w s could apply t o non-Jewish courts; (c) t h e official and quasi-judicial character of the synchoresis and t h e resulting effectiveness associated with i t h a d as m u c h attraction for Jews as for non-Jews. I t probably assured t h e m of a better settlement of their business than could be obtained b y the other w a y s open t o t h e m ; (d) there is always a strong presumption that in some of the documents included in t h e present section, if not in most of them, only one party t o t h e agreement is Jewish. 1

a

CI

The documents are reproduced in this section with b u t few textual correc­ tions, since n o photostats of t h e B G U papyri were obtainable after t h e Second World War. M. S.

N o . 142. Jewish-owned land in the chora of Alexandria Abusir el-Meleq. 3 1 x 1 2 cm. May/June 1 4 B.C. B G U 1 1 3 2 (Schubart). Cf. BL i. 98. LIT.: Schwarz, Hypothek und Hypallagma, 106 sqq. Preisigke, Klio, xii, 1 9 1 2 , 4 1 1 . Schubart, Arch. v . 38 n. 4, 73 n. 4, 74 n. 2, i n n. 3 , 1 2 8 n. 2. Jors, Sav. Ztschr. x x x v i , 1 9 1 5 , 3 3 1 sq. Kreller, Erbrechtliche Untersuchungen, 1 7 1 n. 18b, 260, 306 n. 1 7 . Engers, Klio, xviii, 1 9 2 3 , 89. Schonbauer, Beitr. zur Gesch. d. Liegenschaftsrechtes, 1 9 2 4 , 2 9 , 4 9 . Schnebel, Landwirtschaft, 1 3 . Engers, Mnemosyne, liv, 1926, 1 5 4 . Bevan, 100 n. 2. Segre, BSAA xxviii, 1 9 3 3 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 7 n. 3 . Calderini, Dizion. d. nomi geogr. i. 1 . 208-9. Bickerman, HTR xliii, 1949, i n . Pringsheim, Greek Law of Sale, 408 n. 1 .

An agreement concerning a debt due from Alexander, styled 'Macedonian', to Ammonios. The debt has been contracted by Theodoros, the deceased brother of Alexander, who made his will (as we know from No. 143) in the Jewish apx^lov. Hence both brothers are certainly to be regarded as Jews. In the preserved part of this document four synchoreseis previous to the final one, which is not preserved, are cited. The deceased Theodoros had borrowed from Ammonios a sum of 500 drachmai. When he failed to repay, some plots of his land in the chora of Alexandria were put up for auction and knocked down by aprosbole (cf. note ad loc.) to the creditor. In consequence of high station divorced their respective husbands, but here they act as open transgressors of the L a w , presumably under Roman influence, and the same applies to the hypothetical case of Mark 10. 1 2 . Cf. Amram, The Jewish Law of Divorce, 1896, 61 sq.; Neufeld, Ancient Hebrew

Marriage Laws, 1944, 182 sqq. In the eyes of the strict Jewish law, as formulated in m. Gittin, i. 5 , divorce proceedings brought before a non-Jewish court had in any case only doubtful validity. 1

6

S E C T I O N V I I : NO. 142

the debt was reduced by 200 drachmai. The following three synchoreseis deal with further loans of 500, 200, and 200 drachmai respectively. The final synchoresis might have dealt with the repayment of the debt by Alexander, or perhaps with taking over the debts of Theodoros by Alexander (see similar case in No. 148). IIpcoTdpxi> irapa Ap.p.tovio(v) TOV Aiovvato(v)

Zrj(v€Lov) Kal napa

AXe^dvSpov

TOV NiKoSetfJiOV M
AJJLJJLCOVLOV

OeoScopov /card

/cat

fxeTrjXXaxoTOs

€TL TOV

te (eret) Kauaapos

TCOL

d8eXov

avvx<*)prjoeis S o^/xatVerat

TOV NLKOBCL/JLOV

[Lev pitav

AXe£dv8pov

TOV

@OJV9

TOV

Afxp,ojvLov

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JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D al

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Tlayyi... Traces of some lines. (Translation) T o Protarchos. from Ammonios the son of Dionysios, a Zeneian, a n d from Alexandres, son of Nikodemos, a Macedonian. Since m the four agree­ m e n t s made through the court b y A m m o n i o s and t h e deceased brother of Alexandras Theodoros the son of Nikodemos, according t o the first, made in t h e i r t h year of Caesar (Augustus) in t h e m o n t h Thoth, it is signified that, in relation t o the 500 drachmai and interest t h a t A m m o n i o s lent t o Theodoros b y a notarized agreement and a contract made through t h e bank of Marion and Theogenes the praktores h a v e adjudged t o A m m o n i o s from t h e property of Theodoros'in the Aurineites of the chora of Alexandria b y the village of the Svrians of the sixth plot which bears t h e sign of Paideros and Abrytanos, dry land liable t o inundation t o t h e amount of M normal arourai which remained as his half-share, and in t h e same plot a n d sign, dry land adjoining it t o the south likewise liable t o inundation, t o t h e amount of 5 arourai, and in t h e same ulot and sign dry land, likewise liable t o inundation, t o the amount of if of an aroura- and t h a t t h e same A m m o n i o s h a s taken over from Theodoros b y the i u d e e m e n t of t h e praktores, from the property which formerly belonged t o Aristion t h e daughter of Aristion, a house in the Syrian village and t h e work­ shops appertaining a n d building-plots a n d h u t s ; and t h a t the same A m m o n i o s h a s received from Theodoros 200 of the 500 drachmai of silver and h a s been paid t h e interest o n the 500 drachmai u p to the above-mentioned d a t e ; a n d that o n account of the judgement made to h i m of t h e property of Aristion, he h a s received drachmai of silver: and b y t h e second agreement, made in the same 9

8

SECTION V I I :NOS. 142-143

year in the m o n t h Phaophi, it is signified, b e y o n d what stands in the first agree­ ment, that in addition t o the 300 drachmai of silver that remain t o Theodoros of t h e 500 drachmai, h e h a s borrowed from the same Ammonios through t h e same bank another 500 drachmai of silver, s o that Theodoros h a s in all 800 drachmai, a n d h a s given in the agreement an acknowledgement of t h e loan t o A m m o n i o s : a n d b y the third agreement, made in the sixteenth year of Caesar (Augustus) i n t h e m o n t h Hathyr, i t is shown that t h e previous agreements stand, and t h a t Theodoros h a s borrowed in addition from Ammonios, through the same bank of Marion and Theogenes, in the m o n t h H a t h y r 200 drachmai, and in the m o n t h Pachon another 200 drachmai, t o make in . . . m o n t h s ( ? ) . . . 1200 drachmai of silver . . . register . . . t o Theodoros . . . the previous agreements . . . agreement: and b y the fourth agreement, made in the same 16th year of Caesar (Augustus) in the m o n t h Payni. . . . 1. Protarchos was the public notary, to whom the documents included in this section are ad­ dressed. 2. Z - q ( v d o v ) : denotes the deme of Alexandria in which Ammonios was enrolled, cf., for example, Schubart, op. cit. 8 2 ; Martin, Chr. d'Egypte, xiii, 1932, 301. 3. On the question of 'Macedonian Jews' see Vol. I , pp. 14 sq. Kpir-qplov—most probably the court whose head was Protarchos. On the two Kpirrfpia in Alexandria cf. Schubart, 58 sqq. 7-8. iJLvrjixovLKrj ovyyparj

is an agreement drawn up in a notary's office ((ivrjfjioveiov);

cf. Schubart, 77.

8. 8iaypa<j>r) Sta rpane^rjg is a document authenticated by a bank; loans contracted through a bank are frequent. Maplcov may be a Roman name with a Greek suffix, cf., for example, S B 4604; Arch. v . 175 n. 26; S B 4374, 7354. For irpoofiepXijodai cf. 1. 17 Trpoa^oX-q and note ad loc. The unpublished P. 13090 (Inv. Berl.) seems to bear on this case: fifj OVOTJS T(rj)s peficutooeLos T(TJ)S 7tpoK(eip.4vqs) TTpooflo(Mjs) Afi/jLCoyioy

(?) 8ta TT}(S) Bed TCOV irpa^Topcov)

ovyxcopiftcretos),

see Schubart in BL,

I.e.

9 - 1 1 . yvos means usually in the papyri a field surrounded by dykes, also a plot (cf. Olsson, Papyrusbriefe, 67, 1. 16 note; P . Oxford, p. 5 1 ) . It would seem that the A X e g a v S p e w v x ^ P - consisted of plots ( y v o i ) both numbered and named (cf. 1.10 y v o v i m o r j u o v ) with pertinent mark on the boundary stone; 0

however, in 1.15 occurs iv T<3 avrcp see Calderini, op. cit. 209. On Evpaiv

yvco

/cat imorjuq).

For the Avpiveirrjs,

a topos

Kd>fj.ai see Vol. I , pp. 4 - 5 ; for KaraKenXvafievrj

in the land of Alexandria, x^poos

cf. Schnebel, I.e.

17. -npoofioXri—is 'ein Eigentumszuschlag des Pfandes im Vollstreckungsverfahren' (Schwarz, 104), cf. Taubenschlag , 276, 527, 533, 535 n. 2 1 , Pringsheim, Scritti Ferrini, iv. 284 sqq., Segre, Archivio Giuridico, Sesta Serie, i, 1945, 161 sqq. 1 8 - 1 9 . Ammonios has taken over land under cultivation and building-plots; on tjiiXol r o v o i see No. 447, note. 2

A. F .

No. 1 4 3 . Agreement about Abusir el-Meleq. 3 7 x 1 2 cm. 13 B.C. B G U 1 1 5 1 , I V (Schubart). Roth 1 0 . L I T . : Schubart, Klio, x, 191 o, 65. Berger, Die Strafklauseln in den Papyrusurkunden, 1 9 1 1 , 1 5 , 188, 195. Wilcken, Grundz. 63. Mitteis, Grundz. 236. Juster, i. 4 7 5 n. 2, ii. 7 n. 5 para. 5, 86 n. 2 . Schubart, Einfiihr. in die Papyr. 3 3 0 . Kreller, 1 7 1 n. 1 8 b , 194 n. 29, 260, 300 n. 1 9 , 306, 3 1 6 , 3 2 0 , 3 6 3 , 364. Accordi, Stud. Scuol. Papirol. Milan, iii, 1920, 24. Fuchs, 93 sq., 97. Engers, Mnemosyne, liv, 1 9 2 6 , 154 sq. Bevan, 100 n. 2. Goodenough, Jewish Courts in Egypt, 1 5 . Weber, Obligationenrecht, 19. 180, 1 8 2 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 4 . Segr6, BSAA xxviii, 1 9 3 3 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 7 n. 3 , 1 5 8 n. 2 . Box, In Flacc, Intro­ duction, p. xxvii n. 3 . Lenger, RIDA iii, 1949, 74. Tcherikover, Commentationes Lewy (Hebrew), 159 n. 5 2 .

A sum of 200 drachmai was bequeathed to Dionysia by Theodoros. The sum is due to her from Alexander, Theodoros' brother (see No. 1 4 2 ) . The papyrus is a synchoresis in which Dionysia acknowledges receipt of half of the sum; the remaining 100 drachmai

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A

IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

9

are to be paid in instalments in 1 7 months. The usual formulae concerning fines, in case the debtor fails to pay, follow. As the will of Theodoros was made S i a rod TCOV 'IovSatcov dpx^ov (11. 7 - 8 ) , it is certain that the two brothers were Jews; that Dionysia was a Jewess would seem to be probable, but not certain. This is the only instance of Ttjjv 'IovSaccov apx^tov being mentioned in the papyri (cf. CI J ii. 7 7 5 for an dpxelov TCOV 'IovSaicov in Hierapolis in Phrygia); the TTOXLTIKOV dpxelov, i.e. the notary's office of the TTOXLS of Alexandria, occurs in BGU iv (see Schubart, Arch. v. 3 8 ; cf. especially BGU 1 1 3 1 . 1 4 , 2 2 ) , and the 'IovSatcov dpx^ov seems to have been its counterpart, i.e. the records-office of the Jewishpoliteuma in Alexandria (see also Vol. I, pp. 3 2 sqq.). Ko\(\rjfjLa)

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SECTION VII: NOS. 143-144

10

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(Translation.) T o Protarchos, from Dionysia t h e daughter of Ariston w i t h her guardian, her mother's brother, Agathinos t h e son of Philotas, and from A l e x ­ andres t h e son of Nikodemos. W i t h regard t o t h e matter in dispute, Dionysia acknowledges t h a t she h a s duly received from Alexandros 100 of t h e 200 silver drachmai which were bequeathed t o her b y t h e deceased brother of Alexandros, Theodoros, in accordance w i t h t h e will which he deposited in t h e archive of t h e Jews, and neither she nor anyone acting for her will proceed against Alexandros for the 100 drachmai which he h a s retained, a n d there h a v e been granted t o h i m in order t o account for t h e 100 drachmai which h e owes (?) 17 months from t h e present m o n t h Pharmouthi of t h e 17th year of Caesar (Augustus), and she will receive t h e m without interest . . . security; b u t if a t t h e end of t h e period Alexandros does n o t p a y t h e 100 drachmai of silver, he shall be liable t o p a y t h e principal a n d half as m u c h again and, for t h e time in excess, t h e interest of 2 drachmai fixed b y t h e interest-code, and Dionysia m a y recover from A l e x ­ andros himself a n d from all his property, a s if she h a d received judgement against h i m . N o guarantees are t o b e brought forward; if t h e y are, t h e y shall be invalid. T o this w e agree. The 17th year of Caesar (Augustus), Pharmouthi 17. Alexandros, son of Nikodemos. Dionysia, daughter of Ariston. H e r guardian, her mother's brother, Agathinos son of Philotas. A will of 200 drachmai. 100 drachmai duly paid. T h e remaining 100 drachmai u p till Mesore 7 of t h e coming 18th year of Caesar (Augustus) without interest. 2.-rrapd A i o y y o i a $ : an Egyptian Jewess named Dionysia occurs in. CI J. ii. 1532 (beginning of the Roman period). 4. Nikodemos occurs quite often among the Jewish-Palestinian names; cf. ant. 14, 3 7 ; Joh. 3 sqq., see also Strack-Billerbeck, ii. 413 sq. 7. 'T sicher, der 4 Bst. 8 oder a , Schluss cov sehr wahrsch. Demnach bleibt kaum etwas anderes iibrig als 'IovSalcov

' (Schubart ad l o c ) .

10. <Sf 6d(\ei) ? Schubart. 1 2 . F o r the question of a V o / c o ? , cf. Vol. I , pp. 35 sq.

15. Kara to Sidypafifia—this diagramma, which fixed the legal rate of interest for loans which were not repaid at the agreed term, is referred to in many of the documents from Abusir; for the Ptolemaic origin of this diagramma see Lenger, op. cit. 74 sq. Cf. Pr^aux, Chr. d'£gypte, x x v , 1950, p. 281.

A. F .

N o . 1 4 4 . Deed of Divorce Abusir el-Meleq. 3 7 x 10-5 cm. 10th March, 1 3 B . C . B G U 1 1 0 2 (Schubart). L I T . : Berger, 43 n. 3 , 63 n. 3 , 2 2 5 sq. Schubart, Arch. v . 59 n. 1 , 7 5 , 82 n. 2 , 91 n. 3 . Kreller, Erbrechtliche Untersuchungen, 2 4 n. 3 . Montevecchi, Aeg. xvi, 1 9 3 6 , 20 sqq. Wolff, Written and Unwritten Marriages in Hellenistic and Postclassical Roman Law, 36, 66. Bringmann, Die Frau in

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A

IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

n

ptoletn.-kais. Aegypten, 1 9 3 9 , 1 2 n. 20, 23 n. 7 3 , 1 3 2 . Erdmann, Sav. Ztschr. lxi, 1 9 4 1 , 4 8 . Tcherikover, Comment. Lewy (Hebrew), 1 5 9 n. 5 2 . Pringsheim, Greek Law of Sale, 3 1 6 n. 4.

This deed of divorce of the Jewess Apollonia, daughter of Sambathion, and Hermogenes, son of Hermogenes, is couched in terms typical of Hellenistic deeds of this kind. No trace of the influence of the Jewish law of divorce is to be seen in it. The document falls into the following main sections: (a) agreement of divorce; (b) restitution of dowry; (c) annulment of marriage and statement about the illegality of any claim based on the contract of marriage; (d) freedom to marry for both parties; (e) fines for transgression of the deed of divorce. For deeds of divorce in the papyri cf. Montevecchi, op. cit. 20, where 26 deeds are listed; see also Taubenschlag , 1 2 0 sqq.; Mitteis, Grundz. 2 1 7 sqq.; Erdmann, op. cit. 44 sqq. 2

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SECTION V I I : NOS. 144-145

12

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second

above the line.

(Translation.) T o Protarchos, from Apollonia daughter of Sambathion w i t h her guardian, her mother's brother, Herakleides son of Herakleides, and from Hermogenes son of Hermogenes a n Archistrateian. Apollonia and Hermogenes agree that t h e y h a v e dissolved their marriage b y an agreement made through the same court in the 13th year of Caesar (Augustus) in the m o n t h Pharmouthi. Apollonia agrees that she has duly received back from Hermogenes the dowry of 60 drachmai which h e h a d o n her account from her parents Sambathion a n d Eirene according t o t h e marriage-agreement. T h e y agree therefore that t h e marriage-agreement is void, and that neither Apollonia nor anyone proceeding on her behalf will proceed against Hermogenes t o recover t h e dowry, and t h a t neither of t h e m will proceed against t h e other o n a n y matter arising from t h e marriage or from a n y other matter arising u p t o t h e present day, and that from this d a y it shall be lawful for Apollonia t o marry another m a n and Hermogenes t o marry another w o m a n without penalty, a n d that whosoever transgresses this agreement shall b e liable t o t h e appointed penalty. T h e 17th year of Caesar (Augustus), P h a m e n o t h 14. 3 - 4 . On the name Sambathion cf. Vol. I , pp. 94-96. 7. ' a p x y y oder a p x i a r , scheint moglich; man erwartet ein Demotikon, aber die Wortendung entspricht nicht der gewohnlichen Bildungsweise der Demotika' (edit.), a p x r j y , however, seems to be unexplainable while ^ p x TOV Ilapdficovos

Apxiarparelov

t < T T

P

a T e

''

o u

is

w e

U attested, cf. P S I 1223. 7 - 9 : ixerd

TOV Kal AXdautos,

Kvplov

rov narpos

Eloltovos

see also P S I 777. 4; P . Flor. 382. 2 8 ; S B 5676; Mitteis,

Chr. 189. 4—all of them referring to the above phyle and d e m o s . Thus, Hermogenes was either a J e w who had full Alexandrian citizenship, or an Alexandrian Greek, married to a Jewess (on mixed marriages see above, Introduction p. 2). 15-20. Cf. B G U 1103. 1 0 - 1 4 ; 975. 20-23. 20. The amount of 60 drachmai as Apollonia's dowry shows that the Jewish family in question were 'little men'. 20-22. Cf. B G U 1103. 1 4 - 1 5 . 3 0 - 3 1 . Cf. B G U 1103. 2 2 - 2 5 ; 1104. 2 4 - 2 5 ; P. Lips. 27. 23 sqq. 34. The usual formula owapno&odai erroneously omitted, cf. 1103. 2 3 ; P . Lips. 27. 2 5 - 2 6 ; P S I 921. 30. A.

F.

No. 1 4 ^ . Jewish landowner in the Bousirite district Abusir el-Meleq. 37 x 24 cm. 7th April, 1 3 B . C . B G U 1 1 2 9 (Schubart). Mitteis, Chr. 254. Cf. BL i. 9 8 ; iii. 1 , 1 7 . L I T , : Berger, 5 , 1 5 , 3 8 , 4 3 , 50, 1 2 4 , 1 3 5 n. 3 , 1 3 6 . Schwarz, 1 2 5 n. 2. Schubart, Arch. v . 1 1 9 n. 2 .

JEWS IN ALEXANDRIA

IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 13

Juster, i. 204 n. 5, ii, 69 n. 2, 295 n. 1 . Kreller, 189 n. 2. Woess, Urkundenwesen, 164, 2 7 7 . Fuchs, 5 2 . Weber, Obligationenrecht, 1 1 sq., 2 1 n. 1 . Segre, op. cit. 22 n. 4. Arangio-Ruiz, RIDA iv, 1 9 5 0 , 1 2 n. 1 2 . Pringsheim, Greek Law of Sale, 170 n. 1 0 , 1 7 6 n. 4, 320 n. 2 , 3 2 3 sq., 3 2 6 n. 2, 3 6 4 , 3 9 3 n. 5, 394 nn. 2, 3 , 6, 401 n. 3 . Taubenschlag , 89 n. 104. 2

Protarchos, a landowner, received from Tryphon in January-February 1 3 B . C part of the price of some land in the Bousirite district and promised in a synchoresis to transfer the land to Tryphon by 2 1 s t March on receipt of the rest of the price. On the date of the present papyrus he has received the sum due to him and transfers the land (Pringsheim, op. cit. 3 2 3 ) . The main interest of the present papyrus lies for us in 11. 1 5 - 1 7 , the description of the lot in question; the land bordering on it on the south is stated as XCXKIOV yrj, on the west "Hpcovos Kal XeXKio(v) yrj. Helkias is a Hebrew name—irrpbn (though we know of a non-Jewish Semite being called by that name; cf. Zucker, Abh. preuss. Ak. 1 9 3 7 , Phil.-hist. Kl. no. 6, p. 4 , 1 . 9 3 ) , and it would seem reasonable to suppose that the land mentioned in 11. 1 4 - 1 7 was in Jewish ownership (for details cf. notes below). I print 11. 1 - 2 7 and 3 9 only; the rest of the papyrus is badly preserved and has no bearing on our subject.

KoX(Xr)p,a) IJpoordpxooL rrapd Tpvcf>co(vos) rod Uifjbopy(os) Kqiaq[pos rov Zrjiyetov)

Kal rrapd]

L7[pcord]p[xo]v

[rrapovarjs Kal avvevSoKovorjs

rots Kqrd rr)(v) ovvxooprj(oLv) arjp,aLvop,(evoLs) rrjs yvvaiK(6s) rrj(s) 5

dorrj(s)

pierd K(vpiov) avrov

av(rov) TOOL

KpLrrj(pcov)

IJpco(rdpxov).

Mex^lp cpfJLoX(6yr)CT€v) 6

Kal rrjs

CTVV€VSOK(OVOT]S)

eKros ov rrpoeiXrj^cpe)

irrel Kara rrjv Std rov

rereXei,cop,€(vr]v) oyyx
eVe(o-raJrt) t£ (eret) Kaiaapos x{os)

'Orrcopas

IJpcordpxov

[[/CE^AJ]

Upcorap-

yvyqiK(6s)

rrapd rod

Tpyd>(covos) Kql

dpx(acov)

K€cj)aX(aiov) rrpoGKop,iodp,(€vos) rds Xoirr(ds) rrj(s) iorap,i(vr)s)

rip,rj(s) dpyv(piov)

av(rod) (erovs) piqaeiv

TOOL

\[ev9ecos]\

(8paxp
rod

rrapaxco-

Tpv[^>covi) rj ois edv avvrdaarji

Ka9*

erep(av) avyx<jopr]{oiv)

drro rcov vrrap10

xdvrtov avrtoL IIpcordpx{oJi) iv

BovoeLpirrji iv rorrapx^i

Odevpir)

Ktop,r)(v) &ovotf)ooi yrjs KaroLKiKrj(s) dpovptd(v) SiaKooicov

dpovp(as)

TOOL

rrepl reoaapdKovra

ivvea

rjpLLarv

oySoov

6AC/catSe/caro(v),

d' cov

eloLV

iv

puai

ocppayeiBi e8dT) cov 4

apovp(ai) yqis '', cov yeiroves dpovpcd(v),

vorcoi ra Xoirrd \[od~\\ icovqrai 6 Tpycf>(cov)

14

S E C T I O N V I I : NO. 145 fiopp&L

TCOV Kal

KdTOL Napcp(...), iv

drrrjXico'(T7)L) fiovvos, At/?t AXe^avhpicov

iripai

[[at Se XoLrralJ\ 15

\[dpovp(ai)

/as" (rj^ttcru)J] opayeib*i a t Aot7r(at) dpovp(ai)

cov yeiTOves

yrj, f$opp(ai)

XCXKLOV XeX

p,s" (r)pLiov),

VOTCOL

^copa,

drrrjXicoTrji

/3OVVOL,

XL/31 "Hpcpvos

Kal

KLO(V)

yrj id? ois dXXous r) avvxoopr}(oLs) rrepiexei, ^d vvv \[crvyx
irrl

r o t c S e cooTe

eVet]] drreaxr]K(ev) 6

IIpc6(Tapxos)

rrapd TOV Tpvtf>co(vos) Std Trjs Kdgj(opos) av Kal 20

Tparre^rjs r d ? [[77/do/c]] TOV dpyv(piov)

(Spaxp-as)

ovyxoipel

rrapaxooprj(oai)

TCOL

TrpoK(eLp,evas)

Tpv(cpcovi) drro dpov(pas)

TOV VV(V)

els

TOV

del xpd(vov)

rds

pi9 (fjpLLGv) r)is"' Kal e t e ( . . . )

fiey Tpycpcoyq Kpajely Kal Kvpieveiv qyjcpy Kal eTepois rrapaxcope(tv) Kal eyfiiadovv \[olKOvop,etv

Kal irriTeX(eiv) rrepl avTCo(v) OTL idv fleA^tJJ Kal drro<j>epe-

odai r d £ avTco(v) ioofieva /car' eros drro TOV elaigyjos ir) (erovs) Kaioqpgs Std t o r d TOV ive(oTCOTOs) (erovs) etvai TOV IJpcoTapxov Kal OLKovop,(eLv) /cat e7UTeA(etV) /car* avrcov OTL idv 25

[[^e'A^tJ]

r eA e t o w Se Kal ovs idv erepovs OeXrjt x#?7/^aTtcrju.ous' typo Trj(o)8e TV( ) ovvxcoprf{o€cos) Kal tcov npos avTrjv eli<[ovcov?

fxejeyeyK^ovTa)

S

irrl

Toys Torr(ovs)

[[ p.€T€TTL ypdcbeodai

TCOL

pirrp...

KaTaXoxLop,(ovs) ...qXas

Ka0r)(K...)

J Kal TOVS

...ovs

[p^r)] rrpggrSerjOeyTi rrjs

rgy

TIpatTapxiov)

rrapovaias. 39

[(€TOUS")t]£ Kaioapos

Oapp,(ovdi) tj8.

3. Space after second r o v .

14. 1. A X e g a v S p e w v .

27. 1.

neTemypafcoOai.

(Translation.) T o Protarchos, from Tryphon son of Simon, an imperial slave, and from Protarchos a Zeneian, Opora, t h e wife of Protarchos, an Alexandrian, w it h her guardian Protarchos, being present a n d assenting t o what is signified in t h e agreement. Since b y an agreement validated b y t h e same court in t h e present 17th year of Caesar (Augustus) in t h e m o n t h Mecheir, Protarchos with the assent of his wife agreed, provided t h a t he received before Pharmouthi 5 of the same year t h e remaining 1400 drachmai towards t h e agreed price beyond the down-payment which he h a d received, t o transfer b y another agreement t o Tryphon or t o his assigns 49H- arourai of t h e 200 arourai of katoikic land which he (Protarchos) possesses in the Bousirite nome, in the Phtheirie toparchy around t h e village Thonopho, consisting of 3 ^ arourai in one sphragis, bordered

JEWS IN ALEXANDRIA

IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 15

on the south b y the remaining land which Tryphon has bought, on the north b y t h e land at Naro . . ., o n t h e east b y hills, a n d o n t h e west b y t h e chora of Alexandria, and in another sphragis the remaining 4 6 ! arourai, bordered o n t h e south b y the land of Helkias, on the north b y a dyke, o n t h e east b y some hills, o n t h e west b y t h e land of Heron a n d Helkias. W i t h regard t o this agreement, Protarchos now, in conformity w i t h the agreement, has received from Tryphon through t h e bank of Kastor t h e 1400 drachmai of silver, and agrees t o transfer t o Tryphon from n o w and for ever t h e above-mentioned 4 9 ^ arourai, a n d it shall be lawful for Tryphon t o have and possess t h e m , t o transfer t h e m t o others, t o lease them, and t o take a w a y their yearly produce from the coming 18th year of Caesar (Augustus), t h e produce of this year being reserved t o Protarchos, t o manage a n d deal with as he wishes and transact whatever other business h e wishes, being empowered b y this agreement . . . t o t h e land . . . reckonings . . . register t h e land without needing the presence of Protarchos. 17th year of Caesar (Augustus), Pharmouthi 12. 3 . Both Sificov and Tpviov are names often borne by J e w s ; for Ei^iiov, cf. Vol. I , Index of Names; as an example of an Alexandrian J e w bearing the name of Tpvcfxov cf. the Tryphon mentioned by Philo among the members of the Jewish gerousia of Alexandria who were persecuted in the time of Flaccus (Flacc. 76), and the Tryphon father of Helenos in No. 1 5 1 . Kalaapos; the purchaser was an imperial slave or freedman (cf. Taubenschlag, I.e.; Tait, Arch. vii. 177). The name of Protarchos' father is left out. For the demotikon Zyveios cf. No. 1 4 2 , 1 . 2, note. 5. For 6.oT7j cf. Vol. I , p. 4 1 , note 102. 7. KOL a p x ( a i o v ) : Schubart's tentative reading. Perhaps

Kai(_a)>ap(os)7

9 - 1 3 . Protarchos sells to Tryphon 4 9 $ arourai out of 200 arourai of katoikic land which he holds in the vicinity of the village Thonopho, in the $ 0 e i p u j toparchy of the Bousirite district. The land purchased by Tryphon forms two different lots, in two different sphragides {acf>payis occurs here in the well-attested sense of an officially defined area of land which includes plots belonging to different persons, cf., for example, P . Oxy. 918, ii. 8 and the introduction to that papyrus; B G U 8 3 1 . 6; P. Hamb. 1 2 . 3 , 9 with note on 1 . 2 ; see Preisigke, P . Strassb. 1 . i, pp. 90 sq.). 1 3 - 1 4 . One plot bought by Tryphon consists of 3 ^ - arourai; it borders on the west on the chora of Alexandria, cf. Schubart, ad loc. 1 4 - 1 7 . The other plot is of 46J arourai. It is described as follows: from the south it borders on the land of Helkias; from the north on a dyke; from the east on some hills, from the west on the 'land of Heron and Helkias'. Schubart (op. cit. 119 n. 2) suggests that the X<-\«lov yr\ might have belonged to the Jewish general Helkias of the time of Kleopatra I I I (see Vol. I , p. 24). That would entail an assumption that the estate continued to be called by the name of Helkias for about 100 years. It would seem possible that a great estate would retain the name of its first owner; here, however, we see two plots of 'land of Helkias', one going under his name, the other referred to as 'the land of Helkias and Heron'. So it would seem better to suppose that the document refers to the actual state of possession, and that the J e w Helkias owned in the sphragis in question two plots (the extent of which cannot be ascertained), one in full ownership, the other in partnership with Heron. 20. Trapa o>py(otu) Mitteis; 7rapaxa>pi?(cr€iv) Schubart; Berger, and Schwarz, propose 7rapaxwp'?Kevu; the cession is a present one, cf. Pringsheim, 323 n. 2. X

27. The land could be legally registered on Tryphon's name and pass into his full ownership without Protarchos' presence being necessary (cf. Pringsheim, 323 sq.). A. F.

Engagement of a wet-nurse Abusir el-Meleq. 3 5 x 1 1 cm. February/March 1 3 B.C. B G U 1 1 0 6 (Schubart). Mitteis, Chr. 1 0 8 . L I T . : Berger, 5, 7 nn. 5, 8, 1 5 , 27 n. 7, 44 n. 2, 5 7 , 7 7 , 1 6 6 , 1 7 7 n. 4. Schubart, Arch. v. 38 n. 1 ,

16

S E C T I O N V I I : NO. 146

59-60 n. 3 , 1 1 3 n. 3 , 1 1 4 n. 1 , 1 1 5 n. 2. Weber, Obligationenrecht, 1 9 3 2 , 62 nn. 1 , 2, 98 n. 5, 99 n. 1 , 165 n. 2. Johnson, Roman Egypt, 286. Bringmann, 66 n. 3 1 1 , 1 3 4 . Bola, Untersuch. z. Tiermiete u. Viehpacht 1940, 64 n. 2, 76 n. 1 , 77 n. 1 , 89n. 2. Tcherikover, Comment. Lewy (Hebrew), 1 5 9 n. 5 2 . Prings­ heim, Greek Law of Sale, 464 n. 6. Taubenschlag , 74 n. 30, 86 n. 94, 377 n. 7, 3 7 8 n. 1 5 , 3 7 9 nn. 1 7 , 1 8 . 2

An agreement between Theodote, daughter of Dositheos, and Marcus Aemilius, son of Marcus, of the Claudian tribe. Theodote is to act for the period of eighteen months as a wet-nurse of a child entrusted to her by Marcus. Her wages amount to 8 drachmai a month and a certain quantity of oil. The contract is couched in the usual terms of a avyypaprj rpoLTLs. It states: (a) the conditions of work; (b) the amount of wages (usually paid, wholly or partly, in advance); (c) undertaking on the part of the wet-nurse, to take good care of the child and of herself in the period specified in the agreement (not to injure her milk, &c.); (d) specification of fines in case of breach of agreement. For list of nursing contracts cf. Johnson, Rom. Eg. 286 sqq.; on agreements of this kind see also Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri, 5 5 , 5 6 ; Taubenschlag , 3 7 7 n. 7 ; Berger, 1 7 6 sqq.; Bringmann, 1 3 3 sq. 2

(1st hand)

[IJpcordpx^i

(2nd hand)

[rrapd]

T <

t

T

^ i™ °v

MdpKov

Kpirrjpiov

AlpaXiov

MdpKov

(vlov)

KaXXcSta

/c[at

rrapd ©[eod^prrjs rrjs AcooiOeov TIepaei\y]rjs K \ O I i]yyvov 5

rcov Kara

rrjvhe rrjv

p.e\rd

Kvpiov

avvxoj[prjoiv

orj[Laivop,evcov rov dvSpos Ecbppyps [rov [....]..

.dpxov

\[2co(f)povos]\ IJep[cT]py rrj[s

im-

[yovrjs-] rrepl rcov Stearap,ev'cov [ovyx<*>peL rj ©eo80717 irrl xpovov p,rjvas Se/ca jJbeycoO rod ivearcoros 10

t£ (erovs) Kai[oapos

[TCOL

tStcot avrrjs ydXaKri Kadapcoi rraiSlov iarov

SOVXLKOV

[Xap,j3dvovoa

Kal

dcfrdopcoi

dvalperov

vrroridiov

Trap* av]rov

7roAtv

r

v

Tvx )

Kara p\rjva

eKaorov

[puoddv rod re ydXaKros Kal rrjs rpocfrrjas ovv [eAatcot dpyvpiov

(hpax^ds)

[SOTH] St' iyyvov

rod 2J[cb]cf>ppyps rrapd rod

€i

[8td x P°S [OKTCO

20

rpo-

[tpevcreiv Kal BrjXdoeiv e£co] Trap* earrju [/card o ivKexeipiKev avrrji 6 MdpKos

15

drro <Pa-

[OKTCO

i]£

OLKOV

rj, drreoxrjKev

els rovs

r]pocf)rja purjvcov ivvea

[8paxp
Se r) ©eo-

rrpoKipievovs rds

M[dpKov

pirjv[as Se'/ca

avvayp[p,evas

Suo, Kal idy

pyyftrji iyrps

[rcov] rradiv ri dvOpcomvov TO rraihiov, rrj[v ©eo[Sorrjv d]yeXop,evrjv erepov rraihiov

rpo[d)evaeLv

[Kal dr}X]qp€iy Kal rrapaorrjoeiv

MdpK[coi irrl

TCOL

[rcov] ccrcov p,rjvcdv ivvea pirjSev TO KaOoXov Xq25

[fiodo]q Std T O dddvarov [cj>evei]v, evraKTOvp,evr)v

avrrjv avrrjv

imSeSexdai rots

Ao[t7rots"

rp[o-

[rov-

JEWS IN ALEXANDRIA

IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 17

[/car]a p>rjva Tpor)ois rroietoBai rr\v r e earrjs [KOL TOV] rraioLOV rrpoar]Kovaav

irnpieXrjav p,r)

[cj>dipova]ay TO ydXa /x??S' dvopoKOCTOvaav 30

p>r)8* €7r[i-

[fcjupyorav ju/nS' krepov rrapadrjXdc^ovaav TratStpy, d

XdfirjL rj maTevOrjt acda

T€ idv

Kal drrohcboeiv

crvvTrjprjcnv

drraiTrJTai rj iKTiaeiv Tr)v

OTQV

eKapjov d£Lav rrXr)v ovvcf>avovs arrcoXiqas, r)s Kal avepds yevr)6eia\r]s d]rroXeXvodco, Kal p,r) iyXeirr\eiv 35

Tr)v Tp[o]cbr]av ivTOS TOV [x]p6vpyvrji, elvai avTrjv Kal

avvexeodai

i[dv S]e' TL rrapaftai-

r e Kal TOV Scocj>pov[a

d]ycoylp,ovs

p^expei TOV e'/creftajat a r e €iXr)~

tfiey r[po]tf)rja Kal a idv Xd^[r]t] ovv rjp,[i]oXcai Kal r d pXdftr) Kal Sarravrjp,ara Kal dXXas dpyv(piov) (opaxp
40

e/c r e dpuboTeptov

OVTOJ[V

dXXrjXevyvcov els eKTioiv Kal e'£ evos Kal e£ ov i[dv avrcov alprJTai Kal e/c rrdvTCOv

Kaddrrep

iy

rrdorjs,

vrrapxdvrcov

avrois

aKvp[co]v ovacov

SLKTJS

cov i[dv i]rreviyKcoaiv 45

TCOV

Kal

rrlarecov rraa[cd]v OKerr[rjs

e/cacrra Se avrrjs irriTeXpyarjs Kal T[6V y

v

[MdpKo]v AlpitXiov x°P ]y^ Tpocf>rja irrl

TOVS

XOLTTOVS

avrrji r d Kara p/rjvas ivvea

Kal

p,fj[ya p,r) [d-

rroarrdow TO rraihiov ivTOS TOV xpdvov rj /ca[i a v ­ rov iKTiviv TO taov irriTipiov, rrapa^aXe\t Se 50

r) ©eoSoTrj rrpos TOV MdpKov TOV p/qvos . . . . eKOvaa

Kal TO rraihiov rrpos TO imOecopeicrSat,

vrr* avTov. BEBAI[... ©eoScm? Acooideov 55

K(OL) dvr)(p) Zcdcppcov SOVXLKOV rrathLo(v) Tvxr)(s) p,r)(vcov) try cZy drrepxr)(Kev) (Spaxp-ds)

2. 1 . KXavSla. vadetv. avdaeiv.

rj p,r)(vcov) 6 iv Trji rroXei.

10. 1 . iavrrji. 27. 49.

1 . iavrijs.

1 3 . 1 . iavrov.

1 . Tpocj>eiois.

1 . e/crtVeiv.

51. 1.

28.

1 . imfiiXeiav.

1 5 . 1 . rpocfietas.

19. 1 . rpocfreta.

3 3 . 1 . dirioXeias.

47—48. 1 .

21. 1 . dVo-

dyovaa.

(Translation.) (First hand) T o Protarchos in charge of the court. (Second hand) F r o m Marcus Aemilius son of Marcus of t h e Claudian tribe a n d from Theodote daughter of Dositheos, a Persian, acting w i t h her guardian and guarantor of t h e terms of this agreement, her husband, Sophron t h e son of . . . archos, a Persian of t h e Epigone. W i t h regard t o this matter, Theodote agrees t h a t she will for 18 m o n t h s from P h a m e n o t h of t h e present 17th year of Caesar (Augustus) bring u p and suckle in her o w n house in the c i t y w i t h her

i8

SECTION V I I : NO. 146

o w n milk pure and uncontaminated the foundling slave b a b y child T y c h e which Marcus h a s entrusted t o her, receiving from h i m each m o n t h as p a y m e n t for her milk a n d care 8 drachmai of silver besides olive-oil, and Theodote h a s duly received from Marcus b y her guarantor Sophron for the agreed 18 m o n t h s wages for 9 m o n t h s adding u p t o 72 drachmai; a n d if t h e child chances t o die within this time, Theodote will take u p another child and nurse it and suckle i t a n d restore i t t o Marcus for t h e same 9 months, receiving n o wages, since she h a s undertaken t o nurse continually, providing her m o n t h l y care honestly a n d taking fitting thought for t h e child, n o t damaging her milk, n o t lying w i t h a man, n o t conceiving, n o t taking another child t o suckle. Whatever she takes or is entrusted with, she will keep safe and restore when it is asked or will p a y the value of each thing, except in t h e case of a manifest loss, which will release her if it is proved. She will n o t give u p her nursing before the time. If she defaults, she a n d Sophron m a y b e seized a n d held until t h e y p a y back her wages a n d whatever else she receives a n d half as much again and t h e damages and t h e costs and another 300 drachmai of silver. T h e distraint m a y be made o n either or b o t h of t h e m , since t h e y guarantee each other, and o n their property as if a judgement h a d been made against t h e m , a n d whatever guarantees t h e y give and all resort t o protection shall be invalid. B u t if she duly performs everything, Marcus Aemilius will give her the m o n t h l y wages for t h e remaining 9 m o n t h s and will n o t take t h e child a w a y within t h e time or will himself p a y t h e same penalty. Theodote shall bring t h e child t o Marcus for inspection each m o n t h . Surety . . . . Theodote daughter of Dositheos a n d her husband Sophron for a slave child T y c h e for 18 months, for which t h e y have received 8 drachmai for 9 months, i n the city. 2. MdpKov

AlfitXiov

MdpKov

(vloOy

Md[p KOV viovj

vXijs AlfuXlas

arparicorov

8, 8 : MdpKtot

AvTLovLtoi. MdpKov

vitoi

KaXXiSla, rcov

Kvpiva.

cf.,

£K rrj(s)

e.g., oevrepjas

B G U II08. 2—3; •trapa MdpKov Kal eZJKOorrjs X[e\yetov\o\s

Cf. B G U 1104. 3 3 - 3 4 . KaXXiZla

Sevrrptoviov

KTX. P . Warren

denotes the tribe of M.

Aemilius. There was, however, no tribe of that name, and there is little doubt that the tribus Claudia ( K X a v h i a ) is meant here (for the nomenclature of veteran soldiers cf. O'Brien-Moore, Y C S viii, 1942, 25 sqq. and esp. 46 sq.); the father's name may well be fictitious, i.e. that of the donor of citizen­ ship (cf. op. cit. 46 sq.). 3 . For the name AcoolOeos

cf. Vol. I , p. 2 3 1 . For J e w s as Tlipaai

rrjs

imyovrjs,

cf. Vol. I , p. 5 1 , n. 10.

f i e r d K v p l o v : there is no guardianship of a woman in Jewish law, according to which she is a legal agent and may even act as a guardian herself (cf. Tcherikover, Jews in Egypt, 1 4 6 - 7 ; Gulak, Das Urkundenwesen im Talmud, 36). 6-7. rrjs i m y o v r j s is added only to the man's name, Theodote is simply n<-poelvr) (cf. Schubart, Arch. v. 1 1 2 n. 3). n - 1 6 . Restored on the basis of Inv. Berl. 205, which is a rough draft of our document. 1 2 - 1 3 . Foundlings were considered slaves from the legal point of view. 15. rpoela denotes the activities of the wet-nurse; cf., e.g., B G U 1058. 14, 3 7 ; 1 1 0 7 . 1 0 , 1 8 , 4 7 , 1 1 0 8 . 1 8 ; see Berger, 177 n. 4. 1 5 - 1 6 . Cf., e.g., B G U 1107. 10 where the wages are 10 drachmai and 2 kotylai of oil per month; P. Reinach 103—5 drachmai with 2 kotylai of oil monthly and l p . a n a f i 6 s . The addition of oil, for the healthy nourishment of the nurse, is usual (cf., e.g., B G U 1 0 5 8 . 1 5 ; 1 1 0 7 . 1 1 ; 1 1 0 8 . 1 0 ; P . Bour. 1 4 . 1 4 ) . 19. r d r p o f a t a are the wages of a wet-nurse; cf., e.g., B G U 1058.16, 39, 4 7 ; 1 1 0 7 . 1 9 , 2 5 ; 1 1 0 8 . 1 9 , 2 4 ; 1 1 1 1 . 1 2 ; S B 7619. 9; see Wilcken, Arch. i. 123 sq.; Berger, I.e. 25. d d d v a r o v : in the sense of 'never being lost to the owner', i.e. the wet-nurse has to give to the owner another child if the one entrusted to her dies; cf. 1058. 25 and 1108. 1 1 sq. On the d d d v a r o s -

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A

I N T H E E A R L Y R O M A N P E R I O D 19 2

clause cf. Mitteis, Chr. no. 170, Intr.; Taubenschlag , 369 sq.; Gulak, 76 sqq.; for inscriptional evidence cf. Christophilopoulos, RID A iv, 1950, 297 sqq. 33. ov(iavr)s airwXeia: a manifest loss, to be proved by the nurse; cf. B G U 1 1 0 7 . 1 6 . 35 sqq. For the penalty-clauses cf., e.g., B G U 1058. 37 sqq.; 1107. 19 sqq.; 1108. 19 sqq.; 1109. 24 sqq. P . Bour. 14. 24 sqq.; the penalties to which the economically weaker party is liable are always considerably more severe than those applying to the employer (cf. Berger, op. cit. 5 7 ) ; on the d y c o yi/ios-clause in such documents, see Schubart, Arch. v. 1 1 3 n. 3 . 44-45. OK4TT[7)S] TRDORIS, i.e. a resort to any legal protection shall be invalid; cf. B G U 1085. 46; 1107. 23. 47-49. The usual guarantee on the part of the employer not to take away the child before the time stipulated in the agreement expired. 50. 'Ende S t ? oder rpts ' (edit.). 54-56. Indication of the content of the document given in Inv. Berl. 193 V .

A. F.

No. 147. Annulment of a contract with a wet-nurse Abusir el-Meleq. 1 9 x 10-5 cm. 16th May, 1 4 B . C . B G U 1 1 5 3 , I . (Schubart). Cf. BL i. 98. L I T . : Berger, 3 8 , 43 n. 3 , 50, 79 n. 2, 1 8 9 , 1 9 6 n. 3 . Juster, i. 487 n. 4, ii. 67 n. 4. Fuchs, 63. Bring­ mann, 1 3 4 . Tcherikover, Comment. Lewy (Hebrew), 1 5 9 n. 5 2 . Taubenschlag , 86 n. 94, 288 n. 8 3 , 388 n. 4. 2

This badly mutilated papyrus is part of an annulment of a ovyypa<j>r) rpocpiTis. Even after Schubart's second reading has eliminated 'Eot,p(...) in 1. 4 (BL, I.e.) there still remain three women involved in the annulment of the agreement. It seems to be clear from 11. 2 and 6 that Martha was a wet-nurse, and her name leaves little doubt that she was a Jewess. Hovepov(s) in 11. 4 , 8 seems to have been Martha's employer. The role of the third woman, bearing the Jewish name of Mapiov, is not very clear. As we know of hiring out of female slaves as wet-nurses (cf., e.g., BGU 1 0 8 5 ; P. Oxy. 9 1 , P. Tebt. 3 9 9 , BGU 1 1 0 9 ) , it could be supposed that Marion was Martha's owner. But that would not fit in with Mdpdav em TT)V Mapio(v) in 1 . 6 , nor with the fact that Martha is evidently a legal agent. For annulments of rpo^ms-agreements cf., e.g., BGU m o , 1 1 1 1 ; P. Tebt. 3 9 9 . Kaigapo(s) fjLaTi[ov,

xpovous

Sta rfjg avrrjs

TIORJVEIADAL

8OVXLK(OV)

eavrrj(s)

MdpOas

. a . . r t p,r)o' dAAcot vrrep avrij(s) irrl rr)(v)

KOL

psqo€p,L(av)

p>7)oe irrl rrj(s)

rr)v [ . . . ] . .

TrpoK(eip,€vr)s)

EP.(rrpoadev) Se Mdpdav

.RCDR)

etf>o8o(v)

Uovepov(v)

drr(Xcos) iyypdrr(rov) drro r(cdv)

[.MyaA]-

rfji

//.^(Se/uW) KaraXeirr(eadaL) fjv Kal etvai

5

7ratSto(i>)

cocrjje

p,r)Sevo(s)

r) dypd(ov) V(x)V

xp{o )

1,

^XP

irrl rrjv Mdpio(v)

v. .rp ( . . . )

aKvpo(v)

ovvx<*>pr)(o€LOs) p>rjde irrl aXXpy

TOV

p,€Ta£v

T

s

v( )

iv€(arcoar]s)

r)piipa(s),

psqhi %p6vov

p,rjSe

irrl

TO

BOVXLK(6V)

na(I8IOV)

poj(p,aTiov) [e7reAeu]p-ecr^at Kara p,rj(Siva) Tr)(v) 2gyep(ovv)

rj rrapa-

Tp6rr(ov),

TOV Se /cat €7reAevCTo/x(evov) e m

SECTION V I I : NOS. 147-148

20 [av\vypa(f>ovvTa KOL

io

TOV Kvpia

e r t Kal €v{ex)eadai (cbpiCTp,€VCoi)

TT)(V)

rots

7rapax{pfjp>a)

aTroaT7](aeLv)

x°>pls

elvai

rd

Sair(avqp,atJiv)

rots re j8(Adj8eox)

7rapaf$(aivovaav)

TTpo(oTLp,COL).

18IO(IS)

o(vvK€)x(a)p)rj(p,eva) Kal TCOL

d£(lOVp,ev).

(erovs) eg Kaioapo(s)

77a^a>(v) 7ca,

(Translation.) . . . t i m e s of Caesar (Augustus) for her slave child Agalmation, t o b e nurtured b y t h e same Martha; and n o process against Souerous shall b e permitted either t o Martha (?) or t o anyone acting for her, neither o n the basis of the said agreement, which is invalid, nor on the basis of a n y other agreement, written or unwritten, made from t h a t time t o t h e present d a y ; a n d Martha shall n o t . . . against Marion for t h e intervening time a n d shall n o t proceed against the slave child in a n y w a y , and whosoever proceeds against Souerous or breaks t h e agreement shall immediately be held in default at his o w n expense. The provisions of the agreement shall come into force, and she shall besides b e liable for damage and the fine legally established. T o this w e agree. Year 16 of Caesar (Augustus). P a c h o n 21. 1. [ilyaA]/xaTi'[ou: tentative reading of the editor. 2. MdpOa: for this very common Jewish name cf. No. 1 4 8 ; C I J 1219; 1246. 4; 1261; 1 2 6 3 . 1 3 4 ; Luke 10. 3 8 ; John 1 1 . 1 (here the two sisters of Bethany are named Mdpda and M a p i d p . ) ; m. Jebamoth 6 . 4. 6. Mdpiov:

cf.,

e.g.,

Nos.

28. 2 7 ; 40. 4 7 ;

10. The formula jSAajSeai ivexeadai

149.

(or cvoxov

4.

etvai)

occurs often in B G U iv, cf. Berger, 25 n. 3 .

A. F.

No. 148. Payment of debt by a Jewish freedwoman Abusir el-Meleq. 3 4 x 1 1 cm. 10 B . C . BGU 1 1 5 5 (Schubart). Mitteis, Chr. 67. Schubart, Arch. v. 63 n. 1 (part). Cf. BL ii. 2 , 24. L I T . : Berger, 29 n. 3 , 3 8 , 4 3 n. 3 , 49 n. 3 , 1 8 8 , 194. Schwarz, Hypoth. u. Hypall. 77 sq., 86 sq. Mitteis, Grundz. 28. Schubart, Arch. v . 1 1 8 n. 1 , 1 1 9 n. 2 , 129 n. 2. Kreller, Erbrecht. Untersuch., 38 sq. Weber, Obligationenrecht, 91 n. 2 , 9 6 , 1 6 4 sq. Calabi, Aegyptus, xxxii, 1 9 5 2 , 4 0 8 n. 5 , 4 1 0 .

Apollonios, son of Theon, lent to Protarchos son of Polemon a sum of 200 drachmai. After the death of Protarchos the debt devolved upon his son, Protarchos, and a woman bearing the Jewish name Martha, evidently joint successors to Protarchos the elder. In consequence of the delay in the repayment of the debt Apollonios lodged a com­ plaint with the archidikastes. In the same year Martha paid her half of the debt, the payment being acknowledged in the present synchoresis. Whether this was the result of a decision of a court (cf. Schubart, Arch. v. 63) or a private agreement (cf. Schwarz, 7 7 ; see also Mitteis, Grundz. 28, Weber, 164) cannot be said with certainty. Martha was a freedwoman of the deceased (rod perr/XXaxoTos TTJS pev Mdpdas Trdrpcovos, 11. 1 2 — 1 3 , cf. 1. 4 ) . As she had to pay half of the debt, she was apparently made by her patron heir to half of the estate.

KoX(Xr)p,a) IJpcoTapx{oJi) Trapd

©ecovos Kal IJpcoTapxov jaerct Kvplov

ATTOXXCOVLOV TOV

Mdpdas

TTJS

[rrapd

['Hpa-

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A 5

IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN

KXLSOV TOV 'HpaKXiSov. VLOS

irriSeScoKcbs

AprepiiScbpcpi

iveorcoi

BLKOLGTTJL TCOL

vrr6p,vrjp,a

K

drraiTrjoiv

aarrep ocbiXeadai

(Spaxp>
eypa-

rrjs piev

rrdrpcovos

IJpcordpxov

rrarpos

IJpcordpxov

rov Se rod ovros

rjpLitrovs L

S

Std X P° ovvxojpi avrov

p,ep,ap-

6

JJpcorap-

vvvl Se eyrr[e]idr)s

vcos vrro [rrjs] Mdpdas povs

LJoXep,covos rriTraKiov

Se St' cov dvrjvevKev

Xos avvxoipr]oecov,

20

dpyv(piov) avrcoi

cf>ey vrro rov pLerrjXXaxdros

rvpr)p,€vov

OLKOV

rrqp

[iv avrrji

TO

ArroXXcovios

pirjSis irreXeyge[od

rrdrpcovos

Xov drroXeXipipieyq rre[pl rov Kara

30

Mdpdav

p,epovs

Xel rcov

TOKCOV

[

20 letters

]

1 0 letters

] pjrjre rrepl

aXkov p,t]Sevo[s

drrXcos 6eiXrjp,aros

rj drrairrjp,aT[os

rj iyypdrrrov

cf>ov rrpdypiaros

rco[v yevopievcov

rcoorjs r)p,[epas rr)v [

r\

25 letters

dypddrro

TCOV

ivea-

20 letters

25 letters

]

] ]

rd crvvK[exLopr)p,eva rrap[af$aivovra

ivexeodai

TO

rov

is re fiXd/Seai Kal

TCOL

cppia[p,evcoi rrpooripicoL, p,r) iXarrovp,evov ArroXX[coviov

iv rrji irrl rov

icpgScoi [rrepl rov erepov 40

p,epoy[s

r)p,iaovs

rcov [rovrcov

irrl JJpcordp-

rrjv

prqre rrepl rcov [

SrjXco [

vrrep

r)p,icrovs [rov Ke<j>aXaiov

epsrrpoadev xpdv[cov fte^pt rrjs

35

rjpiiov,

p>r\r dXXos

ai rporrcoi p/qSevl KOTOS

p,e-

qyrfj[s

piepos

avros

[pLrJT*

rd vrro rov TereX[e]vr[r) 25

yeyo-

i[rr]l rp[v] fear' avrrjy

drreax[r)K]cos

KOL

Ad[vp

IJpco-

Mdpdas

dcfS ov rrppLKaro

15

Kaiaa[p]os

/c[a]t en

rdpxpv rov JIpcordpxo[v] TOKCOV,

dp[xi-

TCOL

(erei)

[Jl7roAAt6-

rrpipyp,eyps

rrapd re rrjs MdpOas 10

irrl Tv[y]xqyei

PERIOD

IJpcdrapxov

TOV KecpaXaiov

rcov rov dpyv(piov)

TOKCOV.

rov

(Spaxpiovv)

p Kal

..

p,e[... 5 . 1 . e7rei. 24. I. arroXeXeipfieva.

1 1 . 1 . 6cf>etXea0at. 26. 1 . /eat.

fl

s

20. 1 . x P° -

2 1 . 1 . ovyxtopet.

22. 1 . /U178

SECTION V I I : NOS. 148-149

22

(Translation.) T o Protarchos, from Apollonios t h e s o n of Theon a n d from Martha (the freedwoman) of Protarchos, acting w i t h her guardian, Herakleides the son of Herakleides. Whereas Apollonios presented t o t h e archidikastes Artemidoros in t h e present 20th year of Caesar (Augustus) i n the m o n t h H a t h y r a petition demanding from Martha a n d also from Protarchos son of Protarchos 200 drachmai of silver w i t h interest which h e submitted t o b e owing t o him from the deceased Protarchos son of Polemon, t h e patron of Martha and the father of Protarchos, o n t h e evidence of t h e promissory note he produced a n d of t h e agreements made b y Protarchos; now, since he has been satisfied b y Martha in respect of her half share and h a s duly received from her her half share, Apol­ lonios agrees that neither he himself nor anyone acting o n his behalf will pro­ ceed in a n y w a y against t h e property left b y her deceased patron Protarchos with respect t o Martha's half share of t h e principal a n d t h e interest . . ., nor w i t h respect t o t h e . . . nor t o a n y other loan or demand whatsoever, written or unwritten, arising from that time t o t h e present d a y . . . . (And whosoever transgresses) this agreement, shall b e liable t o damages and t h e fine legally established. This shall n o t prejudice Apollonios' right t o proceed against Pro­ tarchos for the remaining half of the principal, 100 drachmai and the interest o n them. . . . 4. For this Jewish name cf. No. 1 4 7 , 1 . 2, note. 6. On Artemidoros see B G U 1108. 1 ; 1 1 1 1 . 1 . 7. The reading of the date is not certain; it is based on B G U 1134. 4-6 and 1 1 5 2 ; cf. edit, ad loc. 8. For a parallel vnopvTipa cf. P. Oxy. 68. 4 sqq. 10. On the advice of Prof. Youtie, we have corrected the expansion (Spaxuds) which is grammatically inadmissible. 1 5 . irpoLKaTo: cf. B G U 1167. 3 - 4 ; 1 1 3 5 . 10.

of previous editors,

ci

1 5 - 1 6 . Schwarz, 86 n. 2, takes mrraKlov nefiapTvprjuevov together, and compares the phrase x P°~ ypaov eKfiefiapTvprindvov Sid chfuoalas 6p.oXoyia$. But the position of the Se forbids this. W e prefer to take TtmaKiov with d' ov, and regard iiefiaprvprnxevov as an impersonal genitive absolute. For the TtnraKiov, cf. B G U 1167. 3 - 4 and Schubart, ad loc. 22. For this reading see Kreller, Erbrechtl. Untersuch. 38. 36. fJXdfleoi KTX. For the formula, cf. No. 1 4 7 , 1 . 1 0 note. 37 sqq. Tentatively restored by the editors.

A. F.

No. 149. Repayment of loan to a loan-society Abusir el-Meleq.

3 3 X 9 cm.

March/April 10 B . C .

B G U 1 1 3 4 (Schubart). Cf. BL ii. 2 , 24. L i t . : Berger, 1 5 , 58 n. 1 , 74, 1 1 5 , 1 1 9 n. 3 , 1 9 4 n. 5. Schubart, Arch. v. 1 1 4 n. 1 , 1 1 9 n. 2, 130 n. 2. Juster, ii, n n. 3 , 63 n. 2, 67 n. 4(e). San Nicolo, i, 2 1 7 sqq., ii. 1 9 1 n. 1 . Neppi Modona, Aegyptus, iii, 1 9 2 2 , 3 2 . Pringsheim, Sav. Ztschr. xliv, 1 9 2 4 , 403 n. 1 . Fuchs, 63, 82. Bevan, 1 1 0 . Weber, Obligationenrecht, 1 2 3 , 1 4 3 , 1 7 5 n. 2 , 1 8 0 , 1 8 3 n. 2 , 1 8 4 . Segre, op. cit. 2 1 n. 3 . Leider, Der Handel von Alexandreia, 1 9 3 3 , 8 2 - 8 3 . Zucker, RE, s.v. Ilepaat, 9 1 6 . Heichelheim, Wirtsch. d. Alt. i. 5 5 8 . Tcherikover, Comment. Lewy (Hebrew), 1 5 9 n. 5 2 .

The present document is an agreement concerning repayment of loan to a creditsociety (ipavos). Among the debtors is a Jewess Marion, daughter of Isakios. Her husband is Lysimachos, son of Theodotos, and the third debtor Tryphon, son of Theodotos, might well have been Lysimachos' brother. They form a group repaying

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 2 3 the debt together. This fact, taken in conjunction with the theophoric names and names favoured by Jews, would seem to make almost certain the supposition that the whole group of debtors were Jews. Their loan from the credit-society amounts to 140 drachmai; it is to be repaid in 1 4 instalments of 1 0 drachmai each. The debtors pay 10 drachmai on the date of the present document and undertake to repay the rest in 1 3 months. If they fail to pay one instalment they have to pay the loan with interest and fines. The small sum of 140 drachmai borrowed by a group of three, to be repaid in 1 4 months, shows that we have here to do with 'little men' who were rather hard up. BGU 1 1 3 5 is a close parallel to the present document; cf. also, e.g., BGU 1 1 3 3 and 1 1 3 6 . IIpcordpxcoL Tpvcovos rod TlroXepbatov

Trapd

ipdvcov

Kal

5

rov

Avocpcaxov

Trapd

rrjs yvvaiKos

Mapiov

©eo86rov

rrjs Mapiov

10

rod K (erovs)

Kaiaapos, 8 i a xeipp(s)

rovs

yjfjy(a)

(erovs)

rds

puerd .Xrjp.py, drro

rds

&ap,(evco)9 Trpo(epeodai)

($paxp.ds) pp> Kql

[p,rjhe(va)

t

[e/crfcrai evros ro]d xppypy r[6 evocf>iXr)(0r)LT6p,evov) rpKoys

xpd{vov)

j8 (Spaxpids) rrjs rrpd^ecos yeivop,e[yr\s

Tpvcp(vL) eK re qyrcpy pyrcov dXArjXeyyycov [rioiv] Kqddrrep

Kql e
[<EK-

qlprjrqi

©eo86ro(v)

'IoaKios

Kal Tpvcf)(cov) epavo(s)

rcdt els

8LKJ)S

Avolpiax{os) Mapiov

25

t

p,rj\yds

Kar[d purjva (opa%p,ds)

[ovv] r)piioXiai rod 8' VTrep[rreo6vro(s)

20

rrpp[....

[0app,o(vdi)

Kara purjva (Spa^p-ds)

KpiXpTroLpyp,eypi, rj ecf? [ 0 ] $ eqy

p,rj hiopdcoocovrai

Kvpi\ov

Kqracyeppygiy

ovyycopdpiv

prijvas ty drro

XOLTTOVS

Kal

Kal Tpvcoyps

o

Se/caS/ad^/xou

p i 8 . . . .epyqi, irrl

15

dv8p(6s).

p, rjv 18 od r) dpxr)

Kal

rod avrov

©eo86r[ov

rrjs 'IoaKios

rcov rpicov IJeppcpy avr(rjs)

ovop,a ev ipdvov o eKarov

rod

rrpoardrov

©eohorov

(8paxp
a770 &ap,e(vcod)

t8

irrl Xot,rr(ovs) p,rj(vas)

ty drro

0(a)p(p,od6i).

(Translation.) To Protarchos, from Tryphon son of Ptolemaios, president of a loan-society, and from Lysimachos son of Theodotos and his wife, Marion the daughter of Isakis, and Tryphon son of Theodotos, all three Persians, with the guardian of Marion, her husband. W i t h respect t o the down-payment of 1 0 drachmai, which t h e y now make towards the loan of 1 4 0 drachmai, the first of 1 4 , beginning in P h a m e n o t h of the 2 0 t h year of Caesar (Augustus), the debtors(?)

SECTION V I I : NO. 149

24

agree duly t o p a y t h e 140 drachmai during the remaining 13 months, beginning from Pharmouthi of the same year, at 10 drachmai a month, failing in no m o n t h . For whatsoever m o n t h t h e y do n o t succeed in paying t h e 10 drachmai, t h e y shall p a y t h e debt within the agreed time and half as m u c h again, a n d t h e interest for time in excess shall be 2 drachmai. Tryphon shall have t h e right to distrain o n t h e m , each of t h e m being security for the other, from anyone of t h e m he chooses, as if judgement h a d been given against t h e m . . . . Lysimachos son of Theodotos, Marion daughter of Isakis, a n d Tryphon s o n of Theodotos towards t h e loan, 10 drachmai, from 14th Phamenoth, for t h e remaining 13 months, from Pharmouthi. 2 - 3 . The same man in B G U 1 1 3 5 and 1 1 3 6 ; he acts on behalf of the eranos paying, it seems, and receiving back the loan (cf. San Nicolo, op. cit. i. 217 sqq.; Leider, 83). He bears a name favoured b y Jews, but that is not enough to establish his Jewishness, nor is there any evidence for supposing that the society in question consisted of Jews only. For eranoi in E g y p t see esp. San Nicol6, op. cit. i. 212 sqq. In E g y p t their functions seem to have been exclusively, or almost exclusively, financial, those of loan societies; on the rather hard terms on which the loan in our case is granted cf. Leider, I.e. 3. Avaifidxov:

for Jews so called cf. 2 Mace. 4. 29; J o s . ant. 14. 2 2 2 , 3 0 7 ; CI J ii. 726, 729.

4. For Mapiov cf. No. 1 4 7 , 1 . 1 6 , commentary; for 'Iodicios cf., e.g., Nos. 42,78, 79 and Index of Names. 5. All the members of the group are denoted as Ilepaai (it is here a shortened expression for Ilepaai rrjs emyovrjs, cf. Zucker, I.e.); cf. on them, Vol. I , p. 5 1 . 6. Reading according to a suggestion of Pringsheim, I.e.; cf. B L , I.e.; AyrdvSpov

edit.

6-7. For Kara^epio in the technical sense of repaying a loan see, e.g., the use of Karaopd in B G U ii33- 1 1 J tbpiofievcus Kara(f>opats (called (irjvLatai Karacf)opai in B G U 1 1 3 5 . 8). ovofia denotes here an instalment; cf. also 1 1 3 3 . 5, 1 6 ; epavos SeKd5pa.xp.os is a loan to be repaid in ovop^ara of 10 drachmai each. 9. For 7rpoepeodat. cf.

B G U II35.

II.

10. 'Anfang 01 oder KM oder 17, was auch sonst in dieser Hand kaum zu unterscheiden ist; jedoch ist KM wenig wahrscheinlich, weil das folgende Wort kein Infinitiv zu sein scheint' (Schubart). 12 sqq. The fines envisaged are those usual in private loans. 13. KOiXoTroioyiieyoi,: 'make empty', i.e. 'allow to lapse' a payment, cf. B G U 1136. 1 8 : / i ^ S e / j t a v r)(iipav icoi\r)v TToiovfievoi, cf. B G U 1053. 25-26); KoiXatvto in this sense, e.g. B G U 1156. 1 8 ; P S I 287. 1 6 ; B G U 1053. 29. 18. dXXrjXeyyvtov: 1 1 3 3 . 1 8 ; 1136. 7).

i.e. mutual sureties, as is quite usual in such and other connexions (cf., e.g., B G U

24. For the reading l p a v o ( ? ) cf. San Nicol6, i. 221 n. 4 ; epavo(i)

Schubart.

A.F.

SECTION VIII T H E JEWISH Q U E S T I O N ' IN A L E X A N D R I A I HAVE called this section ' T h e Jewish question' because I find in its documents a certain analogy t o the similar problem in modern times. The analogy should not, of course, be pressed too far, since every period has its o w n peculiar features, which are deeply rooted in the historical life of the epoch as a whole. I n order t o justify the choice of t h e term, w e m a y nevertheless point t o some characteristic traits common t o the 'Jewish question' b o t h in ancient and in modern times. These are, firstly, the peculiar connexion of the struggle for civic rights with the aspiration t o approach or even to equal the dominant nation in the cultural sphere, and, secondly, the fierce attack of the anti-Semites which provokes a counter-attack b y the Jews and leads, on their side, to the develop­ m e n t of so-called ' apologetic' literature and t o the revival of national feelings. All these features were fully manifested in the early R o m a n period (from Augustus t o Trajan), and it m a y be said that t h e ' Jewish question' in the modern sense of the term made its appearance in history at this period. I have dis­ cussed t h e problem as a whole in the Prolegomena, Vol. I, pp. 55 s q q . ; detailed discussions of individual papyri will be found below in the introductions and commentaries. Here I confine myself to a list of the documents included in this section and t o a brief summary of their contents. N o . 150. The so-called 'Boule-papyrus'. A n Alexandrian spokesman expresses the wish of his Greek fellow citizens to keep the Greek c o m m u n i t y undefiled b y a n y foreign influence. Although the Jews are not explicitly named, the anti-Semitic background of the document is quite clear. N o . 1 5 1 . A petition of an Alexandrian J e w t o the Prefect. The right of this J e w to enjoy the status of an Alexandrian citizen is obviously contested b y the government. N o . 1 5 2 . A private letter. A Greek merchant warns his friend t o be on his guard when going t o Jews t o ask for a loan. The letter was written w h e n tension between Greeks and Jews in Alexandria w a s at its highest. N o . 1 5 3 . The famous letter of t h e Emperor Claudius t o the Alexandrians. While restoring t o t h e Jews their right t o form a national-religious com­ munity, Claudius definitively puts an end to the Jewish struggle for civic rights in Alexandria. N o s . 1 5 4 - 9 . The so-called ' A c t s of the Alexandrian Martyrs'. Fragments of anti-Roman and anti-Semitic literature, including m a n y important details concerning the civic status of Jews in Alexandria from Claudius t o Hadrian.

N o . 1 5 0 . The so-called 'Boule-papyrus' i 6 * 5 X 23 cm.

BSAA x x v ( N . S . vii), 1930, Suppl. 9 . 1 2 . S B P S I 1 1 6 0 . Musurillo I .

Probably 2 0 - 1 9 7448.

Norsa, Scritture documentarie,

B

c

- «

1 9 3 3 , tav. 1 1 a .

26

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 150

L I T . (selection): Schubart, Forschungen und Fortschritte, vi, 1930, 274 sq.; id., BIFAO x x x , 1 9 3 0 , 407 sqq. De Sanctis, Atti delta Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, lxv, 1930, 3 1 3 sqq. Wilcken, Arch, ix, 253 sqq. Bell, JEA xvii, 1 9 3 1 , 1 2 6 . Oliver, Aeg. xi, 1 9 3 1 , 1 6 1 sqq. Norsa-Vitelli, BSAA xxvii, 1 9 3 2 , 1 sqq. Wilcken, Arch. x. 255 sq. Bell, Aeg. xii, 1 9 3 2 , 1 7 3 sqq. Viereck, Aeg. xii, 1 9 3 2 , 210 sqq. Jones, Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, 4 7 1 n. 7. Scramuzza, The Emperor Claudius, 1940, 2 5 1 n. 27. Bell, JEA x x x v , 1949, 167 sqq.; id., / . Jur. Pap. iv, 1950, 25 sqq. Amusin, Vestnik Drevnej Istorii, iv, 1 9 5 1 , 208 sqq. Musurillo, 83 sqq. Turner, JRS xiv, 1 9 5 5 , 1 1 9 sqq. Schwartz, Chron. d'£gypte, x x x , 1 9 5 5 , 149. Seyfarth, Aeg. x x x v , 1 9 5 5 , 1 4 n. 1 . Rees, JEA xliii, 1 9 5 7 , 1 2 7 .

The so-called 'Boule-papyrus', first published in 1930, was welcomed by many scholars as a document helping us to solve the very complicated question of the Alex­ andrian city-council. As a matter of fact, it did not solve anything, although it com­ pelled scholars to renew their investigation of the problem. This problem has no direct bearing on the 'Jewish question', and so may be omitted here, but the chronological and literary questions are of some importance for us. The opinion of the first editors was that the papyrus contained a fragment of a petition handed by an Alexandrian embassy to Octavian (as he then was) in 30 B.C. But Oliver pointed out that the use in the papyrus of the term 'laographia' to mean poll-tax does not fit the year 30. The first receipt for laographia known to us was issued in 2 4 / 2 3 B.C., and the whole of the tax-reform was probably inaugurated at about this time (Wallace, Taxation, 1 1 6 ) . It is therefore clear that the papyrus cannot have been written before 2 3 B.C. Yet I cannot follow Oliver and other scholars in their attempt to assign the papyrus to the time of Claudius. Oliver, Bell, Musurillo, and others consider it to be a semi-literary piece, or even a fragment of the Acts of the Alexandrian Martyrs, whereas Schubart, Amusin, and others regard it as an excerpt from an official document of the time of Claudius, closely connected with his letter to the Alexandrians. None of their argu­ ments is decisive, for the following reasons. The style of the Acta is far more literary than that of the 'Boule-papyrus'. They consist mostly of dialogues with, at least, a strong fictional colouring, whereas the present document is likely to be a fragment of a petition or of a letter. It could indeed be a fragment of a speech, but long speeches are not typical of the Acta, so that, even if it is a speech, we could consider our papyrus as a petition to the Emperor framed in the form of a speech. Finally, on palaeographic grounds, our papyrus, as we shall see, must be assigned to the early Roman period, and is considerably earlier than our texts of the Acta. It is unlikely, then, that it belongs to the Acta. That there are close parallels between our papyrus and the Letter of Claudius cannot be denied (Amusin, 2 1 5 sqq., Musurillo, 88). But if Augustus and Claudius were facing similar problems, parallelism is not surprising. Besides, a slight incongruity may be noted. Claudius writes (No. 1 5 3 , 11. 66 sqq.) that the question of the Council is a new matter 'and it is uncertain whether it will profit the city and my affairs'. Yet this is precisely the question which is clearly discussed in our papyrus. If the letter of Claudius had preceded our papyrus, the text of the latter could be considered as an attempt to dissipate the Emperor's doubts, but earlier scholars have shown this to be impossible and no inner connexion between the two documents can therefore be found. On palaeographic grounds, either Augustus or Claudius is possible. The editors thought of Augustus, but Bell's opinion is slightly different. 'The last three fines . . . recall to my mind rather the hands seen in documents from the latter part of Augustus' reign or the early years of Tiberius' (Aeg. xii. 1 7 6 ) . 'The hand, though certainly early, might, palaeographically, be as late as Tiberius or even Gaius or Claudius' (JJP iv. 26). Musurillo (p. 8 3 ) dates the papyrus in the first half of the first century A.D. Now it is obvious that the papyrus is not the original petition sent to the Emperor, but a copy of it (the original was probably preserved in public archives; see note to

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

27

L i ) . Even if we assume that the copy was made in the time of Claudius, this proves nothing for the date of the original petition. Even if the palaeographic case for the period of Claudius were stronger, it would still prove nothing. No decisive reasons, therefore, either palaeographic or literary, can be put forward in favour of the association of the document with Claudius. On the other hand, an argument for Augustus is the fact that he alone is called in the Egyptian documents 'Caesar' (Kalaap) without further designation (see note to 1. 2 1 ) . We may suggest, therefore, that the document was written and handed to Augustus by a representative of the Alexandrians (probably by a professional rhetor) some years after 2 3 B.C., more precisely in the years 2 0 - 1 9 - « ( ° f t ° U3 ) - The aim of the writer was to recommend to Augustus the establishment (or re-establishment) of the city-council; in this he failed, as is known from the letter of Claudius. The Jews are not mentioned in the document, but there is little doubt that the Alexandrian spokesman had them in mind in writing 11. 1 - 6 . Who are these people who are trying to escape the laographia by getting themselves inscribed with the epheboi on the public records, if not Jews and Egyptians? And who are these 'un­ educated and uncultured' people, who defile the immaculate community of the Alexandrians, if not, again, Jews and Egyptians ? The Egyptians seem to have been less dangerous than the Jews, since their entry into the Greek community was never the cause of a political struggle; it is therefore likely that, in the opinion of the Alexandrian spokesman, the Jews were the principal enemy. Yet let us take the sen­ tence as it stands; even so, its contents are very important for the Jewish question, since they outline the political background against which the Jewish question took shape. At least four important conclusions may be drawn from this sentence: (1) the payers of the laographia and the epheboi are two mutually exclusive groups; (2) the struggle against the members of the first group, who are trying to enter the privileged class, has a common interest for both the Roman authorities and the Greek city; the former are interested in an undisturbed income from the poll-tax, whereas the latter intend to free themselves from an increase in the number of unwelcome aliens among their citizens; it is as if the Alexandrian spokesman is saying to Augustus 'Give us a Council, and we will look after your money'; (3) the very fact that the Alexandrians are pleading for a Council whose duty will be to keep watch against undesirable elements penetrating Greek society is a sufficient proof that such a penetration was often made, and that the Greek city, lacking its most powerful institution, was unable to change the course of affairs without the help of the Romans; (4) the characteriza­ tions 'uneducated and uncultured' are typical of the standpoint taken by the Greeks in Alexandria with reference to inhabitants of Jewish and Egyptian origin. 'Unedu­ cated and uncultured' is identical with 'lacking the Greek paideia'; these are men of another race and another culture. For Greeks, as well as for Jews, the 'Jewish prob­ lem' was more than a question of political status: a cultural problem was involved. B

c

s e e

n

e

2 2 - 2

Col. I (Traces of ends of about 25 lines) Col. I I avaytcaiov irrl rroaov elrreZv. tfyqpl ydp Tavrrjv

<j>p\o\yrtetv iva

pvr) TL TCOV pieXXovrcov Tives AaoypacfieZadai, r o t ? /car' ero? ic^rj^ous

ovveyypa6p,€VOL irrl

TYJV hrjpLoatav

ypq\(j)r]v, Tr)v] rrpoaohov

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 150

28

5 eXacracdoL Kal TO rr(o)XLTevpia %ov ddp€7TTOi

Kal dvdycoyoL

TLS KaTa{fiap}f3apoiTO TWOS

rrpaKTopos

Xr) rrpos io

d[/c]e)oatpi> vrrdp-

avQpcorroL p,oXvvcooL' el Se

rrapd Xoyov rrpaTTOpievos r) vrro '/St[o]u Aoyov

dvOpcorrovs

TOV GOV

rcDv AXe^avhpeicov

yeyovoTes OiaoelovTos,

avvepxopievr]

erriTporrov avverrLcrxvrjL

St' iprjpiLav fiorjOeLas r d

TrjpeiodaL

orol

dcrd[€]yovtn,

TOLS

8vvdp,eva

vrro

rj

r) fiovKal

TCOV

p,r)

TV^OVTCOV

dvdpcorrcov SiacboprjOfj. en Se, el Seotro rrpeofieLav rrpos oe rrep.rreiv, avTf] rrpoxeipl^ryrai puvos TLS eKTropevoryrai

TOVS

15 Tr)v fiovXr)v /car' eviavrov

StSo/xeV^t ytVerat

xpovov

e[

[

C. 19 l e t t .

C. 27 l e t t .

]

eviavrov ] TOV

]

C. 24 l e t t .

]

C. 25 l e t t .

]

TOVTCOV

ovv e'^etvat

C. Vj l e t t .

TOVTO[V

Katoap rrepl

d^Lovp\ev

vopicov, Seorro[ra

TOV

TCOV

[p^r^re dae-

yLve\_o6a\i /cat jtxe[rd TOV

Trjs fiovXfjs KaXov [

rrpooopLL^opLevov xpovov 20

vrrrjpeoLav.

StSovat rcov hLarrerrpq\yp,evcov

TOV ypap,p,aTea

Kal

\[p,rJTe evdeTOS TLS]\ psryre e[vdeTos TLS

cov cpevyrjL Tr)v Trjs rrarpiSos evdvvas

emTrfieiovs,

elrrev

hiaXr)pApo[p.aL

. . .

et? ilAe£di>S/>e[tav 8. (TOVS) dvOptoTTovs Wilcken.

10. -no in iiro written above the line.

(Translation.) '. . . It is necessary for u s t o speak at some length. I submit, then, that t h e Council will see t o it that none of those w h o are liable t o enrol­ ment for t h e poll-tax diminish t h e revenue b y being listed in the public records along with the epheboi for each y e a r ; and it will take care that the pure (?) citizen b o d y of Alexandria is not corrupted b y m e n who are uncultured and uneducated. A n d if anyone be unreasonably burdened b y taxes exacted b y the Idiologos or b y a n y other tax-agent w h o m a y be oppressing t h e people, t h e Council, in assembly before your Prefect, might lend support t o the weak and prevent t h e income that could be preserved for y o u from being plundered b y casual persons, simply through lack of a remedy. Again, if there should be need t o send a mission t o you, t h e Council might elect those w h o are suitable, so that n o one ignoble (?) might make the journey and no one w h o is capable might avoid this service t o his native city. ' W e ask, then, that it be permitted for t h e Council t o convene annually, and at t h e end of each year t o submit a report of its transactions. . . . t h e secretary of t h e Council . . . at appointed time . . . t h e laws . . .' Caesar said: T shall come t o a decision about these matters (after I h a v e visited?) Alexandria.' 1. fi Kp. Probably numbers of r6p,os (40) and KoXXrjfia (22) as registered in some public archive where the original document was preserved. See Musurillo, 88 sqq. 2. tf>r]p.L is rhetorical. Y e t it cannot serve as evidence for the literary character of the document, since the composition of a letter to the Emperor might easily be entrusted to an experienced rhetor. In 1 . 14 the spokesman writes correctly a.£iovp.[ev]. According to Turner, the Greek of our papyrus

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

29

presupposes a Latin original. His arguments are not strong enough to support this suggestion, and an Alexandrian of this period writing Latin is highly improbable. 3.

rots

Ka.T ITOS

ty-qfiois.

See Vol. I , pp. 38, 64. Cf. No. 1 5 3 , note to 1 1 . 52 sqq.

4. "ypa[<j>-r]v rr)v] Bell, confirmed by Musurillo. {rr)v) f

5. a[K\4paioy Musurillo. [aKrj]p[aTov 7. Kara{Pap}^apoiro Oliver.

irrl rr)v Srjfioalav

Tpa[7re£av] npoaoSov

Oliver.

jsuggested by the editors.

9 . Oliver thought that the use of the term imrpoTTos provided evidence in favour of the literary character of the document, the official title of the Prefect of E g y p t being e n a p x o s . Y e t the Boulepapyrus is not a document issued by an Imperial office, but a petition of the Alexandrians, composed probably by a rhetor, so that unimportant departures from official formulae are easily explained. In any case, these terms were frequently confused in the early period of Roman rule in E g y p t (Wilcken, Arch. x. 2 5 5 ; Stein, Prdfekten, 179). Cf. No. 1 5 3 , 1 1 . 43-44, where Claudius calls Vitrasius Pollio, who had been prefect in E g y p t , eVtTpo7Tos (cf. Reinmuth, 9). 15-20. For the conjectural restoration of these lines, see P S I 1160 (p. 98 n. 1 ) . 20. Seanora (domine) is an unusual mode of address for Augustus. Y e t we are in E g y p t , where Augustus was frequently called K v p i o s and Oeos (cf., for example, P.Oxy. 1 1 4 3 ; B G U 1200,1201). W h y not SeoTrorrjs ? 2 1 . A s many scholars have rightly emphasized, only Augustus is called in E g y p t by his simple name K a i a a p , without any further specification (such as Oeos and a v r o K p a r t o p ) , not only in the dating of his regnal years (numerous instances), but also in other cases. Cf., for example, B G U 1 1 4 1 . 1 0 Kal Tr)v K a i a a p o s rv\xv] °~ e£op*«'Jeot. The slaves (or the freedmen) of Augustus in Alexandria were called simply K a i a a p o s : No. 145, B G U 1130, 1 1 5 2 , 1166, 1170, 1 1 7 1 , 1 1 7 5 , 1177. v

€

22—23. The editors suggested Kaiaap

etrrev

rrepl

TOVTCOV StaAijfi<^o[/xat €7T€t8av irptoTOv] e i s

AAe£av-

8pe[tav inaveXOco]. The answer of Augustus suggests clearly that he intends to visit Alexandria in person; otherwise the final words e l s AXegdvhp€[iai>] do not make sense. Jones restores the reply: ' I will decide on this question (when I have sent a letter) to Alexandria' (cf. Musurillo, 92). Y e t 'a letter to Alexandria' without a specific indication of the recipient is meaningless; Claudius in a similar case speaks clearly of his prefect (No. 1 5 3 , 1 1 . 7 0 sqq.), and there was no need for Augustus to specify that the Roman prefect resided in Alexandria. I think therefore that the suggestion of the editors was right and that Augustus had the intention of visiting Alexandria. Y e t we have seen that their suggested date for the document, 30 B.C., cannot be right. The years 20-19 seem to be those best suited to our view. Augustus left Rome in the autumn of 2 1 ; during 20 he visited various provinces in the East, among others Syria, and he returned home in 19. It may easily be assumed that, being so near E g y p t , Augustus intended to visit it, a plan for some reason not carried out. W e do not know where the em­ bassy from Alexandria met him, but that there was such an embassy may easily be assumed. Many instances are recorded of powerful Roman personages receiving embassies during their visits to the provinces.

No.

A petition

Prefect

Abusir el-Meleq. 38 X 10 cm. 5 / 4 B.C. B G U 1 1 4 0 (Schubart). W . Chr. 58. Roth n . L I T . : Schiirer, iii. 7 1 8 . Wilcken, Ant. 787. Jouguet, La Vie municipale, 2 1 , 90 n. 2 , 1 8 8 . Schubart, Arch. v . 3 8 , 8 0 , 1 0 4 n. 1 , 1 0 9 , 1 1 8 sqq. Wilcken, Arch, v , 4 3 1 . Juster ii. 7 n. 5. Engers, Klio, xviii. 8 1 . Neppi Modona, Aeg. ii. 257 n. 4. Bell, Jews and Christians, 1 2 . De Sanctis, Riv. d. Filol. Iii, 1 9 2 4 , 4 9 9 . Dessau, ii. 2 , 6 7 1 . Reinmuth, Prefect, 87 n. 2.

This papyrus derives from Abusir el-Meleq, like all the Alexandrian papyri in BGU iv (cf. Section VII). It was written not by the author of the petition, but by a scribe, since another document, BGU 1 1 3 0 , which has no connexion with the present one, is written by the same hand (Schubart, BGU 1 1 3 0 , Intr.; Arch. v. 3 8 n. 2 , 1 0 9 , 1 1 9 ) . The papyrus is very badly mutilated, so that only the first eight lines can be read more or less satisfactorily; the rest is guesswork. The petition is addressed to the prefect C. Turranius; the plaintiff is Helenos, son of Tryphon, and it seems that the motive

S E C T I O N V I I I : N O . 151

30

of the complaint was an injury done to Helenos by Horos, a financial official of the government (11. 9 sqq.). The main interest of the papyrus lies in 1. 2 , where Helenos is styled 'an Alexandrian' (AXetjavSpevs); yet the word was cancelled and in its place the scribe wrote 'a Jew from Alexandria' ('Iovoalov tcov drro AXetjavSpelas). This change of term has been discussed with great interest by modern scholars. Was this merely a formal change, aiming at a more exact definition of the civil status of Helenos, as argued by Schiirer, Juster, De Sanctis, and Dessau, or had it a deeper significance, AXegavSpevs being a designation for an Alexandrian citizen, whereas 'IovSaios tcov drro AXetjavSpelas meant only 'a Jew living in Alexandria', i.e. a simple resident (so Wilcken, Schubart, Bell, and others) ? I have no doubt that the latter opinion is the right one. AXetjavSpevs in a document addressed to the highest official of the province must have been used in its official sense of a 'citizen of Alexandria'. The term could, of course, have been expanded by a more detailed definition, e.g. by the addition of the names of a tribe and a deme (cf. Vol. I, p. 4 1 n. 1 0 2 ) , but not by the replacement of this term, used for a citizen, by a term used for ordinary residents or villagers (cf. 1. 2 , note). The scribe (probably far better versed in all questions of Alexandrian citizenship than any modern scholar) has, with the full facts before him, replaced the title suggested by Helenos with another, corresponding better to the legal status of the plaintiff. It was probably the contents of the petition which made the scribe sceptical about the real status of Helenos. It follows from the document that Helenos was forced by an oikonomos of the government to pay the laographia; how else can we explain the triple mention of laographia in the petition and the special reference to the fact that men of 60 were exempt from it ? Helenos, being a son of an Alexandrian citizen (cf. note to 1. 3 ) and having enjoyed a Greek education, probably in a gymnasium (cf. note to 1. 6), was sure of his citizenship. Yet it is one thing to conceive oneself a citizen and another to bring legal evidence for one's status when compelled to do so. The oikonomos was probably right in compelling Helenos to pay the poll-tax, and so was the scribe in changing the wording of the document in a way more appropriate to the civic status of his client. The reluctance of Helenos to agree with the new formulation of his status, as now revealed to him by the scribe, resulted in a very confused wording of the petition. Helenos begins by mentioning the citizenship of his father and his own Greek 7ratSet'a, thus giving the evidence for his citizenship, and ends with a reference to the privilege of old men to be free of poll-tax, a privilege quite meaningless for citizens, who were free of poll-tax in any case. It seems that his argument was that formulated by Bell (op. cit. 1 2 n. 3 ) : T am an Alexandrian, the son of an Alexandrian, and in any case I am over-age.' The illogicality of such an argument is obvious; yet it is typical of Jews in this period who went to all possible lengths in their struggle for emancipation (cf. Vol. I, pp. 6 1 sqq.). Tvppavicoi

ralooL

'IovSalov

Trapd

'EXevov

TO(V) Tpvcovo(s)

rcov

drro

'A\€^avope(ias)

[[AXetjavSpeco(?)]]•

fieyiare

r)y€p,co(v) [JjSeArtcrTe]], cov e/c rrarpos [[/cat]] ScaTpeliftas ivravOa 5

p,€TaXaf$cbv \rrj\s

Kad*

dpecTKOVcrrjs

xpovov

TOV rrdvTa

o Svvarov

{/cat}

77-atSetas',

TCO

GTeprjdrj-

vai dXXd /cat els joy [...]..(...). yap

TraTpl

KLVSVVCVCO

ov p,6vov Trjs ISlas TraTplSo? . . . eiv ftcqv. avp,^e^rjKe

AXe^avhpe(cos)

.eygiqi.Tgy T

Qpgv

'THE JEWISH

QUESTION' INALEXANDRIA

31

&

10

8\rj\p,ggi(ov)

glicgygp^ov

rp. .rro rrj(s) rrarepa

qlriqs

] . a t rov

p,ov exeiv rrpos rov rrdrpiov | T I 8f {caij px??M [... .J/^tov]]

avrov

a

\[.y/j.yaaipy

. .riKov

dyrjprraKO)

[[

«

]....ry

ev[e/ca

] ] . .

[[ 1

t

Ti7p

t

t

Xf.i?.P"5?'l]

\[

dVo

TT^?

ecprj^€l(as)

3 3

KOV. Kaiaapos

[.. .]rt/cou [

y]eypap,pb€-

i [....]...on

Xaoypacfiias

[

TT?[

jeAei ecus

rrpgs 20

rxTrg | J T O U ] ] .

] ] qrrg

....[...

ift(erovs)

[..]...p... TTeptuoyy..

Xqg(ypaias)]\

[[777(?)

Xaoypa(f>ias rg(v)

rrdvrcov

Mexelp

.gyy

\[8e rgy]\ iXXeirrgvros

Std T O rcov 4£(r})Kovra, acorrj(pa)

p,r) rrqpi(oeiv)

\[rrpc6rcov r)y€p,6vcov drrapevoxXrjros 25

\[va Kal vrro aov TO gp,gigy [ [ . . .

.TCOV

~^T9Y

[...

.v

gySe ggi

xpovov

rrjs

a£t,cd ae \[i
rcpy]\

yeyo-]] ]]

W

(Translation.). T o Gaius Turranius, from Helenos t h e son of Tryphon, a n Alexandrian (cancelled), a J e w of Alexandria. Most m i g h t y governor, although m y father w a s a n Alexandrian citizen a n d I h a v e always lived here, receiving t h e appropriate education, a s far a s m y father's means allowed, I run t h e risk n o t only of being deprived of m y n a t i v e country b u t also . . . . F o r it h a s happened that Horos, t h e public administra­ tor, . . . of t h e m o n t h Tybi(?) . . . o n the ground of . . . m y father t o his ancestral g y m n a s i u m ( ? ) . . . forcibly . . . from t h e ephebate . . . Caesar . . . written . . . poll-tax . . . t h e m o n t h Mecheir . . . t h e remaining time for t h e poll-tax because of t h e age-limit of sixty. I beseech y o u , saviour of all, n o t t o reject m y plea, since I h a v e n o t been disturbed either b y t h e first governors or b y y o u . . . (cancelled). 1. C. Turannius was prefect of E g y p t in the years 7-4 B.C. (Cantarelli, La serie dei prefetti, 1 9 ; Reinmuth, 4 n. 1 , 26, 30 sqq., 37, 66; Stein, 19 sq.) His name is recorded in other papyri, e.g. B G U 1 1 3 9 , 1 1 9 7 - 9 ; P- O y - 1 4 3 4 . x

2. Tpvcf>cov 2.

'Iovoaiov

is a Greek name common among Jews. rcov

arro

AXe^av8pe(ias).

In the Ptolemaic period foreigners were designated in official

papers by their 'ethnika', i.e. as men belonging to a certain city, tribe, or people. The natives, on the contrary, were described by their domicile, as men from a certain city or village (Bickermann, Arch. viii. 216 sqq.). In the third century B.C. the definition 6 eV . . . or TLZV e / c . . . for natives was in general use (cf. for TCOV eV, for example, P. E n t . 1 0 , 1 7 , 28,42,50,69,90, and others); the idiom TCOV drro . . . was not frequent (in P. E n t . only no. 79). The latter idiom, however, was generally accepted towards the

SECTION

32

V I I I : N O . 151

end of the Ptolemaic period (Bickermann, ib., 234 sq.) and remained in use in the Roman period as well. F o r the use of this term especially for J e w s cf. TCOV air' ' Og(vpvyxcov) 423. The term A\e£av8pevs

7r6X(ecos)

'Iov\8\altov

in N o .

could incorrectly and unofficially be used for a non-citizen, but 6 oetva

TCOV

drro HXegavSpeias could never be used for a citizen, since it would have insulting implications and would obliterate the difference between him and a villager. W e have, however, some instances of Alexandrians being styled o l eV or 01 drro M . \ e £ a v 8 p e i a s , but the persons in question are living not in their native town but elsewhere, and so far as I can see all the instances are from the Byzantine period (cf. Calderini, Dizionario, 197; and P. Vindob. Boswinkel 5 ) . 3. The father of Helenos was A X e $ a v 8 p e v s , i.e. a According to Wilcken, citizenship was granted birth. Y e t that is only one of many possibilities. in this case he certainly could not inherit from v6p.tp.os

vios

TOV rrarpos

OVTOS &\e£av8pecos,

citizen; why did his son not inherit his citizenship? to the father of Helenos sometime after Helenos' Helenos was perhaps not a legal son of his father; him the rights of a citizen (M. Chr. 3 7 2 : p.r) cov 8e

AXe^av8pevs

ov 8vvarai

etvai).

His mother (and this is the

most probable suggestion) might not have been the daughter of a citizen; and since the Alexandrians, it seems, adopted the laws of Athens for their city (Dikaiomata, 64 sqq.; P. Oxy. 2177), the law of Pericles, granting citizenship only to persons both of whose parents were citizens, was valid for Alexandria too. According to the Gnomon of t h e Idios Logos, in cases of mixed marriage the children follow the conditio inferior (so explicitly in §§ 39 and 57, and the same principle is presupposed in all the clauses dealing with mixed marriage). According to Greek common law, cited by Pollux (3. 2 1 ) , the son of a citizen is yvrjoios when his mother is legally married and also a citizen; otherwise he is a vodos,

i.e. an illegitimate son (yvrjoios

p.ev 6 £K yvvaiKos

doTrjs

/cat yap,eTr)s

. . ., vodos

8' 6 e/c £evr)s

rj rraX-

A a / a ' S o s ) . In this case the father of Helenos received or inherited his citizenship before his marriage, and not after the birth of his son, as suggested by Wilcken. I t is obvious that marriages between Jews who were citizens of Alexandria and Jews who were merely members of the Jewish community of Alexandria would be very frequent, since Jewish marriage-law took no cognizance of the status of a J e w in the Greek polis. So it seems that the situation presumed in our document was a very common one, and if the few Alexandrian Jews who obtained citizenship were obliged by the a c m / c o l v o u o i of Alexandria to choose their wives from citizens only, if they wanted their sons to be citizens, the temptation to violate the law must have been very strong. 4 . Kal is cancelled. Y e t it seems that the scribe cancelled the wrong /cat. K a l in 1 . 5 is useless and has no meaning, whereas here it is necessary. 6.

[rqls

dpecrKovarjs

rraiSetas.

Since the naiSela

received by Helenos was given him (as stated in 1 . 5 )

by his father, who was a citizen, there is little doubt that this r r a i 8 e l a was the regular education of a Greek youth in a gymnasium and as ephebos (the mutilated word in 1 . 1 3 y p y a g i o y may serve as further evidence for it). The case of Helenos, therefore, confirms the assertion of the spokesman of the Alex­ andrians in the Boule-papyrus (No. 150) about persons subjected to laographia and avoiding the payment of it by being listed with the epheboi. 7. The TraTpis of a Greek citizen is his city. It is not necessary for a citizen to be expelled from his city in order 'to lose' his w a r p f e ; to be deprived of citizenship is enough. In 322 B.C. 12,000 Athenian citizens were deprived of their citizenship; they were not obliged to leave the town, but nevertheless they emigrated to Thrace: they had lost their -naTpls and were no more attached to their native land (Diod. 1 8 . 1 8 . 4). The attitude of Jews who obtained the rights of citizenship in Greek cities would not be different: the Greek city was their naTpis (Philo, Flacc. 46). Helenos, who till now considered him­ self a citizen, was now likely 'to lose his w a r p i s ', i.e. to be deprived of Alexandrian citizenship by the obligation to pay the poll-tax. 9.

Either els TOV . . . rreaelv

(or the like) jSi'ov, or rrjv

. . . TfaBeiv

jSi'av (Schubart).

10. According to Schubart, the reading is not certain, particularly oiKovop-ov. 'Der Sinn ist vielleicht: der Beamte Horos hat am x. Tybi (?) um einer erdichteten (?) Ursache willen den Vater des Helenos beschuldigt (?), er habe zu seinem vaterlichen . . . hinzu sich mit Gewalt angeeignet (?).' All the notes of interrogation are Schubart's. 13. Wilcken, who revised the original, believes the reading [ y ] v p . v d a i o v to be correct (W. Chr. 5 8 ) . 14. The reading itj>r)fiel(as) seems to Schubart, as well as to Wilcken, quite uncertain. 16. K a i a a p o s very doubtful (Schubart). 1 7 - 2 2 . Aaoypacj>la is mentioned three times: in 1 1 . 17, 2 1 , and 22. There can be no doubt that the order to pay the laographia was issued against Helenos, and not against his father, who was a citizen: this results clearly from 1 . 22, where d£ia> a e immediately follows the mention of laographia, and from

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN

ALEXANDRIA

33

the cancelled 1 . 24, where Helenos emphasizes that he (not his father) was left undisturbed by all previous prefects. I do not know how to reconcile the hardship caused to Helenos with the obscure hint of something done to his father (11. 1 1 sqq.). 23. wopt very doubtful (Schubart).

No. 1 p . Abusir el- Meleq.

Jewish money-lenders in Alexandria

2 4 X 8 cm.

4th August, A . D . 4 1 .

B G U 1079 (Viereck). W . Chr. 60. Roth 1 2 . Milligan 1 5 . Olsson 30. S P 107. Cf. BL i. 95, ii. 2, 2 3 . L I T . : Schiirer, iii. 46. Wilcken, Arch. iv. 567 sqq.; id., Ant. 7 9 1 . Juster, ii. 302 n. 4. Blau, Papyri und Talmud, 8. Neppi Modona, Aeg. iii. 34 sqq. Vessillo Israelitico, lxx, 1 9 2 2 , 1 1 4 sqq. Deissmann, Licht v. Osten*, 96. Schubart, Ein Jahrtausend am Nil, ed. 2, no. 48, pp. 66 sqq. Dessau, ii. 2, 667 n. 3 . Winter, Life and Letters, 101 sqq. Segre, BSAA xxviii, 1 9 3 3 , 1 5 9 . Bell, JRS xxxi, 1 9 4 1 , 2. Segre, Jew. Soc. Stud, vi, 1944, 3 8 1 .

The author of this letter, Sarapion, is styled in another letter, W. Chr. 59 an epnopos, i.e. a wholesale dealer. He had his residence in the chora, but maintained frequent business connexions with the capital. Herakleides, to whom the present letter is sent, seems to be his business agent in Alexandria, possibly his slave (see note to 1. 1 5 ) . Herakleides was evidently short of money, perhaps in consequence of an unsuccessful transaction (11. 1 6 sqq.). He was depending on a certain Ptollarion, and Sarapion advises Herakleides to approach Ptollarion and try to win his favours. In case of failure, 'like everyone else, do you too beware of the Jews'. This sentence has pro­ vided grounds for different interpretations. According to Wilcken it is the oldest evi­ dence for anti-Semitism in business affairs (W. Chr. 60), and this is also the opinion of Schubart. Modern anti-Semites were glad to find in it evidence for Jewish dishonesty in business. Dessau, on the other hand, did not see in this sentence any reference to Jewish money-lenders; he thought that there could not have been rich Jews in Alexandria in the year 4 1 , so soon after the pogrom under Gaius, and interpreted the admonition to 'beware of Jews' as a warning not to approach Jews at a time when Jews and Greeks were enemies. Dessau, I think, was partly wrong. There is little doubt that the present document is the best evidence, not only for the existence of Jewish money-lenders in Alexandria, but even for the fact that Greeks frequently approached Jews in order to borrow money from them: Sarapion, it seems, has no doubt that Herakleides will do this if his affairs with Ptollarion turn out badly. On the other hand, I think Dessau was right in explaining the warning of Sarapion politically rather than economically. At the beginning of Claudius' reign, probably in February/March, the Jews violently attacked their enemies, as reported by Josephus (Vol. I, p. 69), and in August it was still therefore quite dangerous to enter the Jewish quarter. We may conclude then that this document has nothing to do with 'business anti-Semitism', but contains very valuable information about Jewish money-lenders in Alexandria and facts illustrating the attitude of Greeks towards Jews in the year of the highest tension between the two nations. The document is a private letter and so cannot be explained in every detail; allu­ sions quite clear for Herakleides are incomprehensible to us. In commenting on it, I have resisted the temptation to try to solve every riddle and have confined myself to some suggestions of a general character. Eapovnltov

'i/pa/cAetS^ rep

r)p,€T€pcp ^a(tpetv). eVe/x^d dAAa? ovo eTTLtTToXds, Std NrjSvpLov pbiav, Std B 5195

D

ctoi

34

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 152 5

KpOVLOV [ACL)(aLpOcj)6pOV pulav. Xolttov ovv eXaj8ov rrapd ro(v) 'Apafios rrjv €TnoToXr)v Kal dveyva>v Kal iXvTnjdrjv.

io

aKoXovdei Se IJTOXXapitovi

Tiaaav

copav

~Xa Svvarat

oe

ov TToioai. XXo iytb, 15

iyco

rd-

evXvr-

Xeye avrcp'

"a-

dXXo rravres'

iraihapw et/xr

rdXavrov

irapa

001 TrerrpaKa

rd <po[pr]la p,ov ovk o t S a ri p\e 6] irdrpcov ttoXXovs 20

oavuoras

p,ev p,r) I'va

ipcora

Kad* r)p,epav av TTavres

avrov

rd^aS w a -

r a t
e^o-

dvaararco-

arjs r)p,as

25

TroloeL'

idv prf\, cos

/cat ov pAedrro tcov

'Iov-

Salcov. p,aXXov aKoXovdtbv avrcp Svvrj iXidaai

ai/rco.

t'Se r) S w a r a t Std Atoooopov VTToyparjvaL r) rdfiXa Std 30

rrjs yvvaLKos ovos.

rov

rjyep,-

idv rd Trap(d) aarov

ttol-

orjs, ovk et p,ep,Trr6s.

35

doTrd^ov AtoScopov

p,eydXco(s).

eppco(ao). doTrdi^ov

ApTroxpdriov.

(erovs)

a TifiepLov KXavhiov

Zef$a(orov)

reppiavLKOV

Kaiaapeiov

Kalaapo(s)

AvroKpd(ropos)

p,rjv6(s)

id. Verso

40

[a^oSo? els]

AXe£d(v8peiav)

els Eef$a(arr)v)

Ayopd(v)

—drJKrjv coare *HpaKX(etSr)) tovos ro(v)

1 3 . 1 . rrotrjaai.

25. 1. oavrov.

els

1 5 . 1 . natSdpiov.

28. r) ( = et) W . ; rj edit.

v

t\j\ ] ira(pd)

ZapaTrico(vos)

Ecoairrdrpov.

18. 1 . Troirjoei

24. arravres W . , cf. BL

29. T<xj8Aa {rj) Sid Viereck.

I _

(Plaumann)

3 3 2 . 1. aavrov iroirjarjs.

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

35

(Translation.) Sarapion t o our Herakleides, greeting. I have sent y o u t w o other letters, one b y N e d y m o s , one b y Kronios t h e policeman. Well, then, I received t h e letter from t h e Arab. I read i t a n d I w a s upset. K e e p close t o Ptollarion the whole time. H e can perhaps p u t y o u straight. Tell h i m ' I t is one thing for everyone else and another for m e . I a m a slave. I sold y o u m y goods for a talent t o o little. I don't know w h a t m y master will d o t o m e . W e h a v e m a n y creditors. Don't p u t u s o u t of business.' Ask h i m every day. Perhaps h e m a y take p i t y o n you. If not, like everyone else, d o y o u too beware of the J e w s . I t is better t o keep close t o him and m a k e friends with him, if y o u can. Or y o u m a y , through Diodoros, get the document signed b y the wife of the Commander. If y o u d o your part, y o u are not t o blame. M y best greetings t o Diodoros. Fare­ well. M y greetings t o Harpokration. I n t h e first year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, t h e Emperor. T h e n t h of t h e m o n t h Kaisareios. Verso T o Alexandria t o t h e market-place of Augustus t o t h e . . . store for Hera­ kleides from Sarapion t h e son of . . . on, t h e son of Sosipatros. 1. Zapamcov: cf. B G U 1078 = W . Chr. 59, a letter written by Sarapion in the year 39 and sent from Alexandria to his wife (possibly also his sister) residing in the country. It may be concluded from this letter that Sarapion's usual domicile was in the country, but that he maintained constant rela­ tions with Alexandria in connexion with his business affairs. Cf. the notes of Wilcken to W . Chr. 59. 15. irtuodptov can be translated 'a slave' as well as 'a child'. Wilcken and Olsson incline to the former meaning, and Schubart to the latter. The reading in 1 . 18 suggests that Herakleides was a freedman, or at any rate a dependant of another person; the meaning 'slave' is therefore more probable than the rather vague 'child'. 1 5 - 1 6 . irapd T o A a v r o v is obscure, and several restorations have been suggested. The aim of the sentence is to prove the miserable situation of Herakleides, and it must, therefore, contain some state­ ment about his losses in trade affairs with Ptollarion: ' I sold you goods for a talent too little', or the like. Perhaps a proverb, since a talent would be an enormous sum. 18.7w.[..]..rpcov.o

W . ; cf. BL i. 95 and ii. 2. 2 3 : the reading definitely established by Schubart.

20. p.i) tva = tva firj; cf. B G U 248.19 (Olsson, 41), P S I 3 1 7 . 6 (Olsson, 66), P. R y l . 230. 9 (Olsson, 26), all from the first century A . D . 24-25. For /SAeVc o a u T d V see Deissman, Licht v. Osten*, 96. 29-30. Bid TTJS ywaiKos rov yyefiovos. The usual translation is 'through the wife of the prefect'. B u t why should the wife of the prefect sign official documents? Not she, but her husband, was in the state's service. If a private letter of hers is meant (a recommendation or something of the sort), why the official term tabula (cf. its use in Christian Acts of Martyrs, Matta, Atti dei Martiri, 1945, 4 1 , 168)? E v e r y scholar who has commented on this sentence feels the difficulty. Wilcken suggested the mean­ ing 'to get something by illegal means' (auf Hintertreppen) as expressed by a hypothetical Alexan­ drian proverb 'through the wife of the prefect', but the suggestion is too arbitrary to be accepted. It is by no means certain that r)yefid>v always means the head of the Roman province. It has various meanings, such as 'legionary commander' (OGIS 543. 1 2 ; 548. 9) or 'commander' in the broad sense without further specification (ib. 654. 3). It may even be a proper name (cf. e.g. L y s . 3 2 , 1 2 ; in this case, however, Sid TTJS 'Hyep.6vos ywaixos would be more correct). A t any rate, all the possible denota­ tions of the word -qyepibv should be ascertained before we accept the highly improbable supposition which assigns to the wife of the prefect the role of a government official who signs various documents for the benefit of small merchants in Alexandria. 37. The month Kaiadpeios is the Egyptian Mesore. 40 sqq. W e print the accepted text, but Mr. D . M. Lewis suggests the possibility of Tra(i8icp)

Eapamio(vos)

[napd

UapairQcovos

TO(V)

Eioanrdrpov.

'HpaKX(eiSrj)

36

SECTION V I I I : NO. 153

No. i £ 3 . The Letter of Claudius to the Alexandrians Philadelpheia. 2 9 X 1 1 6 * 5 cm. 10th November, A . D . 4 1 . P. Lond. 1 9 1 2 (Bell, Jews and Christians in Egypt, 1924, 23 sqq., Plate I). S P 2 1 2 . Pap. Primer, 1 (11. 1 4 - 2 9 ; 66-104). Charlesworth, M.P., Documents illustrating the reigns of Claudius and Nero, 1 9 3 9 , 3 sqq. (Numerous reprints of the whole Letter, and especially of the passage dealing with Jews, are included in various articles mentioned below.) Cf. BL iii, 1 . 99. L I T . : Bell, H . I . , Jews and Christians in Egypt, 1 sqq. Anagnostes ( = Gregoire, H.), Le Flambeau, vii, 1924, 3 7 8 sqq. B(aynes), N . H . , JHS xliv, 1924, 3 1 1 sqq. Bidez, J . , Bull. Ac. Roy. de Belgique, CI. lettres et sc. mor. etpol. x, 1 9 2 4 , 2 7 0 sqq. Deissmann, A . , Expos. Times, 1924, October, 8 sqq. Gaselee, S., CR xxxviii, 1924, 2 1 2 . Gregoire, H . , Byzantion, i, 1924, 638 sqq. Harnack, A . , Litteris, i, 1 9 2 4 , 1 1 5 sqq. Jouguet, P., CR. Ac. Inscr., 1924, 2 2 2 . Puech, A . , Rev. et. anc. xxvi, 1 9 2 4 , 3 8 7 sqq. Reinach, S., C. R. Ac. Inscr. 1 9 2 4 , 3 1 3 sqq. Schubart, W . , OLZ xxvii, 1924, 7 1 2 sqq. Schwartz, E . , DLZ, N . F . i, 1924, 2093 sqq. Stave, E . , Kyrkohistorisk Arsskrift, xxiv, 1924, 363 sqq. Wilcken, U., Archiv, vii, 308 sqq. Deissmann, A . , Vossische Zeitg., no. 3 0 2 , 1 9 2 4 . Guignebert, Ch., Rev. hist, relig. xc, 1 9 2 4 , 1 2 3 sqq. Juelicher, A . , Christl. Welt, xxxviii, 1924, 1001 sqq. Reinach, S., Rev. hist, relig. xc, 1 9 2 4 , 108 sqq. Reinach, Th., RE J lxxix, 1924, 1 1 3 sqq. de Sanctis, G., Riv. Fil. CI. N . s . ii, 1924, 4 7 3 sqq. Milne, J . G., A History of Egypt under Roman rule, 3rd ed. 1 9 2 4 , 20, 279 sqq., 282 sqq. d'Ales, A . , REG xxxviii, 1 9 2 5 , 1 1 2 sqq. Bell, H . I . , JEA xi, 1 9 2 5 , 9 5 n. 2. B(olkestein), H., Tijdschr. v. Gesch. xl, 1 9 2 5 , 282 sq. Breccia, E . , BSAA xxi, 1 9 2 5 , 1 1 7 sqq. de Bruyne, D . , Rev. be'ne'd. xxxvii, 1 9 2 5 , 1 3 4 . Costa, G., Bilychnis, x x v , 1 9 2 5 , 420. Ghedini, G., Aeg. vi, 1 9 2 5 , 273 sqq. Hombert, M., Rev. belg. de philol. iv, 1 9 2 5 , 197 sqq. Hunt, A . S., JEA, xi, 1 9 2 5 , 3 4 1 sq. Kenyon, F . G., Edinburgh Review, vol. 242, 1 9 2 5 , July/Oct. 52 sqq. Lehmann-Haupt, C. F . , Klio, xix, 1 9 2 5 , 364. Meautis, G., Rev. de France, v , 1 9 2 5 , 202 sqq. Otzen, P., Theologisk Tijdschr. vii, 1 9 2 5 , 273 sqq. P(eeters), P., Rev. d'hist. eccl. xxi, 1 9 2 5 , 703, id., Anal. Bollandiana, xliii, 1 9 2 5 , 140 sqq. Radin, M., CP x x , 1 9 2 5 , 368 sqq. de Ricci, S., REG xxxviii, 1 9 2 5 , 386 sqq. Schubart, W . , Gnomon i, 1 9 2 5 , 23 sqq. Soden, H . , TLZ, 1 9 2 5 , 251 sqq. Tondalli, L . , La Scuola Cattolica, liii, 1 9 2 5 , 20. d'Ales, A . , Et. Soc. de Jesus, 1 8 2 , 1 9 2 5 , 693 sqq. Battifol, P., La Vie catholique, iii, 1 9 2 5 , 10 J a n . , 9 sqq. Casey, R . P., HTR xviii, 1 9 2 5 , 285 sqq. Charlesworth, M.P., CR xxxix, 1 9 2 5 , 1 1 3 sqq. Cumont, F . , Rev. hist. rel. xci, 1 9 2 5 , 3 sqq. Donini, A . , Richerche relig. dir. da E. Buonaiuti, i, 1 9 2 5 , 1 5 0 sqq. Ghedini, G., La Scuola Cattolica, liii, 1 9 2 5 , 369 sqq. Jouguet, P., Journ. Sav. xxiii, 1 9 2 5 , 5 sqq. L(agrange), H . J . , RB xxxiv, 1 9 2 5 , 621 sqq. Lichtenstein, MGWJ lxix, 1 9 2 5 , 3 5 7 sqq. Reinach, S., Rev. arch, xxii, 1 9 2 5 , 1 7 1 sq. de Sanctis, G., Riv. Fil. CI. N . s . iii, 1 9 2 5 , 245 sq. Schmiedel, P., Neue zuericher Zeitg., no. 5 2 5 , 1 9 2 5 . Stein, A . , Preuss. Jahrb. cc, 1 9 2 5 , 54 sqq. Willrich, H . , Der Tuermer, xxviii, 1 9 2 5 , 237 sqq., id., Hermes, lx, 1 9 2 5 , 482 sqq. Neppi-Modona, A . , Raccolta di scritti in onore di Giacomo Lumbroso, 1 9 2 5 , 417 sqq. B(aynes), N . H . , Byz. Zeitschr. xxvi, 1926, 4 7 2 . Cabrol, F . , Rev. des quest, hist, liv, 1926, 197 sq. Gavin, F . , Anglican Theol. Rev. ix, 1 9 2 6 , 182 sqq. Otto, W . , Phil. Woch. xlvi, 1926, 6 sqq. Breccia, BSAA xxii, 1 9 2 6 , 2 4 9 sqq. Cameron, A . , CQ x x , 1 9 2 6 , 4 5 . Engers, M., Klio xx, 1 9 2 6 , 1 6 8 sqq. id., Tijdschr. v. Gesch. xii, 1 9 2 6 , 1 1 3 sqq. Jones H . St., JRS xvi, 1 9 2 6 , 1 7 sqq. Laqueur, R . , Klio, x x , 1926, 89 sqq. Neppi-Modona, A . , Aeg. vii, 1926, 4 1 sqq. Reinach, S., Rev. Arch, x x v , 1926, 242 sq. Rostovtseff, M., JEA xii, 1926, 24 sqq. de Sanctis, G., Riv. Fil. CI. N . s . iv, 1926, 1 2 8 . Bell, H . I . , Juden und Griechen im roemischen Alexandreia (Beih. z. Alten Orient, Heft 9), 1926, 24 sqq. Dessau, H., Geschichte der roemischen Kaiserzeit ii. 1 , 1 9 2 6 , 400. Breccia, E . , Juifs et Chretiens de Vancienne Alexandrie, 1 9 2 7 , 11 sqq. Willrich, H . , Wien. Blaetter f. die Freunde der Antike, iv, 1 9 2 7 , 3 1 sqq. Zielinski, T h . , Rev. de VUniv. de Bruxelles xxxii, 1 9 2 7 , 1 2 8 sqq. Hegstenberg, W . , Byz. Zeitschr. xxvii, 1 9 2 7 , 1 3 8 sqq. Bell, H . I . , JEA xiii, 1 9 2 7 , 1 7 9 sq. Laqueur, R . , Hist. Zeitschr. ccxlvi, 1 9 2 7 , 2 5 1 sq. Grupe, E . , Sav. Ztschr. xlviii, 1928, 5 7 3 sqq. Leclercq, H . , Diction, d'arch. Chret., s.v. Judaisme, 160 sqq. Loesch, S., Epistula Claudiana, 1930. Tcherikover, V . , Jews and Greeks in the Hellenistic Period, 1 9 3 0 , 3 1 6 sqq. (in Hebrew). Uxkull-Gyllenband, W . , Stzb. preuss. Ak. Wiss. ph.-hist. Kl. 1930, 670 sqq. Dessau, Geschichte der roemischen Kaiserzeit ii, 2 , 1 9 3 0 , 655 sqq., 672 sqq. Seston, W . , Rev. hist.philos. relig. xi, 1 9 3 1 , 275 sqq. Bauer,W., TLZ lvi, 1 9 3 1 , 1 5 1 sqq. Bell, H . I . , CR xiv, 1 9 3 1 , 146. Bickermann, E . , DLZ Hi, 1 9 3 1 , 320 sqq. Lagrange, M. J . , RB xl, 1 9 3 1 , 270 sqq. Weber, W . , Zeitschrift/. Kirchengesch. 1 , 1 9 3 1 , 225 sqq. Weyman, C , Hist. Jahrb. Ii, 1 9 3 1 , 241 sq. Heinemann, I . , R.E. Suppl. 5, s.v. Antisemitismus, n sq. Janne, H . , Rev. arch, xxxv, 1 9 3 2 , 268 sqq. Piganiol, A . , Mel. Glotz, ii, 1 9 3 2 , 723 sqq. R(einach), S., Rev. arch, x x x v , 1 9 3 2 , 1 5 2 sq. Ghedini, G., Aeg. xii, 1 9 3 2 , 7 2 . Hoennicke, G., OLZ x x x v , 1 9 3 2 , 3 1 0 sq. de Labriolle, P., Rev. de philol., s6r. 3 , vi. 1 9 3 2 , 4 1 8 sqq.

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

37

Leipoldt, J . , Antisemitismus in der alien Welt, 1 9 3 3 , 1 1 sqq. Stein, A . , Aeg. xiii, 1 9 3 3 , 1 2 3 sqq. 3 3 1 sq. Guignebert, Ch., Rev. hist, relig. cvii, 1 9 3 3 , 199 sqq. Breccia, E . , BSAA xxix, 1 9 3 4 , 3 5 5 ¥\Momigliano, A . , Claudius the Emperor and his Achievement, 1 9 3 4 , 29 sqq. Charles­ worth, M. P., CAH x, 1 9 3 4 , 682 sq. Janne, H . , Mel. Cumont (Ann. Inst, de phil. hist. slav. or. iv), 1936, 273. Box, H., Philonis Alexandrini in Flaccum, 1939, x x sq. and passim. Scramuzza, V . M., The Emperor Claudius, 1940, 64 sqq. Bell, H. I . , JRS xxxi, 1 9 4 1 , 1 sqq. Simon, M., Bulletin de la Faculte de lettres de Strasbourg, xxi, 1 9 4 3 , 1 7 5 sqq. Bell, H . I . , HTR, xxxvii, 1944, 188 sqq. Tcherikover, V . , The Jews in Egypt in the Hellenistic-Roman Age in the Light of the Papyri, 1 9 4 5 , 1 8 1 sqq. (in Hebrew). Goguel, M., La naissance du Christianisme, 1946, 1 8 n. 6. Schwartz, J . , BIFAO xlix, 1950, 45 sqq. Atkinson, K . C , Aeg. xxxii, 1 9 5 2 , 2 1 1 n. 1 . Musurillo, H . A . , Acts of the Pagan Martyrs, 1954, passim. Turner, E . G., JRS, xliv, 1954, 58. Amusin, / . Jur. Pap. i x - x , 1 9 5 6 , 1 6 9 sqq. (in Russian). Preaux, C , Chr. d'&g. xxxi, 1956, 3 2 5 n. 1. s<

The Letter of Claudius to the Alexandrians, first published by Bell in 1924, is one of the most important documents in the whole field of papyrology. The list of more than a hundred articles cited above—which is b y no means a full bibliography—bears witness to the great interest taken in it by scholars. The famous passage dealing with the Jewish question makes the Letter of Claudius an important source for the study of Jewish history in Egypt in the Roman period. The Letter is an answer to the felicitations and complaints of a Greek embassy sent from Alexandria to the Emperor in A.D. 4 1 to congratulate him on his accession to the throne. The Letter is preceded by a brief edict of the prefect, L. Aemilius Rectus, ordering its publication. The Letter is undated, but the edict of Rectus has the date of 1 4 t h Neos Sebastos, i.e. 10th November (A.D. 4 1 ) , so that the date of the writing and sending of the Letter can be approximately deduced. First published in Alexandria, it was copied and sent to the chora, and one of the copies, fortunately for us, was preserved and found in Philadelpheia (the Fayum). The whole Letter may be divided into four parts. After the edict of Rectus, which occupies the first thirteen fines, the Letter opens with the enumeration of the twelve members of the embassy and with the more or less conventional words of diplomatic courtesy (11. 1 4 - 2 9 ) . In the second part (11. 2 9 - 5 1 ) the Emperor deals with the honours voted for him by the Alexandrians, and in the third (11. 5 2 - 7 2 ) with the requests which the Alexandrians presented to him. The last part (11. 7 2 - 1 0 4 ) is devoted to the 'Jewish question'. A few lines (11. 1 0 5 - 1 0 9 ) containing the Emperor's thanks to his two friends who were members of the delega­ tion close the Letter on a personal note. The Letter, copied by a careless scribe, is very far from being a model of Greek orthography; the slips of the pen are sometimes so serious that the meaning of the text becomes unintelligible (e.g. 11. 2 1 sq.). Even more serious are some defects of style (e.g. 11. 34 sqq., 59, 77 sq.), due, perhaps, to the fact that the Greek text might be a translation from the Latin. Various possibilities have been suggested by scholars as to the original language of the Letter. It might have been written in either Latin or Greek; in the latter case the translation might have been made either in the Imperial Chancery in Rome or in Alexandria. Bell's opinion is that the Letter was originally written in Latin, as is 'strongly suggested by the style, which frequently recalls Latin idioms or turns of phrase' (p. 3 ) . Many scholars agree with this; yet it may be that Schubart (Gnomon, i. 34) is right in his assertion that the original language was Greek, but a Greek influenced by Latin, as used in the Imperial Chancery at Rome. At any rate the possibility of a translation made in Alexandria is unanimously rejected: the existence of the Greek department of the Imperial Chancery ab epistulis, called tcov 'EXXrjviKcbv cvnoKpi]i6.TOiv (cf. Syll. 8 0 4 - 6 ) , is sufficient confirmation of the suggestion that important letters sent to the Greek Orient were drafted in Rome in a language which could be understood by the addressees. It is a question open to discussion whether some of the obscure passages in the 3

38

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 153

Letter may be accounted for by the carelessness of the scribe or stylistic difficulties or, perhaps, by the character of the Emperor (known to have been a man of ex­ plosive temper, Suet. Claud. 38). Yet it does not seem that any one of these three possibilities can help us to understand the true meaning of some passages, e.g. 11. 42 sqq., 62 sqq., 90 sqq. In particular, reference to the irritable character of Claudius has nothing to do with the interpretation of obscure passages, since the sentences possibly influenced by his ira et iracundia, such as 11. 99 sqq., are by no means obscure. It seems, therefore, that the simplest explanation of many obscurities in the Letter lies in the fact that we do not know many things which were quite clear to the addressees. In this respect there is no difference between the official Letter of Claudius and any private letter. As to the question whether the Letter was composed by a secretary or by the Emperor himself, I am not sure that we have the right to ask this question at all. The Imperial secretariat in the Julio-Claudian period was no more than a branch of the Emperor's private household and had as yet no independent existence. No document could be dispatched by the secretariat without being checked by the Emperor; on the other hand, it is clear that the composition as well as the actual phrasing of the text was too unimportant a task for the Princeps. So it seems that every document issued by the Imperial secretariat was in a certain sense the fruit of co-operation between the Emperor and his secretaries, and it is impossible to decide the part played by each. In the light of this, we may ask whether the Letter can be a reliable guide to the political capacity of Claudius. It is well known that the common estimate, based on the views of Tacitus and Suetonius, is by no means favourable to Claudius; scholars had always considered him slow-witted and shallow, dependent in all his actions and decisions on various members of his court. The publication of the Letter promised new material on which to base an estimate of the Emperor's personality, and, indeed, it has been frequently interpreted as providing evidence of Claudius' political wisdom. Bell calls Claudius' decisions 'reasonable and well-grounded'; 'from this Letter one would never suspect that Claudius was weak-minded' (p. 2 2 ) . This view has been adopted by many scholars; to quote only one, Montevecchi calls the Letter 'una lettera piena di saggia moderazione e di buon senso pratico' (Aeg. xviii. 3 2 7 ) . On the other hand, there are still scholars like Laqueur and Engers who do not believe the Letter to be a sufficient basis for changing the usual estimate of Claudius, and who still agree with the well-known words of Tacitus (Ann. 1 2 . 3 ) : 'non iudicium non odium erat nisi indita et iussa'. How can this difference of opinion be resolved? The solution may perhaps be made easier if we distinguish between the principles of Claudius' policy and his character. The Letter reveals a new tendency in Roman statesmanship, the reversal of the Hellenistic inclinations of Gaius and the return to the sane prin­ ciples of Augustus' policy. It evinces a high degree of common sense; its reference to the honours voted to the Emperor is in moderate language; the rights granted to the Alexandrians are dictated by political necessity; and the advice to both Alexandrians and Jews to keep the peace is given with the aim of settling hostilities once and for all. So far Claudius appears as a good and wise ruler. But we shall never know whether all these wise measures were free decisions of the Emperor or the result of collabora­ tion between him and his advisers, nor how great was the part played by his secretaries in the preparation and formulation of the various items of the Letter (cf. Otto, op. cit. 1 3 ) . The question, therefore, of the character and personality of Claudius, and especially of his dependence upon others, remains as open to discussion as it was before the publication of the Letter. For us, the main interest of the Letter lies in the last part which deals with the Jews. On this, see the notes to 11. 7 3 - 1 0 4 and Vol. I, pp. 69 sqq.

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN ALEXANDRIA

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S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 153 Kal TifiepLtoL KXavhlcDL ApxcftitoL TCDI ifiwc

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Proclamation of Lucius Aemilius Rectus.

Since, because of its numbers, not all the populace was able t o be present at the reading of the most sacred letter which is so beneficent to the city, I h a v e thought it necessary to publish the letter so that each one of y o u m a y read it and wonder at the greatness of our god Caesar and be thankful for his goodwill towards the city. In t h e second year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus the Emperor, on the 14th d a y of the m o n t h Neos Sebastos. Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus the Emperor, Pontifex Maximus, holder of the Tribunician Power, consul designate, to the city of Alexandria, greeting. Tiberius Claudius Barbillus, Apollonios son of Artemidoros, Chairemon son of Leonidas, Marcus Julius Asklepiades, Gaius Julius Dionysios, Tiberius Claudius Phanias, Pasion the son of Potamon, Dionysios the son of Sabbion, Tiberius Claudius Archibios, Apollonios the son of Ariston, Gaius Julius Apol­ lonios, Hermaiskos the son of Apollonios, your ambassadors, presented me with the decree and spoke at length about the city, directing m y attention to your goodwill towards us, which, y o u m a y be sure, has long been stored in m y memory, since it comes from your natural reverence towards the Emperors, as I know from m a n y instances, and particularly from your devotion to m y own family, which we have returned. Of this, t o pass over other instances and mention the latest, the best witness is m y brother, Germanicus Caesar, w h o addressed y o u in the most sincere language. For this reason I h a v e gladly received the honours y o u h a v e given me, although I have no great taste for such things. Firstly then, I allow y o u to keep m y birthday as a sacred d a y as y o u have requested, and I permit y o u to erect in their several places the statues of m e and m y family; for I see that y o u are anxious to establish on all sides memorials of your reverence to m y family. Of the t w o golden statues, the one of P a x Augusta Claudiana, which I w a s inclined to refuse, since it seemed rather excessive, shall be set u p at Rome, as m y most honoured Barbillus suggested and entreated, and the other shall be carried in processions on name-days in your city in the manner y o u think best, and a throne shall be carried with it, according to your request. I t would perhaps be absurd for m e to allow such great honours and to refuse the creation of a Claudian tribe and the dedication of groves after the Egyptian custom, and I therefore allow these too. If y o u wish, y o u m a y also erect the equestrian statues of Vitrasius Pollio m y procurator. I allow y o u also to set u p the four-horse chariots which y o u wish to set up at the entrances to your country, at the place called Taposiris in Libya, at Pharos of Alexandria, and a third at Pelousion in E g y p t . B u t the establishment of a high-priest and temples of myself I decline, not wishing t o be offensive to m y contemporaries and in the belief that temples and the like have been set apart in all ages for the gods alone. About the requests which y o u h a v e made from me, m y decision is this. T o

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN ALEXANDRIA

43

all those w h o have been registered as epheboi u p t o the time of m y principate I guarantee and confirm their Alexandrian citizenship with all the privileges and benefits enjoyed b y t h e city, with the exception of a n y w h o , though born of slave-parents, have made their w a y into your ephebate, and it is also m y will that all privileges which were granted t o y o u b y emperors, kings, and prefects before m y time shall be confirmed, in t h e same w a y that the g o d Augustus confirmed them. I t is also m y will that t h e neokoroi of t h e temple of t h e g o d Augustus in Alexandria should be chosen b y lot in the same w a y as those of t h e god Augustus in Kanopos. I n proposing that the magistrates of t h e c i t y shall hold their offices for three years, y o u seem t o m e t o h a v e decided wisely, for your magistrates will behave more moderately during their term of office for fear of being called t o account for abuses of power. A b o u t the Council, w h a t your custom w a s under the old kings, I cannot say, b u t that y o u did n o t h a v e one under the emperors before m e , y o u are well aware. Since this is a n e w matter n o w laid before m e for the first time and it is uncertain whether it will profit the city and m y affairs, I have written t o Aemilius R e c t u s t o examine t h e question and report t o m e whether the Council should be established, and, if it should, w h a t form it should take. W i t h regard t o the responsibility for t h e disturbances and rioting, or rather, t o speak the truth, t h e war, against the Jews, although your ambassadors, particularly Dionysios the son of Theon, argued vigorously and at length in t h e disputation, I have not wished t o make an exact inquiry, b u t I harbour w i t h i n m e a store of immutable indignation against those w h o renewed t h e conflict. I merely s a y that, unless y o u stop this destructive and obstinate m u t u a l enmity, I shall be forced t o show what a benevolent ruler can be w h e n h e is turned t o righteous indignation. E v e n now, therefore, I conjure the Alexandrians t o behave gently and kindly towards the J e w s w h o h a v e inhabited the same city for m a n y years, and not t o dishonour a n y of their customs in their worship of their god, b u t t o allow them t o keep their own ways, as t h e y did in the time of the g o d Augustus and as I too, having heard b o t h sides, h a v e confirmed. The Jews, on the other hand, I order not t o aim at more than t h e y have pre­ viously h a d and n o t in future t o send t w o embassies as if t h e y lived in t w o cities, a thing which has never been done before, and not t o intrude themselves into the games presided over b y the gymnasiarchoi and the kosmetai, since t h e y enjoy what is their own, and in a city which is n o t their own t h e y possess an abundance of all good things. Nor are t h e y t o bring in or invite J e w s coming from Syria or E g y p t , or I shall be forced t o conceive graver suspicions. If t h e y disobey, I shall proceed against them in every w a y as fomenting a c o m m o n plague for the whole world. If y o u both give u p your present w a y s and are willing t o live in gentleness and kindness with one another, I for m y part will care for t h e city as much as I can, as one which has long been closely connected with us. Barbillus m y friend, as I can witness, has always been your champion w i t h m e and has n o w conducted your case with t h e greatest zeal, and the same is true of m y friend Tiberius Claudius Archibios. Farewell. 1. L . Aemilius Rectus followed C. Vitrasius Pollio as prefect of Egypt soon after the assassination o f Gaius (24th January 4 1 ) ; his name is recorded in some inscriptions and papyri, cf. Loesch, 6 ; Reinmuth, 1 3 2 ; Stein, 29; Reinmuth, RE xxii. 2. 2369.

44

SECTION VIII: NO. 153

9. Wilcken suggested the emendation Oe(£)ov, pointing out that there are no further instances of emperors being officially termed 8 e 6 s in E g y p t (cf. Blumenthal, Arch. v . 328), and emphasizing that in the Letter Claudius himself refuses to accept divine honours. Y e t we have instances of Augustus being called Oeos in E g y p t (P. O x y . 1 4 3 ; B G U 1 2 0 0 , 1 2 0 1 ) , though he too did not care for divine honours. It was common in the Orient to deify the living king; cf., against Wilcken, Schubart (Gnomon, i. 24) and Bell (JEA xi. 95. 2). 13. N e o s Z e f i a a r o s = Hathyr (cf. Scott, Y C S ii. 271). Since the edict of the prefect was published in Alexandria on the 14th of Hathyr ( = 10th November, A . D . 41) it may be assumed that the Letter was dispatched from Rome about the middle of October, and written perhaps at the beginning of the same month (Engers, 176; Loesch, 6). Now the embassy of the Alexandrians arrived at Rome at any rate not later than in the middle of April (see Introduction to No. 156); why then did Claudius delay his answer for nearly six months? I t seems that in the year 41 the Imperial Chancery was not working with due expedition, probably owing to the great amount of business which had accumulated during the reign of Gaius and was still waiting to be dealt with. 1 4 - 1 5 . 'Imperator pontifex maximus tribunicia potestate consul designatus.' 1 6 - 1 9 . For the members of the embassy, see Bell and especially Jones, 17 sqq. The latter emphasizes that nearly all the ambassadors belonged to the circle of the learned men of Alexandria, particularly those connected with the Museum. 'We see, in fact, that no love was lost between the Museum and the Synagogue, and the Alexandrians no doubt felt that a professional leaven would gain for their embassy a favourable hearing from a learned Emperor' (21). Note that out of the twelve ambassadors, six were Roman citizens, three of them Claudii (Willrich, 489). 16. T i . Claudius Barbillus (or Balbillus) is perhaps identical with the prefect of E g y p t under Nero ( A . D . 55-59) and with a landowner in the Fayum (P. Mich. 3 1 2 ; see note of Boak, ib. 247). Some scholars (Bell, Jones, Cichorius, Dessau, and others) have identified him with the astrologer, a native of Ephesos (cf. Dio Cass. 66. 9. 2 ; Suet. Nero 36); against this identification see Stein, Aeg. xiii. 123 sqq., 331 sq. Barbillus, named first in the list of ambassadors, was probably the head of the delegation, and owed this honour to his personal friendship with the Emperor ( 1 . 105). He manifested his devotion to the cause of the Alexandrians by lending his support to one of the leaders of the Alexandrian antiSemites, Isidoros, in his trial against Agrippa; see No. 156^. 17. Chairemon was a philosopher and historian, who included in his 'History of Egypt' the wellknown anti-Semitic version of the Exodus (Jos., c. Ap. 1. 288 sqq.). He is also known as a teacher of Nero. Cf. RE, s.v. 'Chairemon',7. 17. C. Julius Dionysios, probably identical with Dionysios, son of Theon, mentioned in 1 . 76 as the protagonist of the Alexandrian case against the Jews, belonged to a very aristocratic Alexandrian family, whose members, all called Dionysios or Theon, are mentioned in various documents from Augustus to Hadrian (Bell, 29 sqq., and addenda, p. viii; Musurillo, 102 sqq.). The anti-Semitic tradition was strong in this family, at least until the time of Trajan and Hadrian (cf. Nos. 157 and 158a). It is commonly assumed that this Dionysios is further identical with the anti-Semitic leader Dionysios, who is contemptuously called by Philo Btj^okottos (Flacc. 20), and with the Dionysios men­ tioned in No. 154 (see, for example, Box's Commentary to the InFlaccum,8o). This identification may be correct, but it is by no means certain. The name Dionysios is so common that it cannot serve as an argument in favour of any theory; another Dionysios, son of Sabbion, took part in this very embassy. The fact that both belonged to the anti-Semitic party is also a very poor argument for the identifica­ tion ; there were many anti-Semites in Alexandria. So the question of identification remains open. 18. Aiovvoios ?afS§icovos. The name of the father is Semitic. A J e w of this name is recorded by Josephus ( a n t . 1 5 . 4 7 ) ; but it is obvious that a member of the Alexandrian embassy was not a J e w . Perhaps he was of Syrian origin. 19. Bell assumed that the four names TifSepios

KXav8i(o)s

AiToXXa)vc(o)s

Aplorovos

all belong to one

man. The correct solution was found by Willrich, 486, who inserted (Apx^tos) after K X a v 8 c { o ) s , com­ paring 1 . 108. This suggestion, commonly accepted, removes the need for the suggestion of Laqueur, 100, who thought that Archibios was not a member of the embassy and joined it later in Rome. 19. Bell suggests that Hermaiskos may have been the father or grandfather of Hermaiskos in No. 159. 21. The text is confused and the meaning not clear. Various emendations have been proposed. The simplest solution is to change /-101 to fie (vTta.yop.ai with the accusative is common, with the dative not usual) and to interpret BrjXov as an adverb ( = 877X0.87?). Bell changes 17/10? to vp,ds and translates:

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN ALEXANDRIA

45

'directing my attention to the goodwill towards you . . . ' ; but the following sentences are more in accordance with the text as it stands. 23. <£t>a« fiev KTX. The Imperial Chancery uses a polite formula which could hardly deceive anyone. The anti-Roman feelings of the Alexandrians were well known at Rome. See on this question the introduction to Nos. 154-9. 27. Germanicus visited Alexandria in A . D . 1 9 ; the Alexandrians cheered him with affection, prob­ ably seeing him as a potential rival of Tiberius. Germanicus, on his part, expressed his sympathies with the population, but was wise enough to forbid any offering of divine honours. See Tac. ann. 2. 5 9 ; Jos. c. Ap. 2. 6 3 ; S P 2 1 1 ; cf. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri, 8 sqq. yvrjaicorepais wvais is commonly interpreted as an allusion to a speech addressed by Germanicus to the people of Alexandria. A speech of Germanicus is cited in a papyrus to appear in P . Oxy. x x v . W e owe thanks to Prof. E . G. Turner for this information. According to some scholars, the intention of Claudius was to praise the speech of his brother; this speech, contrasted with the Letter of Claudius, would have had a franker sound, since Germanicus was addressing the Alexandrians ' b y word of mouth' (Bell), or his words were ' more clearly-stamped as his own', since he spoke Greek, whereas the Letter was composed in Latin (Edgar-Hunt in S P ) . All these interpretations are very doubtful: why should the Emperor disparage himself by the assertion that the words of his brother were in some way better than his own ? I see no reason to assume that Claudius had any intention of drawing a comparison between Germa­ nicus and himself. It is well known that the Greek comparative is used sometimes only to strengthen the meaning of the word.' Sehr haufig steht der Komparativ ohne das zweite Glied der Vergleichung und scheint oft nach unserer Betrachtungsweise jede Beziehung einer Steigerung verloren zu haben. . . . Der Komparativ wird daher von den Griechen da angewendet, wo wir uns der Adverbien: zu, allzu in Verbindung mit dem Positiv bedienen . . . ' (Kiihner-Gerth, ii. 1 , p. 305, n. 7). The comparative opTiKcorepos in 1 . 37 is used just in this sense, and this is the correct interpretation of the yvrjoitorepai. cfxDval too: most sincere, most genuine. 29. Ktuirep KTX. Perhaps a translation from Latin: 'quamvis ad talia non facilis' (Bell). The modest reservation of Claudius in receiving the honours witnesses his resolution to abolish the Hellenistic trend of the policy inaugurated by Gaius, and to return to the principles of the Roman Principate as formulated by Augustus. 29-30. Uepaarrjv . . . yevedXeiav. The dies natalis of Claudius was celebrated in E g y p t on the 8th of every Egyptian month (17 oefiaoTrj); cf. Snyder, Aeg. xviii. 215 and 200 (a list of papyri recording the if ae^aoTT]). According to the Roman calendar the birthday of Claudius was ist August (Suet. Claud. 2; Dio. Cass. 60. 5. 3). On the celebrations in honour of the birthdays of the Augusti see Philo, Flacc. 81sqq. 3 0 - 3 1 . According to de Sanctis, 476 (cf. Bell, JEA xi. 95, 2 ; Casey, HTR xviii. 285), wpoelp-qoBax (stated) is to be interpreted as irporjpTjode (requested). 35 sqq. One of the two statues voted by the Alexandrians in honour of the new Emperor was that of Pax Augusta Claudiana. According to de Sanctis, Barbillus was not responsible for suggesting that the statue be erected, but only for its being dedicated to dea Roma; he suggests in 1 . 37 the reading tpoel 'Pcpp-ps

instead of farcl. Y e t according to Wilcken, f V e l 'Pcvp.rjs

= iirl 'PCO/JLTJS (i.e. 'in Rome', not

'to the dea Roma'), and this interpretation has been commonly accepted. Hence the statue of Pax Augusta Claudiana was to be erected in Rome, not in Alexandria. What was the reason for this? Rostovtzeff suggested (JEA xii. 24 sqq.) that the statue was one of Pax-Nemesis (whose figure ap­ peared in the same year on the coins of Claudius), and the intention was to proclaim that the crushing of the Jewish revolt of 41 in Alexandria brought, of course, pax to the Jews, but in the form of a nemesis. The Alexandrians asked the Emperor to erect the statue in Alexandria, but Claudius ordered its erection in Rome in order not to provoke the anger of the Alexandrian Jews afresh. This suggestion (adopted by many scholars) is based, first of all, on some inaccuracies in the interpretation of the text. Rostovtzeff understands tooinp vTreOero as though loonep had the meaning of Kalirep, and interprets the present dpvovp.evov as if it were an aorist. The true meaning of the sentence is given correctly in the translation in S P 2 1 2 : 'as my most honoured Barbillus suggested and entreated when / wished to refuse'. Claudius, consequently, did not refuse anything; he yielded, after some doubts, to the request of Barbillus and gave his order in accordance with the proposal of the latter. So it would be incorrect to assume that Barbillus asked that the statue be erected in Alexandria and that Claudius changed the place to Rome; it was Barbillus himself who proposed its erection in Rome. Secondly, the interpretation of Claudius' coin of A . D . 41 as representing Pax-Nemesis is now discarded by numismatists. Grant

4

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 153

6

(University of Edinburgh Journal, x i v , 1949, 236 n. 1) finds t h a t the image of P a x o n Claudius' aurei is linked with the attributes of Victory, Mercury, Felicitas, Pudicitia, and Salus, according t o t h e rather complicated s y m b o l i s m of R o m a n coinage, and thinks t h a t the aim of the issue w a s to proclaim the programme of the n e w reign—'Peace w i t h gods and m e n ' (cf. o p . cit. 229 sqq., and id., Roman Anniversary Issues, 70 sqq., Roman Imperial Money, 156 s q q . ; see also C. H . V . Sutherland, Coinage in Roman Imperial Policy, 31 B.C.-A.D. 68,127 sqq.). It seems, therefore, that the statue v o t e d b y the Alexandrians w a s a statue of P a x and nothing more, intended t o proclaim Claudius' principles, according t o which the n e w reign would be a reign of peace. Y e t its full n a m e — P a x A u g u s t a Claudiana — s o u n d e d t o o arrogant; it evoked a parallel b e t w e e n Claudius and D i v u s Augustus (cf. Res Gestae 12. 2 : 'Aram Pacis A u g u s t a e senatus pro reditu m e o consacrandam censuit ad Campum Martium'), and this w a s the reason w h y Claudius hesitated to accept it. 38. ov rpoirov vfieis afrovre 'according to your request' ( S P ) , or, perhaps, 'in the manner y o u think best' ( B e l l ) ; it is closely connected w i t h rtopnevaei and deals n o t w i t h the request as a whole — t o let the second statue take part in a Trofinrj—but only with the manner of doing it (cf. 1 . 40 fiovXeode Koa/xo) TfOK"qp.4vos). So it cannot be opposed to the preceding request t o erect the statue of P a x A u g u s t a Claudiana, as if Claudius had prohibited the first and permitted the second (an inter­ pretation in favour of the theory of Rostovtzeff).

5

38—39. rats

eTTcavvfiais

39. Slpos:

according t o Bell, perhaps sella

rjp.4pais.

Cf. note t o 1 1 . 29-30. curulis.

42. Kara. v6p.ov ( B e l l ) ; Schubart (28 n. 2) thinks t h a t the chancery would h a v e written Kara. v6p.ovs. T h e planting of OXOT) corresponds to the E g y p t i a n c u s t o m , and therefore Kara. v6p.ov is the true reading. This suggestion is c o m m o n l y accepted, y e t the meaning of the whole passage remains obscure. 43 sq. Vitrasius Pollio w a s prefect of E g y p t in the t i m e of Gaius and, perhaps, in the beginning of the reign of Claudius (Dessau, Prosop. iii. 456; R e i n m u t h , 1 3 2 ; Stein, 28 sq.). H e is referred t o as procurator b y P l i n y , nat. hist. 3 6 , 5 7 , and the same title in G r e e k — i m r p o i r o s — i s used here b y Claudius. 'EmrpoiTos m a y sometimes refer to the prefect (cf. Stein, 179), but hardly in a document issued b y the Imperial Chancery: the official title of the prefect was eirapxos. Rostovtzeff (ap. Bell, note ad loc.) suggests conjecturally t h a t a procuratorship w a s g i v e n t o Pollio after his leaving the post of prefect, and this suggestion m a y be correct. Scholars differ as t o whether the equestrian statues whose erection was granted b y the Emperor were of Pollio or of Claudius himself but b y Pollio (i.e. at his expense). The question cannot be settled w i t h certainty, since the turn of the Greek phrase m a y be interpreted in both w a y s . Y e t it seems that the slightly c o n t e m p t u o u s ei 8e fSovXeode points t o statues of Pollio, rather t h a n to those of the Emperor. The erection of equestrian statues to high Imperial officials (proconsuls, procurators, etc.), as well as to local magistrates, was a widespread c u s t o m (see numerous instances in D e s s a u , ILS, I n d e x , s.v. 'statua equestris', and Ditt.Sylloge, I n d e x , s.vv. CIKCUV and dvSpids e'^tWos). There was, perhaps, a special reason for Alexandrians t o v o t e such statues t o Pollio, if we assume t h a t he was still the prefect of E g y p t in the early m o n t h s of Claudius' reign w h e n the hostili­ ties between J e w s and Greeks broke out w i t h renewed force: he w a s the m a n w h o crushed the Jewish revolt. 45. {el rivas

rrepl

ras

elo)fioXas

Laqueur.

4 8 - 5 1 . T h e Emperor declines the divine h o n o u r s ; cf. n o t e t o 1 . 29. 52 sqq. For the ephebeia in E g y p t see J o u g u e t , L a Vie municip., 150 s q q . ; Wilcken,Grundz., 139 s q q . ; W . Chr. 1 4 1 - 5 4 ; for the ephebeia in the Hellenistic world in general cf. J o n e s , The Greek City, 220 sqq. The ifafJevKores are n o t those w h o h a v e terminated their education in the g y m n a s i u m , but those whose names h a v e been put in the list of y o u n g m e n entitled to receive the education of epheboi (so Schubart, 29 n. 3 , on the basis of W . Chr. 148, where a m o n g the tyrjflevKores are children of 2 and 6 years). It seems from some d o c u m e n t s t h a t the enlistment of such candidates took place very often, perhaps every year, and t h a t every Greek citizen had to remember that he was an er)PevKa>s of a certain year (cf. W . Chr. 1 4 1 , 142, 144, 145, 148). H o w difficult it was for a J e w to enter his n a m e on such a list has been referred t o above (Vol. I, p p . 59 s q q . ) ; an E g y p t i a n who inscribed his son as er]pevKU)s w a s heavily punished (Gnomon of the Idios Logos, 44). Claudius granted rights of citizenship to all those w h o were inscribed on the list of the epheboi before his accession to the throne. It follows from this, firstly, t h a t the rank of ephebos was a prerequisite for the rights of citizenship; secondly, t h a t the granting of Alexandrian citizenship w a s supervised b y the E m p e r o r ; and, thirdly, t h a t Claudius renounced his right to hold a n y inquiry a s to the legal rights of all the y o u n g m e n , whose

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN

ALEXANDRIA

status he had ratified, t o be inscribed as epheboi. Only sons of slaves (i.e., probably, of slave-mothers) were to be expelled. It m a y therefore be inferred that all J e w s w h o had been inscribed as epheboi before 41 received t h e rights of Alexandrian citizens, and that is w h y Jones (p. 30) speaks of an 'act of a m n e s t y ' o n t h e part of Claudius in favour of the J e w s . Y e t , in effect, that 'act of a m n e s t y ' was of a very limited nature. W e do n o t know on what occasions or a t what times Alexandrian citizenship was rescrutinized b y the emperors, but it seems to follow from the Letter of Claudius t h a t such a revision took place at a n y rate on the accession of a n e w emperor; and thus w e m a y assume that Gaius, w h e n he came to the throne in 37, examined the rights of new citizens of Alexandria as Claudius did in 4 1 . T h e 'act of a m n e s t y ' of Claudius was consequently valid for a period of only four years, and this short period w a s that of the great pogrom, w h e n t h e whole of Alexandrian J e w r y was locked u p in a g h e t t o , and when the enrolment of a Jewish b o y in the corps of epheboi would h a v e been a miracle. 57 sqq. I t is obvious that Augustus could n o t ratify the rights of Alexandrians granted t o t h e m 'by former principes and prefects', since he w a s the first of the R o m a n emperors ruling in E g y p t . T h e passage can serve as an example of the inaccuracies of the Letter (as m a n y scholars h a v e pointed o u t ) . T h e reference t o the policy of Augustus is typical of Claudius. 60 sqq. For this measure see the commentary of Bell, ad loc. 62-66. It seems, from this passage, that until the time of Claudius the municipal offices in Alex­ andria were held for life b y the magistrates. B u t such a practice would contradict the whole political tradition of a Greek polis. Unfortunately we h a v e insufficient knowledge of the municipal institutions of Alexandria to be able to understand the true meaning of the sentence. Cf. Bell, ad l o c . ; A m u s i n , Vestnik Drevnej Istorii, i. 1949, 73 sqq. (Russian). 66-73. T h e important question whether Alexandria did, or did n o t , possess a boule under the P t o ­ lemies w a s intentionally passed over in silence b y Claudius, t h o u g h it is hard t o believe that the Imperial Chancery could n o t obtain the necessary information on this point. The problem of the Alexandrian city-council has been discussed in all articles referring to the Letter of Claudius; after the publication of the Boule-papyrus ( N o . 150) all suggestions and theories based on the Letter became obsolete. 73. irpos 'Iovoalovs. Claudius opens his discussion on the hostilities between Greeks and J e w s as if one side o n l y — n a m e l y , the Greeks—was responsible for t h e m . Y e t it is a grammatical turn of phrase and nothing more. F r o m the standpoint of the Alexandrians the clash with the J e w s w a s a war 'against J e w s ' (npos Iov8atovs), and Claudius, w h o has until n o w addressed the Alexandrians only, uses this turn of phrase as though his point of v i e w were identical with that of the Alexandrians. Y e t he knows well that b o t h sides are equally concerned, and expresses this with sufficient clarity in 1 1 . 74 and 80. y

74. noXep.05—cf. Philo, l e g . 1 1 9 . 75. e£ avTiKaTaardaews—'in confrontation with his opponents', not 'auf Grund einer Einwendung', as suggested b y Laqueur (99). Cf. for the meaning of the word Jos. a n t . 14. 246, and P . F o u a d , 22. B o t h Greeks and Jews were putting their arguments before Claudius, w h o was presiding over the discussion in the role of supreme judge. W h a t was the subject of this dispute? The words of Claudius are clear e n o u g h : it w a s the question of the responsibility for the rapaxy, or ardais, or w d A e / x o ? that broke o u t in Alexandria. T h e meaning of the first t w o terms is 'riot', 'feud', 'political disturbances', the third means 'war'. So it was n o t the question of civic rights, or national a u t o n o m y , or religious freedom that was discussed before Claudius in this case, but the sole question of responsibility for political disturbances. The whole passage u p t o 1 . 82 confirms this v i e w : Claudius would n o t harbour 'a store of immutable indignation' against persons discussing juridical questions of a rather compli­ cated nature, nor in this case would he threaten t h e m w i t h his wrath should t h e y n o t cease 'this destructive and obstinate mutual enmity'. 76.

Aiowalov

rod

Qewvos—see

note t o

1.

17.

75-77. S. Reinach has concluded from the words OVK ifiovXydrjv d / c p t / J a j ? igeXevgat that Claudius did not know a n y t h i n g about the second outbreak of hostilities, the responsibility for which is laid b y Josephus ( a n t . 19. 278) on the Jews (cf. Vol. I, p . 69). Bell, t o o , says that Claudius did n o t k n o w 'which side was responsible for the ordais ' (p. 18). Y e t Claudius did not s a y he did n o t k n o w , but that he had no intention of holding a n y inquiry, the word i^eXeyx^v having in most cases (cf. Thes. Ling. Gr.) the sense of 'to make inquiry' (translated thus in S P ) , and n o t 'to c o m m i t oneself to a decided judge­ m e n t ' (so Bell). So it would be incorrect to suggest that Claudius had n o t sufficient information about

4

8

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 153

t h e troubles in Alexandria, or n o opinion of his o w n as to where t h e responsibility lay. H i s refusal t o hold a n inquiry is due only t o his firm decision to stop the hostilities at once and to impose peace on both sides. A s to the question whether the inquiry had to deal with the renewed outbreak of hostilities under Claudius or w i t h the whole series of e v e n t s from A . D . 38 onward, various opinions are held. Bell (p. 18) prefers t h e second possibility, and s o , it seems, do the majority of scholars. Y e t some strong arguments m a y be p u t forward in favour of the opposite view. It is obvious that the Greeks were interested in a strict inquiry into the e v e n t s , since the members of the e m b a s s y , and especially their spokesman D i o n y s i o s , 'argued vigorously and a t length' with the J e w s about this very question. Y e t it is n o t likely that the Greeks were interested in an inquiry concerning the whole series of e v e n t s : w h o could d e n y that in t h e time of Gaius Caligula it was the Greeks w h o had started hostilities ? T h e political situation changed at the beginning of the new reign. N o w the Jews were the aggressors, and the Greek e m b a s s y , leaving Alexandria immediately after these new e v e n t s , w a s , of course, interested in launching a legal prosecution against the J e w s . The second argument in favour of this view m a y be based o n the following point. In 11. 96 sq. Claudius forbids Jews from E g y p t and Syria to enter Alexandria, and it was rightly suggested b y Bell (p. 17) that this prohibition was made because the J e w s h a d entered Alexandria t o help their brethren t o prepare for renewed fighting (see note t o 1 . 96). It is obvious that Claudius' prohibition has nothing to do with the e v e n t s under Gaius, but has a direct bearing o n t h e aggressive actions of the J e w s a t the beginning of 4 1 . T h o u g h it was not part of a n inquiry, it seems that o n this particular point Claudius paid special attention t o the material supplied t o h i m b y the Alexandrian embassy. The best argument in favour of this v i e w would be the word irdXiv in 1 . 78; y e t as the correct meaning is open t o controversy, I would prefer not to use it as a n argument here, b u t , o n the contrary, t o use the conclusion already reached to explain the true meaning of irdXtv (see n e x t note). 78. 7raAeiv dpgafieviov. If we change dp£au4vcov t o d p £ o / x e v w v the sense will be as suggested b y H u n t : 'I will not g o into the question of past responsibilities, b u t I shall h a v e no mercy o n the aggressor if the conflict is renewed' (Bell, Addenda, V I I I ) . Bell adds that e v e n without this emendation the sense of the phrase might be that suggested b y H u n t , and the translation in S P is made according to this interpretation ('against whichever party renews t h e conflict'). It cannot be denied that m a n y argu­ m e n t s can be put forward in favour of this interpretation, the most important being the strong desire of the Emperor t o be neutral and not t o decide which of the t w o sides has to bear the responsibility for the e v e n t s . Y e t e v e n if we admit that the aorist in dp£an£vcov m a y be interpreted as referring t o the future, there is n o doubt t h a t the simple and usual meaning of the aorist concerns the past, a n d w e h a v e no right to substitute an unusual meaning for a usual one (or indeed to make an arbitrary change of the t e x t ) as long as the simple meaning can be interpreted in a satisfactory w a y . N o w , w e h a v e seen a b o v e (see the preceding note) that strong arguments m a y be put forward in favour of the supposi­ tion that an inquiry into the e v e n t s of the year 41 was sought b y the Greek embassy, not the revision of the Greek-Jewish controversy as a whole. If s o , we m a y expect that Claudius too paid attention principally t o the e v e n t s of 4 1 , and mentioned t h e m at the beginning of the passage concerning t h e J e w s . W h y , t h e n , should we seek a n unusual interpretation of dp^ap.ivtov, when the usual one is just what is needed here? Claudius says with sufficient clarity that he harbours 'a store of immutable indignation' against those who renewed the conflict. N o w , Josephus tells us t h a t the aggressors of 41 were J e w s , and it is hard t o believe that the Emperor did not know what Josephus' source knew. If so, one would ask, w h y not speak the explicit truth ? B u t had he spoken the truth, he would h a v e done e x a c t l y w h a t the Greek embassy wished h i m to d o , i.e. thrown the responsibility for the e v e n t s o n the J e w s only. In this case it would h a v e been necessary to order a n inquiry, and we know t h a t Claudius was anxious to restore peace, n o t t o perpetuate the struggle. Y e t there can be little doubt as to his true opinion of the aggressors. If he w r i t e s : 'Although (Kat-rrep) your ambassador . . . argued vigorously, nevertheless (op.a>s) I h a v e not wished t o make an e x a c t inquiry', it is just as if he wanted t o s a y : 'Although y o u are right, and both y o u and myself k n o w the aggressors, nevertheless I a m unwilling t o order an inquiry in the interests of c o m m o n peace.' A n d he adds, with the intention of appeasing the A l e x a n d r i a n s : 'but I harbour within me a store of immutable indignation against those w h o renewed the conflict.' This interpretation of 7mAiv dp^ap.evcov will certainly provoke objections on the part of those scholars w h o held Claudius to be a 'philo-Semitic' E m p e r o r ; y e t it was emphasized a b o v e (Vol. I, p . 73) that this opinion is obsolete, and t h a t the whole Letter of Claudius is hostile t o t h e J e w s : the dpyii dfxeraixdXrjros here agrees very well with the severe threats against the Jews in 1 1 . 98 sqq.

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79-83. The threat is directed t o b o t h sides. T h o u g h Claudius harboured 'a store of i m m u t a b l e indignation' against the J e w s alone, y e t he could not k n o w who would disturb the peace n e x t , and a threat against b o t h sides, therefore, w a s not out of place. 80. i
'an unrecorded and not v e r y likely adjective. Prof. Stuart Jones therefore suggests as translating et contumaciam, and this m a y be the correct t e x t , but if so we m u s t sup­ pose a double error, for - t o v is certain' (Bell). (Kal)

aiddoiov:

avdaolav,

81. -qyefxwv: here princeps as in 1 . 58. 82. e n n a l vvv—'even now', i.e. after the renewed outbreak of the hostilities in 4 1 ; the translation 'once again' (Bell and SP) is t o o v a g u e and therefore misleading. 82. oiafiaprvpofiai is paralleled b y KeXevco in 1 . 89; Claudius 'conjures' t h e Alexandrians and 'orders' t h e J e w s . It is not a mere slip of p e n : the Imperial Chancery w a s far more polite in addressing Greek citizens t h a n the various 'natives' in the Empire. T h e former were potential (and s o m e t i m e s e v e n legal) 'allies' of R o m e , whereas the latter were merely subjects of the Empire. 82. AXegavopets p.ev—'Iovbeois Se (in 1.88). A s the Alexandrian J e w s were inhabitants and n a t i v e s of Alexandria as well as the Greeks (see 1 . 84), AXe£av8pets cannot m e a n here 'inhabitants' but only 'citizens of Alexandria', according to the use of the word in official documents (cf. n o t e t o N o . 1 5 1 , 1 . 2). I t follows t h a t in the eyes of the Emperor and his chancery the J e w s of Alexandria were n o t m e m b e r s of the Greek polis, and c o n s e q u e n t l y not AXegavopets, a v i e w conflicting w i t h t h e opposite s t a t e m e n t of the edict of Claudius as rendered b y Josephus (ant. 19. 280 sqq.) where J e w s of A l e x ­ andria are called 'Alexandrians' (AXegavBpeTs Xeyop.4vovs). See Vol. I, p. 70, note 45. 82-88. T h e admonitions t o the Alexandrians contain, besides the v a g u e precept t o b e h a v e kindly t o the J e w s , a quite explicit programme of action, which m a y be considered as a serious a t t e m p t on the part of the Emperor to settle the Jewish question. H e orders the Alexandrians not t o dishonour t h e rites of the J e w s concerning the worship of their g o d , and let t h e m 'observe t h e c u s t o m s ' (rofs I 0 c f f t XPVO~0
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story told b y J o s e p h u s , t h a t the t w o Jewish princes asked Claudius t o publish an edict in favour of the Alexandrian J e w s , w h y should such a request contradict the fact t h a t t h e edict issued b y t h e Emperor w a s a result of a formal inquiry? T h e part played b y Agrippa m i g h t h a v e been merely a matter of recommendation, not affecting the usual w a y of gathering material and confronting the interested parties w i t h one another in a public dispute. A t a n y rate, it is rather improbable t h a t Claudius in so short a time issued two edicts in favour of the Alexandrian J e w s . I believe, therefore, that the confirmation of Jewish rights, mentioned here, has a direct bearing o n the edict in ant. 19. 280 s q q . , and if s o , w e m a y use t h e information obtained from the Letter t o verify the contents of the edict. It w a s pointed o u t above that the rights of the Alexandrian J e w s , granted to t h e m b y A u g u s t u s and confirmed b y Claudius, had nothing t o do with their civic rights, and concerned their religious and national a u t o n o m y only. So we reach the conclusion that all the sentences in t h e edict contradicting this s t a t e m e n t ought t o be cancelled (see Vol. I, p . 70, note 45). Another problem arising o u t of the words oiaxovoas djxcboripojv is the question of the identification of b o t h t h e parties defending their case before the Emperor. Is this disputation identical w i t h t h e avriKardaraais in 1 . 75? Of course n o t . It w a s t h e question of responsibility for the riots t h a t w a s discussed in the avTiKo.TdoTa.01s, n o t that of the rights of J e w s t o live 'according t o their customs'. If the embassy had reviewed before t h e Emperor the whole question of Jewish rights in Alexandria, w h y should Claudius h a v e identified t h e dvTiKaTdoraois with the dispute over t h e responsibility for the riots o n l y ? Cf. a b o v e , note t o 1 . 75. Further, ocaKovoas d(ioT4pu>v followed b y a decision of t h e Emperor (e'/?e/3aiWa) means an inquiry, a n d we know that Claudius refused t o hold a n inquiry, as was urged b y the Alexandrian embassy. L a s t l y , there are no n e w precepts imposed b y Claudius o n the Alexandrians concerning J e w s , only those well k n o w n t o t h e m : t h e e n Kal vvv in 1 . 82 (see the note) testifies t h a t e v e n after the e v e n t s of 41 Claudius did n o t change his v i e w s o n the Jewish question, which w a s , consequently, n o t being brought before h i m for t h e first t i m e ; the m e n t i o n of his con­ firmation of Jewish rights together with the n a m e of A u g u s t u s bears witness t o the fact t h a t t h e whole matter h a d long since been a res judicata. So w e m a y conclude t h a t the inquiry as t o the s t a t u s of the J e w s in Alexandria, resulting in the publication of t h e edict ant. 19. 280 s q q . , preceded t h e dvTLKaTaoTaois a n d , consequently, had nothing t o do w i t h t h e e m b a s s y of t w e l v e m e n k n o w n t o u s from t h e Letter. A n d since oiaKovoas dp-tborepcov presupposes the participation of Alexandrian Greeks in the debates, it follows t h a t there were t w o embassies of Alexandrian Greeks before Claudius, visiting R o m e one after the other, and b o t h discussing the Jewish question. W e k n o w the details of the second e m b a s s y ; w e h a v e n o knowledge about t h e first. Y e t w e shall see further (cf. note t o 11. 90-91) t h a t strong arguments m a y be p u t forward in favour of t h e suggestion t h a t this first embassy w a s the well-known delegation headed b y Apion. 89. KeXevco:

see n o t e t o 1 . 82, S.v.

89-90. nX-qtoi
eoxov:

8iaiu.apTvpop.ai.

i.e. in the time of A u g u s t u s . Claudius is probably referring here t o

the persistent efforts of t h e J e w s t o get Alexandrian citizenship b y a n y means. 90-91. Crux interpretationis. W h a t had Claudius in mind w h e n speaking of t w o embassies, 'as if t h e y lived in t w o (separate) cities' ? Bell explained the 'two embassies' as belonging respectively to the Alexandrians and t h e J e w s . This interpretation leads u s t o the conclusion that J e w s of Alex­ andria had no right t o send a n embassy of their o w n t o the Emperor. Y e t the Acts of Alexandrian Martyrs ( N o s . 154-9) witness t h a t such embassies were a l w a y s sent, and Claudius himself speaks of the dvTiKardoTaois b e t w e e n Greeks and J e w s and of b o t h sides pleading their cases before h i m (SiaKovoas dp.oT€pcov), as if the appearance of a Jewish embassy in R o m e w a s quite legal. If J e w s were forbidden t o send embassies t o the Emperor, w h y did Claudius allow t h e m t o appear before h i m at all? Besides, h o w could h e affirm t h a t such a thing 'has never been done before', for it was quite well k n o w n a t R o m e t h a t t w o embassies, one presided over b y Philo and t h e other b y A p i o n , had a p ­ proached Gaius some m o n t h s previously? Willrich (pp. 482 sqq.) w a s t h e first t o suggest t h a t b o t h embassies were sent b y the J e w s . A n d , in fact, Claudius' reproof for sending t w o embassies is addressed t o the J e w s o n l y ; it is impossible, from t h e stylistic point of v i e w , t o interpret this sentence a s addressed t o J e w s and Alexandrians alike. Willrich's theory h a s found m a n y adherents (Otto, J o n e s , Balsdon, Loesch, N e p p i Modona, A m u s i n , Turner), and also opponents (Dessau, E d g a r - H u n t in S P ) . I think it correct in its essential f e a t u r e s ; the weak point in Willrich's argument is, in m y opinion, the assertion t h a t the t w o Jewish embassies represented two main trends in t h e Alexandrian c o m ­ m u n i t y , t h e hellenized a n d the orthodox w h o were fighting for their principles a t R o m e , one striving for civic rights in the Greek c i t y , the other opposing i t ; as if civic rights were already granted t o J e w s

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and it was only necessary for the J e w s to accept or reject t h e m . So the question needs a renewed investigation. Some facts, already brought to light from the e x a m i n a t i o n of the Letter, m a y be used to settle the question of the t w o embassies. W e h a v e already seen that the Greek e m b a s s y , k n o w n from the Letter, did not debate the legal status of Alexandrian J e w s , and that this question was discussed before Claudius at an earlier date. So there were at least t w o Greek embassies which appeared before Claudius within a short time (a suggestion already made b y Uxkull-Gyllenband), and it is likely t h a t each Greek e m b a s s y w a s confronted with a Jewish one. T h e second Greek e m b a s s y is well k n o w n ; but w h a t is known about the first? Uxkull-Gyllenband (see N o . 156c) suggested t h a t the first Greek em­ bassy was sent with the object of accusing Agrippa, and t h a t the chief leaders of the anti-Semitic p a r t y , Isidoros and L a m p o n , were members of it. B u t the dispatch of t w o embassies close together, especially w h e n the task of challenging Agrippa could be carried o u t b y the second e m b a s s y (as w a s , in fact, done b y Barbillus, see note to N o . 1561;, 1 . 3 1 ) , is n o t very likely. It becomes e v e n more unlikely w h e n we remember that Isidoros was present in R o m e when the Jewish e m b a s s y of Philo was granted a n audience b y Gaius (Philo, leg. 355). W e are able t o fix the date of this audience w i t h some degree of certainty. W e are told b y Philo (leg. 356) that the J e w s had offered sacrifices for the Emperor's v i c t o r y against the G e r m a n s ; it follows that the audience w a s granted t h e m b y Gaius after his return from the German expedition, and Suetonius says (Calig. 49.2) that Gaius w a s assassinated four m o n t h s after having returned to R o m e from Germany. If we take into consideration with w h a t difficulty the J e w i s h e n v o y s obtained audience w i t h Gaius, we shall probably not be wrong in fixing the d a y of the audience as close as possible to the d a y of the assassination (cf. for the chronological question, B a l s d o n , JRS x x i v . 19 s q q . ; A m u s i n , J.Jur.Pap. i x - x . 169 sqq.). So it can hardly be assumed that Isidoros had enough time t o return to Alexandria and t o participate once again in a Greek e m b a s s y to Claudius, especially when we remember that navigation ceased from the middle of N o v e m b e r to the middle of March ( H . Stuart Jones, Companion to Roman History, 50; Oxford Class. Did., s.v. 'Naviga­ tion' ; cf. N o . 157, Col. I I , 1 . 22). Y e t Isidoros was a member of a n e m b a s s y , as is stated in N o . 156a, Col. 1 , 1 1 . 1 0 - 1 5 , 7 - Of which e m b a s s y , then, was he a m e m b e r ? I see no difficulty in assuming t h a t he w a s a member of the e m b a s s y of A p i o n ; and that would explain w h y he was present at the court of Gaius at the crucial m o m e n t of the audience of Philo. It is easy t o suggest that b o t h embassies, the J e w i s h e m b a s s y of Philo and the Greek embassy of A p i o n , were in R o m e on the d a y of the assassina­ tion, and remained there t o continue their work under the n e w princeps, cf. Balsdon, The Emperor Gaius, 143. J e w s and Christians alike harboured an obscure reminiscence about Philo's dealings w i t h Claudius: the Jewish mediaeval writer Josippon (c. 63) tells us t h a t the assassination of Gaius t o o k place on the third d a y after the audience of Philo, and t h a t Philo w a s sent h o m e w i t h peace and honour b y Claudius, and Eusebius (hist. eccl. 2. 18. 8) recounts the fantastic story of Philo reading his legatio ad Gaium before the senate 'in the d a y s of Claudius' (Kara. KXavSiov). These stories, of course, are n o t historical sources of a n y v a l u e , y e t the situation itself seems t o justify the presence of Philo, A p i o n , and Isidoros in R o m e at the beginning of the new reign. (It is worth noting t h a t Bell, p . 20, a d m i t t e d the possibility of such a view, though only as one of the m a n y solutions rejected b y him.) If so, the first inquiry into the Jewish question in Alexandria, started, as it seems, on the initiative of Agrippa, led t o the first confrontation of J e w s and Greeks before Claudius, the J e w s being repre­ sented b y Philo, and the Greeks b y Apion and Isidoros; this is the inquiry referred t o b y Claudius in 1 . 88 (otaKovaas dfi(f>or4p(jt)v). A s t o the second e m b a s s y , it is obvious t h a t the J e w s sent it t o refute t h e charges of the second Greek e m b a s s y , which left Alexandria probably at the end of February or in March. Philo, of course, was unable to discuss the question of the responsibility, since he had n o t been in Alexandria during the recent riots. This second Jewish e m b a s s y m e t the second Greek one in t h e avTiKardaraais before Claudius ( 1 . 75), and it seems, from the brief words of Claudius concerning the efforts of Dionysios to defeat his opponents, that very h o t debates took place before the Imperial tribunal. 1

So far reasons h a v e been given to prove the presence in R o m e of t w o Jewish embassies from A l e x a n d r i a ; now we h a v e to ask w h y Claudius was so angry over there being t w o . If J e w s were n o t allowed to send embassies of their o w n , e v e n one w a s illegal; if t h e y had the right t o do s o — w h y should t h e y n o t h a v e sent t w o , or even more ? Apparently, the wrath of Claudius was due n o t only t o the fact that there were t w o Jewish embassies, but t h a t t h e y behaved as if t h e y were representing 'two separate cities'. The words u>onep iv 8vod noXeoeiv KaroiKovvras are n o t consistent w i t h the a p ­ pearance of t w o embassies one after the other, but presuppose their appearance before the Emperor

52

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a t the same t i m e ; it seems that Claudius alludes t o some difference of opinion, or even more serious clash, between the t w o . Such a clash would perfectly explain t h e anger of the E m p e r o r : it w a s , in­ deed, n o t his d u t y t o settle a n internal quarrel of the Jewish c o m m u n i t y of Alexandria. B u t w h a t could be the cause of t h e quarrel between the t w o embassies? W a s Philo so self-confident t h a t he would not permit a n y other political representation of Alexandrian J e w s but his o w n ? I t might h a v e been something like t h a t ; y e t we m a y ask whether there were not more serious reasons for such behaviour t h a n merely personal ones. W a s this a quarrel concerning civic rights in Alexandria? T h e suggestion of Willrich a b o u t a n e m b a s s y of hellenized and a n embassy of orthodox J e w s m a y be correct; y e t it has nothing t o do with the question of civic rights, as mentioned a b o v e : the legal question was a res judicata, and the problem t o be discussed n o w before Claudius was t h a t of t h e responsibility for the riots. So w e m a y ask if o n this problem various opinions could h a v e been entertained ? The answer cannot be g i v e n with certainty, though I would venture a suggestion. It was stated above (Vol. I, p p . 6 6 sqq.) that a great change in Graeco-Jewish relations had taken place in the short time between 38 and 4 1 . R i c h J e w s of Alexandria were never hostile t o the Greeks; t h o u g h proud of their religion, t h e y were strongly influenced b y Hellenistic culture, and fought hard t o obtain civic rights in the city in order t o participate in Greek political life. T h e pogrom of 38 w a s for t h e m a political rebuff as well as a blow a t their cultural consciousness; but lost positions could n o t b e recaptured b y force. I t w a s difficult t o recapture their former standing in Hellenistic society, and it needed m u c h skill and diplomatic t a l e n t t o do it without fanning the flames once again. This w a s Philo's w a y . H e wrote t w o books o n the e v e n t s of 38, and never accused Greek society as such of being hostile t o the J e w s : it was t h e criminal policy of a R o m a n prefect misusing his power, together w i t h t h e no less criminal activity of a little group of political gangsters, that was responsible for antiSemitic feeling o n the part of the Alexandrians. A s t o t h e J e w s — t h e y were never hostile to t h e Greeks; w h a t nonsense on the part of Flaccus t o h a v e searched Jewish residential quarters for a r m s ! J e w s had n o arms, n o t e v e n knives (Flacc. 90), being an essentially peace-loving people. This was the line t a k e n b y Philo. A n d just w h e n he w a s in R o m e t o fight for emancipation, according t o his principles, some­ thing happened in Alexandria w h i c h not only ran counter t o his tactics, b u t could easily nullify all his achievements in R o m e . I t came t o light t h a t the J e w s n o t only h a d a r m s , b u t were skilled enough t o use t h e m successfully against their e n e m i e s ; in this struggle t h e y were supported b y their brethren coming from E g y p t and Palestine, a fact capable of turning a local conflict between J e w s and antiSemitic leaders into a far more serious clash between t h e Greek and the Jewish world throughout t h e entire Orient. A n d , indeed, there were J e w s in Alexandria w h o did not agree with Philo o n the tactics of the struggle; where Philo said 'diplomacy and propaganda' t h e y said 'arms'. W e do n o t know w h o these people were, b u t w e can guess that t h e y did not belong t o 'good s o c i e t y ' ; t h e y probably belonged t o the broad masses of the J e w i s h population, w h o were m u c h nearer to Jewish religious tradition and fought instinctively every step w h i c h brought t h e m into closer contact w i t h the 'idolaters'. If w e suggest t h a t these m e n captured t h e leadership of t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t y in Alexandria after their successful fight against t h e Greeks in 41 and that the second e m b a s s y was consequently influenced b y t h e m , we shall easily understand w h a t the reasons were for t h e difference of opinion between this e m b a s s y and Philo's. I t w a s dangerous t o let these m e n appear before the Imperial tribunal; t h e y might argue in favour of the right of the J e w s t o fight back when a t t a c k e d ; t h e y destroyed the m y t h of a little group of gangsters inciting the good-hearted Greek population against the J e w s , and replaced it b y the far more appalling picture of a great Greek city imbued w i t h xenophobia and ready t o destroy Jewish life and property at a n y m o m e n t ; t h e y m i g h t e v e n confess t h a t J e w s from abroad were being smuggled into t h e c i t y t o strengthen the Alexandrian Jews in their struggle against t h e Greeks. N o , Philo could n o t allow such people t o mould Jewish politics in R o m e ; it would surely cause catastrophe t o his people. Perhaps he was r i g h t ; the sudden and unjustified threat of Claudius to consider the J e w s 'a c o m ­ m o n plague for the whole world'( 1 1 . 99 sqq.) was perhaps due t o the personal impression m a d e o n h i m b y the members of the second e m b a s s y (cf. A m u s i n , J. Jur. Pap. i x - x . 177). Y e t this embassy legally represented the Jewish c o m m u n i t y of Alexandria, and Philo had no means of preventing its appearance before Claudius, so t h a t the avriKaTaaraais was fought out b y its members. W e m a y guess that the friction between t h e t w o Jewish embassies a t length reached the dimensions of a public disturbance a n d was brought t o Claudius' notice. Naturally enough, the Emperor could n o t allow himself t o be involved in the p e t t y quarrels of a remote Jewish c o m m u n i t y . H e solved the question in the manner of Alexander, b y cutting the Gordian k n o t ; he forbade t h e simultaneous sending of

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t w o embassies in the future, 'a thing which has never been done before', and so the quarrels between the t w o embassies came t o a n e n d . 92-93. i7noTratpeiv: 'the reading is n o t quite certain' (Bell). Instead of this v e r y u n c o m m o n verb (Plutarch, defort. Alex. 1. 3 — ' t o palpitate, t o be in alarm'), Schwartz suggested imanaUiv ( = «W«TnaUiv), insilire, here in t h e sense of 'intrude', and this emendation has been adopted b y nearly all scholars, including Bell (JEA x i , 1925, 95 n. 2). Three different explanations of this sentence h a v e been proposed: (1) Claudius forbids J e w s t o 'force their w a y ' into t h e g a m e s presided over b y t h e gymnasiarchs and the kosmetai, because these g a m e s were open t o citizens o n l y ; (2) Claudius prohibits J e w s from taking part in t h e election of t h e magistrates here n a m e d ; (3) Claudius has in mind a t ­ t e m p t s o n t h e part of t h e J e w s t o disturb t h e g a m e s b y sudden attacks, which might h a v e been made in 37 or during t h e second outbreak of hostilities in 4 1 . This last opinion (Ghedini, R a d i n , A m u s i n ; cf. also D e Sanctis, Riv. d. Filol. N . S . ii, 1924,507) can hardly be accepted, since imoiraleiv is too mild a term t o designate acts of violence, and the a t t e m p t of A m u s i n t o return t o the old reading imonalpeiv cannot b e considered satisfactory, since his interpretation of i t a s 'to oppose' is n o t convincing (Plutarch, loc. cit., m u s t be translated 'Already during t h e wars of Philip, Greece w a s in alarm', n o t 'Greece w a s in opposition t o Philip's wars'). E v e n more improbable is t h e second supposition. If J e w s were allowed t o share t h e gymnasial education w i t h Greeks, w h y should t h e y be debarred from participation in the election of magistrates administering the g y m n a s i a ? If, o n the other hand, t h e y were excluded from gymnasial life, w h y should t h e y b e interested in t h e elections? Besides, the term dytLv in the sense of 'elections' is u n c o m m o n . T h u s t h e first suggestion is the most probable, and h a s been accepted b y nearly all scholars. This prohibition of Claudius serves as a n additional proof t h a t J e w s were excluded from t h e Alexandrian citizenship: if Claudius, o n t h e one hand, confirms their citizenship-rights t o all y o u n g m e n registered as epheboi (11. 53 sqq.), and, o n t h e other h a n d , excludes the J e w s from the g a m e s , i.e from a n integral a n d essential part of t h e duties of the epheboi, h o w can we believe that J e w s h a d t h e status of citizens in Alexandria? The kosmetes was an official ranking second t o the gymnasiarchos; t h e office is frequently mentioned in t h e sources together with that of gymnasiarchos (cf., e.g., W . Chr. 144). On the office see Oertel, Die Liturgie, 329. 95.

iv

dXXorpla

iroXei.

H d t . 8. 73), a n d dXXorpla

Commonly 1} iroXis,

dXXorpla

designates a n alien country (Lys. 2. 6; Isocr. 10. 5 0 ;

as opposed to o i V « ' a (Aesch. c. Ctes. 255), h a s t h e m e a n i n g of a foreign

c i t y where t h e person in question is residing temporarily (thus in the papyri t o o , cf. S P 214). Y e t Claudius could n o t use the word in this sense, as h e himself states that J e w s were settled in Alex­ andria in rroXXcov xpovcov ( 1 . 84), i.e. were born and h a d grown u p in Alexandria. W h y then dXXorpla iroXis ? I t is likely that Claudius here uses the word iroXis in its strict juridical sense. T h o u g h t h e J e w s are residents of Alexandria, the iroXis remains foreign t o t h e m , because t h e Greek c i t y is a narpis for its citizens only, n o t for residents. These words of Claudius rightly serve (in t h e v i e w of t h e majority of scholars) as a decisive point in favour of t h e theory t h a t J e w s did not possess civic rights in Alexandria. 95. Schubart suggests dnOovcov ( = d06vcov) Bell and adopted in S P . Cf. BL iii, 1 . 95.

instead of

dndvrcov.

This e m e n d a t i o n was approved b y

96-100. These lines h a v e caused scholars m u c h trouble. D e Sanctis a n d S. Reinach independently suggested that the 'common plague for the whole world' w a s t h e y o u n g Christian m o v e m e n t . Accord­ ing t o Reinach Claudius would n o t use such harsh words h a d he in mind the hostilities between J e w s a n d Greeks in Alexandria o n l y ; his words, n o d o u b t , were directed against 'une doctrine sub­ versive, u n m o u v e m e n t general et redoutable' (Rev. Hist. Rel. x c . 1 1 5 ) , which could not be other than 'Pagitation messianique, apocalyptique, communiste et subversive' (ibid. 117) of the Christians. This 'first allusion t o Christianity' drew t h e attention of m a n y scholars t o t h e thesis of Reinach. Some of t h e m (Gregoire, Peeters, Cumont, Janne) accepted t h e thesis, b u t the majority (Guignebert, Battifol, d'Ales, Lagrange, Schmiedel, v . Soden, Donini, Breccia, Loesch, Bickermann, a n d others) remained sceptical or strongly opposed t o it. T h e reader will find a detailed account of the discussion in Loesch's book. I t would be a waste of time t o repeat here all t h e arguments brought against Reinach's t h e o r y ; t w o of t h e m m a y suffice. Guignebert (p. 126) points o u t t h a t Reinach's thesis presupposes such a strong and influential Christian c o m m u n i t y in Alexandria in t h e year 41 that Claudius 'does n o t see a n y t h i n g else in t h e J e w s of Alexandria', a situation quite impossible a t that stage of t h e Christian m o v e m e n t . Bickermann (p. 320) remarks that Claudius stops the Jewish emigration n o t from Syria o n l y , b u t from E g y p t t o o , and E g y p t could not h a v e been a centre of Christian propaganda in t h e

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO.

54

153

year 41. A further argument, strangely overlooked b y all scholars, and only mentioned b y N e p p i Modona (pp. 45 sq.), can be derived from a stylistic examination of 11. 89-100. The strongest argument in favour of the thesis of R e i n a c h - d e Sanctis was the fact that the revolutionary m o v e m e n t , so dangerous as to impel Claudius to speak about a 'common plague', was fomented in Alexandria b y Jews coming from Syria, i.e. from the cradle of the Christian m o v e m e n t (Syria here = Palestine, see Vol. I, p. 5, note 13). Y e t there is no connexion b e t w e e n the sentence speaking of Jews from Syria and the other one containing the words on the 'common plague'. T h e passage addressed to the Jews is introduced by a general prohibition 'not to aim at more than t h e y previously h a d ' ; then follow three detailed prohibitions, each introduced by pvijSe and followed b y an additional phrase completing the main idea of the prohibition. T o this structure we can give the following graphic expression: fj.7)8e . . . hvo irpeofteias

eKne/MTrew—cS

/at) rrporepov

/xrjBe

imairaUiv

. . . dycoai—Kapvovp,evovs

/j/riBe

iirdyeodai,

. . . 'IovSalovs—e£

p.ev

wore

4irpdx0r]

KTX.

ov" /Ltei'£ova? /CTA.

This scheme makes it clear that the necessary complement to /r>i8e indyeaBai are the few words closing the s e n t e n c e : i£ ov p,el£ovas vnovolas dvayfcaodyoo/ie Xapfidvew. Here a full stop is needed. The following sentence containing t h e words koivtj voaos has n o direct relation t o the preceding phrase, but contains a threat referring t o the whole set of prohibitions. A s there is no connexion between Jewish emigra­ tion from Syria into Alexandria and the severe words of Claudius about the 'common plague', there is no reason to see in these words a hint at the Christian m o v e m e n t . 96-98. fivjBe eirdyeoQai KTX. W h a t had Claudius in mind w h e n stopping Jewish emigration from Syria ( = Palestine) and E g y p t into Alexandria? T h e correct explanation has already been given b y Bell (p. 1 8 ) : J e w s of Alexandria, w h e n preparing themselves for an attack on the Greeks, sent 'to their compatriots in E g y p t and Syria, t o be joined b y them' in order t o strengthen themselves for their struggle against the Alexandrians. This suggestion is quite sufficient to justify the 'serious sus­ picions' of Claudius. T h e prohibition of Jewish emigration w a s , therefore, an emergency measure, not a permanent law. I cannot, therefore, agree with the view of Bickermann that Claudius stopped Jewish emigration because h e was anxious t o avoid the overpopulation of Alexandria: Claudius 'wiinschte nicht, dass jedem Joseph, der in Alexandrien zu Ansehen kam, zehn arme Briider aus Palastina oder A e g y p t e n nachzogen' (DLZ 1931, 322). This point of view seems to be too modern. Bickermann refers to the numerous edicts of the prefects aimed at clearing the superfluous popula­ tion out of Alexandria. Y e t the aim of such edicts was not to reduce the population of the capital, but t o force the fleeing villagers to go back to their iSio. The best proof is given b y the edict of Caracalla (SP 215) expelling from Alexandria all persons 'who flee from their o w n districts to escape rustic toil' b u t not those who h a v e the intention of dwelling in the capital 'for the sake of enjoying a more civilized life or for incidental business' (cf. also the edict of the prefect Vibius Maximus in A . D . 104, S P 220). T h e same edict of Caracalla presents us with the best argument for the expulsion of people from Alexandria: 'Expel all the others, since b y the numbers of their kind and b y their uselessness t h e y are disturbing (rapdooovai) the city.' The rapaxy, therefore, i.e. the fear of disturbances, is the real reason for cleaning u p the c i t y ; and Claudius hardly had a n y other reason for his proclamation against immigration b y E g y p t i a n and Palestinian J e w s . Claudius' measure was probably rescinded soon after, since the prohibition against the entry of E g y p t i a n J e w s into Alexandria could not be long sustained. (For Jewish merchants importing goods into Alexandria, see Philo, leg. 129.) 97. KaraTrXeovras. Laqueur saw in this word a n argument for his rather strange theory that the t o w n mentioned in the Letter was not Alexandria but R o m e , since it is possible to reach Alexandria b y land as well as b y water. Engers (pp. 176 sqq.) objected rightly t h a t , although KaraTfXeiv originally meant 'to come from the chora to Alexandria b y using the Nile', it rapidly became a technical term for this journey, whatever the means of transport; even the annual congress of E g y p t i a n priests in Alexandria was called KaranXovs (OGIS 9 0 . 1 7 ) , although m a n y of them could no doubt reach the capital b y land. 99-100. Kowqv reiva... vooov. According to Loesch, voaos (disease) is often used in a political sense as an equivalent t o ordais; disturbances and revolutions are political diseases destroying the body of the state in the same w a y that physical diseases destroy the h u m a n body. Janne points out t h a t voaos can be applied not only to political troubles, but t o religious m o v e m e n t s as well (p. 287). H e translates Koiv-qv rwa vooov b y communem quandam pestem, the Greek ns, like the Latin quidam, having the sense of 'in some manner'. 'II ne s'agit pas d'une "peste c o m m u n e a tout l'univers", mais d'une "peste c o m m u n e en quelque sorte a l'univers" '(p. 291).

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

55

100. rrjs oiKovfievris. The term means 'the whole world', as well as the R o m a n E m p i r e ; it m a y be applied sometimes t o a single state as well (see Loesch, 20). Philo (Flacc. 44) uses this word for the Jewish diaspora in the R o m a n Empire (Guignebert, 124). Claudius has in mind, of course, the R o m a n E m p i r e ; the sense of the sentence is, that the potential refusal on the part of the Alexandrian J e w s t o o b e y his orders will signify an act of sedition, which can rapidly spread like a pest among the numerous centres of the Jewish diaspora and threaten the peaceful existence of the whole R o m a n Empire. And, of course, he was right t o think so, when we consider the rather turbulent behaviour of t h e J e w s in Palestine and the diaspora, due partly t o the harsh policy of R o m e , and partly t o the revolutionary trend of the messianic m o v e m e n t . Y e t I would not g o so far as t o see in t h e messianic m o v e m e n t Tid^e de la domination mondiale du peuple d'lsraeP, and m a k e Claudius a champion in one fight against t h e m o v e m e n t (Zielinski, loc. cit.). For the question of t h e messianic m o v e m e n t see Vol. I , p p . 89 sqq. 105. For Barbillus see note t o 1. 16. 105-9. I t seems that these last lines are a personal addition made b y the Emperor himself (Schubart). 108. For Tifiipios KXavoios Apxi^ios see note t o 1. 19.

Nos.

1^4—1^9.

Acts of Alexandrian Martyrs

L I T . : Bauer, 'Heidnische Martyrerakten', Arch, i, 1 9 0 1 , 29 sqq. Rostovtzeff, The Martyrs of the Greek Culture, Mir. Boziy, 1 9 0 1 , (Russian). Schiirer, i. 65 sqq. Dobschiitz, Am. Journ. Theol. viii, 1904, 7 3 3 sqq. Reitzenstein, Gottinger Nachrichten, 1904, 309 sqq. Stahelin, Der Anlisemitismus des Altertums, 1905. Bludau, Juden und Judenverfolgungen im alien Alexandrien, 1906, 94 sqq. Wilcken, Ant. 1909, 800 sqq. Harnack, Stzb. Berl. Ak. 1 9 1 0 , 1 2 3 sqq. Reitzenstein, Stzb. Heid. Ak. 1 9 1 3 , A b h . 1 4 , 4 0 ; Juster, i. 1 2 5 sqq. Niedermeyer, Ueber antike Protokoll-Literatur, 1 9 1 8 . D e l e h a y e , Les Passions des martyrs, 1 9 2 1 , 1 6 1 sqq. Premerstein, 'Zu d e n sog. Alexandrinischen Martyrerakten' ( = Premerstein, AAM), Philologus, Suppl. 1 6 . 2 , 1 9 2 3 . Neppi Modona, Raccolta Lumbroso, 1 9 2 5 , 407 sqq. Matta, Didaskaleion, iv, 1926, fasc. 1 , 69 s q q . ; fasc. 2, 49 sqq. Leipoldt, Antisemitismus in der alien Welt, 1 9 3 3 , 39 sqq. Premerstein, Alexandrinische Geronten vor Kaiser Gaius ( = Premerstein, AG), 1 9 3 9 . Bell, 'The Acts of the Alexandrines', / . Jur. Pap. iv, 1950, 19 sqq. Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs, 1954. Crook, Consilium Principis, 1 9 5 5 , A p p . 2. Schwartz, Chr. d.'lig. x x x , 1 9 5 5 , 148 sqq. Rostovtzeff, SEHRE ii, 1 9 5 7 , 587 n. 19. 2

The fragments of a semi-literary character printed below are known as t h e ' A c t s of the Alexandrian Martyrs' or ' A c t s of the Pagan Martyrs' (Alexandri­ nische or Heidnische Martyrerakten). I shall use the first name only. The title ' Pagan Martyrs' was coined as a parallel t o ' Christian Martyrs' (see B a u e r ) ; ' Christian Martyrs', however, signifies not only that the martyrs were Christian, but also that t h e y suffered on account of their Christian faith. 'Pagan Martyrs' m a y therefore lead the reader t o a similar association; y e t the ' m a r t y r d o m ' in the fragments below has nothing to do w i t h faith or religion. The heroes of these fragments were sentenced t o death b y R o m a n emperors and executed b y R o m a n hangmen a s representatives of Alexandria, and their tragic death w a s a result of their intrepid defence of t h e rights of t h e Alexandrian Greeks before t h e Caesars. The name 'Alexandrian Martyrs' is therefore the only one which fits the situation. The first specimens of this literature were published near t h e e n d of t h e nineteenth century (No. 1 5 8 in 1 8 9 2 - 4 ; N o . 1 5 6 in 1 8 9 5 - 6 ; N o . 159 in 1898). Their contents as well as their literary form were very enigmatic. W h a t was the cause of the deep dissension between the R o m a n emperors and the representa­ tives of the Greeks of Alexandria ? W h a t part did the Jews play in this dissen­ sion ? W h y were the emperors so favourable t o the Jews and so severe with the

56

SECTION V I I I : NOS.

154-159

Alexandrians? The authors of these fragments were, of course, anti-Semites, but what w a s true and w h a t was false in their accusations, which were directed simultaneously against R o m a n emperors and J e w s ? Were their writings based on official protocols, or were t h e y compositions resembling novels, rather than documents dealing with true historical e v e n t s ? A t w h a t time and for what pur­ pose were t h e y composed ? The first editors of these A c t s (henceforth AAM) believed in the strictly official character of the fragments and took t h e m for excerpts from the commentarii Caesaris kept b y the Imperial Chancery in Rome. This v i e w w a s in­ fluenced b y the mere chance that the A c t s first published (notably N o . 158) did indeed closely resemble official protocols, although N o . 159, already published in 1898, provided sufficient evidence for another view. Wilcken, w h e n publishing in 1909 all the fragments of AAM then known, modified the original view b y stating that the AAM, though essentially based on real protocols, h a d under­ gone considerable elaboration of a literary character and were put in a framework of pure fiction. The fragments published after 1909 caused further modifications in the general view. The great part played b y the literary ' f r a m e w o r k a s com­ pared with the parts based on the 'protocol', became clearer. Scholars are now for the most part very sceptical about the use of official protocols b y the authors of AAM. There is n o evidence for the keeping of minutes b y the Imperial consilium, at a n y rate until the time of Alexander Severus; and if there were minutes, t h e y were kept in secret and not handed over t o members of the liti­ gant parties. The dialogue between the Emperor and the accused, as described in AAM, is b y no m e a n s carried out in an impartial w a y , as is required b y an official d o c u m e n t ; not the judge, but the accused, is the central person in the dialogue. The rude insults thrown in the face of the Emperors b y the intrepid Alexandrians would never have been written down b y a secretary of the council (see on all these questions Niedermeyer, op. c i t . ; Premerstein, AAM; Musurillo, 249 sqq.). I t is evident t h a t the theory of official protocols does not explain the original character of AAM. I t w a s Reitzenstein w h o in 1904 first expressed the opinion that the AAM were a special branch of the so-called 'Kleinliteratur', i.e. popular stories, fiction, &c. (cf. Musurillo, 236 sqq.). This genre has nothing t o do w i t h official documents, and the protocol form used b y AAM is merely a literary disguise. This view has now been generally a d o p t e d ; but it does not solve the question of h o w true historical facts could be preserved in AAM. That such historical facts are really mentioned is b e y o n d d o u b t ; names of historical persons in particular h a v e been proved to be genuine. So we are led t o the con­ clusion that the AAM, though not borrowing their material directly from official protocols, are nevertheless based in some w a y on historical documents. W h a t kind of documents t h e y were w e cannot k n o w ; majority opinion ascribes t o the members of Alexandrian embassies the task of recording the main outline of what happened t o t h e m at R o m e . I t h a s even been suggested that AAM were destined in the first place t o be handed t o some official or semi-official b o d y of the Greek c o m m u n i t y in Alexandria responsible for sending the embassy t o R o m e . This m a y be true, y e t it is strange that the transformation of these reports into fictional form began at the very m o m e n t of their publication, as is proved b y N o . 1 5 9 . So it is likely t h a t it w a s not the aim of the authors t o report

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN

ALEXANDRIA

57

the truth, but t o use certain historical facts for other purposes; w e shall see from w h a t follows that the purposes were those of political propaganda. Premerstein (AAM 46 s q q . ; AG 65 sqq.) suggested t h a t all the fragments known to us which refer t o the fate of Alexandrian embassies t o R o m e from Gaius to Commodus are parts of a single literary work composed at the end of the second or the beginning of the third century and bearing some title like ' On the Alexandrian embassies t o the Caesars' or ' Concerning the prowess of the Alexandrians' (AAM 74). This view w a s based on the fundamental fact t h a t all the manuscripts of AAM then known derived precisely from this period. Y e t n e w l y published fragments belong partly t o earlier periods (Musurillo, 265), and this fact undermines Premerstein's whole theory. I t is likely that the book spoken of b y Premerstein w a s no more than a compilation or perhaps an abbreviation (see N o . 158&, Introduction) of some of the most popular specimens of AAM published long before, so that the existence, or non-existence, of this book has nothing t o do w i t h the question of h o w and w h y the separate AAM were published. I n order t o elucidate this question, we must examine the poli­ tical tendency of the fragments. 1

The first editors of the AAM believed that the main object of this curious literature w a s t o spread anti-Semitic propaganda. There were sufficient reasons for such a view, since Jews in AAM are described as the determined political enemies of the Alexandrian Greeks (so in N o s . 1 5 6 - 8 ) . Y e t in N o . 1 5 9 J e w s do not appear and nevertheless the contents of this fragment are perhaps the most typical of the AAM. Wilcken (Ant. 825), relying on N o . 159 alone, quite cor­ rectly expressed the opinion that anti-Semitism in AAM plays a secondary part only, the major theme of the work being the clash between the Alexandrians and Rome. Further publications of AAM fully confirmed this v i e w ; cf. Musu­ rillo, N o s . V A , V I , X , X V I I I . I t is not clear, either, whether Jews played a n y part in N o s . 1 5 4 and 1 5 5 . The subject of all the AAM (see introduction to N o . 154) is the appearance of an Alexandrian embassy, usually headed b y a gymnasiarch, before the R o m a n Emperor, and the tragic fate of its leader or leaders. The main object of the author is t o ridicule the R o m a n Caesar; the dialogue between h i m and the intrepid gymnasiarch has no other aim but t h a t of showing h o w stupid and rude the Emperor is, and h o w readily influenced b y others, especially in his attitude t o the Alexandrians. A s t o the anti-Semitic tendency, its aim is t o serve as additional proof of the hostile attitude of the emperors t o the Alexandrians. This hatred of the Jews was a permanent feature in the political credo of the Alexandrians in the R o m a n period; it would be waste of time for an Alexandrian writer t o explain to his fellow citizens w h y Jews ought to be hated. The anti-Semitic feelings of the Alexandrian population could, therefore, easily be used as a means of political propaganda for other purposes. It was sufficient t o say that t h e Caesars were friends of the Jews, t o tell the Alexandrian reader what kind of disgusting, hideous people the Caesars were. This conception of an entente cordiale between the emperors and the J e w s 1

According to Musurillo (p. 2 7 5 ) , ' the majority of the Acta fragments m a y be described as "reworked protocols", based ultimately . . . u p o n , or in imitation of, the copy of the legal proceed-

ings, or the copy of the " Report of an E m b a s s y ", m a d e b y the parties involved.' Crook, A p p . 2 , takes m u c h the same line,

58

SECTION V I I I : NOS.

154-159

was fundamentally false (cf. Vol. I, pp. 55 s q q . ) ; y e t it could easily convince the Alexandrian reader, as it has convinced some modern scholars. A few words on this subject m a y be profitable. It was undeniable that the dispute between the leader of the Alexandrian anti-Semites Isidoros and the Jewish King Agrippa before Claudius led to the execution of Isidoros and his friend L a m p o n ; y e t it was not true to assert that, every time a Jewish and a Greek embassy faced each other before the Emperor, the Greeks were defeated b y their oppo­ nents: it was c o m m o n knowledge, for example, that the embassy of Philo to Gaius was a complete failure. W e m a y add that Jews failed to obtain civic rights from Claudius, and that the letter of this Emperor, while very polite to the Alexandrians, contained an ill-mannered outburst of wrath against Jews (see N o . 1 5 3 ) . A s to the embassies before Trajan and Hadrian, our only source is the AAM (Nos. 1 5 7 and 158), and we cannot tell what is history in these stories and what is fiction, especially as the t e x t of N o . 1 5 7 is incomplete, and that of N o . 1 5 8 very badly preserved. W e can agree w i t h the authors of the AAM that some Alexandrian e n v o y s were sentenced t o death b y the emperors, but it is quite unlikely that in all cases J e w s were responsible. E v e n the execution of Isidoros had some important additional grounds besides his clash with Agrippa (see introduction t o N o . 156), and as t o Appianos (No. 159), even the author of AAM did not make the Jews responsible for his death. W e have t o remember that the tortures and the execution of the 'martyrs' belong to the literary 'frame­ work' of the story, like the description of the embassies, and it m a y well be that each part of the story—the execution of the Alexandrians and the sending of the embassies—is historical in itself, but that the blending of both parts in one story is a mere device on the part of the author. It was in keeping with the aim of the authors t o represent every Alexandrian, executed b y R o m a n Caesars for whatever reason, as an official ' e n v o y ' of the Greek polis to Rome, as it was no less their aim t o represent the R o m a n Caesars as friends of the Jews. Hence the special emphasis on the close connexion of the accused with Alex­ andria, his pride in being Alexandrian, and his readiness t o suffer and t o die for i t ; and hence the accusation against Trajan of being biased b y his wife Plotina in favour of the Jews and against the Alexandrians (No. 1 5 7 , 11. 3 1 sq.), and the assertion that the R o m a n senate, or the Imperial Council, was full of Jews (ib. 42 sq.). I would not look for historical truth in such assertions as these, any more than I would look for t h e m in the curious attack of Isidoros on Claudius, when he accuses the Emperor of being the cast-off child of a Jewess (No. 1 5 6 , Col. I l l , 11. 1 1 sq.). There is far more political and literary fiction in AAM than historical truth: the close connexion between the R o m a n Emperors and the Jews, leagued against their common enemy, the Alexandrians, m a y serve as a good illustration of this. The authors of AAM were Alexandrian patriots of the most extreme charac­ ter, and so were their heroes, the Alexandrian ' m a r t y r s ' ; y e t it m a y be ques­ tioned whether people like Isidoros were really the true representatives of the whole Greek polis. Of course, Alexandria never forgot that it was once the greatest city in the world till R o m e replaced i t ; neither could it forget the blessed reign of Kleopatra, when R o m a n Imperatores bent their laurel-crowned heads before the glorious mistress of the Hellenistic world. B u t the idea that

'THE J E W I S H Q U E S T I O N ' IN A L E X A N D R I A

59

R o m e w a s not merely a rival, but in some manner a pupil and a sister of Alex­ andria, and therefore closely connected w i t h her, had never faded after it had first taken root in the time of Julius Caesar (cf. N o . 1 5 7 , note to 1. 49). So we m a y assume that only extreme elements of the Greek population were interested in making political propaganda against R o m e in the crude manner employed b y the authors of A A M . Yet, this kind of literature had m a n y readers, and the great popularity of AAM in Alexandria is witnessed b y the great number of fragments preserved. W e m a y n o w return t o the question of their composition. It seems that an historical e v e n t — t h e execution of Isidoros and Lampon in A . D . 4 1 b y Claudius— served as the starting-point t o the whole of the A A M . Isidoros w a s known as an insolent and intrepid person, Claudius as a great fool, and Jews as implacable enemies of the Alexandrians (especially in the crucial years A.D. 3 8 - 4 1 ) . So the three fundamental components of AAM were associated in a single historical event, and no great gift of imagination w a s needed to exaggerate each of t h e m and t o turn history into a patriotic novel. W e m a y assume that the story, w h e n the Alexandrian population became acquainted with it, w a s a 'best seller' and, consequently, an ideal pattern for similar stories in the future. E v e r y time an Alexandrian embassy received a rebuke from a R o m a n emperor, or an Alexandrian citizen, involved in some political disturbance, w a s executed in R o m e , or the hated Jews succeeded in justifying themselves when accused of being aggressors, the story of a new 'martyrdom' was spread among the Alex­ andrian m o b , w h o were avid for any kind of sensational and thrilling readingmatter. So the literature of the 'Alexandrian martyrs' was born. It w a s not a 'classic' work, whose existence was perpetuated b y careful copies made b y skilled scribes, but a work of no great value circulated in private copies; thus it w a s possible for anyone to change the text, t o shorten or to expand it, according t o his taste or t o the purpose for which he w a s copying it (cf. Musurillo, 274). The existence of two copies of the same story in N o . 1 5 8 is the best argument for such behaviour on the part of the scribes who copied the text. A n d since the main purpose of the whole of the AAM was to spread political propaganda, it m a y be suggested that every composition of a new A c t furnished a reason t o publish a revised edition of some of the older Acts, with some new additions or modifications to the previous text. It follows that the AAM were in a w a y in a state of permanent fluctuation, and there is no guarantee that the older Acts, like those of Isidoros-Lampon, reflect historical truth better than the later ones, since t h e y were subjected to various reworkings during the 1 5 0 or 200 years of their existence. It m a y even be that in this w a y real 'historical n o v e l s ' were composed, based on certain historical names and obscure reminiscences and on nothing else; N o . 1 5 4 is probably a fragment of such a novel. Whether all these separate pamphlets (this is perhaps the best name for each individual AAM, reflecting b o t h its size and its political contents) were collected in a single book at the beginning of the third century, as assumed b y Premerstein, 1

2

1

Musurillo (pp. 273 sq.) puts forward a very plausible theory making the political clubs of Alexandria responsible for the composition and propagation of the AAM.

2

T h e dramatic dates of N o s . 1 5 4 and 1 5 5 are of course earlier than Claudius' reign, b u t the composition of each is probably m u c h later,

6o

S E C T I O N V I I I : N O . 154

cannot be stated with certainty, and this question, taken b y itself, is of n o great importance. A s the purpose of this Corpus is t o collect documents relating t o Jews, it is not m y aim t o publish here all the AAM, but only those which have a direct bearing on Jews. Many pieces, therefore, are excluded; the reader can easily consult them in the complete edition b y Musurillo. On the other hand, Nos. 1 5 4 and 1 5 5 are included on account of the n a m e s of Isidoros, Dionysios, and Flaccus, w h o are associated inseparably w i t h the anti-Semitic m o v e m e n t in A l e x ­ andria, and so is N o . 159, partly for similar reasons (cf. note t o Col. IV, 11. 5-6), and partly because it is the most characteristic of all AAM, and a knowledge of it is needed for the understanding of the whole genre.

No. 1 £4. An Interview between Flaccus and the Leaders of the anti-Semites Oxyrhynchos. Script of the third century A . D . P . O x y . 1089. Premerstein, AAM 8 sqq. Musurillo, ii. L I T . : Korte, Arch. v i . 247. Wilcken, Arch. vi. 289. Premerstein, AAM 4 - 1 4 , and passim. R o t h , 47 sqq. D e Sanctis, Riv. d. Filol. N.s., ii, 1924, 5 1 0 . N e p p i Modona, Raccolta Lumbroso, 1 9 2 5 , 4 1 0 sqq. Bell, Juden u. Griech., 21 sqq. N e p p i Modona, Bilychnis, x v , 1926, 3 2 3 . Bilabel, Phil. Woch. xlvii, 1 9 2 7 , 837 sqq. Premerstein, AG 3 2 - 4 0 , and passim. S c h m i d t , Phil. Woch. l x , 1940, 268. Westerm a n n BSAA x x x v i i i , 1949, 3 sqq. Bell, / . Jur. Pap. i v , 1950, 27 sqq. Musurillo, 93 sqq.

This papyrus, first published in Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. viii ( 1 9 1 1 ) , is very badly mutilated: of its three columns only the second is preserved, a few letters remaining to mark the ends in Col. I and the beginnings in Col. I l l of the lost lines. Even in the second column, only about half can be deciphered more or less satisfactorily, so that of the whole text only a sixth part is known (supposing, of course, that the whole text occupied no more than three columns, which is far from certain). It is no wonder that the contents of the papyrus remain obscure. It seems that an interview was arranged between Flaccus, the Roman prefect in Egypt, and two leaders of the Alex­ andrian anti-Semites, Isidoros and Dionysios. Flaccus arrived at the temple of Sarapis (chosen, as it seems, beforehand for this interview), and the other two arrived after him, accompanied by a woman, Aphrodisia. An 'old man', likely to be a member of the Alexandrian gerousia, appears suddenly and approaches Dionysios with humble prayers—not to force his way on Flaccus (or not to struggle against him) but to act in concurrence with 'the elders'. Dionysios gives a negative answer; it is not his intention to take a second refusal from Flaccus (or to refuse Flaccus again; cf. note to 11.39 sqq.). What follows is obscure; Flaccus is involved in a long talk with Isidoros, in which a business affair affecting a payment of five talents in gold is discussed, but the reason for this payment cannot be explained. Premerstein, with his usual confidence in dealing with difficult papyri, has restored the text by inserting, in a most arbitrary fashion, the missing words. He has succeeded in creating a little historical novel, in which the main action lies in the endeavours of Isidoros and Dionysios to get permission from Flaccus to leave Alexandria for Rome; the young woman, Aphrodisia, was destined to serve as a bribe for the prefect, but the latter preferred, it seems, a payment in hard cash. As to the 'elders', Premerstein first (in AAM) thought them to be members of the Jewish council in Alexandria, but after the publication of AG (see No. 1 5 5 ) he changed his opinion and proclaimed them

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

61

to be members of the Alexandrian gerousia. It is very difficult to distinguish history from pure fantasy in this story, as it is restored by Premerstein; yet it is obvious that, even without his doubtful restorations, the story is still fantastic. A secret interview between the highest official of Rome in Egypt and the leaders of the anti-Roman party in Alexandria, the place chosen for the interview, the enigmatic part played by a woman, the sudden appearance of a member of the gerousia, hidden, it would seem, in the temple, the enormous bribe (?) of five talents in gold exacted by the prefect—all these features point to the suggestion that the story is not the record of true historical events, but a 'novel' freely composed by someone far removed in time and spirit from the historical period with which he dealt. Premerstein himself was finally forced to the same conclusion (AAM 1 4 ) ; accordingly many of his restorations, based on the presumption that true historical facts are reflected in the story, should be dropped. As compared with other AAM the present papyrus shows the original trait that it consists wholly (as far as we can decipher it) of a 'framework', having no traces of a dialogue before the Emperor. The place of the action is also unusual: Alexandria, and not Rome, as in other AAM. It may be doubted, therefore, whether this fragment belongs to the AAM at all. Yet aov -rropevdevros in 11. 3 6 - 3 7 and etfu iXevdeplats in 1 . 4 2 are sufficient proofs of the assumption that Dionysios (and, probably, Isidoros too) was preparing himself for a long voyage (certainly to Rome), even if we do not accept the more doubtful restorations of Premerstein in 11.45 and 5 6 - 5 7 (see notes). So it may be that the events recorded in AG (No. 1 5 5 ) are closely connected with this voyage, as suggested by Premerstein (AG 3 2 sqq.). As to the time of the voyage, the autumn of 3 8 serves as a terminus ante quern, since it was then that Flaccus was arrested and sent to Rome (Flacc. 1 1 6 ; cf. Stein, Die Prafekten, 2 6 ) . Since Isidoros had contributed to the fall of Macro (as attested by No. 1 5 6 6 ) , who was executed by order of Gaius Caligula in 3 8 (Dio Cass. 5 9 . 1 0 . 6 ) , and certainly in the first half of this year (before the pogrom in Alexandria, Flacc. 1 6 and 2 2 ) , the time most appropriate to the events related in our papyrus is the winter of 3 7 / 3 8 . For further chronological details see Nos. 1 5 5 and 1 5 6 . The present text is based on the edition of Musurillo. The remaining letters of Cols. I and III are here omitted since they do not contribute anything to the interpretation of the text. Mr. Roberts was good enough to re-examine some obscure words in the text. I quote his new readings in the notes. Col. I I [ 25 odv 6 0XaKK[os Xevaas

dvepx^rat

et? T O U]apa7T€Lov

iv KpvTT\rat ipyja^eoOai

dvepxeTaL

Se Ac[at] 6 'IoLhatpos

pohioLq Ka\i\ Tip Aiovvaicp, TOV

orvv rfj ivros

A-

Se

,

ved) e[t]p eA0dVTes' {Se} o 'Iathcopos

30 /cat 6 Aiovvaios rore

TrpoaeKvvqaav.

Kal

epcTTipev eavTOV [o yjepaios,

KXLVTJS

Xdycov 35

KC-

TO xprjfjLa.

8* €x[o]/zei>[o]$' [r]py

yovvA\i\ovvolov

ISov, S[e]o7r[oT]a Aiovvaie,

dv-

TLKpv TOV 27a[pa]7rtp[s'] o yepauos'

p>r) j8t-

a£ou irpds

ovy

TO[V]

$>X[O\KKOV,

dXXa

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 154

62

rots

yepovoiv

devros

[/ca]#t[£]ai>e. rj GOV rropev-

7]. .e.arp..(/>.p,ev;

vorjoov,

T€K\yov\

rrev' evderts,

6 Se dvret-

[dAA* ip^\e 8evre[p]gy

40 jSouAet dpvrjo[aodaL

pur)

ro]v &XaKKov;

Set rfj via cr[

el

o\vv avrcp etvat,

et/x[t] iXe[vd]e[ptcos. KOS

p,era-

A\C\ovvote.

i]rrrjX6ev 6 <2>Ad/c-

(ca[l] t[S]a>[v rov 'Ial]8[co]pov a

rd /xev [xpy]tA_

eroi\p.[o]y

45 Xourrdv r)p,cp[v

ionv.

elrrev ris

]....e.euetv

d p>rj e. . . [

] . e . .v 6

rrpoKa-

6r)p,evg[s elrrev. ,]A[.].cu ovv ore r[6]v Zdp\amv

[K]VP[LO]V

p,rjhe]v KaKov

rroi-

[etv] '/crtSfco/aco /cat Zlto]vuo"ta>. dpjvv5 ° [a> cr]ot r . [ [d] Se

] a . a t ip,e rep ocp. et7rev]

ALOV[VOLOS

p.rjSerrore

[. .]oyrrp[

]. . .ev avrov els

[...].[

]•[•]•[•]

[

r]6[v 'I]cr[l]8cppgv

C. 1 4 l e t t .

55 [^Xd^Kos

CpULVTOV OS

ovbe

rr

[.]Xg[

] • [ • • • • ] )v

T^S" rrj-

[.. .d]Ai70etai> Sco[a]. • [ • • • ] vrrep rod e[. . .~\cps rdXavra [ii;a\pi6p,rjoai

[rd p,e\gov

rrevr[e dA]a ev xpvacp

ra\y\ra

rod lepov.[.

60 [ . . . .]rj6rj rrapai<[....].

\rr\pgdepLevoi

/ca-

. .J.crpt d 'Iococopos .rgy

roKOV

[ . . . . ] a A Ad p . . . [

] Karepxe[...

[

].r6v

[pov [

c. 1 8 l e t t . C. 1 8 l e t t . c. 2 1 l e t t .

26. TO added a b o v e the line (edit.).

]y[

]

Vp-tS[aj-] ]

]•[••]*[••] 34. -q of /u.17 corr. (edit.).

((Translation.) Flaccus went then t o t h e Sarapieion, after giving orders t h a t the business b e carried out secretly. Isidoros also went u p t o t h e Sarapieion w i t h Aphrodisia and Dionysios, and entering t h e sanctuary, Isidoros and Dionysios m a d e a reverence t o t h e god. Just then t h e old m a n threw himself down, a n d bending his knee (before Sarapis) and being close t o Dionysios, he said: 'Dionysios, m y lord, behold m e an old m a n in front of Sarapis. D o n o t t r y t o struggle against Flaccus, b u t sit down in counsel (?) w i t h the elders. . . . Change your mind, Dionysios, m y son.' Dionysios replied: ' Y o u counsel well (?); b u t surely y o u d o n o t w a n t m e t o refuse Flaccus again (or Flaccus t o refuse m e again). If I a m t o meet (?) h i m b y . . . I shall go, and willingly.'

'THE

JEWISH QUESTION' IN ALEXANDRIA

63

Flaccus came up, and seeing Isidoros, h e said: 'Well, the affair is all ar­ ranged (?). . . .' (I beseech) you, Lord Sarapis, t o do n o harm to Isidoros and Dionysios. I swear to y o u . . . Dionysios said: ' Never . . . to count out five talents all in gold, as we proposed, in the middle of the sanctuary.' Col.

II.

24. avepxercu]

W i l c k e n (Arch.

v i . 289).

25. The great temple of Sarapis in Alexandria called 'of Parmeniskos' (PCZ 59355, 1 . 102) stood in the E g y p t i a n quarter Rhakotis. The building was erected in the reign of P t o l e m y I I I Euergetes, a s is proved b y inscriptions. See Calderini, D i z . 136,140 s q q . ; P . Bottigelli, Aeg. x x i , 1 9 4 1 , 3 s q q . ; W a c e , J H S l x v , 1945, 106 s q q . ; R o w e , A n n . d. S e r v i c e , Suppl. 2 , 1 9 4 6 ; Musurillo, 99. 26. H u n t (followed b y Musurillo) suggested ev Kpvn[ru> eTot,p]dt,eodai, but noted himself that 'the supplement suggested is a little long for t h e lacuna'. The supplement adopted a b o v e is t h a t of Premerstein. According t o Premerstein, xPl^ refers t o t h e secret interview between t h e prefect, Isidoros, and Dionysios. B u t t h e order for arranging this secret interview m u s t h a v e been issued s o m e time before, since the persons in question are already in the Sarapieion; s o it seems better t o a refer TO xPVP- to the object of the interview, perhaps to the clauses regarding the p a y m e n t of five talents in gold (11. 57 sqq.). a

27. For Isidoros see N o . 156 and Vol. I, p p . 65 sqq. 27-28. Aphrodisia is a name frequently used by hetairai, but also b y respectable w o m e n ; see RE, s.v. 'Hetairai', x v i , p . 1363. Cf. Musurillo, 98, a d loc. I t is not clear whether she entered the temple building. 28. Dionysios is no doubt identical w i t h Dionysios the 8-qp.oKOTros mentioned b y Philo (Flacc. 20) together with Isidoros and L a m p o n a s one of the popular leaders of the Alexandrian m o b . On t h e possible identification of this person with Dionysios son of T h e o n , see note t o N o . 1 5 3 , 1 . 17. 3 1 . yjepaios here cannot m e a n simply 'an old man', since the plural rots yepovaiv in 1 . 36 points to a political b o d y . Premerstein's first suggestion—that these 'elders' were members of the Jewish council — w a s very arbitrary: w h y should the Jewish elder address the leader of the anti-Semites a s TIKVOV (1. 38), and h o w could he enter a pagan temple at all? Premerstein's second suggestion—that members of the Alexandrian gerousia are m e a n t — i s b e t t e r ; y e t his supposition t h a t Isidoros was opposed t o this gerousia is b y no means sound. It is true, of course, that there was some dissension between the 'elders' and Dionysios, a s we learn from the present papyrus, y e t it seems that this dissension w a s only over the surest w a y of obtaining from Flaccus some favour (according t o Premerstein, the per­ mission t o leave Alexandria for R o m e ) . I t is far more logical t o suppose that Dionysios and Isidoros intended to approach the Emperor in order to fight for the gerousia rather t h a n against it. A t a n y rate, the author of our papyrus m u s t h a v e thought s o ; he would h a v e felt himself to be contradicting t h e whole spirit of AAM were he t o paint Isidoros, the great martyr of Alexandria, as opposed t o the national and political aspirations of his fellow citizens. 32. According t o t h e editors, ' ex[6]p.ev[o]s is unsatisfactory, since a finite verb is wanted'. Mr. Roberts writes to m e : 'as H u n t indicates in his note, "very uncertain". I should read 8ey[.]p.ey[.. I do n o t see how the letter after 8e can be a x- M is a possible alteration t o letter v.' yowi<\i.vr)s 8ey[po]— 'kneeling here'—would perhaps fit Roberts's reading, but I do not see how the following letters can be interpreted. If, nevertheless, we turn to ixdfievos (a reading adopted b y Premerstein and Musurillo), w h a t is the exact meaning of the word? 'Ex6p.evos nvos m a y signify 'to hold on b y , cling to', and, if so, the sentence means that the elder knelt before D i o n y s i o s . Y e t 1 . 31 seems t o indicate that the elder kneels before Sarapis, and in this case exop.evos TOV Aiowolov would m e a n 'near to Dionysios'. I would prefer the second possibility, since the kneeling of a member of the gerousia before an ordinary citizen is not very likely. 33. ' 8[e]oTr[or]a is a very doubtful reading' ( H u n t ) . '8[.]ex.[..]. is all that I could surely read. E x c e p t that it is a little short for the space, there is nothing against 8[e]oTr[or]a, and I should judge i t t o be very likely' (Roberts). The mode of address domine used b y a free m a n and referring to a private citizen is not usual, but an historical novel m a y h a v e such an inconsistency. 33-34. dvTiKpv TOV Za[pa]TTio[s] 6 yepaios. The sentence h a s , probably, no other purpose t h a n t o attribute more solemnity t o the words of the elder. 36. [ * a ] 0 i [ £ ] a v e — R o b e r t s , followed b y Musurillo; [ e A ] 0 [ o i ? ] dv—suggested by H u n t and adopted by Premerstein.

6

SECTION VIII: NOS. 154-155

4

37. Premerstein s u p p l i e s : ji aov nopevdevros ri[p.is 7r]aTjp[aou] ^ [ a ] / n e V , or a>p.ev. B u t patres for m e m ­ bers of a senate is R o m a n , n o t Hellenistic. I would prefer Tr]arp[l8i], in accordance w i t h t h e frequent use of this word in A A M . Y e t t h e meaning of the sentence is n o t clear. 38. T h e caressing retcvov is in some w a y inconsistent w i t h S e W o r o in 1 . 33, b u t more appropriate t o the s i t u a t i o n : b o t h , t h e elder a n d D i o n y s i o s , belong t o t h e same political group, a n d hence t h e familiar m o d e of address. 39. [pey ifiol 8]e Premerstein. 39 sq. According t o Premerstein, &\a.KKov is t h e subject of the infinitive apvrjoaodai, whereas Musurillo takes it as its object. F r o m a grammatical point of v i e w , b o t h w a y s of interpreting are possible. W e cannot guess t h e true meaning of t h e sentence since t h e whole story is a riddle t o u s . 41. rfj v e a o[eXtfv7] H u n t , followed b y Musurillo; b u t if this restoration is correct, t h e subject for elvai would be lacking, a n d t h e meaning of t h e sentence would remain rather obscure. Premerstein is right in objecting t h a t veop-yvla is t h e usual idiom, n o t vea aeX-qvy. Y e t t h e restoration a\r)p.epov, proposed b y Premerstein, is pure guesswork. According t o Premerstein, vea—'the young one'—means Aphrodisia; Isidoros a n d Dionysios brought t h e y o u n g girl t o t h e temple of Sarapis in order t o pre­ sent her t o the prefect a n d with her help t o obtain permission t o leave Alexandria. T h e whole story is rather fantastic. 42. f\e[vd]e[plu>s

H u n t ; eXe[vff]4[pa)s

Premerstein.

4 4 sqq. F r o m here t o t h e end t h e restorations of Premerstein are t o o arbitrary t o b e t a k e n seriously. 45. Premerstein reads the last word f [ ^ ] f ' [ A ] e u [ o - ] i v . 'Here Premerstein's reading is, I should s a y , impossible, eveiv is certain, eireveiv likely' (Roberts). 56-57. [ITAO]OS Premerstein. 'There is n o t h i n g t o be seen b e t w e e n the % and t h e os, as there is a tear in the papyrus a t this point' (Roberts). 'The theory of a n exit-permit is indeed attractive, b u t it c a n n o t b e based u p o n this passage' (Musurillo). 57 sqq. I t seems t h a t Flaccus e x a c t s five talents from Isidoros as a p a y m e n t for some favour. Premerstein is right in suggesting t h a t Philo would certainly h a v e accused Flaccus of h a v i n g taken bribes, had this been a well-known feature in his m o d e of handling administrative affairs in E g y p t . I t follows t h a t t h e portrait of Flaccus, as painted b y t h e author of A A M , is n o t a n historical o n e . 'Flaccus scheint ganz unpersonlich als T y p u s des begehrlichen u n d bestechlichen romischen S t a t t halters gezeichnet zu sein' (Premerstein, AAM 14).

No. i££. Isidoros before the Emperor Gaius Caligula Purchased in t h e F a y u m . Script of middle of t h e second or of early third century A . D . P . bibl. u n i v . Giss. 46 ( = Premerstein, Alexandrinische Geronten vor Kaiser Gaius, 1939, p p . 4 - 1 1 ) . Musurillo, n o . I I I . L I T . : Premerstein, AG. V o l k m a n n , N. Jahrb. iii, 1940, 268. V o g t , Theol. Literaturzeit. l x v , 1940, 251 sqq. Bell, CR liv, 1940, 48 sqq. Moreau, Chr. d'lig. x v , 1940, 1 5 1 sqq. Collart, REG liii, 1940, 250 s q q . , Rev. d. Philol. x v , 1 9 4 1 , 2 3 1 . Rostovtzeff, SEHHW 1 1 3 8 . Pellegrino, Riv. d. Filol.N.S. xviii, 1 9 4 1 , 308. Engers, Museum, xlviii, 1 9 4 1 , 5 7 . S c h m i d t , Phil. Woch. lxi, 1 9 4 1 , 266 sqq. Y o u t i e , Classical Weekly, x x x v , 1 9 4 1 , 29 sqq. K o r t e , Arch, x i v , 1 9 4 1 , 1 3 2 s q q . Lewis, AJPh lxiii, 1 9 4 2 , 494 sqq. Colwell, Class. Philol. x x x v i i , 1 9 4 2 , 160 s q q . Ensslin, Gnomon, x i x , 1 9 4 3 , 169 sqq. Momigliano, JRS x x x i v , 1944, 1 1 4 - 1 5 . Bell, / . Jur. Pap. i v , 1950, 28 sqq. Musurillo, 105 s q q . Schwartz, Chr. d'lig. x x x , 1 9 5 5 , 1 5 1 .

The fragment printed below is taken from a long papyrus containing the record of a Greek embassy before the Emperor Gaius Caligula. Unfortunately the papyrus is in a very poor state of preservation, so that the readings are by no means certain. Premer­ stein supplied the missing parts of the text, but his restorations are too arbitrary to be followed here; cf. the critical remarks of Bell and Musurillo. Only very few items in the long document can be regarded as more or less authentic, such as the existence of a gerousia of 1 7 3 members in Alexandria and the appearance of an Alexandrian embassy before Gaius. In the debates before the Emperor, Isidoros and an unknown 'prosecutor' (Karrjyopos) are taking part. Jews are not mentioned in the papyrus, not

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN

ALEXANDRIA

65

at any rate in the parts preserved; yet the name of Isidoros justifies the reproduction here of the fragment referring to him. As Isidoros is in some way connected with the Karqyopos, I print the fragment from the sentence referring to the fate of this person. As we have seen in the preceding number, Premerstein thought Isidoros and Diony­ sios to be opposed to the Alexandrian gerousia. The arguments in favour of this theory based on the present papyrus are even less well founded than those based on No. 1 5 4 . The part attributed to Isidoros in the present papyrus is in fact wholly dependent on the restorations of Premerstein, as in the very beginning of the papyrus where ]os..[ is ingeniously turned into 'Iaib'top]os e i j V e v . As a matter of fact, Isidoros is nowhere mentioned in the papyrus, apart from the fragment printed below, and the reader may convince himself by reading this fragment that no evidence can be derived from it concerning the relations between Isidoros and the gerousia. As pointed out in the preceding No. (note to 1. 3 1 ) , an alliance between Isidoros and the gerousia would be far more logical than enmity between them. Were it true that the question of the gerousia was being debated before Gaius, I would take Isidoros rather for the defender of the Alexandrians than for their prosecutor, especially as another person, the enigmatic Kar-qyopos, tried to defeat them (and was himself defeated, as shown below). Assuming this supposition to be correct, the appearance of the Alexandrian embassy before Gaius would directly follow the events narrated in No. 1 5 4 , and the debates before Gaius would have taken place in the beginning of 3 8 (thus Premerstein, AG 3 9 ) . Yet all inferences from this mutilated text and all our suggestions (chronological and other) remain mere guesswork. Cf. note to 11. 27 sqq. The text according to Musurillo is given below. I use only such of Premerstein's restorations as seem to me to be acceptable. Some of his suggestions are mentioned in the notes. Col. I l l .0? elrrev[ elrrev'

C. 12 l e t t .

t'8[c] 8r) £evi[Kos]

Xaficov rro[X\iT€iav Tdlos

rryyopov

ydp p,dX[Xov

ei<\e\Xevoev

Kal[oap

-cos a [

AXe£av[8peC. 5 l e t t .

]•[••]?*[

C. 12 l e t t .

c. 5 l e t t .

]evep[ye-....

[. . ] t [ . .]eyv[a>

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Xep.ov a t T t a [

C. 14 l e t t .

. . . ee. L. . e. [

C. 14 l e t t .

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to[v]

rfj rroXei rcov]

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ov 81-

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rriGToXr)\y rfj rroXei (?)]

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C. 8 l e t t .

d[va\rroypacf)o[v

£to coore arrebei^ev KOLLOV.

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].€jlio.[. . ]f$o[pC\ev ]•?[•

'Ioi• - - ]v p,r)

exercoaav p>[rjr]e dperrjs are(j>\a\yov

(Translation.)... said ' See then, as a foreigner, receiving unregistered citizen­ ship . . . , so that he showed the accuser unjust. Gaius Caesar ordered the accuser t o be burnt. H e wrote a . . letter t o the city (?) in these terms: 'Gaius Caesar B 5195

F

66

SECTION V I I I : NOS. 1 5 5 - 1 5 6

to the city of Alexandria, greeting . . . benefactors . . . reason for the war ( ? ) . . . Isidoros having said . . . let t h e m h a v e neither the crown of valour . . . . 20. Before this line there is a gap of 6 lines. 21. ^vi[k6s] refers t o Kar-qyopos in 1 1 . 23-25. W e infer t h a t the prosecutor of the Alexandrians w a s not an Alexandrian himself; he claimed, nevertheless, Alexandrian citizenship [KarajXafSwv 7ro[A]ireiav. According t o Premerstein, he w a s neither a n E g y p t i a n nor a J e w , but he m i g h t h a v e been a n a t i v e of Syria or Asia Minor. Y e t f eVo? is a v e r y v a g u e idiom used in E g y p t for every m a n w h o had his domicile elsewhere, so t h a t a native of one village w a s called £evos in another (cf. P . E n t . 79. 1 0 ; 83. 4). A s t o J e w s , Premerstein himself refers t o the edict of Flaccus calling Alexandrian J e w s gevot. (Flacc. 54; cf. 1 7 2 ) ; in the eyes of the author of A A M this designation was certainly true. So I would n o t exclude the a priori possibility that the prosecutor was a J e w . 22. a]iroypa6[fu-vos Premerstein. If this restoration is right, probably the airoypa<j>ri nar oIkIov (see N o . 485), i.e. the regular census of the E g y p t i a n population, is m e a n t . [ e | £ ] a > (Premerstein) is doubtful. 25. Karjvai m a y m e a n the cremation, or the branding of the criminal. See Premerstein, AG 64 s q . , cf. Bell, / . Jur. Pap. iv. 30; Musurillo, 1 1 2 sq. A t a n y rate, the prosecutor of the Alexandrians lost his c a s e ; w h y then assume, w i t h Premerstein, that the Alexandrians were the vanquished ? It is true, of course, t h a t in all the A A M the Alexandrians lose their c a s e ; but Gaius was a 'philhellene' and had great s y m p a t h y with Alexandria (Suet., Caligula, 49); Isidoros, the leader of the Alexandrian patriots, w a s closely connected with him (see N o . 156). So it m a y be t h a t the author of this story w a s faced w i t h problems other t h a n those of other authors of the AAM. It would accord admirably w i t h the general tendency of the A A M had Caligula, the half-mad hellenizer on the R o m a n throne, been the only R o m a n Caesar portrayed with s y m p a t h y b y the authors of the AAM. 26. After j[o\iavrriv probably an e m p t y space. 27 sqq. The letter of Gaius to the Alexandrians w o u l d , perhaps, be a very useful historical d o c u m e n t could we understand its c o n t e n t s ; but unfortunately it is so damaged t h a t nothing can be gathered from it, t h o u g h Premerstein has 'restored' it at full length. It seems t h a t a war (7rdAe/xo?) is mentioned (if Premerstein's supplement in 1 1 . 3 1 - 3 2 T]OU Tro\[X]ep.ov is correct; supposing it to be correct, w h a t events could be m e a n t here? W e k n o w from the Letter of Claudius that a Tr6Xep.os is more t h a n a rapaxq and more than a ardois ( N o . 1 5 3 , 1 1 . 73 s q . ) ; so it is unbelievable t h a t some dissensions a m o n g the Alexandrians in reference t o the gerousia were characterized b y the Emperor b y this sharp word (against Premerstein, AG 25 sq.). On the other h a n d , there were disturbances in Alexandria under Gaius, big enough to justify the word 'war': I refer to the Jewish pogrom in August 38. In spite of the chronological scheme thoroughly elaborated b y Premerstein (ib. 39 sq.), I a m not sure t h a t t h e e v e n t s referred to in the present papyrus did not take place after the p o g r o m ; if so, the main discus­ sion before Gaius might h a v e concerned Jewish affairs. 3 3 sq. 'Ioihwpov Xi^avros. T h a t the name of Isidoros was mentioned in the letter of Gaius is a further proof of the close affinity between the 'philhellenic' Caesar and his Alexandrian adviser. 34. Premerstein supplies: 01 S e yepai]o[l o]v[vooo]v p.r) ixercoaav. B u t ' / p u S a i ] o [ t would be just as good a restoration as yepaC\o[i; as to a]v[voho\v—many other restorations are here possible. 35. After dpeTijs oTe[a]yov Premerstein supplies [(jjopelrwaav], which m a y be correct.

before Claudius N o . 156a. Wilcken, Hermes, x x x , 1 8 9 5 , 4 8 1 . B G U 5 1 1 . Dobschiitz, 7 3 3 . Wilcken, Ant. 801 sqq. L i e t z m a n n , no. 20. W . Chr. 1 4 . Musurillo, iv, Recension A , Cols. I—II. N o . 156&. P . L o n d . i n v . 2785 (Bell, Arch, x, 1 9 3 2 , 5 sqq.). Musurillo, iv, Recension B . N o . 156c. P . Berl. inv. 8877 (Uxkull-Gyllenband, Stzb. preuss. Ak. Wiss. ph.-hist. Kl., 1930, x x v i i i ) . 2

Musurillo, i v , Recension C. N o . 156*2. P . Cairo 10448 (Th. R e i n a c h , REJ x x x i , 1895, 1 6 1 s q q . ; ib. x x x i i , 1896, 160). Dobschiitz, 7 3 3 . Wilcken, Ant., 802. L i e t z m a n n , no. 20. W . Chr. 1 4 . Musurillo, iv, Recension A , Col. iii. L I T . : W i l c k e n , Berl. Phil. Woch., 1896, 1 6 1 7 sqq. Schiirer, Theol. Literaturzeit., 1896, 289 sqq. 2

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN

ALEXANDRIA

67

Reinach, RE J x x x i v , 1897, 296 sqq. Wilcken, Berl. Phil. Woch., 1897, 4 1 0 sqq. Mommsen, Rom. Strafrecht, 265 sqq. Bauer, Arch, i, 1 9 0 1 , 33 sqq. Schiirer, i. 67 sqq. Dobschiitz, Am. Journ. Theol. viii, 1904, 7 3 3 sqq. Reitzenstein, Gottinger Nachrichten, 1904, 309 sqq. Stahelin, 45 sqq. B l u d a u , 94 sqq. Harnack, Stzb. berl. Ak., 1 9 1 0 , 1 2 3 sqq. Reitzenstein, Stzb. heid. Ak., 1 9 1 3 , A b h . 1 4 , 40. Weber, Hermes, 1 , 1 9 1 5 , 4 7 sqq. Gelzer, RE x . 401. Niedermeyer, 7 sqq. Premerstein, AAM 1 5 sqq. Bell, Jews and Christians, 19 sqq. W i l c k e n , Arch, vii, 1924, 3 1 0 . Reinach, RE J l x x i x , 1 9 2 4 , 1 3 9 sqq. N e p p i Modona, 4 1 3 sqq. Bell, Juden u. Griechen, 28 sqq. Matta, Didaskaleion, N . S . i v , 1926, 71 sqq. Hopkins, YCS i, 1928, 1 7 1 sqq. Bell, JEA xvii, 1 9 3 1 , 1 2 6 ; id. Arch. x. 5 sqq. Naber, Aeg. xii, 1 9 3 2 , 329 sqq. Premerstein, Gnomon, vii, 1 9 3 2 , 201 sqq. N e p p i Modona, Aeg. xii, 1 9 3 2 , 17 sqq. Premerstein, Hermes, lxvii, 1 9 3 2 , 189 sqq. Scramuzza, The Emperor Claudius, 1940, 256 n. 58. Bell, JRS x x x i , 1 9 4 1 , 1 1 sqq. A m u s i n , Vestnik Drevnej Istorii, 1949, 2, 223 sqq. Bell, / . Jur. Pap. iv, 1950, 19 sqq. Musurillo, 1 1 7 sqq.

The Acta Isidori et Lamponis have a long history. A papyrus from Berlin, con­ taining two columns of them, here designated as 156a, was first published by Wilcken in 1895, d at nearly the same time a Cairo papyrus, of one column only (here 156^), was published by Reinach. No other fragments were known until 1930, when UxkullGyllenband, and a short time after him Bell, published two new fragments belonging to the same Acta (156b and c). So for thirty-five years three columns only (all parts of the same roll) were known, and though it was clear that the third column (156^) deals with the end of the case, whereas the two first columns (156a) seem to contain the beginning of it, all three were always published together (so again by Musurillo as 'Recension A' of Acta Isidori). The publication of b and c underlined the necessity of placing them between a and d. The first column of b is nearly identical with the second column of a, and the second column of b is to be regarded as a direct continuation of its first column, since both are written on the same scrap of papyrus (nevertheless some lines at the end of the first and at the beginning of the second column are lost, so that no coherent text can be restored). More difficult is the question of c. The text here is set out differently from the other fragments (separate lines are assigned to the names of the persons involved, a method not followed by other AAM and indicating that the copy was made with some lavishness). It contains a discussion of the 'Jewish question' between Agrippa, Balbillos, and Isidoros, thus moving on a far higher intellectual level than the other fragments, which deal principally with the Emperor Claudius and his sparring with Isidoros. Another difficulty may be mentioned: though the second column of b is very badly preserved, it seems that the fate of Isidoros is about to be decided and that the story proceeded from the description of the first stage of the trial (the dialogue) to the second (the martyrdom), leading the reader to the proclamation of the death-sentence at the end of d. There is, consequently, no place for c, either between a and b, or between b and d. Nevertheless it must be placed somewhere, since its place among Acta Isidori is proved by the names of Agrippa and Isidoros. The best place for it would be between the first and the second column of b, or between the lines 15 and 16 of Col. II in a (see note); but we have no right to separate lines and columns linked together by the scribe himself. After some hesitation I placed c between b and d, consoling myself with the general consideration that the author of Acta Isidori was not a great writer and did not adhere to a literary scheme fixed in advance, but changed it every time according to the material newly to hand (cf., for example, d, where the dialogue with Claudius is renewed, though it was already interrupted, or finished, in the second column of b). a n

1

1

T h e a t t e m p t of A m u s i n (Vestnik Drevnej Istorii, 1949, 2, 223 sqq.) t o separate 156c from the other fragments of 1 5 6 b y connecting it with the first deliberation on Jewish rights before

Claudius (see note t o 1 5 3 , 1 . 88) cannot b e accepted, since the presence of Balbillos p o i n t s clearly t o a later date,

68

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO.

156

Some difficulty also arises when we have to collate the second column of a with the first of b. Since the text is nearly identical for all fifteen lines, my first intention was to print only one copy (say, a) and to print the differing readings of the second in the footnotes. Yet this fusion of two texts in one would confuse the numeration of the lines already fixed by the editors, and create new difficulties in citing the papyrus. I decided, therefore, to print both texts separately; as to the discrepant readings, I have collated them in a note to b, Col. I, 11. 1 - 1 4 . The subject of Acta Isidori is not a dispute between two embassies, though c may suggest it, but a lawsuit launched by Isidoros, the gymnasiarchos of Alexandria, against the Jewish king Agrippa (a, Col. II, 11. 2 sqq.). According to Roman law, every political lawsuit was introduced by a private prosecutor who had to bear the conse­ quences in the event of failure. We have no reason to assume that it was otherwise in this case. Not the polis of Alexandria, allegedly represented by its gymnasiarchos, had launched an attack on Agrippa, but Isidoros himself, as a private person, had summoned Agrippa before the Court. However close his connexion with Alexandria, juridically he was a private person, and nothing else; so he had no right here to be called 'an envoy', though he was a member of a previous embassy (see note to a, Col. 1,1.17). Why his friend Lampon was put to death, we cannot tell, but it seems that in the course of the trial new facts were brought forward, so that the original subject (the claims against Agrippa) was overshadowed by a new one: the political activity of Isidoros (and, perhaps, of Lampon) during the reign of Gaius Caligula. The prose­ cutor ended by being found guilty and was put to death. The main question connected with the trial of Isidoros is its chronology. We know the days—30th April and 1st May—but not the year. Whereas some scholars (Reinach, Hopkins, Uxkull-Gyllenband, and others) have argued in favour of the year 4 1 , the majority of them (Wilcken, Premerstein, Neppi Modona, Jones, Musurillo, and many others) are inclined towards the year 53. Bell, our best authority for the history of this period, formerly favoured the year 53, then changed his opinion under the influence of Uxkull-Gyllenband, and finally returned to his first view. The dating depends on which of the two Jewish kings, both called Agrippa, was the principal person of the lawsuit. Agrippa I, king in A.D. 41-44, was present at Rome in the early months of 41 (ant. 19. 274 sqq.); his son Agrippa II (A.D. 50-100) visited Rome in 52/53 (ant. 20. 1 3 5 ; cf. bell. 2. 245). The supporters of the later date, especially Premer­ stein, produced a series of arguments trying to construe various items in the text in a way favourable to their opinion; yet, as we shall see in the notes, not one of these arguments can claim to be decisive. Premerstein (Hermes, lxvii. 194) is right in assert­ ing that the solution of the question depends not upon these isolated arguments, but on the 'pragmatical connexion' of the events as a whole; yet he could not prove that this pragmatical connexion was in favour of the later date. The contrary seems to be true. The year 41 was a year of decisive debates on Jewish civic and other rights before Claudius (see No. 1 5 3 ) ; the discussion in c between Agrippa and Isidoros is typical of this period, and the sentence about the Jewish intention of provoking troubles throughout 'the whole world' has its exact parallel in the Letter of Claudius (No. 153, 11. 99 sqq.). The renewal of the discussion in A.D. 53, not attested by any source, is not very likely, since the question was settled by Claudius once and for all in 4 1 . The accusation made against Isidoros by Claudius of having 'killed' his two friends in the reign of Gaius was reasonable in 4 1 , when the death of the two was still quite fresh in Claudius' memory and when the prosecution of the agents of Gaius was topical; it would be quite obsolete in 53. Isidoros himself was very active during the reign of Gaius, when he visited Rome at least twice, and perhaps three times; we have seen that he was probably at Rome on the day of Gaius' assassination (see above,

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

69

p. 5 1 ) , so that there is no dimculty in assuming that he was still there three months later, whereas his presence at Rome in 53 is merely guesswork. As to the Jewish king in question, we have no evidence for any connexion between Agrippa II and Alexandria until 66, when he visited Egypt in order to congratulate Ti. Julius Alex­ ander on his appointment as prefect of Egypt (Jos. bell. 2. 309); his visit to Rome in 52/53 was on purely Palestinian issues, having no bearing on Alexandria. Agrippa I, on the other hand, is mentioned frequently in the sources as connected with Alex­ andria, and was especially interested in the struggle of the Alexandrian Jews for their national autonomy (cf. ant. 18. 1 5 9 ; 19. 279, 3 1 0 ; Flacc. 27 sqq., 1 0 3 ; leg. 179); he visited Alexandria at least three times between 36 and 41. Why, then, need we look for various and sometimes strange arguments (cf. notes to No. 156a, Col. 1,1. 1 , Col. II, 11. 4, 7) to justify a date which has no roots in history, when another date corresponds in the best possible way with the facts? If the case of Isidoros was tried during the spring of 41, a further event of importance is added to the other events illustrating the attitude of Claudius to the Alexandrian Jews in the first year of his reign. It is the duty of an historian to put all these events in pragmatical order, in accordance with common sense and not in contradiction with the sources. I have dealt with this question above, Vol. I, pp. 69 sqq. Some words may be here devoted to Isidoros and his friend Lampon. Philo gives them striking characters when speaking, in the style of Aristophanes, of the leaders of the Alexandrian mob (Flacc. 20): Aiovvaioi SrjpoKorroi, Adprrtoves ypapparoKvcfxoves, 'IolStopoi OTacridpxai', tfjiXorrpdypoves, KOLKLOV evperal, TapatJLTToXiSes ('a popularity-hunting Dionysios, a paper-poring Lampon, an Isidoros, faction leader, busy intriguer, mischief-maker and political riot-monger'). According to Philo, Isidoros was an dvdpumos OXXIKOS ('mob courter'), a demagogue of the meanest sort, whose job it was to preside over the unruly clubs and associations (Olaaoi, ovvohoi, KXIVCU), always prompt to incite people against law and order in the city (Flacc. 135 sqq.). He was the enemy of Flaccus when the prefect, under Tiberius, represented rigid Roman rule in Egypt, and even once tried to shake his power, though without success (ibid. 138 sqq.). He appeared as a prosecutor of Flaccus in 38 when the prefect was driven from his post and exiled by Gaius. We do not know whether he had ever performed any duty as an official of the city before 41, when he is styled (in the present papyrus) gymnasiarchos of Alexandria. The career of his friend Lampon was no less stormy. For two years he was under accusation of maiestas (Flacc. 1 2 8 : dae/Seiiis rrjs els TifSipiov Kalaapd), which, under Tiberius, was not a trifling affair; it seems, nevertheless, that he won his lawsuit. Afterwards he was forced to act as a gymnasiarchos, an office burdened with considerable expenses, and nearly succumbed to the economic burden: Philo leaves the reader to decide whether he was rich and greedy or poor though posing as a wealthy man. Besides the office of gymnasiarchos, which was a civic post, Lampon was also a government official, performing the duties of a secretary (vrropvrjpaToypdtpos or elaaytoyevs) and, according to Philo, enriching himself shamelessly at the expense of the population (Flacc. 128 sqq.). Such were the two 'heroes' of Alexandria, chosen by the author of AAM to pose as martyrs. Philo's character-drawing is, of course, biased and cannot be trusted in every detail; yet the fundamental facts—the offices held by Lampon, his trial for maiestas, the activity of Isidoros as a ruthless demagogue —are no doubt true. The action brought by Isidoros against Flaccus and the trial of 1

1

I a m not impressed b y the argument of Bell (supported b y Musurillo, 1 2 1 ) , w h o finds it hard t o understand w h y , if the date is 4 1 , Claudius should m a k e n o reference in the Letter t o t h e e x e c u t i o n of Isidoros and L a m p o n and should

manifest such apparent friendliness t o the Alex­ andrians. W h y should Claudius m e n t i o n such an unpleasant fact in answer t o the congratulations of the Alexandrians? T h e apparent friendliness is quite intelligible in an official letter.

SECTION V I I I : NOS.

70

156-156«

Lampon attest the anti-Roman tendency in the political activity of both; if we add the part played by them in the outbreak of the Jewish pogrom in 38 (Flacc. 2 1 sqq.) their political and moral portraits will be nearly complete. It does not seem that they belonged to the aristocratic circle in Alexandria, i.e. to the wealthy and ancient families of the city: the duties of a vTTop,vr)ixaToypdos—a salaried government official —are not appropriate to a well-to-do citizen of Alexandria, and too great an activity among the unruly clubs and associations of the Alexandrians indicates rather the character of professional politicians than that of true aristocrats. They were, it is true, both in turn elected to serve as gymnasiarchoi. Yet a gymnasiarchos was by no means the 'Lord Mayor' of the city (Wilamowitz, GGA, 1898, 691), nor even the first among the city-magistrates. In cities with several gymnasia there were—or, at least, could have been—several gymnasiarchoi, and it seems that in Alexandria there were at least two simultaneously (see note to No. 157,11. 6 sqq.). In the Roman period the post of a gymnasiarchos, bringing with it as it did considerable expense, slowly became a leiturgia, i.e. a burden and a nuisance (see on the gymnasiarchoi in general, and especially in Egypt, Jones, The Greek City, 220 sqq.; Dessau, ii. 2. 656 sqq.; Oertel, Die Liturgie, 316 sqq.). Lampon's endeavours to escape the office were quite usual and must not be regarded as a calumny on Philo's part. If so, the office of the gymnasiarchos cannot serve as proof of the aristocratic origin of Isidoros and Lampon, nor even of their great influence on the affairs of the city; but it is true that the gymnasiarchoi, whose duty it was to control the civic rights of their alumni, were the natural champions of the Alexandrian nationalists, and so we may easily understand why persons known as fanatical demagogues were regarded as suited for the office. The text of 156a and d, apart from the revisions on the part of the editors Wilcken and Reinach, was revised: d by de Ricci (his readings are reported in W. Chr. 14) and a by Schubart (mentioned by Premerstein, AAM, 22 sq.). In the notes I cite the various readings with the following abbreviations: R. == Reinach, W. = Wilcken, de R. = de Ricci, Sch. = Schubart, Pr. = Premerstein, B. = Bell, U.-G. = Uxkull-Gyllenband, M. == Musurillo. 1

No.

156a

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officiating in turn during the year

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A [

15

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Col. I. 3 . Before T O V — o or to better than a, W . ; before rov—e, a, o, and a are possible, t h e last per­ haps best of all, Sch. 10. j . ^ - e r o W . M-]?eTa[']> instead of £, £ is quite p o s s i b l e ; p very doubt­ f u l ; e v e n dywv]i'£eTa[i] is possible, Sch. 1 1 . Before , r a perhaps o , not v W . 1 2 . Before . T O U surely not a, Sch. Col. I I . 4 . Space after T O I S . 12 a of peploto above a cancelled £, W .

(Translation.) Col. i. . . . Tarquinius a senator . . . t o the Emperor . . . for the n a t i v e c i t y . . . Aviola a senator . . . therefore I ask . . . the C o u n c i l . . . The Alexandrian e n v o y s were s u m m o n e d and the Emperor postponed their hearing until the following day. The fifth d a y of Pachon, in the (first ?) year of Claudius Caesar Augustus. . . . Col. ii. The sixth d a y of P a c h o n : the second day. Claudius Caesar Augustus hears the case of Isidoros, gymnasiarch of Alexandria v. King Agrippa in the . . . gardens. W i t h h i m sat t w e n t y senators (and in addition t o these) sixteen men of consular rank, the w o m e n of the court also attending . . . Isidoros' trial.

S E C T I O N V I I I : N O . 156a

72

Isidoros w a s t h e first t o speak: 'My Lord Caesar, I beseech y o u t o listen t o m y account of m y native city's sufferings.' The emperor: 'I shall grant y o u this day.' All t h e senators w h o were sitting as assessors agreed w ith this, knowing t h e kind of m a n Isidoros was. Claudius Caesar: 'Say nothing (God forbid it!)(?) against m y friend. Y o u have already done a w a y w ith t w o of m y friends, Theon the exegete and N a e v i u s the p r e f e c t . . .' Col. I. i . P e r h a p s 'Ioto]copov

R.

1 . TapKvvios. I t is n o t very likely t h a t one of t h e t w o ancient kings Tarquinii w a s mentioned in the case, a n d since t h e n a m e Tarquinius w a s n o t in use in the Imperial period (see RE, s.v., 2 R e i h e , 8 H a l b b . , 2391, n o s . 14, 16) the emendation TapKv{r}tos, proposed b y some scholars, is generally a c ­ cepted. According t o Premerstein, AAM 18 sq., the person in question is M. Tarquitius Priscus, a senator under Claudius a n d N e r o , mentioned b y T a c i t u s , ann. 1 2 . 59 (year 53) and 14. 46 (year 6 1 ) ; see o n h i m RE, s.v. 2394 s q . ; D e s s a u , Prosop. iii. 296, n. 20; Musurillo, 133. Premerstein m a d e use of his participation in the case t o strengthen his arguments in favour of the year 53 as t h e date of t h e trial; y e t H o p k i n s (174 sq.) rightly objected t h a t t h e career of Tarquitius does n o t exclude the possi­ bility of his being a senator in 4 1 . I t m a y be added t h a t , according to Tacitus, Tarquitius' expulsion from t h e senate took place precisely in this year 5 3 , and h o w can w e be sure that this event did n o t take place before t h e 30th of April, the d a y of t h e trial? Besides, there could h a v e been other Tarquitii in the senate, n o t mentioned b y a n y source. Are all the senators in the time of Claudius k n o w n t o u s by name? 2. [OVVKXTJTIKOS 3.

ava.or\arov

. . . Kalo~ja.pi

R.;

[OVVKXTJTIKOS

KXavSla)

Kalajap

Pr.

Pr.

4. Restored b y m e . Pr. s u g g e s t s : AXe£ivopeiav KOX AtyvnTJov. For m y restoration see N o . 156c, Col. I I , 1. 2 3 ; cf. N o . 153, 1. 100; Philo, leg. 284. T h e sentence SXr-v TI)V \olKovp.4vqv dvaorarjov rroiijaets would m a k e s e n s e ; in this case t h e restoration of Pr. in 1. 3 m u s t b e , of course, rejected. ' Y o u will destroy t h e whole universe', as addressed t o t h e Emperor, presupposes in t h e beginning of t h e sen­ tence something l i k e : 'if y o u patronize the Jews'. Pr. suggested t h a t Tarquitius spoke against Isidoros; y e t , if m y restoration is correct, t h e sentence spoken b y Tarquitius w a s directed against J e w s , since n o t Isidoros, b u t t h e J e w s were 'something like a pest' t o t h e whole universe (cf. N o . 1 5 3 , 1 . 100). 6. According t o Pr. t h e speech of Tarquitius ended a t t h e beginning of this l i n e ; in 1 1 . 6-8 t h e E m ­ peror is speaking. There is nothing t o support this v i e w . 7. Restored b y R . 8. Aov'ioXaos owKXrjTiKos. According t o Reinach, Premerstein, and Musurillo, M. Acilius A v i o l a , consul of t h e year 54, is m e a n t . W h y n o t C. Calpurnius Aviola, consul suffectus of t h e year 24 a n d proconsul of Asia in 37/38? Cf. RE, H a l b b . v . 1366, s . v . Calpurnius, n o . 2 1 ; Groag and S t e i n , 2

PIR

C 251.

9. T w o d o t s a b o v e o in the papyrus, according t o Sch. and P r . , indicate t h e cancelling of t h e letter b y the scribe. Y e t t h e article is n o t o u t of place if the words of Aviola are directed t o a certain person, e.g. t o Isidoros. 1 0 - 1 5 . The request of Aviola beginning in 1 . 1 0 (810 ipuirio . . . ) ends, it seems, in 1 4 - 1 5 . T h e sense i s : something will n o t be in order, if certain persons will n o t be present a t t h e trial (el p.-q oSroi irape[yevovro . . .). W h i c h persons are m e a n t ? T h e answer is given in L 17, where the irpeo]fieis of the A l e x ­ andrians are ordered t o speak before the Emperor t h e following d a y . B u t w h o are these irpea/3«s? Before t h e publication of 156^ there could be n o hesitation a s t o the a n s w e r : Isidoros and L a m p o n were m e a n t . B u t n o w w e know t h a t Barbillus, o n e of the members of t h e Alexandrian embassy just arrived from Alexandria, participated in t h e trial (see note t o 156^, 1.19). T h e request of Aviola m i g h t h a v e referred t o h i m and his fellow e n v o y s . I n favour of this suggestion it m a y be argued t h a t t h e trial w a s k n o w n a s t h e lawsuit of Isidoros against Agrippa (so explicitly in Col. I I , 11.3 s q q . ; cf. avdpcoTTos a b o v e in 1. 9); w h y then is npeofleis here in the plural? Another argument m a y be put forward: since Isidoros w a s t h e central figure of t h e case, h o w could his presence a t t h e trial be questioned at all? There could be n o trial in t h e absence of t h e prosecutor. Nevertheless, all these arguments

'THE

J E W I S H QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

73

are futile against the striking parallelism between the end of Col. I and the beginning of Col. I I : the e n v o y s are told that the Emperor will hear t h e m (aKovoat axnatv) tomorrow (Col. 1,1. 18), and in fact on the following d a y he hears (ai
("ETOVS)

ty

KXavSlov

Katcrajpos.

20. repnaviKov] Pr. IJaxcjv e is April the 30th. P a c h o n is an E g y p t i a n m o n t h , and it goes without saying t h a t the proceedings of the consilium Caesaris a t R o m e were reckoned according t o the R o m a n calendar. T h e E g y p t i a n date here is one of the points against the theory of the use of 'official proto­ cols' b y the authors of the AAM. Col. I I . 1 . T h e restoration i7ax«o[v 2. Restored b y W . 4.

Katoa[p

s]

is certain; cf.

T 6 TOW 'Iatowpov]

[els

av]piov

in Col. 1,1. 18.

M.

rots 2epavt]Xtavots R . ; [ e v T O I S AovKovX]Xiavois W . ; [ e v T O I S 2raTt\Xiavois OT [ e v T O I S /loA]Pr. T h e gardens of Lucullus came into the possession of the Emperor in 47, those of Lollia presumably in 49, and those of Statilius in 53. On these data Pr. based his theory t h a t the trial of Isidoros could n o t h a v e t a k e n place in 4 1 . H e rejected (AAM 16) the restoration of R e i n a c h , since the horti Serviliani are not mentioned as imperial property before 65, but H o p k i n s rightly objected t h a t w e do not know w h e n these gardens c a m e into the hands of the Caesars, and it m a y well have been before 4 1 . I would add t w o further a r g u m e n t s : (1) Are we sure t h a t all the gardens in R o m e in im­ perial possession in 41 are k n o w n t o u s ? T h e four preceding years were those of Gaius, marked b y v a s t plundering and expropriation (cf. Suet. Calig. 3 8 : 'exhaustus igitur a t q u e egens ad rapinas convertit Xtavois

[ev

S E C T I O N V I I I : NOS.

74

156«-1566

a n i m u m ' ) ; (2) Mommsen w r i t e s : 'An R o m ist das Kaisergericht selbstverstandlich nicht gebunden, kann vielmehr iiberall stattfinden, wo der Kaiser eben verweilt' (Staatsrecht, ii. 2. 904). W e cannot therefore be sure that the consilium Caesaris could not be called upon to act on ground not owned b y the Emperor, on an estate of one of his friends, in a temple, or elsewhere (cf. Jos. bell. 2. 8 1 ; S H A Vita Veri, 8, 8-9; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 904 n. 4 ; Reinach, RE J x x x i . 170, x x x i v . 296 s q q . ; Crook, Con­ silium Principis, 106 sqq.). 5-19. All restorations follow Bell's publication of 156&, Col. I , where the texts m a y be compared. 6.

T[

, iv TOVTOIS] W . v[p6s

8 e TOVTOIS] R , M. I t is difficult t o a s s u m e w i t h M. t h a t t h e

consulares

were opposed to the senators as if they were not members of the senate. Besides, the total number of members of the consilium seems to have been t w e n t y , in spite of Crook's doubts (p. 59 n. 3). 7 sq. Tra[povot?>v S e KOX] rcov fxarpcovcov B . Before the publication of b the restoration of Wilcken ita[povmis ZePaoTijs fiera] rcov p.arptovcov was c o m m o n l y adopted. W . , Pr., and other scholars were so sure that this restoration was correct that t h e y considered it as one of their strongest arguments in favour of the year 5 3 : in 41 the Empress was Messalina, a w o m a n not interested in politics, whereas afterwards the ambitious Agrippina took her place, and her presence at the trial was well in keeping with her live interest in political matters. The n e w reading, making no mention of the presence of the Empress, was a serious blow t o the whole theory of the year 5 3 ; cf. the desperate a t t e m p t of Premerstein (Hermes, Ixvii) t o save i t . 8. Perhaps elod[eao6tu M. 9. Restored b y M. -fjp^aro Xiycov B. i o - n . Restored b y B . 13. Restored b y B . 15. Restored b y B . 1 5 - 1 6 . I t is very strange that Isidoros does not use the permission t o speak given t o h i m b y t h e Emperor ( 1 . 12) with the consent of all the senators (11. 13 sq.). The reader is prepared to hear a long speech containing the whole body of accusations against A g r i p p a ; instead of it, it is Claudius w h o begins t o speak, and the reader gets the impression that Isidoros had already attacked the Jewish king with hard words. I t is very likely, therefore, that something is lost between lines 15 and 1 6 ; it m a y be that the scribe, in haste to copy the most impressive parts of the dialogue, and especially the story of the martyrdom, omitted the more serious, and therefore, for the reader, more tedious, part of t h e dialogue (it is possible that c was a fragment of this omitted part, see a b o v e , pp. 67 sq.). Once copied, it served a standard pattern for further copies, so t h a t b was copied from this abbreviated t e x t . B e t w e e n lines 15 and 16 an oblique stroke is seen on the papyrus. Wilcken has doubts whether this stroke signifies a 'paragraphos'. Could it be that the scribe, while copying the t e x t , intended to indi­ cate his omission in this w a y ? 16. For the restoration see note to b, Col. 1 , 1 1 . n - 1 2 . 1 7 - 1 9 . Restored b y B . 19. For Theon and N a e v i u s see n o t e to b, Col. 1 , 1 1 . 1 3 and 14.

No.

156b

Col. I

5

[ycov

Kvpte

fjbov

Kaia\qp,

TCOV

yovcvrcov

GOV

Se-

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN 7rdvT€S

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76

SECTION V I I I : NO. 1566 45

eiTrd

EefiaoTela

T [

era? OVK iqy p,e St[ yofxevov

iv ax\rfp,ari

[KXa\y8ios 'IoL8tope, 50

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vrrip deovs

Kara, TOV

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I

5 . 1 . Xoytov

B.

(Translation.) Col. i. . . . i n t h e . . gardens. W i t h h i m sat t w e n t y senators, sixteen m e n of consular rank, w o m e n of t h e court also attending . . . Isidoros' trial. Isidoros began b y saying 'My Lord Caesar, I beseech y o u t o hear m y account of m y native city's sufferings.' The emperor: T grant y o u this d a y . ' All t h e senators w h o were sitting as assessors agreed w i t h this, knowing t h e kind of m a n Isidoros w a s . Claudius Caesar: 'Say nothing (God forbid it!)(?) against m y friend. Y o u h a v e already done a w a y w i t h t w o of m y friends, Theon t h e exegete and N a e v i u s , prefect of E g y p t a n d prefect of t h e pretorian guard a t R o m e ; a n d n o w y o u prosecute this m a n . ' Isidoros: 'My Lord Caesar, w h a t do y o u care for a twopenny-halfpenny J e w like A g r i p p a ? ' Claudius Caesar: 'What ? Y o u are t h e most insolent of m e n t o speak. . . .' I s i d o r o s : ' . . . I will not d e n y . . . be q u i e t . . . beaten . . . Olympian C a e s a r . . . . ' Col. ii. . . . about Augustus . . . I a m brought here, a gymnasiarch of A l e x a n ­ dria, fifty-six years old, a Greek . . . an orator, w i t h right hand . . . he threw off his cloak . . . and said: 'One must n o t . . .'. Claudius Caesar: ' . . . Isidoros, against Theon . . . neither R o m e nor A l e x a n d r i a . . . . ' I s i d o r o s : ' . . . a gymnasiarch of Alexandria . . . b y nature . . . seven temples of Augustus . . . n o t allow m e . . . being taken a w a y in t h e robes of a gymnasiarch.' Claudius Caesar: ' D o n o t s a y anything, Isidoros, Isidoros,—God forbid!—anything against m y friend. . . .' Col. 1 . 1 - 2 5 . All t h e supplements are b y Bell, unless otherwise n o t e d . 1 - 1 4 . These lines are a parallel t o 1 1 . 5 - 1 9 in 156a, Col. ii (see a b o v e , p . 7 1 ) . I here g i v e t h e various readings in b o t h t e x t s : 1 . 2 ( = 1 . 6 in a): a—eiKo[o]i. 1 = 6: between K and vrrariKcov, < t S v > is n e e d e d — [TOVTCOV Si ?]. 3 = 7" opuXovotov Se—naSjiovacov Se KaC\. 5 9 • Tpjtorov Xoyov r)p£tvro—iv 7rp[u>TOis =

rjpgaro

8 = .

6nol6[s

eajrtv

Oecova

12 : KXavSios] 1 3 =

1 8 : [fiov

Kaiaap—6 Svo

avroKpartop.

[]Xovs—fiov

8 = 1 2 :

S v o lX[ovs.

r

p,epi io—/xeplaco; 13 sq. =

18 s q . :

io = Qiiov\a\

15:

otos

[yap

iariv— ifayrjTrjv]

i£i)yq\Tfjv.

2. 'There is a n unmistakable space after a, showing t h a t there were 20 senators a n d n o more' (Bell). 1 1 - 1 2 . vnepdelriKov B . 'It appears t o be elsewhere a purely grammatical t e r m ; here it m u s t b e t a k e n as " e x t r a v a g a n t " ' (Bell). B u t n o such meaning of the term is given in t h e lexica, a n d Bell himself confesses t h a t h e 'feels u n e a s y ' a b o u t his o w n reading. Rostovtzeff (quoted b y Bell, Arch. x . 9 sq.)

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

77

suggested /wjSev vnepOefievos, and a change from elirris t o elnes: 'Claudius Caesar, without delay, (said): " Y o u h a v e spoken against m y friend".' Y e t Bell is quite right in rejecting this suggestion, since the reading proposed b y Rostovtzeff does not correspond to the second half of the same sentence. Many other restorations were proposed; cf. Musurillo, 134. I suggest virep deovs (or virep deov) in t h e sense of 'against god's will' (cf. Horn. II.17. 327); the words m a y be taken merely as a n e x c l a m a t i o n : ' D o n o t s a y — God forbid!—anything against m y friend'. 1 3 - 1 4 . W h o Theon was we do not k n o w ; his n a m e , as well as the office of exegetes filled b y h i m , shows t h a t he was a Greek, probably an A l e x a n d r i a n ; cf. Musurillo, 103. On the office of exegetes in Greek cities see Oertel, Liturgie, 325 sqq. N a e v i u s , as stated b y Bell, is N a e v i u s Sertorius Macro, the prefect of t h e praetorians; according to D i o Cassius (59.10. 6) he was appointed b y Gaius Caligula t o serve as prefect of E g y p t , but was forced to c o m m i t suicide b y the Emperor before h e had time t o enter on his new office. Macro played the principal part in the e v e n t s a t R o m e in the year 37, w h e n h e helped Gaius to ascend t h e throne without undue disturbance; but Gaius, eager t o be t h e absolute ruler of the world, was anxious t o get rid of h i m as quickly as possible (Flacc. 13 s q q . ; leg. 32 s q q . ; Suet. Calig., 26. 1 ) . T h e present papyrus gives an important detail of his e n d : he was p u t t o d e a t h b y Gaius in consequence of a prosecution launched against h i m b y Isidoros. T h e doubts of A . Stein (Die Prdfekten, 28) whether Isidoros was capable of prosecuting 'the m i g h t y praefectus praetorio' m a y easily be dispelled. The Alexandrian demagogues under Gaius played the mean part of delatores, supporting in this w a y the 'philhellenic' Caesar in his struggle against the representatives of con­ ventional R o m a n society. W e m a y recall that the same Isidoros, together with his constant colleague L a m p o n , also brought charges against Flaccus (Flacc. 125 sqq.). I n all these trials the Alexandrian demagogues were, as a matter of course, backed b y the Emperor himself. The role of voluntary pro­ secutors under Gaius was the real cause of the tragic end of Isidoros and L a m p o n , w h e n Claudius, in t h e first year of his reign, was striving to bring back R o m a n society to the principles of the principate as laid d o w n b y Augustus. (A new inscription, Anne'e e'pigraphique, 1 9 5 7 , 250, gives Macro's true n a m e , Q. N a e v i u s Cordus Sutorius Macro. It does not mention the prefecture of E g y p t , b u t , since it shows t h a t his will was carried out, it confirms Dio's account that he committed suicide and was n o t executed.) 1 5 - 1 6 . T h e restoration of Bell seems t o be logical; see his note ad loc. in Arch. x . 1 1 . 16. avrjpifKas is, of course, not to be taken literally; Isidoros 'killed' Theon and Macro b y prosecuting t h e m before Gaius. 18. rpitofloXeioy M . ; rpuofioXKal>ov B . Rostovtzeff (quoted b y Bell, ad loc.) suggested t h a t the word 'might h a v e a technical significance, of a prostitute, since it is k n o w n t h a t , in the R o m a n world at least, prostitutes were classed according t o their fees'. Cf., e.g., Quintil. 8. 6. 5 3 : 'quadrantariam Clytaemnestram'. Premerstein (quoted b y Bell, 16) rejected this suggestion, pointing o u t that t h e word implies 'nothing more than worthlessness' (see t h e instances from Plautus and Petronius col­ lected b y Premerstein; cf. an interesting parallel from Shakespeare: 'Look, where three-farthings goes!' (King John, A c t I, scene i, 1.143). Whether t h e word has the meaning suggested b y Rostovtzeff or not, there is little doubt t h a t such a coarse insult could n o t be uttered in a judgement-hall; it w a s the author of the A A M w h o p u t it into the m o u t h of Isidoros in order t o amuse his readers. I t is one of numerous instances which characterize the literary taste of the authors of the A A M . 20. Restored b y M. [<£jfc; dvaioearaTos] B. 25. 'OXvumos is quite a n unusual term in reference t o a R o m a n Emperor, a t a n y rate before t h e time of H a d r i a n ; cf. Musurillo, 132. W a s the author inspired b y Aristoph. Acharn. 530 (TlepiKXeTjs oiXvpnios)? It sounds like mockery. Col. I I . 34. T h e reading iirdyontu is correct, but certainly Bell is right in arguing t h a t dndyoptu would be a better reading, giving a strict parallel t o N o . 159, Col. I l l , 11. 8 - 1 1 and, perhaps, t o 1. 47 of the present t e x t . Y e t it m a y be t h a t in a lost part of t h e papyrus a story was told, h o w Isidoros was driven out of the judgement-hall and then called back t o appear again before the E m p e r o r ; in this case e V d y o j u a i ('I a m brought here') would not be out of place. Such a scene would also h a v e its parallel in the AAM ( N o . 159, Col. I V , 11. 2 sqq.). 35. '56 years old' refers no doubt to Isidoros. 36. T h e prJTiop is a professional advocate pleading a case. Cf. N o . 157,11. 9 sq., 15 sq. Y e t w h y should Isidoros be assisted b y a rhetor when he himself played the r61e of the prosecutor in this trial? Shall w e suggest that in the course of the trial he was formally charged w i t h having caused the death of Claudius' friends and was n o w himself in need of a professional a d v o c a t e ? 45. 'It is just possible that instead of

inrd

the true reading is I n

rd,

in which case

Se^aarela

may

7

8

SECTION

V I I I : NOS.

1566-156c

refer t o a festival in honour of A u g u s t u s ; b u t tt seems likelier, e w r a UefSaareta (Bell).

should refer t o temples'

46. 4$v'' 'it is almost equally possible t o read en ( o w / c e V i ) ' (Bell). 47. T h e restoration iira]y6fievov (cf. 1. 34) is, of course, also possible. 49. Bell's restoration seems t o be right in v i e w of t h e n e x t line, strictly identical w i t h a, Col. II, vnep deovs for fi-qSev virepderiKov (?) of Bell.

1.17 a n d b, 1.12.1 h a v e substituted

No.

156c

Col. I crwapxa (o Secva) ? e r a t , ort 0,776 AAo Tt VVV . 6TO (o Setva) ? ats" y e r a /077s" Kare-

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'THE JEWISH 3°

[. • ] • [ • ] • [ • •

QUESTION' TOVTOIS

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IN A L E X A N D R I A

79

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Col. ii. Isidoros: 'My Lord Augustus, w i t h regard t o your interests, Balbillos indeed speaks well. B u t t o you, Agrippa, I wish to retort in connexion with the points y o u bring u p about the Jews. I accuse t h e m of wishing t o stir up the entire world. . . . W e must consider every detail in order t o judge the whole people. T h e y are not of the same nature as the Alexandrians, but live rather after the fashion of the Egyptians. Are t h e y not on a level w i t h those w h o p a y the poll-tax?' Agrippa: 'The E g y p t i a n s have had t a x e s levied on t h e m b y their rulers . . . . B u t no one has imposed tributes on the Jews.' Balbillos: 'Look t o what extremes of insolence either his god or . . .' Col. I. 1 - 1 7 . U.-G. did not a t t e m p t to complete the lines, this task being, of course, merely a waste of time. H e printed the letters preserved with no spaces between t h e m ; their division into words, as printed above, is b y Musurillo. 2. Here, and in 1 . 6, the names of the speakers stood in the middle of the l i n e s ; cf. 1 1 . 18, 28, 3 1 . 8. Restored b y M. 13. edvos TO presupposes the complement 'IovSattov (U.-G.). 'IOVOOZKOV (?) M. 15. For r j e A o u a i cf. below, 1.27. It seems that the subject, discussed below, is already touched upon here. 16. Restored b y M. Col. I I . There is a mistake in the enumeration of lines adopted b y U . - G . : the first line of Col. II is the 18th, and not the 16th. Cf. Musurillo, i v , Recension C (p. 23). 19. T h e complement BdXfiiXXos is certain in view of 1 . 3 1 . The restorations here and in 1 1 . 2 1 , 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 32 are those of U.-G. 22. For dvTiKaTaoTyoofitu

cf. N o .

153 1 . 75*

23. For oXrjv TT)V olKovfievrjv see N o . 1 5 3 , 1 . 100; Philo, leg. 284; Matt. 24. 1 4 ; A c t s 1 1 . 28; R e v . 3. 1 0 ; 1 2 . 9; 16. 1 4 ; cf. note to 156a, Col. 1 , 1 . 4. 24 sq. Restored by me. U.-G. restored: KO.6' iKa[orov Trapevra] \[oKoir~]eT[v] rov SxXov. That would m e a n : let us overlook individuals and p a y attention to the people as a whole. A s referring t o J e w s it would, further, m e a n that Isidoros, though despising the Jewish people as a whole, acknowledges that individual J e w s m a y possess some virtues. Such impartiality on the part of the leader of the antiSemites is not very likely. My restoration is nearer to the spirit of Isidoros: 'we must consider every detail in order to judge the whole people' (i.e. to get a clear picture of it). 25-27. On the question as to whether the Jews, as a political b o d y , were nearer to the Alexandrians or the E g y p t i a n s , see Vol. I, p. 63. The standpoint of Isidoros is quite clear: the J e w s are not 'of the same nature' (6p.oioTTa.8eis) as the Alexandrians, but are like E g y p t i a n s in their m o d e of life. A decisive argument in favour of this s t a t e m e n t is the fact that Jews are paying 'the tribute' (tf>6pov), i.e. the laographia. 27. The sentence is a question, as rightly seen b y the editor. 29 sq. N o t e that Agrippa speaks about tf>6pot. in the plural, whereas Isidoros m e a n t the 6pos. Agrippa's reply m a y be interpreted as a deliberate a t t e m p t to conceal the fact that t h e p a y m e n t of laographia marked the lower civic status of Jews in Alexandria. His assertion that 'no one has i m ­ posed tributes on Jews' m a y be regarded as pure propaganda. 30. [rwv 'Pcoualojjy is a restoration which makes s e n s e ; but according t o the editor this restoration is impossible. M. suggests [Alyvm-ttojv. 3 1 . BdXfitXXos. U.-G. rightly identified this person with T. Claudius Barbillus, the m e m b e r of the Alexandrian embassy in A . D . 41 (see N o . 1 5 3 , 1 1 . 16, 36, 105). H e interpreted the appearance of

8o

SECTION V I I I : NOS.

156c-156d

Barbillus at the trial as the strongest evidence in favour of the year 4 1 . 1 did not use it w h e n arguing a b o v e (pp. 6 8 sq.) in favour of the same y e a r ; m a n y persons n a m e d Barbillus were k n o w n at this time (see Stein, Aeg. xiii. 1 2 3 ; ib. 3 3 1 ; Musurillo, 130 sq.), so t h a t the identification cannot be accepted as quite certain. B u t , since the date of the trial seems t o be sufficiently established b y other arguments, we m a y accept the identification proposed b y U.-G. as a result of our i n q u i r y : for it would be strange, indeed, to assume t h a t in the same year t w o persons, b o t h called Barbillus, were engaged in a struggle on behalf of the Alexandrians before Claudius. W e draw three important conclusions from this f a c t : (1) The Alexandrian e m b a s s y arrived at R o m e at a n y rate before the 30th of A p r i l ; (2) the trial of Isidoros seemed t o be a matter of importance in the e y e s of the best representatives of Greek society in Alexandria (it is likely t h a t the participation of Barbillus in the trial created a higher level of d e b a t e ) ; (3) the n a m e of Barbillus serves as a further proof t h a t true historical reminiscences were recorded in the A A M , in spite of the literary character of their composition.

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15. A b o v e o in S t S o V a i an

156^. L a m p o n t o Isidoros: 'I h a v e looked upon death. . . Claudius Caesar: 'Isidoros, y o u h a v e killed m a n y friends of mine.' Isidorus: 'I merely fulfilled the wish of the king then ruling. So too I should be willing t o denounce a n y o n e y o u wish.' Claudius Caesar: 'Isidoros, y o u are really the son of a girl-musician.' Isidoros: T a m neither a slave nor a girl-musician's son, but gymnasiarch of the glorious city of Alexandria. B u t y o u are the cast-off son of the Jewess S a l o m e ! And therefore . .

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION* IN

ALEXANDRIA

81

L a m p o n said t o Isidoros: 'We might as well give in to a crazy Emperor.' Claudius Caesar: 'Those w h o m I told (to carry out) the execution of Isidoros and Lampon. 1. irpeofSea probably refers t o Isidoros; cf. notes t o a, Col. 1 , 1 1 . 1 0 - 1 5 , and 17. A possible restoration, according t o M., i s : [e/x]c irpeafiea, [ixeipoTovijaev] 17 irarpls. 2. Aapmcov appears here for the first t i m e ; he was mentioned, probably, in one of the lost parts of t h e story. 'At this point in the proceedings Agrippa seems t o h a v e disappeared from the scene and t h e trial m a y n o w h a v e been held intra cubiculum principis' (Musurillo, 134). 2 - 3 . T h e restoration suggested b y M. [17817] restored b y W . in Ant., but not repeated in W . Chr. 14. 4. For aniKTeivas see note t o dvrjprjKas in b, 1 . 1 6 . T h e iroX]Xovs m a y refer, in addition t o T h e o n and Macro, also to Flaccus. 5. BaoiXevs, as referring t o a living Caesar, is not in use in the papyri until the reign of the Severi. Cf. Preisigke, W B . ; Chr. d'£g. x x v , 1950, 320 sqq. T h e term is probably here put into the m o u t h of Isidoros b y the compiler w h o rewrote the AAM in t h e beginning of the third century. B G U 588, where t h e term BamXevs 'Pcouattov is used again, is presumably a fragment of the AAM and belongs t o the same period (cf. Musurillo, 221). Cf. also N o . 159&, Col. I I , 1 . 6. 6. Restored b y W . ; irpoajra^avros R. 5-7. T h e first sentence ('I fulfilled the wishes of the K i n g t h e n ruling') again characterizes Isidoros as a n agent of Gaius (see note t o b, 1 1 . 1 3 - 1 4 ) . In the second sentence Isidoros expresses his readiness t o offer the same services to Claudius. Wilcken (Ant. 831) found in this offer an argument in favour of his theory of official protocols, allegedly used in the A A M : the author would never h a v e invented this offer since it shows u p his hero on the worst side. Y e t the literary taste of the Alexandrians was not v e r y h i g h ; it seems t h a t bold offers designed t o trouble the Emperor, as well as coarse invectives directly insulting h i m , were especially relished b y the Alexandrian readers. 8. [i]ic de R . ; the reading was adopted b y W . in W . Chr. T h e previous reading was [dvev] p.ovaiK7js, a n d in 1 . 1 0 [KCJVOS instead of [vt]6s (de R.), so that the sense w a s : 'You haven't a rag of culture o n y o u , Isidoros' as a substitute for culture in general). T h e reading of de R. gives the s e n s e : 'you are a son of a girl-musician', i.e. of a w o m a n playing a musical instrument at banquets. Since the moral conduct of such girls was o n a very low level, the words of the Emperor c o n v e y a gross insult t o Isidoros. 10. [ v l ] 6 s de R. Cf. the preceding note. n - 1 2 . A crux interpretationis. T h a t ef aXu>fi7)[s] (so the papyrus) is to be read eV 2aXtbp.r}s was recog­ nized b y the first editors. Lietzmann restored: i$aXd>p.7)[s rjijs 'Iov8a[tas vl6]s [WTOJ/SAIJTO? (cf. Musurillo, 129 n. 2 ) : 'you are the cast-off son of the Jewess Salome'. Pr. s u g g e s t s : 8 « igaXwp.r)[s rjijs 'Iov8a[tas SICQjSAIJTOS : 'you are inspired against us b y the Jewess Salome' (AAM, 25). It seems that t h e first reading is the correct one, since Bell, when examining the original in Cairo in 1926, saw in the damaged part of the papyrus slight traces of it and o; t h e restorations [dndjpXrjros or [yn6]t3Xr)Tos are, therefore, t h e m o s t acceptable (Bell, J R S x x x i , 1941, 12 n. 13). T h e Salome here in question is probably t h e sister of H e r o d ; her connexion with Livia, the mother of Tiberius, was well k n o w n (see Reinach, according t o J o s . ant. 1 8 . 3 1 ; bell. 2 . 1 6 7 ; cf. Musurillo, 128 sqq.). B u t w h a t could the meaning of the sentence h a v e been ? Isidoros could not, indeed, seriously suspect the legitimate birth of Claudius a n d , consequently, d e n y his right t o sit on the throne of the Caesars. W e shall perhaps find a n explana­ tion of the sentence in the assumption that the author intended t o amuse his readers, and nothing more. ' Y o u are t h e son of a whore', says the Emperor. 'And y o u are the son of a Jewess', answers Isidoros. A s t o the question whether Isidoros could h a v e uttered such coarse words against the Emperor, the possibility ought not t o be denied in v i e w of such cases as reported, e.g. b y Suetonius (Vesp. 1 5 ; Claud. 1 5 . 4; cf. Crook, Consilium Principis, 142 s q q . ) ; nevertheless a purely literary invention is b y far more probable.

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12 sq. M. suggests 'with all reserve': k
G

82

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO.

157

No. i£7. Jews and Greeks before Trajan Oxyrhynchos. Script of the early third century A . D . P . O x y . 1 2 4 2 . R o t h 1 8 . Musurillo V I I I . L I T . : Lewald, Vierteljahrschr.f. Sozial- u. Wirtschaftgesch. xii, 1 9 1 4 , 4 7 5 . Weber, Hermes, 1 , 1 9 1 5 47 sqq. Schmidt, GGA clxxviii, 1 9 1 6 , 402 sqq. Weber, Arch. J. Religionswiss. x i x , 1 9 1 6 / 1 9 , 3 1 9 n. 1 . Niedermeyer, 26 sqq. Wenger, Krit. Vierteljahrschr.f. Gesetzgeb. liv (3 Folge 1 8 , 1 9 1 8 ) , 30 sqq. Weinreich, Neue Urkunden z. Sarapis-Religion (Sammlung gemeinverst. Vortrage aus Theol. u. Relig.Gesch. l x x x v i , 1 9 1 9 ) , 1 8 sqq. 34. Korte, Arch. vii. 236. Wilcken, Arch. vi. 4 1 9 . Premerstein, AAM 70 and passim. N e p p i Modona, 420 sqq. Rostovtzeff, JEA xii, 1926, 27. Matta, Didaskaleion, 1926, ii. 48 sqq. Milne, Catalogue of Literary Papyri in the British Museum, n o . 1 1 7 . Bell, / . Jur. Pap. i v , 1950, 3 5 sqq. Crook, Consilium Principis, 54.

Of the four columns of the papyrus the last is almost wholly lost, and in the other three an indefinite number of lines is lost, or severely damaged, at the top of each column. Nevertheless, the main features of the story can be easily restored, except the end. The Greeks of Alexandria sent an embassy to Trajan, and the Jews, getting wind of it, followed in the steps of their enemies. In Rome the Greek delegation was opposed by the Empress Plotina, who incited her husband and the members of the Senate against it. Thus, when the delegation appears before the Emperor, it meets with a very hostile reception on the part of Trajan. In the dialogue between Hermaiskos, the intrepid spokesman of the Alexandrians, and the Emperor, Trajan is accused of supporting the Jews against the Alexandrians. The dialogue is interrupted by a miracle: the figure of Sarapis, brought from Alexandria by the members of the Greek embassy, suddenly begins to sweat. The panic-stricken inhabitants of Rome leave their homes and seek shelter on the heights of the mountains. At this point the legible part of the papyrus ends. It may be that the end was the triumph of the Alexandrian god over the impious Caesar. The present fragment is the only one of the AAM which introduces supernatural features into political narrative and so openly turns a would-be political situation into fiction. The strange part played by the Empress as a protectress of Jews is also not very likely. Nevertheless, as in every AAM, the author of this fragment deals with true historical events. A full list of Greek and Jewish members of both embassies is given, and some of the names can be identified as the names of historical personages. In 11. 3 6 - 3 7 Trajan makes an allusion—rather obscure for us—to the wrongs done to the Jews by the Alexandrians, and it may be that the author has in mind some antiJewish disturbances which happened some years before the examination of the affair before him. Yet the contents of the story cannot be used for purposes of historical inquiry without the utmost caution. Col. I

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'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

85

(Translation.) Col. i. . . . Dionysios, w h o h a d held m a n y procuratorships. and Salvius, Julius Salvius, Timagenes, Pastor the gymnasiarch, Julius Phanias, Philoxenos the gymnasiarch-elect, Sotion the gymnasiarch, Theon, Athenodoros, and Paulus of Tyre, w h o offered his services as advocate for the Alexandrians. W h e n the J e w s learned this, t h e y too elected e n v o y s from their o w n group, and thus were chosen Simon, Glaukon, Theudes, Onias, Kolon, Y a k o u m b o s , w i t h S o p a tros of Antiochia as their advocate. T h e y set sail, then, from the city, each party taking along its o w n gods, the Alexandrians (a bust of Sarapis, the Jews . . .). Col. ii. . . . H e conversed w i t h their companions; and when t h e winter was over t h e y arrived at Rome. The emperor learned that t h e Jewish and Alexandrian e n v o y s h a d arrived, and he appointed t h e d a y on which he would hear b o t h parties. A n d Plotina approached (?) the senators in order that t h e y m i g h t oppose the Alexandrians and support the Jews. N o w the Jews, w h o were the first t o enter, greeted Emperor Trajan, and the emperor returned their greeting most cordially, having been also w o n over b y Plotina. After t h e m t h e Alexandrian e n v o y s entered and greeted t h e emperor. H e , however, did n o t g o t o meet them, b u t said: ' D o y o u s a y " h a i l " t o m e as though y o u deserved t o receive a greeting—after w h a t y o u have dared t o do t o the J e w s ? . . .' Col. iii. [Trajan:] 'You must be eager t o die, having such contempt for death as t o answer even m e with insolence.' Hermaiskos said: 'Why, it grieves us t o see your Council filled with impious Jews.' Caesar said: ' This is the second time I a m telling y o u , Hermaiskos: y o u are answering m e insolently, taking advantage of your noble birth.' Hermaiskos said: ' W h a t do y o u mean, I answer y o u insolently, greatest emperor? Explain this t o m e . ' Caesar said: 'Pretending that m y council is filled w i t h Jews.' Hermaiskos: ' S o , then, t h e word J e w is offensive t o y o u ? I n t h a t case y o u ought t o help your o w n people and n o t p l a y t h e advocate for the impious J e w s . ' A s Hermaiskos w a s saying this, t h e bust of Sarapis t h a t t h e y carried suddenly broke into a sweat, and Trajan w a s astounded when he s a w it. A n d soon tumul­ tuous crowds gathered in R o m e and numerous shouts were heard, a n d everyone began t o flee t o t h e highest parts of the hills. . . . Col. iv. . . . under Claudius t h e g o d . . . 3. ALOV]VOIOS perhaps Aiovvoios AXeijavopevs 6 TXaiKov vios, ypafifjuvrucos (Suidas, s.v.). H e w a s a n official in R o m e ' s service from Nero's reign t o Trajan's, and a well-known Alexandrian scholar. Cf. Weber, 49 sq. 5. So according to t h e editors, cf. Musurillo, ad loc. On t h e possible kinship b e t w e e n Salvius Julius and t h e famous jurist Julianus cf. Weber, 51 n. 5. On t h e other members of t h e e m b a s s y cf. Musurillo, ad loc. 6-8. T w o gytnnasiarchoi took part in t h e embassy a n d besides t h e m another person described a s gymnasiarch-elect (i.e. one w h o w a s elected for this office b u t h a d n o t y e t taken it u p ) . T h e t w o gytnnasiarchoi probably correspond t o t w o gymnasia in Alexandria; see Str. 17. 795; Arch. i v . 2 3 8 ; cf. RE, s.v. yvavdatov. Cf. also P . T e b t . 700. 37 (of 124 B . C . ) : rd iv AXegavopela yvp.va.01a. 8. For T h e o n see above, N o . 153, n o t e t o 1 . 1 7 . Cf. 158a, note t o Col. 1 , 1 . 3. 9. F o r Paulus t h e Tyrian see Suidas, s.v. I l a v X o s ; cf. Weber, 52 sq. According t o H u n t , Weber, a n d others t h e same person as mentioned in N o . 158 (again in t h e same rdle of a spokesman for t h e Alex­ andrians). Y e t the identification is b y n o means s u r e ; cf. Musurillo, 187. 13. 7rpeaj3«s. T h e right of the Jews t o send embassies of their o w n t o t h e Emperor is uncontested }

86

S E C T I O N V I I I : N O . 157

here. This evidence is of some importance as referring t o t h e question of t h e 'two embassies' in N o . 153. See there, note t o 1 1 . 90 s q . 14. KoXcov is a very rare n a m e , cf. P a p e - B e n s e l e r , s . v . ; S B , s . v . ; N B , s.v. In L X X K
avTos

with

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35 sq. Trajan refers here t o some serious blow inflicted b y the Alexandrians on the Jews some t i m e ago. Weber (pp. 76 sqq.), a n d after h i m Rostovtzeff (p. 27), connect these anti-Jewish outbreaks with t h e Alexandrian troubles mentioned b y D i o Chrysostomos in a speech delivered in Alexandria (or. 32. 71 s q q . ; cf. v . Arnim, Leben und Werke des Dio Chrys. 435 sqq.). 'The Alexandrian riot w a s serious enough t o induce Trajan t o send D i o t o Alexandria, certainly as his special e n v o y . . . . T h e . . . A c t s of Martyrs of t h e time of Trajan show t h a t the riot took t h e form of the usual Jewish pogrom' (Rostovtzeff, ibid.). According to Weber (p. 80), t h e e x a m i n a t i o n of t h e whole matter before Trajan took place in t h e years 1 1 1 - 1 3 , and t h e anti-Jewish riot occurred a short time before. I n favour of this date Weber sees t h e image of Sarapis appearing on t h e Alexandrian coins in t h e 15th year of Trajan ( 1 1 1 / 1 2 ) , as if t o commemorate the victory of Sarapis over t h e Jewish God (p. 7 2 ; cf. V o g t , Die alex. Mtinzen, i. 89). All these considerations are pure guesswork. D i o , our best authority o n Alex­ andrian life at this period, does n o t refer to anti-Semitic riots at all, although h e had every oppor­ t u n i t y to d o so in his t w o long speeches delivered in Alexandria. A s t o the Sarapis coin, an image of Sarapis seated on a throne appears on t h e Alexandrian coins as early as the 2nd year of Trajan (BMC Alexandria, p . 54, pi. xiii) a n d the t y p e referred to b y Weber is found in t h e 14th year and a similar one in t h e n t h year (cf. Milne, Catalogue of the Alexandrian Coins in the Ashmolean Museum, p p . 1 7 - 1 8 ) . Some caution therefore m a y be recommended w i t h regard to t h e results of the investigations of Weber and Rostovtzeff. 42. I t is n o t easy t o decide whether oweBptov here means 'senate' (so Weber) or t h e Imperial council (so Musurillo and Crook), since t h e Greek term c a n mean b o t h . 'The senate is a l w a y s ovveopiov, never ovpLpovXiov. B u t b o t h terms are used with equal freedom of imperial councils' (Crook, 105). Y e t , as far as I c a n see from the instances collected b y Crook (p. 105 n. 12), oweSpiov is the only literary, ovp.fJovXiov t h e only documentary, word for the Imperial council (cf. also ant. 16. 163). T h e author of N o . 156a, Col. I, 1 . 1 5 , correctly uses ovp.flovXi.ov for t h e council of Claudius; w h y , t h e n , ovveopiov here ? On t h e other hand, TO oweBpiov oov (cf. 1 . 47 p.ov) is a n improper term for t h e Senate and suits t h e Emperor's council better. A t a n y rate, even if we assume that ovveopiov here means t h e Imperial council, t h e invective of Hermaiskos a t t a c k s t h e Senate t o o , since in 1 . 26 only t h e senators are n a m e d , probably a s members of t h e council incited b y Plotina against t h e Alexandrians. I n N o . 156 all the members of the council are senators, a n d in N o . 159 b , Col. I V , 1. 8, t h e senate as a whole is clearly mentioned. I t is obvious t h a t in the eyes of t h e authors of A A M n o difference existed between the senate a n d t h e Imperial council; t h e y both represented t h e hated R o m e . Weber (pp. 61 sqq.) tries t o find an historical reason for t h e curious charge that t h e R o m a n senate was 'full of impious J e w s ' ; he admits, of course, t h a t there were n o J e w s in Trajan's senate, b u t he considers the striking of t h e well-known pro-Jewish coin under N e r v a (fisci ludaici calumnia sublata) as proof of Jewish sympathies a m o n g t h e senators. Y e t t h e essential point in the legend lies in t h e word calumnia. T h e striking of the coin w a s one of t h e means of showing t h e hatred of the senate for

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

87

t h e reign of calumnia under the 'tyrant' D o m i t i a n and the senate's allegiance to the n e w regime of law and freedom; its aim was to stress the senate's s y m p a t h y with N e r v a , not with t h e J e w s , and this w a s only one of a series which compared the old reign with the new in specific measures (Mattingly, Roman Coins, 170, pi. x i v . 8; Mattingly and S y d e n h a m , Roman Imperial Coinage, ii. 220, 229, n o . 93). T h e fact t h a t the number of senators from the eastern provinces had increased considerably under Trajan (see Stech, 'Senatores R o m a n i qui fuerunt inde a Vespasiano usque ad Traiani e x i t u m ' , Klio, x , 1912, 180) was likely rather to strengthen the anti-Semitic party in the senate t h a n t o provoke feelings in favour of the J e w s ; the natives of Syria were always strongly opposed t o J e w s . I should n o t look for a n y historical reason t o explain the caustic invective of the author of the A A M against t h e R o m a n senate. 43. For the term dvoaioi 'IovoaToi used as an official characterization of Jews during and after the revolt of 1 1 5 - 1 7 , see Vol. I, p p . 89 sq. The occurrence of this term in the present papyrus (cf. also 1 . 49 sq.) serves as an argument for dating its composition i n the time of the revolt or immediately after it was crushed. T h e oevrepov indicates that t h e first reproof b y the Emperor had already been uttered in that portion of the story lost between the second and the third columns. 44 sq. ireTToidtbs etc. T h e sense of the sentence is, perhaps, t h a t Hermaiskos, being a n honestior, could claim his high origin as grounds for c o m m u t a t i o n of p u n i s h m e n t ; cf. Premerstein, AAM 31 n. 3. 49. T h e words r o t ? aeavrov florjdeiv are very important as reflecting the general characteristics of the A A M : t h e y show that even such pronounced enemies of R o m e as t h e authors of the A A M could not deny the close affinity between Alexandria and its great rival, an affinity t h a t did not exist between the Alexandrians and the J e w s . In spite of his bitter e n m i t y towards R o m e , the author of the present papyrus believes that the R o m a n Caesar ought to be a protector of the Alexandrians, since t h e latter are 'his people', whereas the J e w s are 'impious' and as such opposed t o R o m e and Alex­ andria alike. 52. loptooev. The sweating of a statue of a god was regarded as a bad o m e n . Cf., e.g., Virg. Aen. i i . 1 7 3 - 4 , L i v y x x i i . 1. 6. 63. 8eo[p.ot or something similar is probably m e a n t . The intrepid spokesman of the Alexandrians was, perhaps, p u t in irons on the Emperor's orders. 72 sq. T h e record of something that happened 'under the divine Claudius' refers no d o u b t , t o the trial of Isidoros and L a m p o n . Cf. N o . 159, Col. IV, 1 . 6. 77 sq. ajoefieis probably refers to J e w s ; cf. avoaiot in 1 1 . 43 and 49.

No. 1^8. Jews and Greeks before Hadrian 1 5 8 a : P . Par. 68 ( = Brunet de Presle, Notices et extraits des manuscrits, xviii, 2* partie, 1 8 6 5 , 3 8 3 sqq.) + P . L o n d . i. 227 sqq. (ed. K e n y o n ; editio princeps b y Forshall, Description of the Greek Papyri in the British Museum, 1839, n o . 43). Wilcken, Hermes, x x v i i , 1892, 464 sqq. Reinach, RE J x x v i i , 1 8 9 3 , 70 s q q . ; id., Textes relatifs au judalsme, 1895, 2 1 8 sqq. Dobschiitz, 738 sqq. Wilcken, Ant. 807 sqq. Premerstein, Hermes, lvii, 1 9 2 2 , 268 sqq. Musurillo, i x . 1586: B G U 3 4 1 (ed. K r e b s ; cf. Berl. Phil. Woch. 1894, 1 5 2 4 sqq.). Dobschiitz, 739 sqq. Wilcken, Ant. 8 2 1 . BL i. 39 sqq. Musurillo, i x B . L I T . : Wilcken, Hermes, x x v i i . 464 sqq. Reinach, RE J x x v i i . 70 sqq. Wilcken, GGA 1894, 749. D e i s s m a n n , Bibelstudien, 1895, 62 sqq. Wilcken, Hermes, x x x . 481 sqq. Vogelstein-Rieger, Gesch. d. Juden in Rom, i, 1 8 9 6 , 1 7 sqq. Bauer, Arch. i. 30 n. 1 , 3 5 sqq., 45. Schiirer, i. 65 sqq. B l u d a u , 105 sqq. Dobschiitz, 738 sqq. Wilcken, Ant. 807 sqq. J o u g u e t , La Vie municipale, 1 8 7 . Wilcken, Grundz. 45, 65. Weber, Hermes, 1 . 47 sqq. Niedermeyer, 7 sqq. Schubart, Einf. 1 5 3 . Premerstein, Hermes, lvii. 266 s q q . ; id., AAM 54 sqq. N e p p i Modona, 422 sqq. Alexander, Harv. St. Class. Phil, x l i x , i 9 3 > ! 5 q q - Bell, JRS x x x i , 1 9 4 1 , 1 5 s q q . ; id., / . Jur. Pap. i v , 1950, 37 sqq. 8

6 s

The Acta Pauli et Antonini are the first of all the fragments of the AAM to be pub­ lished. The two fragments of 158a, one in Paris (Louvre) and one in London, both appeared in the middle of the nineteenth century, and 1586 was published at the end of it. No. 158a, with its eight columns, is the longest of all the fragments of AAM, and even in its present size is far from complete. The task of collating both fragments was accomplished by Th. Reinach and Wilcken; the edition of Wilcken in Ant.

88

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO.

158

808 sqq. may be regarded as definitive, except the reading of odd words still open to discussion. There is a discrepancy between Wilcken and Premerstein as to the order of the columns. Wilcken puts the London fragment after that of Paris, whereas Premerstein (followed by Musurillo) reverses that order. Since the papyrus is written on both sides, the order of the columns of the recto establishes the order on the verso as well. There are therefore two possible ways of reconstructing the papyrus: (1) According to Wilcken: Recto: Col. I—II—III (Louvre)—IV (London). Verso: Col. V (London)—VI—VII—VIII (Louvre). (2) According to Premerstein: Recto: Col. IV (London)—I—II—III (Louvre). Verso: Col. VI—VII—VIII (Louvre)—V (London). Premerstein reaches his conclusion by establishing a certain connexion in the con­ tents between Col. IV and Col. I. Yet he himself admits that at least two columns are missing between Col. IV and I, so that Col. I cannot be regarded as a direct continua­ tion of Col. IV; besides, his opinion is based, as usual, on a very arbitrary reconstruc­ tion of the lost parts of the fines, so that the conclusions are by no means certain. The papyrus has reached us in such a bad state of preservation that no conclusions can be drawn as to the order of individual fragments. I therefore print the papyrus according to the column-order adopted by Wilcken, though Premerstein's order may be just as good. As to the lost columns, they may be placed either at the top of the papyrus (before Col. I on the recto and Col. V on the verso), or between Col. I l l and IV on the recto (and accordingly between Col. V and VI on the verso), or at the end of the papyrus (after Col. I on the recto and Col. VIII on the verso), or even in all three positions at once, since the size of the lost parts is unknown to us. The manuscript of 158a is referred by the editors to the first half of the second century (cf. Musurillo, 179). It is obvious, therefore, that the 'Acts of Paulus and Antoninus' were composed a very short time—perhaps immediately—after the events reported in them. Can this fact serve as a proof of the documentary value of the story ? It seems so, and the general impression of veracity is strengthened by the additional fact that the story contains neither supernatural occurrences nor patriotic exaggera­ tions of the usual type. Yet we must remember (1) that the 'Acts of Appianos' (No. 159), a typical piece of patriotic propaganda, were also composed very soon after the events; (2) that we do not know the contents of the lost parts of the story; and (3) that even this sober story culminates, like all the AAM, in a description of the martyr­ dom of the Alexandrians (as may be guessed from the scanty remains of Col. VII). So I adhere to the opinion of Premerstein that these Acts, though superior to all the others in their precise elaboration of the authentic historical material, nevertheless present a piece of political propaganda, in which the historical material is edited according to the principles of literary composition adopted by all authors of the AAM (Premerstein, AAM 54 sqq.; Hermes, lvii. 314 sqq.). A curious peculiarity of this story is the use of the first person plural (Col. I, 11. 8, 1 0 ; Col. VII, 1. 2 ) , attesting that the story was allegedly composed as a report made by members of an Alexandrian em­ bassy. Whether this 'report' was merely a literary disguise, or the story was really designed to be handed to some political body in Alexandria, we cannot know; the former possibility better suits the general character of the AAM. As to the contents, 158a is a somewhat lengthy narrative bearing on a dispute between a Greek and a Jewish embassy before a Roman Emperor. On the identity of this Emperor various suggestions have been put forward. Trajan and Commodus were suggested; finally Hadrian was recognized as the Emperor of the story and, of course,

'THE JEWISH

QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

89

with good reason. It is obvious that all the questions discussed before the Emperor are connected with the great Jewish revolt in the last years of Trajan, but it is no less certain that the discussion bears on events already past. It was Hadrian, the new Emperor, whose duty it was in the first years of his reign to deal with various com­ plaints, or to settle various questions, connected with the revolt, as it was the duty of Claudius in the year 4 1 to deal with the unpleasant legacy left to him by Gaius. There are additionally some items in the papyrus pointing more or less clearly to Hadrian (see notes to I. 1 3 , II. 7, III. 2 1 ) . The date of the dispute is probably A.D. 1 1 9 - 2 0 (cf. Musurillo, p. 1 8 3 ) . Various matters are referred to in the papyrus. Three main questions are discussed: (1) the incident of a 'king of the scene and the mimos'; (2) the incident concerning some slaves who had broken out of custody; and (3) the settlement of Jews in Alexandria after the crushing of the revolt. The necessary commentaries on all these items are given below in the notes, but the whole series of events, as well as their pragmatical connexion, is discussed in the Introduction to No. 4 3 5 . No. 1 5 8 6 is a small fragment representing a shortened edition of the events narrated in 1 5 8 a (so, for example, the speeches of Hadrian 1 5 8 a , Col. II, 11. 1 - 7 , and of the Jews(?), ib., 11. 1 3 - 2 1 , are omitted). Cf. Premerstein, Hermes, lvii. 302 sqq. The abbreviations in the notes are: R. = Reinach, W. = Wilcken, Web. = Weber, Pr. = Premerstein, M. = Musurillo. The text is printed below according to the new edition of the papyrus by Musurillo. All the supplements are by M., unless otherwise noted. No.

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OKrjvrjs

d\[7T€j\Kpi^€GT€] Kal

[

KAavSiavov ]e...vrco[

15

Col. V (P. Lond. 1 Verso) ]av[.]ey.... ]p

€LS

'Pdpbjpue, [rat

OLCLV BTJGOV-

].VTO

8vol

Jf eaexco ] f VTTOBels VTTO ijvavTias Tpaiavjov

vetKaloapos'

a\yOpci)iTois ] -rroAXaKLS [[77JJ /cat ]q€povTai, 15

] r a t ? /ca#' r)p,djv ]vaj3qcreiv.

[..

] . /CO)[

Col. V I (P. Louvre) [IJ]avAos' iv AAetjavopeia

Taos jLtot

pLOVOS 7r€pOVTLGTaL, OV VO-

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN pu%to KaraXa/Betv.

irrl

Se rropev6p,evos 5

TOVTOV

ov SeiXud-

crco aoi rrjv dXrjdeLav aKovoov

OVTCOS

elrrelv.

fiov,

Kaiaap,

pied* r)p,epav pvqKer [H]vTCovetvos'

cos

OVTOS.

Kvpie puov

pid rrjv ar)v rvx^jv 10

ALEXANDRIA

Kaiaap,

dXrjdcos

Aefyjct cos pied* r)p,epav

p,iav

pL7]K€TL COV. €i ydp TOCTOVTCOV irri[a]TpXcbv

aoi rre[pi]d€iacov

irreiyovTtov

r)p,as cos Suera-

dvoaiovs 15

*Iov8a\i\ovs

KarotKetv eoxpv

ov ov

rrapafioXcos

dvwnimew

XepLeTv rrjv

rrpoa-

Kal rro-

evrrp[o]acovvpio-

V TJpLCOV TToXlV, rrepl TOVTCOV ovSepiiav 20

irriOToXr)v

Se^co els rds GOV xeipas, eoTW GOV

25

evep[y]eaiovs ii

rrepl

i-


TCOV

Xoycov. SrjXov ydp OTL

Kal rovro

rrerroirjTqi

p,rjSep,iav

drr68ei£iv

Kara e-

XOiv rcov rrpos r)pias yevrjpievcov Katoap'

GOV

ye-

rr[r)pb]qTCOV.

UavXos

[p>ev d]eia-

0CO, HvTCOv[v€lVOS S]e

Col. V I I SeOlTjTCOL [ rjpias

5

Tr]poarr[rjo]cpaiV

TOL[S

].TOLS

TO rrapov [

AvTCo\yelv\ov

at aefiaa\ral

dpxoi Ke\Xevg\yai\

TOVS

Se[ap,iovs

TOV]

Kal VTTOKa\leiv rrvpl adveiagv

[

TOVTOV [ rrpos dv[ yevrjp,[evov

vrro

TO is

].piV

KO-

*Iov8aiov dXXoVTploV

]os rrpeafiea . . . . ] #ca[t] cpavepos

rrpos

£vXov oajea

T<X O\VTOV

-co]p,oao

Kara

S]eOevTos,

AvTcp\yet]vov

Xdi^eiv Ka[l Kpep,daaa]dai

10

[.. .].$•

yeCGTLV

Ka(l)

j8a-

SECTION V I I I : NO. 158a

94

dvocrta 7T\oirjaas

]•«<>[• •] dp-^as kcl-

] • ^ [ ?]0[ ]° i ' Kara 'Jp[u8atW (?) c. 1 5 lett. ] I H[Xe^av8p€wv ( ? ) C. 1 0 lett. ] . e > crro'/z[art C. 20 lett. ]epn//aTo r.[ C. 18 lett. CTe]j8acrrdsic[ C. 26 lett. ]. C. 16

d.[

lett.

r

1

t

r u a

TWV

15

(Probably about 10 lines lost) Col. V I I I ravTa

T[

C-

.[..]« [

7rtyvous' [

15

[. .]cus-

[

ZZjauJAos" [ 6[eo]oe$[

AVTWVC[LV-

dvaLpedrj[

v[. .].eti>[

/xeAAco . [

cr[. .]/xot.[ 20

jLt€ j8Ae7j[

[. . e]oTLV [

aws e[ rots' op[

[ . . . ] . crcra[

Stara£[

[ . . . ] ^ . [

[...]«»[

r a t ev[

[••Of 25 [...]€7ra[

KLVSV[V-

8[..].».[

[.. .]ate[ (Probably about 3 lines lost)

(An unknown number of columns lost) Col. I . 4. y/xa in 8 t a T o y j t i o written above the line. Col. V I I . 9.1. dXXorpCov.

7 . 1 . filfiov.

Col. I I I . 1 7 . 1 .

a(u)rotfc.

(Translation.) Col. i. Paulus (spoke) about t h e king, h o w t h e y brought h i m forth a n d (mocked him ?); and T h e o n read t h e edict of Lupus ordering t h e m t o lead h i m forth for Lupus t o m a k e fun of t h e king of the scene a n d t h e m i m e . After w e h a d thus (testified ?), t h e emperor took occasion t o remark to Paulus and our people as follows: 'During such disturbances . . . during t h e Dacian war. . . .' T h e J e w s . . . impious . . . Col. ii. Caesar answered t h e J e w s : 'I learned. . . .' The J e w s : 'They seized t h e m from t h e prison and . . . wounded t h e m . ' Caesar: 'I h a v e investigated all these matters (?), a n d n o t (all?) t h e A l e x ­ andrians b u t o n l y those w h o are responsible should b e prosecuted. . . Col. iii. '. . . so t h a t if some were t o be exiled from Alexandria, t h e y were none t h e less n o t seized b y u s , as t h e y allege, b u t b y them, a n d this occa­ sioned a false accusation against us. N o w all (the slaves) w h o h a d fled to their

'THE

JEWISH QUESTION' IN ALEXANDRIA

95

masters intending t o secure complete safety were brought t o justice b y t h e m a n d punished.' The J e w s : 'Sir, t h e y are lying: t h e y do n o t know h o w m a n y m e n there were.' Cols.*vi-vii. P a u l u s : 'My only concern is for the grave in Alexandria which I expect t o have. Advancing as I a m towards this, I shall have n o fear in telling you t h e truth. Listen t o m e then, Caesar, a s t o one w h o m a y not live b e y o n d t h e morrow.' A n t o n i n u s : 'My Lord Caesar, I swear b y your genius h e speaks t h e truth as one w h o m a y n o t live another day. For w h e n w e were in such pressing circum­ stances a n d so m a n y letters h a d been sent y o u saying that (the prefect) h a d ordered t h e impious J e w s t o transfer their residence t o a place from which t h e y could easily attack and ravage our well-named city—if n o t a line on this matter fell into your beneficent hands, then t h e reason for your august words is clear. It is obvious that this h a s been perpetrated against y o u , t o prevent y o u from having a n y evidence of the woes that h a v e befallen u s . ' Caesar: 'Let Paulus g o ; b u t h a v e Antoninus bound. . . .' Col. I . 1 . Paulus w a s one of the principal spokesmen of the Greek e m b a s s y , t h e t w o others being T h e o n a n d Antoninus. H i s identity w i t h Paulus the Tyrian (so Weber a n d Premerstein), t h e lawyer w h o participated in the Greek e m b a s s y t o Trajan ( N o . 157, Col. I, 1 . 9), can neither be proved nor refuted. I n favour of the identification it m a y be emphasized t h a t Paulus did n o t share the tragic fate of A n t o n i n u s and w a s acquitted (Col. V I , 1 . 29): being a stranger, h e himself w a s n o t involved in Alexandrian affairs. T h e turn of phrase in Col. 1 , 1 . 1 0 : IlavXov KOX TOVS r)p.eTepovs seems also t o indi­ cate t h a t Paulus w a s n o t reckoned a m o n g t h e r)p.eTepoi, i.e. t h e Alexandrians. Y e t the fact t h a t h e o w n e d a ' t o m b ' in Alexandria is against this suggestion. Cf. n o t e t o Col. V I , 1 1 . 1 s q q . T h e word [FlajvXos is written slightly o u t of the range towards t h e left, as in m a n y other places of this papyrus where n a m e s of orators are given or a n e w paragraph is s t a r t e d ; cf. Col. I I , 11. 1 , 8 , 1 0 ; Col. I l l , 1 1 . 1 4 , 1 6 ; Col. V I , 1 1 . 1 , 8, 28. For fiaoiXevs see note t o 1 . 7. eVjVfleJro W e b . , P r . ; iv [...] | [.]o W . Perhaps €V[ijy€]|ro M. 2. iTodd[aavr]o W e b . , Pr. €TOOO.[. . .][.]o W . T h e subject of npo-qyayov m u s t b e something like ' t h e Alexandrians'. 3. &iu>v. One of t h e leaders of t h e Alexandrian e m b a s s y . F o r his family cf. N o . 153, n o t e t o 1 . 17 (Musurillo, 103). Perhaps identical w i t h T h e o n , a m e m b e r of the Alexandrian e m b a s s y t o Trajan (so Weber a n d Premerstein). Cf. N o . 1 5 7 , 1 . 8. 5. M. Rutilius L u p u s , t h e prefect of E g y p t in t h e last years of Trajan. See the introduction t o N o . 435. T h e grammatical construction of the sentence is very confused. D o e s irpodyeiv avTovs, an acc. c. inf., depend upon e V A e u e ? I n t h a t case the avToi would be the Alexandrians presupposed already in 1 . 2 (so Pr., Hermes, lvii. 278); b u t where, t h e n , is t h e direct c o m p l e m e n t t o i r p o d y e i v } I t seems better t o take irpodyeiv as dependent u p o n ineXeve, and airovs as a c o m p l e m e n t t o irpodyeiv ('he ordered t h e m to lead h i m o u t ' ) ; in this case the avroi m u s t h a v e been persons connected w i t h the 'king' in 1 . 7. 7. W h o is 'the king of t h e scene a n d the mimos' (cf. also Col. 1 , 1 . 1 a n d Col. I V , 1 . 1 1 ) ? According t o Wilcken, L o u k u a s , t h e messianic king of t h e J e w s of Cyrene, is m e a n t (Ant. 8 1 5 ) ; y e t Weber ( p p . 81 sq.) a n d Premerstein (Hermes, lvii. 277) think that h e w a s n o more t h a n the hero of a farce arranged b y t h e Alexandrians in order t o ridicule t h e J e w s a n d their 'king', as it h a d already been performed once under Gaius (Flacc. 36 sqq.). If we adopt t h e latter opinion, w e m u s t take for granted t h e strange fact t h a t L u p u s , t h e highest authority in E g y p t , willingly participated in a 'mimos' performed b y t h e Alexandrian m o b , which is n o t very likely. In this case t h e contents of t h e 8idTayp.a of L u p u s would also be insufficiently clear. On the other h a n d , if L o u k u a s , the great leader of t h e revolt, w a s t h e 'king', h e certainly would h a v e b e e n a prisoner in t h e hands of t h e R o m a n s , and n o t of t h e A l e x a n ­ drians, as follows from 1 . 2, a n d perhaps 5. A n d w h y w o u l d Hadrian be so angry with t h e Alexandrians (11. 8 sqq.) w h e n t h e object of their mockeries was t h e Jewish king, certainly a criminal in the e y e s of t h e R o m a n s ? I think w e m u s t frankly a v o w our ignorance here.

9

SECTION V I I I : NO. 158a

6

8. Tjftwv, 'Unless w e read f j / x e t s , i t would seem t h a t a verb h a s fallen o u t of t h e t e x t , e.g. e i V o V r w v or t h e like' (M.). F o r t h e first person plural see a b o v e , p . 88. 12.

ffiov,

7} W . ; 'Efiov

13. AO.KIK6S

iroXefios

( 8 ) ' rj\[8r)

Pr.

refers probably t o Hadrian's w a r against t h e Sarmatian tribe of R o x o l a n i

which took place in Dacia i n 1 1 7 / 1 8 , and n o t t o t h e D a c i a n wars of Trajan in 101 a n d 105. See o n this war, Premerstein, Das Attentat

der Konsulare

auf Hadrian,

1908,3 sqq., 7 2 , 8 4 . ; id., Hermes,

lvii. 2 7 9 ;

Wilcken, Ant. 815 s q . ; Musurillo, 181 s q . 14. OTOS R . ; aire W . ; [eK]8(p)vXeZ 16. F o r dvSpas

n y TWV P r . ; [ . . ] 0 w A e i T i p - r a > v ( ? ) W .

i cf. Col. I I , 1. 25 a n d 158b, 1. 7.

17. T h e letter before . eXeoi m i g h t be v , rr, or p , (M). * [ d v ] p.4Xeoi. Pr. All t h e restorations of Pr. from here t o t h e end of Col. I are very doubtful, and I o m i t t h e m here. 19. eK[6p.]t,oa

W . 'The traces suit e/ce'[Ae]vo-a better' M.

Col. I I . 1 . Restored b y W . A[vroKpdra)p] 1

2. ovTOidovqiapx

t h e w h o l e p a s s a g e : ep.adov [iypat/ie

p.o]i oXiya,

also possible.

(?) W . Weber suggested ] o w TOO evO-qvidpxrji. | [dno TOV Aovjnov

TroOev 1)1 apxyi

M. suggests the following restorations of

TT)S I [rapaxys

re] Kal TOO 7roXep,ov ijpgaTO'

\

KTX.

3. iroXepios bears, n o d o u b t , o n t h e w a r b e t w e e n Greeks a n d J e w s . W h e t h e r i t w a s a renewed break of hostilities, as suggested b y Premerstein (Hermes, lvii. 283), w e cannot k n o w .

out­

4. W h o w a s AvOipos? Reinach suggested t h a t h e w a s t h e Jewish 'king' of A l e x a n d r i a ; y e t t h e o n l y J e w i s h 'king' k n o w n t o u s is L o u k u a s of Cyrene (see n o t e t o Col. 1 , 1 . 7). A n t h i m o s might equally well h a v e been a Greek. 5. TCDI Kvpim. According t o R . and W . , followed b y M., the former Emperor, i.e. Trajan, is m e a n t . Pr. suggests w i t h greater plausibility t h a t t h e Kvpios here is L u p u s , 'under w h o m this war has broken out'. A strong argument in favour of Pr.'s suggestion is t h e fact t h a t a7ro8r)p.la i n 1. 7 cannot b e re­ ferred t o Trajan, since this Emperor did n o t visit E g y p t and, consequently, could n o t 'leave' i t . 6. [ o 8 e 6 TtoXefijos W . ; [ o 8 e 6 rdpaxos] noX-ipav

P r . T h e restoration of W . is more reasonable i n view of TOW

in 1. 3.

7. dno8-qp.La is a terminus technicus for a temporary absence of the prefect from Alexandria caused b y his official visits t o t h e E g y p t i a n x-^P - P - prefers t o relate t h e term t o t h e e n d of Lupus' t e r m o f office; b u t I a m n o t sure t h a t dTro8rjp.ta can be interpreted i n this sense. W e k n o w from N o . 435 t h a t s o m e disturbances arose i n Alexandria under Lupus in which Greeks, a n d n o t J e w s , were i n v o l v e d , and t h a t these troubles were s o m e h o w caused b y slaves of t h e Alexandrians. T h e s a m e e v e n t s are narrated i n t h e present papyrus a n d , it seems, precisely i n connexion w i t h t h e diro8i)p.la of the prefect (the story of the disturbances begins in t h e n e x t l i n e ) ; so w e m a y suggest t h a t t h e absence of L u p u s from Alexandria w a s a n indirect cause of a renewed outbreak of hostilities b e t w e e n J e w s and Greeks. F o r further details see Section X L a

8.

r

7 [ o w 8 c u o i W . ; cV] R.

9. F o r [
] T O S see note t o b, 1. 3 .

10. oweyvatv: t h e Latin cognovi (Roberts). 1 0 - 1 2 . Cf. t h e parallel t e x t in b, 11. 4 - 5 . 11.

[ip.lv.

OVK AXe] P r . ; [OVK AXe] W .

1 3 - 2 1 . T h e speech of t h e J e w s (as it m a y be suggested) h a s n o parallel in b. 22. [AvToiveZvos] is lacking i n b, b u t is restored b y W . because a long n a m e fits t h e lacuna better t h a n a short o n e . Y e t t h e e x a c t length of t h e lines is n o t k n o w n t o u s , a n d a restoration such a s [IJavXosp.4yioT€ avTOKpaTayp, AXejgavSpets m a y also be satisfactory. T h e n a m e A n t o n i n u s caused Reinach t o refer t h e papyrus t o t h e period of the A n t o n i n i ; y e t Wilcken rightly n o t e s t h a t t h e n a m e appears in the papyri as early as the 6th year of Hadrian ( P . T e b t . ii. 2 8 6 , 1 . 3 ; cf. Wilcken, Ant. 814 n. 2). 22-30. F o r these lines cf. t h e parallel t e x t in b. 23. [ovx rjpnaaev W . ; [OVK cloevijveyKov /Si'av Pr. For these restorations the s i x t y Alexandrians a n d their slaves is very obscure. It seems t h a t from Alexandria, whereas t h e slaves were punished b y h a v i n g their 27 s q . : [AXe£av8peis c ^ e j S A ^ i j a a v , ol 8e] 8 o w [ A o i avrcbv direKe^aXlodrjoav.... ished for an unfortunate a t t e m p t t o liberate s o m e prisoners ( 1 . 8 ; cf. were t h e prisoners ? Here once again w e m u s t confess our ignorance.

cf. n o t e t o b, 1. 6. T h e story of t h e Alexandrians were exiled heads c u t off (Pr. restores 11. cf. b, 1. 9). Were t h e y p u n ­ Col. I l l , 11. 6 sqq.) ? B u t w h o

Col. I I I . 1 - 1 3 . T h e m a i n restorations are according t o t h e parallel t e x t in b, 11. 1 0 - 1 5 . Here follow s o m e discrepancies b e t w e e n the restorations of W . and Pr. 1. [8t8ofi€? W . ; [ 8 i 8 o ' / x e Pr. 3 . e8[a e/cjffAij?]-

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A dfjvai

W . ; e8[ci

7. yp7rdy7)o[av

en

Kpi]8rjvai

Pr. 5. ov[x rjfitov

W . ; ovrcos

W . ; ijpTrayi/ofav a A A a Pr. 1 1 . iiro

KaKtos

Pr. 6. {$aoiv,

ai3[ra>v W . J w w o av[rcov

rrpo-

97

dXX' W . ; [cbaoiv,

airol

Pr.

Pr.

1 6 - 3 1 . I print the long speech of the Emperor w i t h o u t a n y a t t e m p t t o restore the lost parts of the lines. Such an a t t e m p t was m a d e b y Pr., but in a very arbitrary manner. The few restorations adopted here are b y W . 21. 6 etrapxds p.oy. Since it is Hadrian who is speaking here, t h e prefect i n question is R a m m i u s Martialis, whose presence i n E g y p t is a t t e s t e d a t the very beginning of the reign of Hadrian (P. O x y . 1023, cf. Premerstein, Hermes, lvii. 285); cf. Col. V , 1 . 3 . Lupus, the former prefect, left his post prob­ ably in t h e first half of t h e year 1 1 7 (Stein, Die Prdfekten, 58). Wilcken (Ant. 818), a n d after h i m Premerstein (Hermes, lvii. 285), conclude from this t h a t t h e whole affair concerning the slaves (their escape from c u s t o d y and their punishment) took place under the n e w prefect. Y e t w e n o w learn from N o . 435 t h a t disturbances i n which slaves were involved had already taken place in 1 1 5 . S o it m a y be assumed t h a t R a m m i u s Martialis i n his edict ( S i d r a y / x a ) , mentioned here, dealt n o t w i t h the affair itself, b u t w i t h its consequences. T h e question of a n a m n e s t y for s i x t y arrested Alexandrians could, for e x a m p l e , evoke a renewed e x a m i n a t i o n of the whole affair. i[gedeTo restored by m e ; e[ypaifiePr.; eKOeivtu is the usual idiom for the promulgation of a n edict. See, e.g., N o . 1 3 7 , 1 . 1 8 ; N o . 1 5 3 , 1 . 6. 28. Possibly KLOO[TCUOUOV? M. Col. IV. 3 . TOV vTTop.vrqua.Ti.alp.ov Pr. T h e length of the lines in this column can easily be fixed from 1. 1 2 . 4. d.TTooovvai\

TO. onXa

KOL dva[£,r)\Ti}oai

Pr. H e suggests that Lupus' order was aimed a t a search for

and confiscation of arms, like the well-known order of Flaccus (W. Chr. 1 3 ; cf. Flacc. 86 sqq.). 7. P e r h a p s eV Xe(y)e[a>vi. 8. TTapaye]vop.evovs

9.

irpaiT\opiavovs

W . ; ev Xe(y)e\a>oiv

Pr.

Pr.

W.;'

]tppiavovs

seems more likely t h a n

]gptavovo

'

M . ; ^[oJKaTovs

Pr.

10. Perhaps o ( ? ) r t v e s ? M.

12. Restored b y Pr. according t o Col. I, 1. 7. P r . considered t h e mention of t h e 'king' here as a preliminary step t o the discussion of the whole case before Lupus i n Col. I ; he therefore p u t Col. I V before Col. I ; see a b o v e , p . 88. 13. W h o Claudianus w a s w e d o n o t k n o w . Col. V. 5. Restored b y Cronert. 9. Cf. hiKaoTrjs

Trep.dels vtto

Kaiaapos

in N o . 435, Col. I l l , 1. 15. Is it the same case? If this could be

proved we should h a v e an additional argument for referring t h e trouble caused b y t h e slaves t o t h e year 1 1 5 . 11.

Tpaiavjov

Kaiaapos,

according t o Wilcken, Ant. 819. The restoration

'A8piav]o€

is impossible

since Hadrian could n o t be referred t o in such terms if he was present a t the trial. Wilcken also argues t h a t the speakers here were probably J e w s , since Greeks would s a y

deov

Tpaiavov.

Col. V I . 1 sqq. W h y does Paulus s a y that his t o m b is t h e only object of interest t o h i m in Alex­ andria, a n d t h a t h e h a s t h e intention of using i t ? W a s it because h e w a s sentenced t o death b y Hadrian (thus Wilcken and Weber), or o n account of his advanced a g e (Premerstein)? T h e answer depends upon the w a y we interpret the p.ed' rjp.epap in 1 1 . 7 and 10. If we understand this idiom in its direct sense, it c a n only mean t h a t Paulus is awaiting his execution o n t h e following d a y , since a man's natural d e a t h can hardly be fixed with such precision. I s it used, perhaps, in the broader sense of 'in a short time'? B u t it does n o t seem t h a t p.ed' •qp.epav has ever been interpreted i n this sense before. T h e assertion, repeated, t h a t Paulus will tell t h e truth since he is going t o die, might of course, be interpreted in b o t h s e n s e s ; but it sounds like a challenge t o the Emperor only w h e n w e assume t h a t h e w a s near t o death in consequence of his political a t t i t u d e , a n d w e m u s t remember t h a t such acts of insolence were a favourite motif of the authors of the AAM. The possibility of Paulus' being sentenced t o death is very plausible in itself, w h e n we recall that his friend A n t o n i n u s undergoes a martyrdom (Col. V I I ) . On t h e other hand, the sentence o n b o t h Paulus and A n t o n i n u s w a s pro­ nounced only after their speeches, and w e know t h a t Paulus w a s freed (Col. V I , 11. 28 sq.). S o the best suggestion would be t h a t Paulus w a s convinced t h a t h e would be sentenced to d e a t h , as a logical consequence of the whole trial and of Hadrian's a t t i t u d e t o t h e Alexandrians. Since t h e trial before Hadrian probably took place in R o m e (at a n y rate not in Alexandria), the 'tomb in Alexandria' m u s t be interpreted as a family mausoleum in which t h e mortal remains of Paulus would be placed after execution. This m a y serve as a strong argument against t h e assertion t h a t Paulus w a s a citizen of Tyre (cf. n o t e t o Col. 1 , 1 . 1 ) , unless w e suggest that he changed his citizenship as a consequence of his close relations t o Alexandrians. Cf. Musurillo, 187. B 5195

H

9

8

S E C T I O N V I I I : NOS.

158^-1586

8. For Antoninus see note t o Col. I I , 11. 22-30. 1 1 . TOOOVTIOV : either a slip of the pen for Toaavrtov, or referring to e V c t y o v r t o v . 14. For dvoatot 'IovSaloi see Vol. I, p. 89; cf. notes t o N o . 1 5 7 , 1. 43, and N o . 438, 1 . 4 ; N o . 443, Col. ii, 1. 14. 1 4 - 1 5 . irpoaKaroiKeiv. T h e meaning of this term is n o t quite clear. Some scholars (Reinach, B l u d a u , Premerstein) h a v e suggested that the intention of the prefect (he is the subject of 8 i e V a £ ' in 1. 13) w a s to erect a n e w g h e t t o for the J e w s in Alexandria. Y e t in this case the opposition of the Alexandrians can hardly be u n d e r s t o o d : in A . D . 38 t h e y had themselves confined the J e w s in a g h e t t o , so w h y should t h e y n o w be opposed t o the same measure ? According to Wilcken, the prefect's intention w a s , on t h e contrary, t o abolish t h e g h e t t o and t o disperse t h e J e w s among t h e A l e x a n d r i a n s ; y e t t h e exact meaning of -npooKaToiKeiv is 'to settle opposite', or 'by the side o f , and not 'among'. I t seems that the new settlement was n o t within the c i t y boundaries of Alexandria at a l l : this follows, firstly, from the correct interpretation of irpoaKaToiKelv, and, secondly, from the Alexandrians' fear that their t o w n might be attacked b y the J e w s using their new settlement as a base against Alexandria (11. 15 sqq.). B u t w h y did the prefect ( R a m m i u s Martialis, cf. note to 1. 24) adopt so strange a measure ? D i d he expel all the J e w s from Alexandria with the intention of settling t h e m in another place ? I n such case t h e objections of Antoninus would be quite plausible: a settlement like this could, indeed, strengthen the Jews and imperil the peaceful life of the capital. Let u s seek another reason. Suppose t h a t the n e w settlement was formed entirely of J e w s w h o were expelled, during the revolt, from their h o m e s in the X < o p a and had fled to Alexandria in search of peace and shelter. Such J e w s were n o t members of t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t y in Alexandria and could not claim the right t o remain in the capital; o n the other hand, t h e y could n o t return t o their homes in the x™P > since these homes no longer existed. T h e founding of a new settlement for such J e w s would therefore be t h e logical solution of the rather complicated refugee question. Of course, this is a mere suggestion that cannot be proved. a

17. €V7Tp[o]ad>wuov: i.e. named after the divine king Alexander. 24. Kara. oov. Antoninus' intention is t o demonstrate that the actions of the prefect, especially the non-delivery of letters from the Alexandrians t o t h e Emperor, are opposed t o the interests of the Emperor himself. Since the Emperor addressed here is Hadrian, the prefect i n question can b e only R a m m i u s Martialis (cf. note t o Col. I l l , 1. 2 1 ) ; so it was he who was carrying out the settlement of the J e w s , and Premerstein is perhaps right in suggesting that this settlement was part of the reconstruc­ tion of Alexandria planned b y Hadrian (Hermes, lvii. 298, 312). 27.

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Col. V I I . 1 sqq. The severe sentence against Antoninus cannot be reasonably justified unless w e suppose that not all the speeches of Antoninus are known t o us. His speech in Col. V I , a t a n y rate, is not strong enough t o provoke a death sentence. T h e severity of the sentence is especially remarkable when compared with t h e acquittal of Paulus (cf. note t o Col. I , 1. 1 ) . On t h e legal question here involved (torture in R o m a n Law) cf. Musurillo, 1 1 2 sqq., 193. 5.

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(Translation.) T h e J e w s : 'They seized t h e m from t h e prison and . . . wounded them.' Caesar: ' I h a v e investigated all these matters (?), a n d n o t (all?) t h e Alex­ andrians b u t only those w h o are responsible should b e prosecuted . . .' Antoninus (?): 'Emperor, Alexandrians d i d n o t . . . m a n y were condemned, s i x t y Alexandrians and their slaves, and t h e Alexandrians were exiled and their slaves beheaded, w i t h n o one . . . or being sent forth w i t h the lamentations that are permitted t o all m e n , s o that if some were t o b e exiled from Alexandria, t h e y were none t h e less n o t seized b y us, as t h e y allege, b u t b y them, a n d this occasioned a false accusation against us. N o w all (the slaves) w h o h a d fled t o their masters intending t o secure complete safety were brought t o justice b y t h e m a n d punished.' I.

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A trial before Commodus

159a. P . Y a l e i n v . 1 5 3 6 = Welles, TAP A lxvii, 1 9 3 6 , 7 s q q . i 5 9 & . P . O x y . 3 3 v e r s o . Dobschiitz, 745 sqq. Wilcken, Ant. 822 sqq. L i e t z m a n n , no. 2 1 . W . Chr. 20. a-\-b. Musurillo, x i . L I T . : Blass, Lit. Zentralblatt, 1898, 1076. Crusius, Beil. z. Allg. Zeit., 1898, n o . 2 2 5 . D e i s s m a n n , Theol. Lit. Zeit., 1898, 602 sqq. M o m m s e n , Stzb. preuss. Akad., 1898, 4 9 8 ; id., Rom. Strafrecht, 265. 2

100

SECTION V I I I : NOS.

159-159*

Reinach, RE J x x x v i i , 1 8 9 8 / 2 1 8 sqq. Weil, REG xi, 1898, 243 sqq. Wilamowitz, GGA, 1898, 690. Mitteis, Hermes, x x x i v , 1 8 9 9 , 8 8 sqq. Tamassia e Setti, Atti del R. Istit. Veneto di Scienze, lix. 757 sqq. Bauer, Arch. i. 36 sqq. Schiirer, i. 69. Dobschiitz, 745 sqq. Bludau, 1 1 1 sqq. Reitzenstein, Stzb. heid. Ak., phil.-hist. Kl., iv. 1 9 1 3 , i 4 A b h . , 39 sqq. Premerstein, AAM, 28 sqq. Reinach, RE J l x x i x , 1924, 1 3 6 . N e p p i Modona, 428 sqq. Matta, Didaskaleion, i v , 1926, ii. 64 sqq. K o r t e , Arch. xiii. 1 1 4 . Crook, Consilium Principis, 7 7 - 7 8 and passim.

The papyrus below, known as Acta Appiani, is composed of two fragments, one of them (1596 = P. Oxy. 3 3 verso) published in 1898, the other (159a = P. Yale inv. 1536) in 1 9 3 6 . Both fragments were originally parts of the same roll (Welles, 1 5 ) , the Oxyrhynchos papyrus being a direct continuation of the Yale fragment. From the Yale fragment the second column only is preserved; the first column has only the ends of the lines, and of the third column (corresponding to the first column of P. Oxy. 33) single letters only, marking the beginnings of the fines, are preserved. The manuscript belongs 'to the first quarter or the first half of the third century' (Musurillo); the recto contains a registry-office roll, composed and dated under Commodus. Since the events narrated in the Acts of Appian also belong to the time of Commodus, it is obvious that these Acts, like the Acts of Paulus and Anto­ ninus, were composed a short time after the events. Nevertheless, the veracity of the story is by no means beyond doubt. It is possible that the Acta Appiani, like all the AAM, is based on real events; yet Premerstein's suggestion, (AAM, 28 sqq.) that Heliodoros, mentioned in the fragment, was the son of C. Avidius Cassius, a pretender to the Imperial crown in the year 1 7 5 , is by no means sure (cf. notes to b, Col. I, 11.7 sqq., 1 3 ; Col. I l l , 1 . 1 1 ) . The principal hero of the story is not Heliodoros (who was not an Alexandrian, according to Premerstein), but the Alexandrian gymnasiarchos Appian, who played an important part in the trial. We do not know what crime was committed by Appian or why he was sentenced to death. The story as preserved begins with this death-sentence; the main interest lies in the dialogue between the Emperor and the gymnasiarchos stressing, as usual, the intrepidity of the Alexandrian 'martyr' and the dullness of the Roman Emperor. The impertinence of Appian in calling the Emperor 'a leader of gangsters' (Xrjorapxos), excels even the insolence of Isidoros (No. 1 5 6 ) . It is needless to stress again that such words, if really spoken, could never have been set down in an official record; it is far more probable that they were not used at all. Equally improbable is the outbreak of a revolt in Rome when Appian was taken to his death; it is improbable that the fate of an Alexandrian gymnasiarchos would stir Roman feeling to this extent. The excited exclamation of the Emperor: 'Executioner!' seems more in keeping with fiction than with a true account. Thus we are driven to the conclusion that the Acts of Appian, though very close in time to the events described by them, are as fictional as all the other AAM. There has been some hesitation among scholars as to the identity of the Emperor. Yet the communis opinio now is that Commodus is meant; and, indeed, this is certain from b, Col. II, 11. 7 sqq. (see note ad l o c ) .

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ic-4

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 1 5 9 3

(Translation.) a Col. I I . A p p i a n : '. . . w h o sending the wheat (?) t o the other cities, sell it at four times its price, so as t o recover their expenses.' The Emperor said: 'And w h o receives this m o n e y ?' Appian said: ' Y o u do.' The Emperor: 'Are y o u certain of t h i s ? ' Appian: ' N o , b u t that is what we have heard.' The Emperor: ' Y o u ought not t o h a v e circulated the story without being certain of it. (I say,) executioner!' A s Appian was being taken off to execution he noticed a dead b o d y and said: 'Ah, dead one, when I go t o m y country, I shall tell Herakleianos . . . .' b Col. I I - V . . . m y father and . . .' A n d while he was saying this, turning around he saw Heliodoros and said: 'Have y o u nothing t o say, Heliodoros, at m y being led t o execution ?' Heliodoros said: ' To w h o m can w e speak, if we have n o one w h o will listen ? Go, m y son, go t o your death. Yours shall be the glory of dying for your dearest native city. B e not distressed. . . .' The Emperor (then) recalled Appian. The Emperor said: 'Now y o u know t o w h o m y o u are speaking, don't y o u ?' Appian: ' Y e s , I d o : Appian speaks t o a tyrant.' The Emperor: ' N o , to a king.' Appian: ' S a y not s o ! Your father, the divine Antoninus, was fit t o be emperor. For, look you, first of all he w a s a philosopher; secondly, he was not avaricious; thirdly, he w a s good. B u t y o u have precisely the opposite qualities: y o u are tyrannical, dishonest, crude!' Caesar (then) ordered him t o be led a w a y t o execution. A s Appian was being taken, he said: 'Grant m e but one thing, m y Lord Caesar.' The Emperor: ' W h a t ? ' Appian: 'Grant that I m a y be executed in m y noble insignia.' The Emperor: 'Granted.' Appian (then) took his head-band and put it on his head and, putting his white shoes on his feet, he cried out in the middle of R o m e : 'Come up, Romans, and see a unique spectacle, an Alexandrian gymnasiarch and ambassador led t o execution!' The evocatus immediately ran back and reported this t o the emperor, saying: ' D o y o u sit idle, m y Lord, while the R o m a n s murmur in complaint ?' The Emperor: ' W h a t are t h e y complaining about ?' The consul: 'About the execution of the Alexandrian.' The Emperor: ' H a v e him brought back.' W h e n Appian h a d come in, he said: ' W h o is it this time that called m e back as I was about t o greet D e a t h again and those w h o died before me, Theon and Isidoros and L a m p o n ? W a s it the Senate or y o u , y o u leader of gangsters ?' The Emperor: 'Appian, I am accustomed to chasten those w h o rave and h a v e lost all sense of shame, Y o u speak only so long as I permit y o u to.' A p p i a n : ' B y your genius, I a m neither m a d nor have I lost m y sense of shame. I a m making an appeal on behalf of m y noble rank and m y privileges.' The Emperor: ' H o w s o ? ' Appian: ' A s one of noble rank and a gymnasiarch.'

'THE

JEWISH QUESTION' IN ALEXANDRIA

105

The Emperor: ' D o y o u suggest t h a t I a m n o t of noble rank ?' A p p i a n : ' T h a t I k n o w n o t ; I a m merely appealing o n behalf of m y o w nobility a n d privileges.' The E m p e r o r : ' D o y o u n o t k n o w then t h a t . . . ?' A p p i a n : 'If y o u are really not informed on this matter, I shall tell y o u . T o begin with, Caesar saved Kleopatra (and then) h e got control of t h e empire and, a s some say, borrowed . . .' 159a Col. I I . 1 . Amnavos. According t o M o m m s e n , perhaps a son or a grandson of t h e historian A p p i a n . Cf. Premerstein, AAM 29. Y e t Appian's father w a s Herakleianos (a, Col. I I , 1 . 1 5 ) , a n d n o t A p p i a n , so t h a t his belonging t o t h e family of t h e historian cannot be proved. 3 6.

w a w j u p o v s u g g e s t e d b y W e l l e s . ir]vp6y ' P e r h a p s a (8)e8d>Kaoi.'

M.

M.

8. A p p i a n accuses Commodus of enriching himself b y some speculations in merchandise, probably in E g y p t i a n w h e a t . Cf. note t o b, Col. I I , 1 1 . 1 0 sqq. Various instances of t h e 'financial policy' of Com­ m o d u s are g i v e n b y Aelius Lampridius in S H A , Vita Commodi, 14. 12. a i r e K o v X a r o o p : here in the sense of executioner, cf. Mark v i . 27. 13.

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death.

14. F o r t h e form yevdp.evos instead of yevop.evos cf., e.g., Mayser, i. 165. 14 s q . T h e episode w i t h t h e dead m a n is obscure. 'When y o u reach the country ( = Hades) tell m y father Herakleianos . . .' would make s e n s e ; b u t in this case w e m u s t emend yevdp.evos to yevapevov, p.ov t o aov, a n d Xeyat t o Xeye, a n d it is incredible t h a t t h e scribe should make three mistakes in t w o lines. If (/.ov is t o b e connected w i t h x ^ P > t h e 'country' would m e a n Alexandria, and Herakleianos would b e still alive. According t o Musurillo, a d l o c , A p p i a n is thinking 'of t h e transportation of his o w n b o d y t o Alexandria (after execution) for burial in t h e family g r a v e ' ; b u t if s o , w h a t message could Appian bring t o his father from a dead m a n ? av

159&, Col. I . 1 sqq. Premerstein (AAM 43) suggested t h a t t h e speaker here is t h e E m p e r o r ; w e see from a t h a t it w a s Appian. Perhaps KOX [p.ri]r[pt p,ov~] o n M. 7 sqq. A certain Heliodoros, s o n of A v i d i u s Cassius, is mentioned in S H A , Vita Marci 2 6 . 1 1 . T h o u g h t h e son of a rebel, h e w a s punished b y exile only, i n accordance w i t h t h e well-known dementia of Marcus Aurelius. B u t the author of Vita Avidi Cassii (13. 6 sq.) relates t h e annihilation of all Avidius' relatives b y Commodus, a fact in keeping w i t h the cruel character of the n e w Emperor. Premerstein (38 sqq.) t h o u g h t t h a t this Heliodoros w a s o n trial i n t h e present papyrus as part of t h e general persecution inaugurated b y Commodus. Y e t Musurillo ( p . 209) rightly emphasizes t h a t Heliodoros w a s a n aged m a n (cf. b, Col. 1 , 1 . 1 1 ) , and this fact seems t o exclude t h e possibility t h a t Heliodoros w a s the son of A v i d i u s Cassius. T h e question of A p p i a n : ' H a v e y o u nothing t o s a y , Heliodoros, a t m y being led t o e x e c u t i o n ? ' seems t o suggest that Heliodoros w a s a n a d v o c a t e for A p p i a n . Cf. t h e a d v o c a t e s for Alexandrians and J e w s in N o . 157. 13. Heliodoros, speaking t o A p p i a n , refers t o Alexandria as being t h e fatherland of A p p i a n (rrjs . . . aov i r a r p l 8 o s ) ; Premerstein (AAM 33) concludes from this t h a t Heliodoros w a s n o t a n Alexandrian. Should this suggestion b e correct, w e should g e t a close parallel t o Paulus of Tyre and Sopatros of A n t i o c h i a of N o . 157, b o t h non-Alexandrians engaged a s a d v o c a t e s for Alexandrian factions. Col. I I . 1 sq. Various restorations are possible. W . ; Kal [avros irg[86s,

irXeos

el rvyx\dv<x)

OX pera

Kapr[ep[]as

Kal [yap

iyd>.

oe SMOKO) IK iro[86s

. ] K C U . [ . . ] as oe 8I eKir.[ y

re Xap.p ]dvo)

]ava>

P r . ; (fctTa[jS]as oe 8id)K(o eK

M.

6. For jSafftAev's, as applied t o R o m a n Emperor, see n o t e t o 156^, 1 . 5. 10 sqq. T h e characteristics of t h e late Emperor, especially t h e reference t o 'philosophy', fit Marcus Aurelius, whereas the traits attributed b y Appian t o his son correspond very well t o t h e cruel charac­ ter of C o m m o d u s . T h e threefold division of t h e traits of character of Marcus and Commodus w a s intended t o be parallel, y e t t h e author did n o t succeed in his p l a n : tX6oo(f>os corresponds t o dnaio(evo)la, <jbiXdyados t o diXoKayadla, b u t diXdpyvpos requires iXapyvpla, and n o t rvpawla; besides, t h e order of t h e corresponding parts of t h e t w o sentences is disturbed. On the rhetorical character of t h e sentence cf. Musurillo, ad loc. Col. I I I . 3 . rfj evyevelq.. According t o Premerstein, AAM 30 sqq., t h e expression evyeveia, reiterated i n Col. I V , 1 . 1 5 , Col. V , 1 1 . 3 and 7, is t o b e interpreted in a juridical s e n s e : Appian claims t h a t h e

io6

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 1596

belongs to the honestiores, w h o enjoyed certain privileges in matters of criminal law. Y e t it m u s t be pointed o u t , against Premerstein, t h a t A p p i a n does n o t base his claims on a n y juridical principle. The expression Tjp.lv x<*P means t h a t A p p i a n begs as a favour for permission to put on the robes of a gymnasiarchos w h e n led off to d e a t h , and the part of the story which follows the permission shows that this request w a s n o more t h a n a stratagem to win the favour of the R o m a n s (11. 8 sqq.). T h e a-nayyeXia of A p p i a n in Col. V , 11. 2, 8 m u s t n o t be interpreted as a legal means of quashing or of c o m m u t i n g the d e a t h - s e n t e n c e : a direct invocation t o the R o m a n m o b is not aprovocatio ad populum, and the renewal of the dialogue between Commodus and A p p i a n is n o t a renewal of the trial. It seems t h a t the author of A c t a Appiani did n o t care as m u c h about the procedure of R o m a n criminal law as modern students d o , and at a n y rate it was n o t his intention to represent the trial in all its legal minutiae. iaai

m

1

5 sqq. oTp6iov, a head-band, and aiKaat.a, special shoes, were the insignia t a k e n over from old religious cults in Greece.

of the

gymnasiarchoi,

9 sq. For Iva dw altovos cf. S B 1 7 6 ; Bjorck, Eranos, x l v i , 1948, 72 s q q . ; T o d , CQ xliii, 1949, i n s q . ; W i l h e l m , Symb. Osloen. x x v i i , 1949, 3 9 ; Musurillo, ad loc. T h e idiom is taken over from the acclama­ tions used b y spectators of public g a m e s in the sense of 'unprecedented', 'quite extraordinary', and t h e like. 1 1 . If A p p i a n is right in calling himself 'envoy' (Trpeo-fSevTrjs), he m u s t h a v e been a member o f a n e m b a s s y representing the Alexandrians at some trial before the Emperor's tribunal in R o m e . Accord­ ing to Premerstein, it was the trial of Heliodoros, but this supposition does not explain the r6le o f Appian. May it be t h a t the city of Alexandria was s u m m o n e d b y Heliodoros t o act, through its representatives, as a witness and t h a t the death-sentence against A p p i a n was due n o t to the participa­ tion of the latter in the crime, but to his insolent behaviour during the trial (cf. Premerstein, 36)? W e h a v e nothing to prove such supposition. N o w it m u s t be remembered t h a t the authors of the A A M were concerned in emphasizing the official part p l a y e d b y the Alexandrian gymnasiarchoi in the trials before the Emperors, though in some cases their heroes were b y no m e a n s 'envoys' or representatives of the city a t all (cf. a b o v e , p p . 7 2 - 7 3 ) . If it were so in this case t o o , the designation of A p p i a n as irpetrfievT-qs would h a v e no historical value. 1 1 . r)/3o[K5TO]?=evocatus. The evocati Augusti were veterans serving as special officers of the Emperors. 1 5 . T h e u n e x p e c t e d appearance of a consul is very surprising. Premerstein (p. 35) suggests t h a t t h e trial took place w h e n Commodus was acting as a consul, and t h a t the consul mentioned here w a s his colleague. This is one e x a m p l e of Premerstein's general t e n d e n c y t o see legal details everywhere in the A c t a Appiani. It would, perhaps, be simpler t o suggest t h a t the author used the term vnaros because in his opinion the consul w a s the highest R o m a n official, second to the Emperor o n l y , and w a s constantly in Caesar's presence. Col. IV. 3 sq. W h y does A p p i a n s a y t h a t he 'faces d e a t h for the second time' ? In the parts of the papyrus known t o u s there is nothing about an earlier death-sentence. The story w a s probably told in a lost part of the papyrus. 6. Of t h e three 'martyrs' n a m e d b y A p p i a n as his precursors, two—Isidoros and Lampon—are well k n o w n (cf. N o . 156). B u t w h o is T h e o n ? S o m e scholars (so B l u d a u , 116) identify him w i t h T h e o n , t h e member of the e m b a s s y t o Trajan ( N o . 1 5 7 , 1 . 8 ) ; others (so Lietzmann and Musurillo) refer t o T h e o n t h e egrjyrjTys mentioned as a friend of Claudius in N o . 156a, Col. 1 , 1 . 19. Y e t T h e o n t h e exegetes w a s executed b y Gaius Caligula on the accusation of Isidoros, and it is hard to believe t h a t the author of A c t a Appiani included b o t h the prosecutor and his v i c t i m in the number of 'martyrs'. A s to T h e o n t h e contemporary of Trajan, his i d e n t i t y w i t h our T h e o n cannot be either proved or refuted; y e t w h y should A p p i a n m e n t i o n h i m w h e n speaking of the martyrs of the time of Claudius? L e t us look for another explanation. Philo speaks of a third leader of the anti-Semites in his t i m e , D i o n y s i o s , son of T h e o n , and this person is presumably the hero of the strange story related in N o . 154 (q.v.). W h a t Philo knew was certainly k n o w n to everyone in A l e x a n d r i a : that there were three great leaders of the anti-Semites in Alexandria. W h y n o t suppose t h a t the n a m e 'Dionysios' w a s substituted in the m e m o r y of the Alexandrians b y 'Theon', a fact quite possible w h e n we take into consideration t h a t there w a s a w e a l t h y and aristocratic family in Alexandria using the n a m e s T h e o n and Dionysios alternately for m a n y generations (cf. Musurillo, 102 sqq.), and t h a t this family w a s k n o w n as a bulwark of antiSemitism (cf. Bell, Jews and Christians, 30)? Of course it does n o t follow t h a t Dionysios t o o w a s e x e c u t e d b y Claudius, but only t h a t he was later associated in the m e m o r y of the Alexandrians w i t h t h e t w o great 'martyrs' of Claudius. See a b o v e , N o . 153, n o t e t o 1 . 1 7 .

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

107

8. avvKXrjTos. T h e jurisdiction in criminal cases (high treason and the like) w a s in t h e h a n d s of t h e Emperor, so t h a t the reference t o the senate seems t o be o u t of place here. Premerstein, however, tried t o justify the use of this term b y supposing t h a t Commodus in this year was acting as a consul (see a b o v e , n o t e t o Col. I l l , 1. 15) and, consequently, w a s closely connected with the senate (AAM 34 s q q . ; cf. Crook, Consilium Principis, 78); y e t his theory fits an 'enlightened' Caesar like Trajan better t h a n a tyrant like Commodus. Wilcken (Chr. 20) believed t h a t the author, w h e n s a y i n g 'senate', m e a n t the consilium Caesaris, which w a s composed of senators. In all these considerations, once again, t o o high a degree of juridical knowledge is ascribed t o our author. T h e solution of the question s e e m s t o be quite simple. E v e r y o n e k n e w t h a t the senate w a s t h e highest administrative b o d y of the E m p i r e , and during the whole of the second century all the trials, i n which senators and other important personages were i n v o l v e d , took place before the senate. So t h e question of A p p i a n is quite e a s y t o understand. 8. XrjoTapxos. Calling t h e Emperor 'a leader of gangsters' is the culminating p o i n t of Alexandrian insolence. A n interesting parallel is 2 Mace. 7. 9, where the Seleucid king A n t i o c h o s E p i p h a n e s is called aXdoTajp b y a Jewish martyr. Col. V . 1. i[p.ol virapxovTcov] Pr. 30, 45. H i s restoration is based on t h e presumption t h a t A p p i a n launched against the Emperor a n dmayyeXla in its legal form, which included the claim for restitution of t h e confiscated property. Cf. n o t e t o Col. I l l , 1. 3 . 2. drrayyeXXw;

cf. n o t e t o Col. I l l , 1. 3.

2-8. All the restorations according to Wilcken, e x c e p t 1. 6 which is according t o Musurillo. Pr. follows W . in all the supplements, e x c e p t 1. 7 : [ip.ol virapx°v\ <» T

v

5. [ovk dyevets iopev;] e d i t . ; [d<j>iXdpyvpol eopev] P r . ; [flaoiXeis eop.ev] 10. p[ev el dXrjOoos ovk ol]8as e d i t . ; /x[ev irrel ov ovk ofJSas Wilcken. 1 1 . Restored b y Wilcken.

Reinach.

12. Premerstein (p. 44) s u g g e s t s : [dv 7) p.eT d8eX(f>ov]. H i s restoration is based o n eKparrjoev in 1 . 1 3 , w h i c h w a s evidently corrected to eKparrjoav, as there is a n a a b o v e the word b e t w e e n the lines. 1 3 . j3aot[A«'a?- ojs 8e Xeyovjoi Pr. T h e meaning of t h e last lines is obscure. W a s it t h e intention of A p p i a n t o enumerate t o Commodus all the acts of injustice done b y the R o m a n Emperors t o t h e Alexandrians from Julius Caesar o n ? In this case it would h a v e been more logical t o begin w i t h A u g u s t u s . W a s his a i m t o stress the greediness of the R o m a n s , w h o were exhausting E g y p t w i t h their innumerable t a x e s ? B u t Julius Caesar w a s n o t the first w h o enriched himself in E g y p t . A t a n y rate, i t is clear t h a t this lesson in E g y p t i a n — o r R o m a n — h i s t o r y , g i v e n t o t h e Emperor, w a s a further piece of insolence on the part of the Alexandrian gymnasiarchos, and quite in accordance w i t h the literary t a s t e of t h e Alexandrian readers of the A A M . 14. Restored b y Schultess and W i l c k e n ; eSav«[o-e edit.

SECTION IX

O S T R A K A FROM THE JEWISH Q U A R T E R OF A P O L L I N O P O L I S M A G N A (EDFU) T H E first ostraka from the Jewish quarter of Apollinopohs Magna (modern Edfu) were published about twenty-five years before the beginning of the systematic exploration of the quarter in the years 1 9 3 7 - 9 . Wessely published the few ostraka then known in Stud. Pal. xiii ( 1 9 1 3 ) , pp. 8 sqq. In spite of the scantiness of the material, it could be stated b y him that a complete quarter of E d f u — t h e 'ghetto', as it w a s called b y h i m — w a s inhabited b y Jews. This quarter is n o w adequately known thanks t o the work accomplished b y the members of the Franco-Polish archaeological expedition during three seasons. The results of this work are set out in three volumes describing the excavations of the years 1 9 3 7 - 9 . The excavators were able t o state that Tell Edfu had been inhabited for thousands of years (from the Old Kingdom in E g y p t until the Byzantine and Arab periods). A s t o Jews, their presence at Edfu could be established from the Ptolemaic period (cf. Nos. i n , 1 3 9 , 1 4 0 ) ; yet it seems t h a t the 'Jewish quarter' took its character of an exclusively Jewish settlement in the early R o m a n period only (cf. below). Though the buildings of the Byzantine and Arab periods, erected on the remains of the preceding epochs, had partly demolished the R o m a n stratum, the main features of the plan of the dwellings could be ascertained b y the excavators. The houses in the Jewish quarter were built w i t h several stories; the external walls were of considerable strength; the rooms impinged closely one upon the other, leaving no space for corridors; an inner court w a s lacking and the rooms obtained their light through the few windows which opened to the outer side. In the houses were found numerous domestic articles such as plates and various kitchen utensils (mortars, chisels, mill-stones, polishers), vases (of pottery and glass), amphorai for wine (some­ times bearing the names of their owners), scent-bottles, bowls, cups, basins, lamps (of enamelled earthenware), but no object typical of the Jewish family life was discovered. Nor do these articles cast light on the social level of the inhabitants, since most of t h e m could be used equally in a rich household and in a poor one. W e should, therefore, have hardly any evidence of the existence of a Jewish population in Edfu, had not the information provided b y archaeology been greatly extended b y the numerous ostraka found in the Jewish quarter. 1

The total number of Jewish ostraka from Edfu in the R o m a n period amounts now t o more than 2 5 0 , of which 2 2 5 were found in the Franco-Polish excava­ t i o n s . A s in Alexandria, the Jewish quarter in Edfu was known as 'the fourth quarter' ('delta'), and numerous ostraka are marked as being written in Bd[x
1

Fouilles Franco-Polonaises. Rapports. I. Tell Edfou, 1937; I I . Tell Edfou, 1938; I I I . Tell Edfou, 1939. A m o n g the Jewish ostraka I do not include the following: O E 1 3 1 , 1 3 3 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 9 , 1 5 5 , 1 6 2 , 2

because t h e y were not found in the Jewish quarter. Though Manteuffel marked t h e m with asterisks he nevertheless thought the persons mentioned there t o h a v e been J e w s , since he quotes t h e family of Kollouthos amongst t h e

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

109

(Nos. 1 9 4 , 200, 202, 209, 2 1 2 , 213, 216, 2 2 1 , 328, 329, 3 3 1 , 334, 344, 346-9, 3 5 1 , 3 5 6 , 358, 363, 371, 372). Almost all the ostraka belong t o the reigns of Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, and Trajan, i.e. to a period of forty-six years (A.D. 7 0 - 1 1 6 ) ; some ostraka belong t o the reigns of Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius (Nos. 230-6), and twenty-nine more (Nos. 375-403) t o the period from 151 t o 165. W e do not know w h y there are no Jewish ostraka from the Jewish quarter before Nero, though there were already Jews in Edfu under the Ptolemies. The most probable answer seems t o be that there was no 'Jewish quarter' in Edfu under the Ptolemies, Jewish inhabitants being scattered all over the city (cf. Manteuffel, Fouilles, iii, 336). W e know from N o . 1 3 9 that in the first century B.C. there were already Jewish 'corporations' in Edfu celebrating Jewish feasts, a fact hardly possible without a communal organization, enabling J e w s t o main­ tain synagogues and t o live 'according to their ancestral laws'. So we m a y conclude t h a t the 'delta' quarter became Jewish in the early R o m a n period, perhaps in the days of Claudius and Nero. This conclusion does not necessarily suggest the complete abandoning of other quarters b y the Jews. Nevertheless, it m a y be assumed that the rise of anti-Semitism under Vespasian and Domitian, and especially the p a y m e n t of the 'Jewish tax', forced the Jews t o stand t o ­ gether more closely, so that at least the name 'ghetto', coined b y Wessely, m a y not be quite inapplicable in reference to Edfu (cf. Vol. I, p . 82). It seems that this 'ghetto' ceased to exist in the year 116, and though there is archaeological evidence that some other quarters of Edfu were also abandoned b y their inhabi­ t a n t s till the end of the Byzantine period (Fouilles, i. 98), we m a y assume that the desertion of the Jewish quarter w a s due t o the annihilation of the Jewish c o m m u n i t y of Edfu after the failure of the Jewish revolt of A . D . I 1 5 - 1 7 . N o Jewish ostraka for the years 116 t o 1 5 1 were found, and those dating from 1 5 1 t o 165 reveal the complete degeneration of the solitary Jewish family which remained in, or returned to, Edfu after the great national catastrophe of A . D . 1 1 5 - 1 7 . So we m a y place the highest development of the Jewish c o m m u n i t y in R o m a n Edfu in the period from Nero t o Trajan. 1

Speaking of a Jewish 'community' in E d f u we must remember t h a t no such institution is ever mentioned in our sources: the ostraka give us a long list of names of individual Jews, b u t t h e y never refer t o a c o m m u n i t y as a whole. Possibly the character of our sources m a y account for t h i s : the Jewish ostraka from R o m a n Edfu contain no more than short receipts for the p a y m e n t of cer­ tain taxes. The taxes were gathered b y tax-collectors, who might h a v e been J e w s (this fact is proved in one case, cf. N o . 240); y e t there are n o t sufficient grounds for assuming that t h e y were officials of the community, and it seems more probable that the gathering of the taxes was concentrated in the hands of government officials, as it commonly w a s in the villages. So it would not be advisable to take the absence of the c o m m u n i t y in our sources as an argumentum ex silentio for its non-existence: a community, like a synagogue, existed everyJewish families (Fouilles, i. 148). As t o the ostraka of the Ptolemaic period, t h e y contain no refer ence t o J e w s , w i t h the few exceptions printed in Vol. I (Nos. i n , 139, 140). A synagogue in Edfu is perhaps mentioned in 1

an inscription, (Fouilles, iii. 363); y e t EYXH need not necessarily be restored as TTPOZjEYXH. For dating of the inscription cf. Fraser, JEA x l , 1954,125.

SECTION I X

no

where where J e w s were domiciled (cf. Vol. I, p p . 5 sqq.). The character of our sources m a y further account for the fact that there is n o mention of the occupa­ tions in which the J e w s of Edfu were engaged. Only in an indirect w a y , b y com­ menting on the character of some of the t a x e s paid b y the Jews, can we ascertain their professions. I t seems that agriculture did n o t play an important part in the life of the J e w s of E d f u : only one of t h e m , Tryphas, son of Nikon, paid t h e usual t a x e s of a p e a s a n t — v i r e p rod rotrov

a n d yecoperpla

(Nos. 236, 247, 260, 272),

and in three more ostraka (Nos. 241, 294, 373) rcpf) irvpov ('price of wheat') is recorded. I n Nos. 268, 284 and in some ostraka of the later period (Nos. 377, 383, 391) t h e cattle-tax (<j>6pos npopdrcov) is referred t o ; these persons were, conse­ quently, owners of herds. The 'price of wine' {nprj otvov) was also paid in t w o cases (Nos. 378, 392). Philippos, s o n of Thedetos, paid t w o t a x e s called r-iXog 6vr)(Xart,Kov) (No. 282) and reXos Bi(7rXd)paros) ovcov (No. 362), i.e. t a x e s imposed on t h e owners of d o n k e y s ; he probably kept a transport-office, t h e second t a x being, as it seems, a p a y m e n t for a licence t o keep donkeys for t h e purpose of transport. T h e ostrakon N o . 404—one of t h e few which is n o t a receipt for t a x - p a y m e n t — m e n t i o n s some cargoes sent b y boat, a n d w e m a y , therefore, conclude that t h e trading a n d t h e transport of goods on t h e Nile were also among t h e occupations of t h e J e w s of Edfu. A weaver is once mentioned in a list of names (No. 405). A n d that is all that can b e gathered from the ostraka o n the economic life of t h e Edfu Jews. 1

There is only one question on which t h e ostraka of Edfu provide u s w i t h abundant and v e r y interesting material, n a m e l y t h e t a x e s paid b y the Jews. I divide t h e whole material dealing with t a x e s into four subsections: N o s . 1 6 0 229 dealing w i t h t h e so-called 'Jewish t a x ' ; N o s . 230-374 concerning various t a x e s (including t h e poll-tax) of t h e years A . D . 5 6 - 1 1 7 ; Nos. 375-403, t h e same, of the years A . D . 1 5 1 - 6 5 ; and N o s . 404-8, containing ostraka of varied contents. This division is facilitated b y the fact that almost in all cases where the Jewish t a x w a s paid a separate receipt w a s delivered, so that t h e ostraka dealing with the Jewish t a x can b e easily separated from t h e others. On the other hand, t h e character of our ostraka must account for the non-separation of the receipts for laographia: t h e y were delivered together w i t h t h e receipts for other taxes, so that t h e exclusion of t h e laographia ostraka would h a v e caused chaos in t h e order of t h e ostraka. The various t a x e s recorded in the ostraka of Edfu were paid b y Jews and nonJews alike; it would b e useless, therefore, t o discuss t h e m here in full. Such a n account would constitute an inquiry into t a x a t i o n in R o m a n E g y p t , n o t a chapter of Jewish history. Only the names of the t a x e s and their brief character­ istics m a y b e referred t o . 2

1. Three t a x e s for maintaining t h e guards: (a) -fivAaKiTiKov—the police-tax; (b) cf>vXaKr}s—the guard-tax ; (c) aK07TeXcov—a t a x for t h e construction of look-outs. Cf. Wilcken, Ostr. i. 320, 402; Wallace, 146 sqq. 3

1

See on donkey caravans as a means of transportation Y o u t i e , TAP A l x x x i , 1950, 100 sqq. For the taxes i n R o m a n E g y p t see Wilcken, Ostraka, i ; Wallace, Taxation in Roman Egypt; Johnson, Roman Egypt. 2

3

Mentioned only three times, i n N o s . 377, 383, 391, always in connexion with 6pos irpofiaTOJV ; so i t m a y be suggested that this t a x had the special purpose of strengthening the watch over the livestock.

OSTRAKA FROM APOLLINOPOLIS 2.

3.

The dyke-tax (xtopLariKov); Wallace, 1 4 0 sqq. The bath-tax (fiaXavevTiKov); Wallace, 1 5 5 sqq.

MAGNA (EDFU)

cf. Wilcken, op. cit. cf. Wilcken, op. cit.

333

165

s q q . ; Johnson, s q q . ; Johnson,

in 580;

547

;

Wallace ( 1 3 5 sqq.) classes all these t a x e s w i t h the capitation taxes, because t h e y were exacted from everyone without reference to the profession and the occupation of the taxpayer. W i t h the same group of taxes he classes the various fjuepiafioi—assessments, which were imposed 'in equal amounts over the entire paying populace of a given district' (ibid.). Such assessments are mentioned at E d f u too, in most cases just as p.€picrp,6s without further specification, and we m a y guess w h a t sort of assessment it was. A p.epiapi6s dvhpidvros is named three times (Nos. 3 7 5 , 3 7 7 , 3 8 3 ) ; this assessment was paid for the erection of statues of the emperors (Wilcken, op. cit. i. 1 5 2 ; Johnson, 5 4 6 ; Wallace, 1 5 9 sqq.). The Jews of Edfu paid it in the years 1 6 1 , 1 6 2 , and 1 6 3 , i.e. in the first years of the joint reign of the Emperors Marcus Aurelius and Verus. N o . 3 8 7 refers to a p.epLop:6s £rcupu<6s; this w a s a t a x imposed on hetairai (Wilcken, op. cit. i. 2 1 7 ) , y e t in our case the taxpayer w a s a man, so we m a y doubt whether the name of the assessment is used here in its usual sense (yet see note ad l o c ) . It is clear that all the taxes and assessments mentioned above had no special reference t o Jews, w h o were subjected to the same mode of p a y m e n t as all the other inhabitants of E g y p t . There was neither privilege nor oppressive dis­ crimination involved in their paying the c o m m o n taxes. The same statement applies to the poll-tax (laographia). It has been already pointed out above (Vol. I, pp. 6 0 sqq.) that J e w s were subjected to the laographia in the same w a y as the whole population of E g y p t , in so far as the latter was not included among the Greek communities. The laographia is recorded in the Edfu ostraka eightyt w o times. Johnson, w h o composed his Roman Egypt before the excavations in Edfu began, thought 8 drachmai to be the annual rate paid b y the Edfu J e w s for laographia (p. 5 3 2 ) . It is true that some of the Edfu ostraka contain receipts for the p a y m e n t of 8 dr. for laographia, but the sum of 1 6 dr. is no less frequent, and it would be hard t o assume t h a t the J e w s in Edfu preferred t o p a y the laographia for t w o years at once. It is more likely that the annual rate w a s 16 dr., and that 8 dr. was a p a y m e n t for half a y e a r ; cf. especially N o s . 2 5 8 , 3 2 5 , 3 8 0 , where each ostrakon contains t w o receipts for 1 2 and 4 , or 8 and 8 , dr., the sum of each pair of figures being the annual rate. The amount of 1 6 dr. corre­ sponds t o the annual rate paid for laographia b y the inhabitants of Elephantine and Syene (as established b y Wilcken and confirmed b y recent publications, cf. Wilcken, op. cit. 2 3 3 ; Wallace, 1 2 8 ) ; it is worth noting that in these towns, too, the laographia was frequently paid in t w o instalments (Wallace, loc. cit.). It m a y even be suggested w i t h some probability that 1 6 dr. w a s the usual rate for laographia in most places of Upper E g y p t (Wallace, 1 3 3 ) . It is obvious, at a n y rate, that the Edfu J e w s paid the laographia exactly in the same manner, and on the same principle, as the whole E g y p t i a n population around them. The richest material furnished b y the Edfu ostraka concerns the Jewish tax. F r o m this material we learn the official n a m e s of the tax, the year when it w a s first imposed, its exact amount in E g y p t i a n drachmai, the mode of p a y m e n t ,

SECTION I X

112

etc. T h e information given b y t h e ostraka does n o t contradict our knowledge derived from other sources, especially from t h e long Arsinoe papyrus (No. 421), and generally completes it in a desirable manner. I have already used t h e prin­ cipal conclusions resulting from t h e Edfu ostraka above (Vol. I, p p . 80 sqq.) w h e n discussing t h e Jewish t a x in general. I n t h e following pages w e shall deal in some detail with questions directly connected with t h e material furnished b y the ostraka. 1. The usual name of the Jewish t a x w a s '/ouSal'/cov re'Aecr/xa (cf. also Nos. 421 1 and 460). Y e t i t w a s n o t the only n a m e of the t a x in E d f u : a great number of ostraka, w h e n speaking of the t a x , call it Ti/rr) Srjvapicov Svo ' JouScuW ('the price of t w o denars of t h e Jews'). E a c h n a m e has its chronological frame; t h e rifi-q is t h e usual designation of t h e t a x till t h e eighth year of Domitian (88-89), whereas t h e 'IOVSOXKOV rdXea/xa takes its place from t h e 12th year of that E m ­ peror (92-93). The exact year of t h e change cannot be established since n o receipts for t h e Jewish t a x are e x t a n t between t h e 8th and t h e 12th year of D o m i t i a n . The cause of t h e change is unknown t o us. It is hard t o believe that the local authorities of Edfu were responsible for it, and t h e change of n a m e seems t o reflect some fundamental change in t h e character of the t a x itself. The first n a m e — ' t h e price of t w o denars of t h e Jews'—was n o doubt t h e Greek translation of some R o m a n n a m e like denarii duo Judaeorum; it could not have been invented in E g y p t , t h e denar being a R o m a n coin. I n E g y p t t h e t w o denars were paid in local m o n e y ; hence t h e curious interpretation of t h e t a x as 'price' (rtju/rj), in imitation of rifxrj o'lvov or TL/XT] irvpov, as if t h e R o m a n denars were something like a merchandise t o b e bought on the market. These 'two denars' are nothing b u t t h e well-known 'didrachmon' (the 'half-sheqel' in Hebrew) hitherto paid b y every J e w for t h e maintenance of the Temple in Jerusalem. Vespasian ordered the didrachmon t o be paid to Jupiter Capitolinus; 2

3

1

Manteuffel (Fourths, i. 146; cf. / . Jur. Pap. iii. 1 1 1 ) concluded o n t h e strength of N o . 181 ( = O E 3 7 ) that t h e correct n a m e of t h e Jewish t a x was lovoaiov reXeopa. Y e t in N o . 181 only t h e ending of t h e adjective in t h e genitive (-ov) is preserved, a n d t h e restoration m a y b e lovoa'CK]ov as well as lovoaCjov. Manteuffel w r i t e s : 'La forme lov8a'CK]ov n e peut p a s etre restitute, car apres la lacune o n n e discerne aucune trace de la lettre qui est jointe habituellement dans ce t e x t e a u bas avec celle d e l'iota' (J. Jur. Pap. iii. 1 1 1 , n. 21). Y e t traces of t h e letter kappa could h a v e been preserved o n t h e broken ostrakon only if t h i s kappa were connected w i t h t h e following omikron, n o t with t h e preceding iota, since t h e oblique line of t h e rupture makes it impossible t o restore a n y letter before omikron (see o n t h e photograph, Fourths, i, plate x l i i i , O E 37). A s the n a m e of t h e Jewish t a x in N o . 421 is surely 'IOVOCL'CKOV reXeopa (cf. note t o N o . 421, 1. 172), I h a v e decided, after some hesitation, t o adopt the more familiar reading 'IovSaiKov reXeopa instead of t h a t preferred b y Manteuffel. Cf.

H o m b e r t , Chr. $F\g. 1, 1950, 340. 2

T h e t w o last receipts using t h e wording etc., are N o . 186 dated 30 J u l y A . D . 89 a n d n o . 187 of 3 August A . D . 89. Three exceptions m u s t be n o t e d : N o s . 1 8 1 , 1 8 3 , and 214. In N o . 214 of t h e year 108 t h e t a x is called ripi) (8r)vaplwv ovo); y e t it is merely a slip of t h e p e n , since in N o . 216, referring t o t h e p a y m e n t of t h e same t a x b y t h e same person for t h e same year, t h e t a x is. quite correctly called 'IovoalKov reXeo-p-a. In N o . 181 of t h e year 80, t h e tax-collector is called rifi-q,

rrpa.KTU)p ['Iovha'iK\ov

reXeoparos,

b u t t h e t a x itself

is mentioned as ripy; perhaps irpaKTojp npfjs, e t c . , could n o t be said in correct Greek, since 7-1/117 ('the price') sounds like a substitute for t h e t a x , not t h e t a x itself. I cannot explain t h e error in N o . 183 of t h e year 85, where t h e t a x is referred t o a s 'IOVSOXKOV TeAea/xa instead of Tipij; y e t cf. note o n this ostrakon (below, p . 125). 3

Cf. Wilcken in his commentary t o W . Chr. 295: 'Die zwei Denare sind hier wie eine Ware behandelt.'

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113

the victorious god (whose temple, too, w a s consumed b y flames in the year 69) h a d the right t o use the income of his vanquished rival. W e m a y suggest, therefore, t h a t denarii duo Judaeorum w a s the official R o m a n name for the Jewish tax, used as such over the whole R o m a n Empire from the m o m e n t of t h e imposition of the t a x onwards. The name, however, w a s somewhat highsounding for everyday use, and therefore the unofficial name 'the Jewish tax' w a s adopted b y the population. The popular name sometimes even penetrated into official documents (see Nos. 429 and 183). The simultaneous use of b o t h names is easy t o understand; b u t w h y did the Tip/q disappear from the receipts b e t w e e n the 8th and the 12th year of Domitian? It could not be a result of a local order: the authorities of Edfu h a d certainly no power t o change the decisions of the central government in R o m e . The order, probably, w a s pro­ claimed in R o m e and w a s valid throughout the Empire. If so, the reason must be sought in the general financial policy of Domitian—of which, unfortunately, w e know very little. Since the 'two denars' reminded the Jews continually of the 'half-sheqel' paid once to the temple of Jerusalem, the abolition of the name and its substitution b y a colourless 'Jewish tax' might be reckoned as a mani­ festation of goodwill to t h e m ; y e t Domitian hated the Jews, and w a s especially rigorous in exacting the Jewish t a x (Suetonius, Domit. 12. 2); so no goodwill towards t h e m can be supposed to have inspired his policy. It is more likely that the change of name w a s part of some general reform of the fiscus Judaicus: it is possible, for example, that Domitian put an end t o the exclusive connexion b e t w e e n the Jewish t a x and the treasury of Jupiter Capitolinus, as established b y Vespasian, and redirected the sums exacted from the Jews t o another use. In this case denarii duo Judaeorum ceased t o express the function aimed at b y Vespasian, and was replaced b y a vaguer and less pretentious expression— 'the Jewish tax'. 2. Another question elucidated b y the Edfu ostraka is the chronology of the n e w t a x . There are slight discrepancies between our literary sources on the question, w h e n exactly the t a x was imposed on the Jews for the first time. D i o Cassius (66. 7. 2), having told the story of the destruction of Jerusalem, con­ tinues as follows: 'and from t h a t day on' ( a V eKelvov) the 'didrachmon' w a s imposed on the Jews. This sentence says clearly that Jews paid the t a x from the time immediately following the destruction of the Temple, i.e. from the second year of Vespasian, according to R o m a n reckoning. Josephus opens the para­ graph recording, amongst other things, the promulgation of Vespasian's edict, w i t h the w o r d s : 'about the same time . . .' (wept Se rov avrov Kaipov) (bell. 7. 216 sqq.), and he introduces the next paragraph (ibid. 219) with the chrono­ logical s t a t e m e n t : 'while Vespasian w a s n o w holding imperial s w a y for the fourth year'. It follows that, according t o Josephus, the Jewish t a x w a s pro­ claimed in the third year of Vespasian. The dies imperii of Vespasian was cele­ brated on i s t July, A . D . 69; so his 3rd year runs from i s t July 71 to i s t J u l y 72 and consequently the edict on the Jewish t a x was issued one or t w o years after t h e destruction of the Temple (probably after the celebration of the triumph over the Jews in Rome). Let us see whether this corresponds to the date re­ corded in Edfu ostraka. The first receipts for the ri/rr) Stqvapltov Svo were delivered in Edfu in the fourth year of Vespasian (Nos. 160-6). According t o E g y p t i a n B 5105

1

ii4

SECTION I X

reckoning the i s t year of a king's reign ran from the d a y of his accession t o t h e throne t i l l T h o t h i, i.e. 29th August of the same year. The ' i s t year' of Vespasian, therefore, lasted only t w o m o n t h s (from i s t J u l y till 29th August), and his fourth year in E g y p t corresponded approximately (with a difference of t w o months) t o the third year in Rome. Thus the ostraka confirm the information of Josephus t h a t the 3rd year of Vespasian w a s the year of the promulgation of the edict. Y e t the information of D i o Cassius concerning the l e v y of the t a x immediately after the destruction of the Temple, i.e. from the 2nd year of Vespasian, is also confirmed b y our ostraka. I n t w o cases (Nos. 164, 166) the t a x is paid 'for t h e second year', though the receipts themselves are written in the 4th year of Vespasian. N o w t h e 2nd year of Vespasian in E g y p t ran from 29th August 69 t o 29th August 70, i.e. preceded the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem (which took place on c. i s t September 70), and it sounds paradoxical that the J e w s were forced t o p a y the t a x for a year when t h e y were not y e t vanquished b y t h e Romans. A s an explanation of the paradox it m a y be suggested that the edict, though issued in the 3rd year, ordered the t a x t o be paid from the 2nd year o n — of course, according to the Roman reckoning; b u t the government officials in E g y p t adopted the wording of the edict in its strict form without paying atten­ tion to the fact that the '2nd year' of the edict corresponded roughly t o the 3rd year in E g y p t . Thus the result w a s that the Jews of E g y p t paid the arrears for the n e w t a x for t w o years, whereas the Jews of the whole Empire h a d t o p a y t h e m for one year only. 3. The Jewish t a x in E g y p t w a s paid b y every Jew, male and female, from t h e age of 3 t o 60 or 62 years (cf. N o . 421). T h e Edfu ostraka never mention the age of the payers. A m o n g t h e m were w o m e n (Nos. 168, 169, 171, 223), slaves (Nos. 2 0 1 , 206, 212, 218, 229), and freedmen (Nos. 1 7 1 , 179, 180, 199). I t is likely t h a t the obligation of slaves to p a y the Jewish t a x w a s imposed on their masters, since the slaves, as a rule, h a d no income of their own. W e m a y ask whether Jewish masters h a d t o p a y for their non-Jewish slaves, or non-Jewish masters for their Jewish slaves. A t first glance the second case seems to be the more probable, since t h e t a x w a s imposed on a people, and so it would seem logical t o suppose that all members of t h a t people, free and slave alike, had t o p a y it. Y e t were this the case, non-Jewish masters would probably abstain from purchasing Jewish slaves, and those w h o had bought t h e m would object t o the imposition of a t a x on themselves, as t h e y had nothing t o do with the J e w s and their revolts. T h e first case seems, therefore, t o be more probable. I n the ancient world a slave belonged to the familia, and the head of it w a s responsible for all its members. A Jewish master had, consequently, t o p a y the Jewish t a x for all his slaves, J e w s and non-Jews alike, just as he had to p a y it for his wife, his unmarried daughters, and his minor sons. That the Jewish t a x w a s paid n o t b y the slave himself b u t b y his master is attested b y N o . 218, where the t a x is paid b y a member of a Jewish family for a maid belonging to this family. T h e Jewish tax, therefore, w a s a very h e a v y burden imposed on Jewish households, far heavier than the laographia, paid b y adult males only. 4. T h e annual rate of the Jewish t a x w a s 8 E g y p t i a n drachmai ( = 2 denars) and 2 obols. T h e 2 obols were, it seems, a fee exacted because p a y m e n t w a s m a d e in local money, n o t in R o m a n denars (cf. Tait, 0. Petrie, 79; Wallace,

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115

326). A further sum of 1 dr. added t o the p a y m e n t w a s called d-nrapxai (in the plural, and not amapxh the singular, as it has been previously r e a d ; cf. N o . 168). The character of this latter t a x is not clear. The term tvnapx^ means, strictly speaking, 'first fruits'; y e t it w a s generally used in Hellenistic literature for t a x e s sent b y the Jews of the Diaspora to Jerusalem (cf., for example, Philo, leg. 156, 216). Thus the 'didrachmon' was part of the dirapxal. The gathering and sending of the sums collected w a s one of the privileges of the Jews and stood under the protection of R o m a n law (cf. Juster 1, 377). After the destruction of the Temple and the abolition of the 'didrachmon' there was no further reason for the R o m a n government to permit Jews t o send any m o n e y t o Jerusalem; so it m a y be that sums not included in the 'didrachmon' were grouped together under the common term of drrapxal and added t o the Jewish t a x as an additional l e v y . The amount of 9 dr. and 2 obols (including the dirapxal) w a s paid in various w a y s . Sometimes (cf. Nos. 167-79 l others) the whole s u m w a s paid at once, in other cases in t w o instalments, the p a y m e n t s being either equal (Nos. 180, 182,186, 200, 213), or of 5 and 4 dr. (the 2 obols being added t o the first or the second p a y m e n t respectively). Some receipts (cf. Nos. 215, 217) justify the supposition that in all the cases (rather numerous) in which a receipt for 4 dr. w a s issued another receipt for 5 dr. 2 obols existed as well, which chance h a s not preserved. In some cases 8 dr. were paid without the dTrapxal, or w i t h o u t the 2 obols (Nos. 162-6, 205, 208), and in other cases the receipt attests the p a y ­ m e n t of a partial s u m whose character escapes u s . It seems that the t a x gatherers were not too rigid towards the population and were disposed t o lighten the burden put on Jews b y the R o m a n government. m

1

a n (

2

5. The organization of the l e v y is not described in a n y ostrakon, b u t one fact is quite certain: special tax-gatherers called irpaKropes 'IOVSCL'CKOV TeXeaparos were appointed exclusively for the exaction of the Jewish tax. Though such a npaKTcop is explicitly n a m e d in one ostrakon only (No. 181), the whole material of the ostraka confirms this. It has already been pointed out above t h a t all receipts for the Jewish t a x were delivered on special ostraka, not intermingled w i t h receipts for other t a x e s . This fact can be accounted for only on the supposition t h a t the exaction of the Jewish t a x was wholly separated from the gathering of other t a x e s and that a special department, consisting of a certain number of government officials, was organized in every centre of administration w i t h the special aim of exacting the Jewish tax. W h o were these officials? In one case (No. 240) the name of the tax-collector points to a J e w ; y e t the t a x levied b y him is not the Jewish tax, but the 'bath-tax'. The names of the tax-collectors of the Jewish t a x , in t w o cases known to us (Nos. 166, 181), are c o m m o n Greek names and give us no information on the nationality of their bearers. The above-mentioned reform of Domitian did not change the rate of the t a x t o b e 3

4

1

Blau (Papyri und Talmud, 12) tried to explain the dnapxal as a substitute t o the Hebrew O'H'Dl (first-fruits), whose presentation to t h e T e m p l e was abolished simultaneously with the abolition of the 'didrachmon' (M. Sheqalim 8, 8). Y e t it seems that the dirapxat had a wider meaning, at a n y rate in the diaspora. Cf. A l o n , Mehqarim betholdoth Israel, 1957, 86 n . 1 3 (in H e b r e w ) .

2

Some curious i n s t a n c e s : N o . 2 1 8 : 6 d r . ; N o . 229: 3 o b . ; N o . 190: 2 d r . ; N o . 225: 4 dr. 5 o b . ; N o . 195: 4 dr. 3 o b . , and so on. Philon-Menes, w h o signed t h e receipt in N o . 166, was probably a wpd/cTwp t o o , b u t he is not designated as such. Four exceptions m u s t be recorded: N o s . 183, 202 ,203, 217. 3

4

n6

SECTION

IX

paid (at least in E g y p t ) , but it perhaps strengthened the organization of the d e p a r t m e n t : in this w a y we m a y interpret the well-known sentence of Suetonius (Domit. 12. 2): Iudaicus fiscus acerbissime actus est. 6. The last receipt for the Jewish t a x delivered in Edfu is dated 18th May, A . D . 116 (No. 229). W e h a v e no knowledge of the continuation of the t a x at a later period, and since the Edfu ostraka of the years 1 5 1 - 6 5 (Nos. 375-403) do not mention the t a x , the conclusion might be drawn t h a t it had been abolished b y Hadrian. N o w , however, we have evidence of the continuation of the t a x at least as late as the middle of the second century (cf. N o . 460). W e do not know whether it w a s maintained until the reign of Julian, as some scholars assume (cf. Vol. I, p. 81, note 64). 7. The last problem connected with the Edfu ostraka is that of names. It w a s pointed out above (Vol. I, Introduction) t h a t the Jews of E g y p t called t h e m ­ selves b y various names, Hebrew and non-Hebrew alike, and t h a t a careful investigation of these names makes very important additions t o our knowledge of the general cultural life of E g y p t i a n J e w r y (cf. Vol. I, pp. 27 sqq., 83 sq.). Edfu is the only place in E g y p t where this problem m a y be studied compre­ hensively. The general impression is t h a t of complete chaos. The Jews in Edfu called themselves b y Hebrew, Semitic, Greek, E g y p t i a n , and e v e n R o m a n names, and no special preference for one kind of name or another can be estab­ lished. The following list m a y illustrate the diversity of names of the Edfu Jews: Hebrew and Semitic: Abdous, Abramos, Barnabis, Jakoubos, Jasikos, Jesous, Johannes, Josepos, Joudas, Maria, Marous, Sarra, Sambathion, Selemon, Simon. Greek: Aischylos, Alexander, Alexion, Antipatros, Apollon, Chaireas, D a m i o n , D e m a s , D i d y m o s , Diogas, Diophanes, Dosas, Jason, Nikon, Philon, T e u philos, Thaumasios, Thedetos, Theodotos, Tryphas. Egyptian: Apion, Bokchoris, Pates, Pesouris, Petays, Psilychion, Thermauthos, Thermouthion. Roman: Achillas Rufus, Akietos ( = Quietus?), Marcus Anni(u)s, Antonius Rufus, Q. Caecilius, Marcus Verrius. E v e n within t h e limits of individual families this mixture of names can b e observed. One family only, evidently the m o s t 'aristocratic', strongly main­ tained the Roman-Hellenistic spirit which dominated the family. The father w a s a R o m a n citizen, Antonius Rufus, probably a freedman belonging t o a R o m a n family bearing the cognomen R u f u s ; his three sons have Greek n a m e s : Nikon, Theodotos, and Ptollis; one of t h e m , Theodotos, had a R o m a n nick­ n a m e N i g e r ; the t w o sons of N i k o n were Tryphas and Diophanes, and a son of Ptollis w a s called after his uncle Theodotos-Niger (in the receipts he is sometimes mentioned as 'Niger' only). Other families were far less snobbish. Psilychion-Alexion-Thedetos, and the three sons of the latter, Meious, Philippos, and Ptollis, reveal a mixture of Greek and E g y p t i a n names, like the family of 1

1

I n N o s . 170, 248 a son of Antonius R u f u s , Theodoros-Niger, is m e n t i o n e d ; this is surely a slip of t h e pen for Theodotos-Niger since it is

hard t o suppose t h a t t w o sons had t h e same nickname.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

Genealogies of Jewish {See p.

117

Families

118)

1. A n t o n i u s R u f u s

2.

Jakoubos

I Nikon

Theodotos-Niger

Tryphas

Thedetos

Ptollis

I Jakoubos

Theodotos-Niger

Diophanes

Abramos 3.

Psilychion

4.

Jason-Philon

I

Alexion

Pesouris

I Thedetos

Melcbion

Dosas Meious

Philippos

Ptollis 6.

5.

Josepos

Papios

"-i

1 Jesous-Sambathion

Kalleus

Jason

1

Jason

Ptollas

Sambathion

Eunous

I

1

Dosthes

Dosanon 7.

l —

8.

Jesous

Josepos 10.

I

1

1

Thaumasios

I

I

Petays

Jakobos

Kelchias 12. 11.

Pates

9.

I

Damion

Dolchous

Sambathion

Philemon

I

I

Akietos

Dionys

Josephos

Simon

Aischylos Theuphilos Josepos

Demas

Abaskon

I

Theuphilos

Bokchoris

I Apollas

Senpetestheus

13. Achillas R u f u s Senpeamys Panibekis-Senpeasmys

14.

Maria

Demas

Simon

n8

SECTION IX: NOS.

160-163

Jason-Philon, whose son bore the E g y p t i a n name Pesouris and whose t w o grand­ sons were called b y the Greek names Dosas and Melchion. In other families Hebrew names were frequent, though intermingled with names of different origin: J a c o b T h e o d o t o s - J a c o b is one e x a m p l e ; J a s o n - J o s e p h - S a m b a t h i o n is another; and the five generations Joseph-Aischylos-Joseph-Bokchoris-Apollas are the best example of the intermingling of n a m e s of three various origins in the same family. The relative frequency of E g y p t i a n names is a very interesting feature. The increasing influence of the E g y p t i a n element on Jews living in the villages is easy t o understand; y e t Apollinopolis Magna w a s not a village, b u t a metro­ polis, and w e should h a v e expected that here the Greek element would be pre­ ponderant. A striking example shows us that this was not the case and that the E g y p t i a n element here w o n a complete victory. A s already stated (p. 109), only one Jewish family is known t o us in Edfu in the period between 151 and 165. W e assume this family t o be Jewish on account of the name of the father, Achillas Rufus, w h o might have been a kinsman of Antonius Rufus, and thanks t o an accidental reference t o a lady n a m e d Sarra (No. 378); but all the three sons of Achillas Rufus bear typical E g y p t i a n n a m e s : Senpetestheus, Senpeamys, and Panibekis-Senpeasmys. N o doubt can be entertained as t o the language, habits, and general spirit prevailing in the house of this Jew, whose good GraecoR o m a n n a m e was no more than a feeble reminiscence of a vanished epoch. I n the first volume of Tell Edfou Professor Manteuffel has published some genealogies of Jewish families in Edfu. Since then n e w material has been found and published, so t h a t a list of new genealogies m a y be drawn u p ; the earlier material also requires some rectification. I give above the genealogies of all the Jewish families as far as t h e y can be established on the basis of the material included in the Edfu ostraka. I n deciding whether a certain person belongs t o a certain family I have been guided b y the contemporaneity of some ostraka, as well as b y the fact that the grandson w a s often n a m e d after his grandfather. After the death of Professor Tcherikover, we submitted the proofs of this section t o Prof. J. Schwartz of Strasbourg, t o w h o m the Corpus already owed a great debt for making the unpublished ostraka N o s . 183a, 256, 328a, 350 avail­ able for publication here. Though full revision of the originals w a s impossible, Prof. Schwartz's great knowledge of the material and the patient work he has devoted t o this section have enabled us t o introduce m a n y improvements. The readings, suggestions, and observations made b y Prof. Schwartz are marked S c h w . ; w e have also introduced several corrections without mentioning his name. In so far as the dating of the ostraka published here diverges from that of the editio princeps, the dates h a v e been m o s t l y established b y Prof. Schwartz. Some of his corrected datings should involve some changes in numeration (thus N o s . 393-403 should come before N o s . 375-392). However, we have not found it possible t o make changes in numbering, and hope that no great inconvenience will be caused b y this. W e feel that we should mention Schwartz's doubts concerning the 'Jewishness' of N o s . 375-403. H e feels t h a t the excavators insisted too strongly on the 'ghetto' character of the F o u r t h District, which m a y have included m a n y non-Jews, and points out t h a t the only distinctive Jewish name among this

OSTRAKA FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

119

group, Sarra (No. 378), is only doubtfully read. However, Professor Tcherikover, though n o t unaware of the difficulties, decided t o include these ostraka in the Corpus, and w e have resolved t o leave t h e m , even if the 'Jewishness' of some of t h e m m a y be called in question. A.F. D.M.L.

Part I. Nos. 160—229. The Jewish Tax No. 160 Anz. K. Akad.

Wien,

'Epevios

Phil.-Hist. K l . , 6. vii, 1 9 1 0 , N o . 19 (ed. Wessely). W . Chr. 295.

AiSvpiov

0v€cr(7racrt,avov)

| [Svo]

\ TLfxrjs 8r)vapico(v)

Kai\[oapos

A.D. 71/2.

S

'IOV8(CLLLOV)

(erovs)

ro]v Kvp[C]o(v) | [

(Translation.) Herenios son of D i d y m o s , in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 4th year of our lord Vespasian Caesar . . . .

No. 161 OE 14.

28th January, A . D . 7 2 .

[TevcptXos

U]lpiojv(os)

Xf^ds) ..]. (erovs) 1. [Tcv<j>i\os £]lfitovos

I [Vi/x^S")] Sr)(vapltov)

8 Mex(elp)

Svo * Iov8(aiLov)

\

[(Spa-

y.

restored b y m e according t o N o . 167.

(Translation.) Teuphilos son of Simon, in respect of the two-denar t a x on t h e Jews, . . . drachmai for the 4th year, Mecheir 3.

No. 162 OE 4 1 .

28th January, A . D . 7 2 .

Ncyep (erovs)

Avrto(vtov)

'Povov \ rtptrjs

Ov(ecr)7ra(criavov)

8r)vapl(tov)

(Spaxpicis) rj (8voj36\ovs).

Svo

| 'Iov8(atojv)

[ Mex(elp)

S

y.

(Translation.) Niger, son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of the two-denar t a x on t h e Jews for the 4th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols. Mecheir 3. T h e payer, Theodotos-Niger, is called here b y his R o m a n nickname only. Cf. N o . 164.

No. 163 OE 124.

Mepiv a(7raoriavov)

28th January, A . D . 7 2 .

'IaotKov

ripirjs

\ SrjvapLCo(v) Svo *IovS(atcov)

(Spa^/xa,?) rj (SvofioAovs).

(erovs)

8 | Mex(elp)

\ S (erovs)

Ove-

y.

(Translation.) Merin son of Jasikos, in respect of t h e two-denar t a x on the J e w s for t h e 4th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols. Year 4, Mecheir 3.

SECTION IX: NOS.

120

164-171

No. 164 O E 40.

2nd J u n e , A.D. 7 2 . f

i

Niyep Avroivl(ov) Pou^ot> | rip,rjs 8r)vaplco(v) 8vo \ Iov8(alcov) j8 (erovs) 0v(ecr)7r(aoiavov) (8paxp-ds) rj (8vo/36Aovs). (erovs) 8 \ Tlavvirj. (Translation.) Niger son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 2nd year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols. Year 4, Payni 8. It results from the comparison between this receipt and N o . 162 that the E g y p t i a n Jews were forced to p a y in the year 71/72 the Jewish t a x for three years at once (year 2nd, 3rd, and 4th of Vespasian). N o receipts from the 3rd year of Vespasian are preserved. A p a y m e n t for the 2nd year is mentioned again in N o . 166.

No. i 6 ^ O E 120.

2nd J u n e , A.D. 7 2 . y

*Iojorj7To(s) 'Idacovos J rtp,rjs 8r)vapLOj(v) | Bvo Iov8(aiojv) 8 (erovs) ((8paxp-o\s)) rj (8vo/36Aovs) J (erovs) 8 Ovearraaiavov JJav(vi) j 5 | rj. (Translation.) Josepos son of Jason, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 4th year, 8 drachmai 2 obols. Year 4 of Vespasian, Payni 8.

No. 166 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, no. 4 (Wessely). S B 5 8 1 4 .

2nd J u n e , A.D. 7 2 .

Arjpids AiBvpiLojvos I ripurjs 8r)vapcoj(v) 8vo \ *Iov8(aia)v) Ove(o7Taoiavov) (8paxp
j8 5 |

(erovs) (erovs) 8

(Translation.) D e m a s son of Didymion, in respect of the two-denar t a x o n the Jews for the 2nd year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols. Philon Menes. Year 4, Payni 8. H a d -PlXaiv Mevrjs been a taxpayer, the sum paid b y him—or at least the word 6(iola>s—would appear in the receipt. A s the n a m e is written n o w it can be only a signature of a tax-collector (cf. the signatures of the bankers in N o s . 48 sqq.).

No. 167 OE 261.

28th March, A.D. 7 3 . i

Tevi\os ElpLOj(vos) I rip/rjs 8r)vaploj(v) | 8vo Iov8(aioiv) e (erovs) Ov€o(rTaoiavov) j (Bpaxpds) rj (8vo/36Aovs) drrapxidjv) a. j 5 | Evvo(vs) AgA(xovros) op,oi(ojs) (Spaxp>ds) rj (8vof$6Aovs) \ d7rapx(oJv) a. (erovs) e | &app,(ov6i) jS. (Translation.) Teuphilos son of Simon, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 5th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 (drachme). E u n o u s son of Dolchous, similarly, 8 drachmai 2 o b o l s ; and in respect of the aparchai, 1 (drachme). Year 5, Pharmouthi 2. Instances of two or more payers recorded o n the same receipt are to be found in N o s . 168-71, 1 7 3 , 181, 192, 219, 223, 224.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

No.

168

O E 373.

24th April, A . D . 73.

.. .]

NLKLOV

Oveorraoiavov Aorrjts

121

I rip,(rjs)

(Spaxp-ds)

rj (SvofioAovs)

dheX(r)) gp,(otcos)

a. | (erovs)

8rj(vapitov)

e 0appb(ovdi)

Svo

|

'Tov8aLto(v)

| drrapx{tov)

(Spaxpids) rj (SvofioAovs)

e

(erovs

(8paxp
(8paxp>r)v)

K$.

(Translation.) . . . son of N i k i a s : in respect of the two-denar t a x on the J e w s for the 5th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Loteis, his sister, similarly, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 5, Pharmouthi 2 9 . 1. Perhaps

'Idnovfios]

NIKIOV;

cf. N o . 211, which i s , however, dated 34 years later.

No.

169

O E 126.

27th May, A . D . 74.

(TRACES OF 3

(SvofioAovs)

LINES)

drrapx{tov)

I . TCWTIJS, 1.

Avrds vlos ravrrjs \ 6p.oL(tos) (Spaxp^rju) a. \ (erovs) £ IJavvt JS.

(Spaxp>ds) rj

|

avrrjs.

(Translation.) . . . Antas her son, similarly, (in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews) 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 6 , P a y n i 2 .

No.

170

O E 53.

23rd April, A . D . 75.

\@eohoS\pos (erovs) NLKCOV

Pov(f>ov

AVTCOVLOV

Ov€orra(tnavov) Avrcoviov

[Gc6oto]pos

\ji\p<{rjs)

SrjvapLto(v)

\ (Spaxp>ds) rj (SvofioAovs)

'Povcfrov 6pLot(a)s) \ (Spaxptds)

(8paxp>r)v) a. Tpvcf>ds \ 5 drrapx{oov)

I

f

|

probably a slip for

6p,oi(a)s)

NLKCOVOS

(8paxp>r)v) a. (erovs)

y

Svo IovS(aicov)

drrapx{d>v)

£

(8paxp
rj (SvoftoAovs)

drrapx{tov)

(8paxp>ds) rj (ovoftoAovs)

\

£ &app,(ov0L) k~r}.

[®€O8O/]TOS;

cf. p . 116, note 1.

(Translation.) Theodoros, son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 7th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Nikon son of Antonius Rufus, similarly, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Tryphas son of Nikon, similarly, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 7, Pharmouthi 2 8 .

No.

171

O E 127.

26th J u n e , A . D . 75.

Aieyp(aijjev) (erovs)

Mapovs

Oveorramavov

AK(,r)r(ov)

Tip,(rjs)

SrjvapLtov

(Spaxp^ds) rj (SvofioAovs)

| Svo 'Iov8(aLtov)

drrapx{d>v)

£

(Spaxpwjv) ol. \

122

SECTION I X : NOS.

AKVVT&S

KaiKiXXias

dTreAev9(epos)

a7rapx(6jv)

(8paxp,r]v)

a. | 5 | (erovs)

172-178

\ Udppas C

(Spaxp-ds)

rj

($voj36Aovs)

J8.

^ETTI^

(Translation.) Paid b y Marous daughter of Akietos, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 7th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. A k y n t a s Kaikillias, freedman of Sarra, 8 drachmai 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 7, E p e i p h 2. 1. Mapovs is a w o m a n ' s n a m e . 1. o U y p ( a i p e v ) : this is t h e first occurrence of this term in the dossier (Schw.). 3. AKWT&S KaiKcXXlas—i.e. Q. Caecilius—was a freedman of a Jewish lady Sarra (cf. N o s . 179 and 180), and since he bears a R o m a n n a m e this w o m a n , t o o , w a s a R o m a n citizen. She was named after the well-known R o m a n family of Caecilii, and we m a y suggest that her father, or husband, or some one of her forefathers, was a freedman of some rich R o m a n senator Caecilius; cf. the numerous Caecilii in Crete n a m e d after the first conqueror of t h e island, Q. Caecilius Metellus Creticus (CAH ix. 3 7 5 ; x i . 661). 3. direXevd(epos): restored b y m e . Manteuffel t h o u g h t of aireX^vdepos) evd(vpov) Zdppas, which is not very convincing.

No. 172 O E 262.

22nd April, A . D . 76.

Tpv<j>ds OTTao(iavov) p,(ovdt)

I

NIKCOVOS

np/qs

Srjvaplojv

rj (SvofioAovs)

(8paxp
8vo

*Iovh(aiojv)

d7r(ap)x{d>v)

a.

(erovs)

| 77

| (erovs)

rj

Ove&ap-

/<£.

(Translation.) Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 8th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the aparchai, 1. Year 8, Pharmouthi 27.

No. 173 OE 43.

15th J u n e , A . D . 77.

Aieyp(aijjev) 9

Iov8(aicov)

a.

I

5

I

(erovs)

0e68ojro(s) I 6 (erovs)

Tpvcf)ds 9 Tlavvt

NLKOJVOS

| Avronviov

OveoTr(aoiavov) 6p,(oioJs)

'Pov(f>ov (§paxp-ds)

\ ri[x(f)s)

r\ (SvofioAovs)

(8paxp>ds)

Srjvaplojv

17 (SvofioAovs)

8vo

drrapxicov)

drrapx{d>v)

a. |

k~d.

(Translation.) Paid b y Theodotos son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 9th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the aparchai, 1. Tryphas son of N i k o n similarly, 8 drachmai 2 obols, in respect of the aparchai 1. Year 9, Payni 21.

No. 174 OE 22. NLKOJV

23rd J u n e , A . D . 77.

AvrcovLov

Oveorraaia(vov) \5\^9.

*Pov
(Spaxptds)

I

rLpi(rjs) Srjvaplojv

rj (Svoj36Aovs)

9

8vo Iovh(aiojv)

\ dTrapx(oJv)

a. (erovs)

| 6

(erovs) 9

Tlavvi

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

123

(Translation.) Nikon son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of the two-denar t a x on t h e Jews for the 9th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols, in respect of the aparchai, 1. Year 9, Payni 29.

No.

IJS

OE 34.

21st April, A . D . 78.

Aieypafyev)

Tpvas NiKtoy[os] | np.rjs

(erovs)

Ovea(rratna)vov

(Spaxpias)

(erovs)

1 &app,(ovdi) | 5 | K$}.

Srjvaplojv

9

| Svo

rj (SvofHoAovs) drrapx(cov)

Iov8(aioov)

1

| (8paxp>r)v) a.

(Translation.) Paid b y Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews, for the 1 0 t h year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 1 0 , Pharmouthi 26.

No. 176 O E 46.

26th M a y , A . D . 7 8 .

Aieyp(ax\sev) 9

IovS(aicov)

©e68coro(s) Avrcovio(v)

1 (erovs)

a. (erovs)

Ov{earraaia)vov

c | S | Tlavvi

| 'Povov riputjs 8rjvapLto(v) | Svo | (Spaxpids) rj (SvofioAovs)

drrapx{cov)

a.

(Translation.) Paid b y Theodotos son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of t h e two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 10th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the aparchai, 1 . Year 1 0 , P a y n i 1.

No. 177 OE 35.

5th April, A . D . 7 9 .

Aieyp(aifjev) (erovs)

Tpv<j>ds

Oveo(rracna)vov

&appL(ovOi)

\ rtpi(r)s)

NIKIOVO(S)

Srjvaplojv

Svo

j Iov8(altov) 9

\ (8paxp>ds) rj (SvOfSoAovs) drrapx{d>v)

a. (erovs)

La ta

I 5 I t.

(Translation.) Paid b y Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the n t h year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of t h e aparchai, 1 . Year n , Pharmouthi 10.

No. 178 O E 49.

28th April, A . D . 79.

Aieyp(ax\iev) SrjvapLwv /SoAovs)

®e68ioro(s) 9

Svo \ IovS(aiojv) I 5 I drrapx{d>v)

6 K(OI) Niyep 1a (erovs)

a. (erovs)

| Avrcoviov

Ovearrra(auavov)

ia Tlaxcov

'Povcpov

| rip,fjs

(Spaxpids)

rj (Svo~

y.

(Translation.) Paid b y Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the n t h year of Ves­ pasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1. Year 1 1 , Pachon 3.

124

SECTION I X : NOS. 179-184

No.

179

O E 128.

23rd May, A . D . 80.

KaiKiAXLas hrjvaploj(v)

drreX(evdepos) Zdppas

I 8vo

X{d>v) (hpaxpwjv)

'Iov8(alojv)

|

a.

(Spaxptds) ft

(CTOVS)

HaKaKos

(erovs)

ft

f] (SvoftoXovs)

TLp,(fjs)

TLTOV

drrap-

v(7rep)

KCL(L)

77a^cuv icq.

1. ZaxaKos i s written above t h e line. According t o Manteuffel he w a s t h e father of Sarra. T h e n a m e ZaKag is otherwise unattested and t h e reading seems t o b e doubtful. Perhaps a slip for "AKOKOS?

(Translation.) Kaikillias, freedman of Sarra daughter of Sakax(?) for t h e 2nd year of Titus, in respect of t h e two-denar t a x o n t h e Jews, 8 drachmai 2 obols, and in respect of t h e aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 2, Pachon 28.

No.

180 .

O E 129.

15th June, A . D . 80.

Aieyp(aijtev)

KaLKiXAtas | dTreX(evdepos) Udppas

AKVVT&S 9

Srjvapiojv \ 8vo Iov8(alcov) ft (o/?oAov)

j dTr(a)px(cov)

(CTOVS)

(TptojftoAov).

TLTOV (CTOVS)

[Kjata(apos) f$ TICLVVL

v(irep)

Tip,(r}s)

(8paxp>ds) 8

K~a.

(Translation.) Paid b y A k y n t a s Kaikillias freedman of Sarra, in respect of the two-denar t a x o n t h e Jews for t h e 2nd year of Titus Caesar, 4 drachmai 1 obol; in respect of t h e aparchai, 3 obols. Year 2, Payni 21.

No.

181

O E 37.

14th N o v e m b e r , A . D . 80.

. . .]yatos KaAAtOTpaTov TrpaKTOjp at

8vo

eiv

x ^P '

[NLKOJV]OS

'IOVSCLLOJV

aov

Kvplov

(8paxp>ds)]

(eTovs)

y Advp J/t).

drrexoj Sid \ T€

is"

Kal \

[

[

| ['iouSaiVcJou reXecrpiaTOS Tpva,Ti ^l]7roAAcovtoi; Tipjqv

] VTrep ft (erovs)

(TeTpojftoXov)

KCL(L)

TLTOV

|5|

|

\hr)vaplojv\

Kaioapos

\

[TOV

v(ir€p) drrapxicov) (8paxp
j8. |

(Translation.) . . . n a i o s s o n of Kallistratos, collector of t h e Jewish t a x , t o Tryphas son of Nikon, greeting. I have received through . . . son of Apollonios the two-denar t a x o n t h e Jews from y o u a n d from . . . for t h e 2nd year of our lord Titus Caesar, 16 drachmai 4 obols; also, in respect of t h e aparchai, 2 drachmai. Year 3, H a t h y r 18. For this form of receipts cf. N o s . 107, 109, n o . This is t h e sole ostrakon brought forward b y Manteuffel as a n evidence of t h e spelling lovSatov r e ' A e a / x a . Cf. a b o v e , p . 1 1 2 n. 1 .

No.

182

O E 38.

A . D . 80-81.

Tpvds TLTOV

NLKO)VO(S)

v(TT€p) TLp,(rjs)

I SrjvapLOJv

Svo *Iov8(aL<x)v) y

(Spaxptds) 8 (6/3oX6v) dTrapx{djv) (TpiojfUoXov).

ice. I 5 j 8 (erovs) 6p,ot(oJs)

(CTOVS)

(CTOVS)

y \ IJav(vL)

(8paxp-ds) 8 (ofioXdv) dnapxicov) (TpLOjfioXov).

|

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

125

(Translation.) Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of t h e two-denar t a x o n t h e J e w s for t h e 3rd year of Titus, 4 drachmai 1 obol; in respect of t h e aparchai, 3 obols. Year 3, Payni 25. F o r t h e 4th year, similarly, 4 drachmai 1 o b o l ; i n respect of t h e aparchai, 3 obols.

N o . 183 O E 374.

18th May,

'ItbcrrjTros AlaxvXov

8 (erovs)

^o>(/xaTt/cou)

\ Aop,(yr£)avov

(Spaxfjias) s* (rerpcOfSoXov), i8aXa(vevrLKov)

(SvofioXovs),

ap.aros)

S Uavvi

(Spaxp>ds) 6 (SvofioXovs).

(erovs)

rov

| 'IovS(aiKov)

A.D.

85.

Kvplov reX(e-

KS.

(Translation.) Josepos son of Aischylos, i n respect of dyke-tax for t h e 4th year of our lord Domitian, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the Jewish t a x , 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 4, Payni 24. T h e receipt for t h e Jewish t a x is here delivered together w i t h receipts for other t a x e s (cf. N o s . 202, 203, 217, and 259). I t m a y be t h a t i n this case t h e l e v y of t h e Jewish t a x w a s c o m m i t t e d t o a n official usually exacting t h e c o m m o n t a x e s . Can this account for t h e unusual error i n t h e n a m e of t h e t a x , 'Iovoa'iKov

reXeafia

i n s t e a d of rt/xr)

Srjvapicov

Svo?

Cf. a b o v e , p . 1 1 2 n . 2.

N o . 183a O I F A O 230 (unpublished). Made k n o w n t o u s b y courtesy of M. J . Schwartz.

Aieyp(aifje) Kal

Trjpltov

a7Tapx(tov)

8

''Oycoparg(v)

(€701;?)

30th J u n e , A . D . 8 5 .

\ rLp,rj(s) Srjvapitov

Agp,vriavov

\ (Spaxpids)

i

Svo IovS(atcov)

6 (SvofioXovs).

\

(erovs)

8 ^Errelcf) §. 3 . T h e sign for

erovs

is unusual.

(Translation.) Paid b y Terion s o n of Onoratos, i n respect of t h e two-denar t a x o n t h e Jews and t h e aparchai for t h e 4th year of Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 4, Epeiph 6.

N o . 184 O E 285.

22nd M a y , A . D . 88.

[Aieyp(aijjev) 6 oetva rod Setvos] | [Ttp,r}s SrjvapLOJv] | Svo *IovS(aicov) Kal drrapxicov) | £ (erovs) Aop,i(ria)vov

(Spaxptds) 6 (Svo/SoXovs) \ 5 | (erovs)

£ IIaxLo(v) K £ . (Translation.) Paid b y the J e w s and t h e aparchai Year 7, Pachon 27.

son of , in respect of t h e two-denar t a x o n for t h e 7th year of Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols.

126

SECTION IX: NOS. 185-193

No.

1 S 5

Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 6 (Wessely). S B 5 8 1 6 .

Ateypa(iffe) A^doKcov Kal drrapx{cdv) s" (erovs) TIavvi KS".

Alo(xvX)ov | Aopunavov

20th J u n e , A . D . 88.

j ripLr)(s) Srjvaptcov Svo | 'TovS(aicov) (Spaxp*ds) 9 (SvofioXovs). | 5 | (erovs) £

(Translation.) Paid b y Abaskon son of Aischylos, in respect of the two-denar t a x on t h e J e w s and t h e aparchai for the 6th year of Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 7, P a y n i 26.

No. 186 O E 67.

30th J u l y , A . D . 89.

Aieyp(aifiev) IJroXXts @rjSer(ov) \ np,fj(s) Srjvaplco(v) Svo \ 'IovS(aia)v) Kal drrapxicov) 77 (erovs) j Aopiinavov (8paxp>ds) S (rerpcd^oXov). (erovs) rj I 5 I Meao(pr)) ?. (Translation.) Paid b y Ptollis son of Thedetos, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the J e w s and the aparchai for the 8th year of Domitian, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Year 8, Mesore 6.

No. 187 OE 61.

3rd A u g u s t , A . D . 89.

Aieyp(ax\tev) Kal drrapx(cov) Meao(pr)) I.

®j)Sero(s) AXe^itoiyos) J nprf\(s) Srjvaptcov Svo j *IovS(accov) r) (erovs) \ Aopunavov (Spaxp^ds) 6 (SvofioXovs) • | 5 | (erovs) rj

(Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of the two-denar t a x o n t h e J e w s and the aparchai for t h e 8th year of Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 8, Mesore 10.

No. 188 OE 387. NLKCOV

i s t cent. A . D .

[

] j ArreXXaros

drrapx{£>v)] j rov GOV vlov [ vrj (rerpcOfSoXov)]

[r^rjs] Kacoapos]

\ Srjvaplcov

[Svo 'IovS(aicov)

Kal

| 5 | rov Kvplov [ | - - (Spaxp-as)

(Translation.) N i k o n . . . son of Apellas, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews and t h e aparchai, for his son(?) . . . of our lord Caesar . . . 18 drachmai 4 obols.

OSTRAKA FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S

MAGNA (EDFU)

127

No. 189 O E 267.

A.D. 92-93.

QrjBeros

Aieypa(ifjev)

ift

(erovs)

| AXe£lojvo(s)

Aopu(na)vov

VTr(ep) * IOV8(OLCKOV)

| [TOV Kvpiov

(Bpaxp,as)]

| [T]eA(ecrjU-aTOS')

0 (BvoftoXovs).

(erovs)

I-- (Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for the 12th year of our lord Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 12. . . .

No. 190 OE 161.

28th February, A . D . 93, or 28th February, A . D . 1 0 9 .

[o Betva rod Becvos] (erovs)

ift &ap,(evd)0)

\ reX(eaptaros)

*Ioy8(aLKov)

ift (erovs)

(Bpaxp-ds)

ft.

B.

(Translation.) [— son of — ] , in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 12th year, 2 drachmai. Year 1 2 , P h a m e n o t h 4.

No. 191 OE 138.

29th J u l y , A . D . 95.

Aloo(

Ateyp(AI/JEV)

Aop.(iria)vov

) Api...\..

*IovB(aiKov)

(Bpaxp-ds) 0 (BvoftoXovs).

\ (erovs)

reX(ecrpiaros) tS Meo(oprj)

iy

(erovs)

e.

2. R e a d i n g according t o Schw.

(Translation.) Paid b y Aiso . . . son of A r i . . ., in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 13th year of Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 14, Mesore 5.

No. 192 O E 268.

18th A u g u s t , A . D . 95.

Aieypa(IFJEV)

(erovs)

18

(erovs)

0fjBero(s)

Aopa(rta)vov

tS Meoo(prj)

A[Xe£loj(vos)

(Bpaxp-as) 8, \

VTr(ep)

9

IOVS(O.LKOV)]

&LXLTTTTO(S)

vlo(s)

|

reX(eapiaros)

8, (yivovrai)

rj. |

ice.

1. Reading according t o Schw.

(Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for the 14th year of Domitian, 4 drachmai; b y Philippos his son, 4. Total 8. Year 14, Mesore 25.

No. 193 O E 269.

29th J u n e , A . D . 9 7 .

Ai[ey]pa(ifjev)

is*

( e r o v s )

I 5 j 'ETTL-J)

I

QrjBeros

AXe£loj(vos) rod Kvpiov]

Aop.i(ria)[yov

e (BpaxP'^jv)

a

(BvoftoXovs)-

| vrr(ep)

'Iov8(aiKov)

(8paxp>
|

reX(eap,aros) ( e r o v s )

is

4

TIaxdiv

128

SECTION IX: NOS. 194-202

(Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e 16th year of our lord Domitian, 8 drachmai. Year 16, Pachon 6. Epeiph 5, 1 drachme 2 obols.

No. 194 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 20 (Wessely). S B 5824.

o apxf>6S(ov). Tpmavov

I Acocrapicov

rod Kvpiov

28th J u n e , A . D . 98.

'Irjarovros |

*IOVO(CLIKOV)

reX(earp,aros) a (erovs)

| ($paxp,6\s) 6 (SvofioXovs). 'Errelcf) B.

(Translation.) 4th District. Dosarion son of Jesous, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the i s t year of our lord Trajan, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Epeiph 4. 3. Schw. suspects 8 (hovs), appears again in N o . 334.

since

S d/x^oSou

is n o t otherwise attested before 104 A . D . Dosarion

No. 195 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 1 0 (Wessely).

SB 5819.

27th September, A . D . 100.

Maptapios 2JipLto(vos) | 'Iov(SaiKov) rov Kvpiov (Spaxpicis) 8 (rerpco^oXov).

reX(eopLaros) y (erovs) (erovs) 8 ©cod X.

Tpatav(ov)

2. (rpic6j3pXov) editors.

(Translation.) Mariamos son of Simon, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for the 3rd year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Year 4, T h o t h 30.

No. 196 OE 377.

25th October, A . D . 1 0 2 .

B6i<x<*>pi>s 'Icoo"rjir(ov) rod Kvpiov

| reX(eap,aros)

'IO[V8(CL'CKOV)]

| (Spaxpids) 8. (erovs)

(erovs)

Tpcuavov

@aco(i) icrj.

(Translation.) Bokchoris son of Josepos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e 6th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 6, Phaophi 28.

No. 197 OE 122.

A.D. 102-3.

U[ap.^a6i]cov'Icpor)Tr(ov) rov

Kvpiov

| ' I o v 8 ( a i K o v ) reX(eap,aros)

(erovs) |

Tpaiavov

I

1. Z\ay.fSa8i\a)v

restored b y m e ; see for t h e same m a n N o . 339.

(Translation.) Sambathion son of Josepos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 6th year of our lord Trajan . . . .

No. 198 OE 145.

A.D. 102-3. 9

2eXep,cov Ep,ayo(v) Kvpiov

\

'IOV$(CLLKOV)

reX(eop,aros)

s* (eVous") Tpaua[vov rod]

1

(Spaxp-cis) 0 (Svo/SoXovs). | (erovs) s [

1 . 'A la place de 'E/j.g,yo(v), je proposerais, sous toutes reserves, 'EiJ,ayo(vr)X)'

Schw.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

129

(Translation.) Selemon son of E m a u o s , in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for the 6th year of our lord Trajan, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 6. . . .

No. 199 O E 281.

A . D . 103-4.

].0L(x)(v) (erovs)

dTreX(ev9epos)

[Tpatavov]

1. Perhaps

| [

II..

i

[|].

Iovh(a'LKOv)

]ov rov Kvpiov

reX(ecrp,aros)

£

[(S/oa^/xa?)

27a/ij8]o0ia>(v).

3. [Apiar]ov

Manteuffel; b u t Trajan did n o t become Optimus until A . D . 114.

(Translation.) . . . thion, freedman of P . . . . in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 7th year of our lord Trajan . . . . . . . drachmai . . . .

No. 200 O E 105.

5th October, A . D . 104.

[B d]pt(f>68(ov). [M]eXxioj(v) [(erovs

Tpa]tavov

rov

ITeoovpto(s)

| [Kv]plov

| ['Iovh(atKov)]

(8paxp>as)

reX(eaj4,aros)

S (rerpojftoXov).

(erovs)

rj rj |

[0a]a>[t]ij. (Translation.) 4th District. Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x , for t h e 8th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Year 8, Phaophi 8.

No. 201 O E 150.

24th October, A . D . 104.

Konpevs ros)

TraiS(dpiov)

£ (erovs)

(erovs)

Ayrt7ja\rpov

\ Tpatavov

rov

Kal d8e(X(f>ov) IovB(a'CKOv) Kvpiov

\ (8paxp,ds)

|5 | 6

reX(eop,a(8voj36Xovs).

rj &aa}(i) /c£.

1. Reading as suggested b y Schw. 2. Or

9

Kvnpavs

7ratS(aya>yos?)

Manteuffel.

a§(cX4>
5 . Instead of B, a too can be read ( Manteuffel). According t o Schw. 0 is certain.

(Translation.) Kopreus, slave of Antipatros and of his brother, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 7th year of our lord Trajan, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 8, Phaophi 27.

No. 202 OE 151.

A . D . IO5-6.

<5 dpxf)6(8ov). Tpa[tavov]

I Aioyds

(Spaxptds)

i

[

] Iovh(aiKov

reXeap.aros)

9

(erovs)

8, crKo(TreXcov) (Spaxpids) ft [

(Translation.) 4th District. Diogas . . ., in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for the 9th year of Trajan, 4 drachmai; in respect of the watch-towers, 2 d r a c h m a i . . . . B 5195

K

130

SECTION IX: NOS. 203-212

No. 203 OE 3 8 1 .

A.D. IO5-6.

Aaptas Apfiivov xoi(ptartKov) 0 (erovs) Tpatavov TOV Kvpiov | (Spaxptds) s" (rerpco^oAov), (3aA(avevriKov) (SvofioAovs), vv{*p) ' I (o)vh (at KOV reAeoptaros) a (SvofioAovs) | [ (Translation.) D a m a s son of Harbinos, in respect of d y k e - t a x for the 9th year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the Jewish tax, 1 (drachme) 2 obols.

No. 204 OE 143.

27th J u l y , A.D. 106.

KAerrapovs \ AtSvptov J 'Iov8(atKov reAeoptaros) 0 (erovs) Tpatavov TOV Kvpiov (Spaxptds) 0 (SvofioAovs). \ (erovs) 0 Meoopr) y. (Translation.) Kleparous son of D i d y m o s , in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 9th year of our lord Trajan, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 9, Mesore 3.

No. 20£ O E 109.

20th A u g u s t , A.D. 1 0 6 .

MeAxioj(v) Tleoovpiov | 'IovB(atKov reAeaptaros) 0 (erovs) Tpatavov J rov Kvpiov (SpaxP'ds) rj. | (erovs) 0 Meao(pr)) K£. I . 1.

rteoovpios.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 9th year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 9, Mesore 2 7 .

No. 206 OE 382.

21st A u g u s t , A.D. 106. i

AeK&s 8ovA(os) A.?ravio(v) BeAdpo(v) IovS(atKov) reA(eap,aros) 0 (erovs) | Tpatavov rov K v p i o v (Spaxptds) o (rerpco^oAov). \ (erovs) 0 Mea(opr)) icq. (Translation.) Dekas, slave of Apanios Belaros, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 9th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Year 9, Mesore 2 8 .

No. 207 Anz. Akad. Wien 1 9 1 0 , p . 1 2 2 , n o . 2 (Wessely). Stud. Pal. xiii, p. 9, n o . 1 5 . S B 4430.

9th December, A.D. 106.

Korrpevs SovA(os) Avrt7rd\rpo(v) Iov8(a'iKov) j reA(eopiaros) Tpatavov rov K v p i o v | 5 | (rerpojfioAov). (erovs) 1 Xot(aK) vy. 9

1.

Konpevs

Schw.

Kaivfvs

Manteuffel; cf. N o . 201.

0 (erovs) \

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

131

(Translation) Kopreus, a slave of Antipatros, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 9TH year of our lord Trajan, 4 obols. Year 1 0 , Choiak 1 3 .

No. 208 O E 68.

17th J u n e , A.D. 107.

Meiods Kvpiov

J

©rjoerov

y

\ Iovo(aiKod

(Spaxpicis) rj. (erovs)

reXeapiaros)

1 ITadvi

1 (erovs)

Tpaiavov

rov

icy.

(Translation.) Meious son of Thedetos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e 10TH year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 1 0 , P a y n i 2 3 .

No. 209 Am.

Akad.

Wien,

1910, p . 125, n o . 4 (Wessely). Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9,

28th J u n e , A.D. 107.

n o . 17. S B 4432.

B ap,6(&ov). I AicaKLas (erovs)

Tpaiavov

\ rov

*HpaKXei(Sov)

Kvpiov

9

| IovS(aiKod)

(8paxp>as) 8. (erovs)

reX(ecrpiaTos)

1

1 \ 5 | 'Errelcf) e.

(Translation.) 4TH District. Akakias s o n of Herakleides, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for t h e 10TH year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 10, Epeiph 5.

No. 210 O E 384.

M a y - J u n e , A.D. 107.

Ilarrjs Kvpiov

2a\_

| 'Iovo(aiKov)

reX(eopharos)

(8paxp>ds) 6 [ (8vof$6Xovs) • | (erovs)

1 (erovs)

Tpat[avov]

\ rod

t Tlavvi^

(Translation.) P a t e s son of S a . . ., in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 10TH year of our lord Trajan, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 1 0 , P a y n i . . . .

No. 211 Am.

Akad.

Wien,

1910, p . 125, n o . 3 (Wessely). Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9,

9th N o v e m b e r , A.D. 107.

n o . 16. S B 4431.

'IaKovftos

NLKLOV

I (SpaxP'ds)

Kvpiov

J IovS(a'CKov ,

S. (erovs)

reXeap,aros)

ia Advp

t (erovs)

Tpaiavov

rod

Ty.

(Translation.) Jakoubos son of Nikias, in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e 10TH year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year n , H a t h y r 1 3 .

No. 212 Anz.

Akad.

Wien,

1910, p . 1 2 1 , n o . 1 (Wessely). Stud. Pal. xiii,

20th D e c e m b e r , A.D. 107.

p. 9, no. 14. S B 4429.

[8] ap,tf)68ov. (erovs)

Tpaiavov

I Urropos

SodX(os)

Avivlov

reXearpi(aros)

rod Kvpiov | (Spaxpids) 0 (SvofioXovs).

1. d (editors); surely a mistake for S. 4. R e a d i n g according t o Schw. (8paxiir)v)

a editors.

(erovs)

\ 'Iov8(aiKod) j 5 | laXoiaK

1 KO.

SECTION IX: NOS.

132

213-220

(Translation.) 4 t h District. Sporos, slave of Aninios, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 1 0 t h year of our lord Trajan, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 1 1 , Choiak 2 4 .

No. 213 Am. Akad. Wien, 1910, p . 125, n o . 5 (Wessely). Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 18. S B 4 4 3 3 .

3rd J a n u a r y , A.D. 108.

B dfjL6Bov. I Uevatptwvoys Eip,wvos (?) | 'IovB(atKov reXeaptaros) 1 (erovs) Tpatavov rov Kvpiov \ (8paxp>ds) 8 (rerpwfioXov). (erovs) i a Tvfirj rj. 2. Perhaps

Sevaipuuv

O.oo-i[uovo(s)

Manteuffel.

(Translation.) 4 t h District. Sensimonous son of Simon (?), in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e 1 0 t h year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Year n , T y b i 8.

No. 214 OE 112.

M a y - J u n e , A.D. 108.

Ateyp(aifj€v) Kvpiov]

MeXxt[
Ileaovpios]

I (Bpaxp-as) B. (erovs)

\ nptrjs

ta TIav\yi

to. (erovs)

Tpata[vov

rov

. . .

(Translation.) Paid b y Melchion son of Pesouris in respect of t a x for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 1 1 , P a y n i . . . . 1. Schwartz doubts 8ieyp(a*liev) and suspects 8 apjf>(68ov). 2. rifj.i)s m u s t n o t necessarily be interpreted as a n abbreviation for TI/ZT/S (8rjvapla»v Svo 'IovSattov) since rtpi) irvpov and rip.i) otvov are also recorded in the E d f u ostraka. Y e t t h e comparison with N o . 216, where the same s u m of 4 drachmai paid b y t h e s a m e payer for t h e same year is referred t o as a p a y m e n t 'for the J e w i s h t a x ' , makes it probable t h a t here too t h e Jewish t a x is m e a n t , though its definition as Tip-q, etc. for this year is erroneous (cf. a b o v e , p . 112).

No.

2 I £

O E 89.

5th J u l y , A.D. 108.

A wads Kvpiov

Ileaovpios

\ *IovB(atKov

(Bpaxp^ds) e (BvofioXovs).

reXeap,aros) \ (erovs)

ta

ta. (erovs) *ETTI(<J>)

Tpatavov

| rod

ta.

(Translation.) Dosas son of Pesouris, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the n t h year of our lord Trajan 5 drachmai 2 obols. Year 1 1 , Epeiph 1 1 .

No. 216 OE i n .

10th J u l y , A.D. 108.

B dpL6Bov. J MeXxicDV ITeaovptov Tpatavov 2.

1.

I rov

Kvpiov

\ 'IovB(aiKov)

(8paxp
reX(eap.aros)

ta

(erovs)

ta j 5 | 'jEVret^ t?.

Ileaovpios.

(Translation.) 4 t h District. Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year n , Epeiph 1 6 .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

133

No. 217 O E 90.

14th J u l y , A . D . 108.

Acoads

IIeaovpi(o)s

\

I (8paxp>ds) 8, xa)(piariKov)

*ETrei(f>

I K.

1a (erovs)

reXeapiaros)

*IOVO(OXKOV

Kvpiov

y (rerpcbjSoXov

Tpaiavov

i)p,icbf$oXov).

rov

(erovs)

1a

{Translation.) Dosas s o n of Pesouris, in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e n t h year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai; in respect of dyke-tax, 3 (drachmai), 4 ^ obols. Year n , Epeiph 2 0 .

No. 218 OE 114.

i s t September, A . D . 108.

ZtooLp,rj

8OVX(TJ)

*Iov8(aiKov (erovs)

vlcdv

reXeapiaros)

tj8 Tpaia(vov)

2—3. 1.

I TIeaovpiov ia (erovs)

81(d) MeXxicov(os)

Tpaiavov

| 5 | rov Kvpiov

\

| rod Kvpiov

IJeaovpiov

(8paxp>as) s*.

©cor B.

Tleaovpios.

5. 1. 0100. (Translation.) Zosime, a slave of t h e sons of Pesouris, through Melchion s o n of Pesouris, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for t h e n t h year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai. Year 1 2 of our lord Trajan, T h o t h 4 .

No. 219 O E 265.

5th J u l y , A . D . 109.

Evvovs Kvpiov

9

*Icoor)Tro(v) I Iov8(aiKov

reXeopiaros)

(8paxp*]v) a (8vOf86Xovs). | Meiovs

(SpaxP'ds) e (SvofioXovs).

(erovs)

tj8 | 5 |

9

tj8 (erovs)

Tpaiavov

©r)8erov *Iov8(aiKov

ETT(I)CJ>

\ rov

reXeapiaros)

id.

(Translation.) Eunous son of Josepos, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for t h e 1 2 t h year of our lord Trajan, 1 drachme 2 obols. Meious son of Thedetos, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x , 5 drachmai 2 obols. Year 1 2 , Epeiph n .

No. 220 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 13a (Wessely). S B 5822.

UapifSaOicov (erovs)

Tpaiavov

6 f<(ai)

| 'Irjaovs

| rov Kvpiov

Tlarreiov

24th J u n e , A . D . I I O .

\ *Iov8(aiKov

(8paxp>as) S , | 5 J (erovs)

reXeapiaros)

iy

iy Tlavvi A.

(Translation.) Sambathion, also k n o w n a s Jesous, son of Papeios, i n respect of the Jewish t a x for the 1 3 t h year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 1 3 , P a y n i 3 0 .

134

SECTION IX: NOS.

221-229

No. 221 OE

117.

A.D.

o dpicf>68ov. I MeXxicov

I

T[paiavod]

rod

IJe[aovpios]

| 'Iov8(aiKod reXeapiaros)

IIO-II.

18

(erovs)

(Spax/Atis) ">?(?) |

KV\J>IOV

(Translation.) 4th District. Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 14th year of our lord Trajan, 8 (?) d r a c h m a i . . . .

No. 222 O E 283.

M a y - J u n e , a.d. I I I .

Alrjvas [avov]

Eap\fiadico(vos)

\ 'Iov8(aiKod

I (Spaxp^ds) 8. (erovs)

18 IJad[vi.

reXeapiaros)

18 (erovs)

Tpai-

. .

(Translation.) Aienas son of Sambathion, in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e 14th year of Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 14, P a y n i . . . .

No. 223 O E 156.

Mapia Tpaiavov

28TH February, a.d. 114.

Arjpbdros

\ rov Kal Uaxet(ovl)

rod Kv(piov)

'Iov8(aiKod

\ (Spaxp-ds) 9 (SvoftoXovs).

EipiUivArjpiaros

| 5 | *IovS(a'iKodreXeapiaros)

it, I 0ap,(evch9)

B.

2. Perhaps Zaxct(pov),

reXeapiaros) (erovs)

it,

it, &ap,e(vtb0)

(8paxp
a n unusual transcription of FP^ST? Zaxat(ov)

(erovs) B. | (erovs)

suggested b y Schw.

(Translation.) Maria daughter of D e m a s , also known as Sacheios(P), in respect of the Jewish t a x for tlj^e 17th year of our lord Trajan, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 17, P h a m e n o t h 4. Simon son of D e m a s , in respect of the Jewish t a x , 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 17, P h a m e n o t h 4.

No. 224 O E 157.

A.D. I I 4 - I 5 i

©eSpiva[s Apiarov

] I IovS(aiKod

Kai[aapos]

\ rod Kvpiov

reXeapiaros)

,

..]. I 5 I 6pio(ioJs) aAAa(s P) Aco[ads (yivovrai)

irj (erovs)

(Spaxpias) [ • . ] . | (erovs) ? | (yivovrai)

Tp[aiavod] ir)

(8paxp*al) 8

\

0ap\ev(d)9) (rerpdifioXov)

(8pa%/xat) 6 [

1. Probably a slip of t h e p e n for Qeofivds. 5. R e a d i n g suggested b y Schw. .8AAA8A>[V? . . .

Manteuffel.

(Translation.) Thedmnas . . ., in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 18th year of our lord Trajan Optimus Caesar, . . . drachmai. Year 18, P h a m e n o t h . . . Similarly others, D o s a s (?), total, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Total, 9 d r a c h m a i . . . .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

NO.

22£

O E 284.

21st February, A . D . 1 1 5 .

Apaovs TOV

135

y

Uojarpdr(ov)

Kvpiov

I Iovo(aiKov

(Spaxptds) 8 (rerpcbfioXov).

reXeaptaros) (erovs)

trj (erovs)

Tpatavov

\

tr\ Me^fet/)) k~i.

(Translation.) Arsous son of Sostratos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 18th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Year 18, Mecheir 26.

No.

226

Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 1 3 b (Wessely). S B 5823.

Qeov<j>iXas ..

AKOV(

)

|

'Iov8(aiKov

A.D. 115-16.

reXeaptaros)

id (erovs)

Tpatavov

\

.Kap,.... I . 1. 0eolXas or

0evtXas.

(Translation.) Theuphilas son of Akou . . ., in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 19th year of Trajan . . . .

No.

227

O. D e i s s m . 3 3 .

Mapia

3 1 s t March, A . D . 1 1 6 .

Aj3tfjrov

Katgapps

rod

0appigydi

e.

| 'Iov(SaiKov

Kvptpy

reXeaptaros)

id (erovs)

(8paxp>as) o \ (yivovrat)

Tpatavov

Apiargv

(Spaxpicd) 3 . (erovs)

| id

(Translation.) Maria daughter of Abietos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 19th year of our lord Trajan Optimus Caesar, 4 drachmai. Total, 4 drachmai. Year 19, Pharmouthi 5.

No.

228

O E 69.

Metovs Kaiaapos

20th April, A . D . 1 1 6 .

@rj$erov rov Kvpiov

| 'Iov8(a'iKov

reXeaptaros)

| (Bpaxpids)

id (erovs)

8. (erovs)

Tpatavov

id 0appt(ovdi)

Apiarov

\

k~e.

(Translation.) Meious son of Thedetos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e 19th year of our lord Trajan Optimus Caesar, 4 drachmai. Year 19, Phar­ mouthi 25.

No.

229

OE 159.

18th May, A . D . 1 1 6 .

©epptavd(os) 8pyX(os) Aviy(iov) \ Kevr(ovpia>vos) *Iov8(aiKov reXeaptaros) id (erovs) Tpatavov \ Apiarovrov Kvpiov (rptwfioXov). (erovs) id 77a^6t>(v) fey. 1. Reading according to S c h w . ; cf. N o . 212. A v . . (

)

Manteuffel.

136

SECTION I X : NOS.

230-237

(Translation.) Thermauthos, a slave of Aninios, a centurion, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 1 9 t h year of our lord Trajan Optimus, 3 obols. Year 1 9 , Pachon 2 3 . The Jew w h o h a d to p a y the t a x in this ostrakon was not the slave Thermauthos, but his master, the centurio; cf. a b o v e , p . 114. So, possibly, we h a v e here evidence for a Jewish officer serving in t h e R o m a n army on the eve of the great Jewish revolt in E g y p t . ( H o w e v e r , eKarovrdpx-qs is t h e usual Greek rendering of centurio.)

Part II. Nos. 230-374. Various Taxes (a.d. £6-117) No. 230 O E 57.

27th May, A . D . 56.

OfjSeros Uavvi ft.

AXe£Lojvo(s)

\ Aaoyp(alas) ft (erovs)

(8paxp>as) rj. | (erovs)

j8

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for the 2 n d year, 8 drachmai. Year 2 , Payni 2 . This ostrakon is ascribed b y Manteuffel to the reign of Nero since it has been written b y the same hand as N o . 231. H o w e v e r , Thedetos p a y s for poll-tax as late as A . D . 106 (cf. N o . 336), and ManteuffePs dating should be held doubtful.

No. 231 O E 12.

16th A u g u s t , A . D . 56.

Zipiojv Aiovvros Nepcovos Meaop(r))

I Xaoyp(a<j>las) icy.

j8 (erovs)

(8paxp
| (erovs)

j9

(Translation.) Simon son of Dionys, in respect of poll-tax for the 2 n d year, 8 drachmai. Year 2 of Nero, Mesore 2 3 .

No. 232 O E 56.

30th J u n e , A . D . 61.

AXe£Lojv (erovs)

I WiXvxi
£ *E[Tre(i)]

[xoj(p,arLKov)

(Spaxpids)]

| s*

(rerpojfioXov).

f.

(Translation.) Alexion son of Psilychion, in respect of dyke-tax, 6 (drachmai) 4 obols. Year 7, Epeiph 6.

No. 233 OE 13.

[Eip]ojv Acovvr(os) ty Papp,ov(9t) 18.

9th April, A . D . 67.

I [Xao]yp(aias) vy (erovs)

(Bpaxpids) rj. J

[(erovs)]

(

(Translation.) Simon son of Dionys, in respect of poll-tax for the 1 3 t h year, 8 drachmai. Year 1 3 , Pharmouthi 1 4 .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

137

No. 234 O E 26.

15th September, A . D . 68.

| (8paxp.ds) 6

Aipcfxivrjs NIKLO\VOS np,r)s (rrvpov) a (erovs) (erovs) j8 rdXfSa | rov Kvpiov @cod j 5 | 177.

(SvofioXovs).

(Translation.) Diophanes son of Nikon, in respect of the t a x on w h e a t for the i s t year, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 2 of our lord Galba, T h o t h 18. T h e p a y m e n t is for t h e preceding year, a s in m a n y other receipts. T h e 'second year' of Galba began a t 29th August ( = T h o t h 1) A . D . 68.

NO. 2 £ 3

O E 15.

A.D.

'IovSas

*IaKof$ov

(Translation.) of Otho

| f$aXav(evriKov)

a (erovs)

"O0to[vos]

69.

|

Joudas son of Jakobos, in respect of b a t h - t a x for the i s t year

No. 236 O E 27.

29th J u l y , A . D . 69.

MepberprjKev (erovs)

Tpvtf>d[s]

\

NLKCOVOS

v(rrep)

dvco ro(rrov)

KaXov <j>o(piKov) (Trvpov) {dprd^rjv}

dprd/Brj)

a '. a (erovs)

\ 5 | (Av)Xov

yev\-qp,ar(os)

\ p,Lav rptrov

OveireXXlov

(yiverai)

Mecr(oprj)

a

(rrvpov

i.

(Translation.) Measured b y Tryphas s o n of N i k o n i n respect of t h e upper area, from the crop of the i s t year, one artabe and a third of good wheat. Total of wheat, i £ artabai. Year 1 of Aulus Vitellius, Mesore 5. 2. F o r t h e formula virep TOVOW cf. a b o v e , p . n o . dv and KOTO* toparchies. 3. fopi/cds -rrvpos is probably t h e corn delivered t o t h e government a s a t a x i n kind. See Preisigke, FachworU, s.v. fftopmos OZTOS; cf. R o s t o w t z e w in Arch. iii. 211, 3.

No. 237 O E 28.

29th October, A . D . 69.

Aieyp(aifjev) orraoiavov

Tpvds

\ [(opaxp>ds)]

NL\KCOVOS

yetop.(erpias)

p-rj (SvofioXovs).

@p,ovov

(erovs)

\ a (erovs)

Ove-

j8 Ovecrrra\ 5 |[crtav]oi5

ABvp jSL 4. After p.ri = comes a n unidentified symbol

(Translation.) Paid b y Tryphas son of N i k o n in respect of land-survey o n T h m o u o s for the i s t year of Vespasian, 48 drachmai 2 obols. Year 2 of Vespa­ sian, H a t h y r 4. T h e place @p.ovos, in N o s . 238 and 247.

where the estate of T r y p h a s , son of N i k o n , was probably situated, is mentioned

138

SECTION I X : NOS.

238-245

No. 238 O E 29.

1 8 t h September, A . D . 70.

Tpv<j>ds

I yeojp,(erpias)

NLKOJVOS

(Bpaxpids)

per)

(BvofioXovs).

\

@p,ovov (erovs)

j8 (erovs)

y

@d)6

\

Oveartaaiavov

k~d.

(Translation) Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of survey of land at Thmouos for the 2 n d year of Vespasian, 4 8 drachmai 2 obols. Year 3 , T h o t h 2 1 .

No. 239 O E 16.

n t h October, A . D . 70.

[NL]KCOV

Avrojv(iov) (x)

Pou(
xaTLKO

(Spaxpids) is", I x {l (erovs)

f

v)

j Xaoyp(alas)

s* (rerpoj^oXov),

y (erovs)

Ovecnrao(iavov)

f$aX(avevri,Kov)

(BvoftoXovs) • \

y 0aaj(i) tS.

(Translation.) Nikon son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the 3 r d year of Vespasian, 1 6 drachmai; in respect of dyke-tax, 6 (drachmai) 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 3 , Phaophi 1 4 .

No. 240 OE30.

A . D . 70-71.

*IoxvXos

*Iojcrrjcpov | Tpvdrc

rov f$q(XavevriKov) Avroviov

y (erovs)

NIKOVOS>

(8paxp>ds)

'Pov(f>ov Kal rrepl \ ©eoBorov

\

6p.oXoyd) exeiv rrapd \ aov

I 5 | rrepl aov

Kal

rrepl

irepl

NLKOVOS

\

dBeXov.

(Translation.) Ischylos son of Josephos to Tryphas son of Nikon. I agree that I have had from you, with regard to the b a t h - t a x for the 3 r d year, 6 drachmai, with regard to y o u and Nikon son of Antonius Rufus and Theodotos his brother. For this form of receipt cf. N o . 181 and N o s . 107,109, n o . 'IaxvXos 'Ia>or]ov is referred to here as a t a x collector, but his son, grandson, and great-grandson (Joseph, Bokchoris, and Apollas) are referred t o elsewhere (Nos. 301, 306, 309, 342) as taxpayers. This receipt, therefore, attests that the t a x collec­ tors (for c o m m o n t a x e s at least) were sometimes chosen out of the Jewish population itself. W e h a v e n o such evidence for the collectors of the Jewish t a x (see a b o v e , p . 109).

No. 241 O E 257.

3rd October, A . D . 71.

Aieypaxjiev ir(6Xeojs)

vrr(ep)

(erovs)

\ Oveairaaiavov

(Bpaxptal) p. (erovs)

S | Oveairaaiavov

(yivovrai)

8

MdpKos \ Oveppios

ALOVVO(LOV)

Spax(p'ds)

©did

\

\ npbfjs irvpo(v) I 5 | eKarov

K6. | &ad}((f>i)

p/qrpo(yivovrai)

6p,(oiOJs)

p>

pi.

(Translation.) Paid b y Marcus Verrius on behalf of Dionysios in respect of wheat-tax for the metropolis district for the 4th year of Vespasian, one hundred

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

139

drachmai, total 100 drachmai. Year 4 of Vespasian, T h o t h 29. Phaophi 6, similarly, 40. Total 40. 3. firirpo7r(6Xews) signifies perhaps t h a t t h e estate of Dionysios w a s situated in t h e close neighbour­ hood of t h e city a n d belonged t o t h e city-district as regards all questions connected w i t h t h e exaction of t a x e s .

No. 242 OE 119.

A toads a. (erovs)

24th October, A . D . 7 1 .

TIeravro(s)

| vX(aKtrLKov)

8 (erovs)

0veo7r(aoiavov)

(8paxfJ>r)v)

8 | 0aco(<j>i) /cs?.

(Translation.) D o s a s son of Petays, in respect of police-tax for t h e 4th year of Vespasian, 1 drachme. Year 4, Phaophi 26.

No. 243 O E 39.

i s t May,

Niyep KOV)

[AvrcovCov]

8 [(erovs)

(rerpco/SoXov),

| 'Povtf>o[v

Xao(ypatas)

OveaTra(oLavov)]

\ Kqi(oapos)

| 5 | f$aX(avevriKov)

(S/oa^/xd?)

72.

. . ] , [ xa)(/xart-

rod K[vptov]

(SvofioXovs) • (erovs)

A.D.

(Spaxp^ds)

?

8 J7a^cb(v) f.

(Translation.) Niger son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of p o l l - t a x , . . . drachmai; in respect of dyke-tax for t h e 4th year of our lord Vespasian Caesar, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 4, Pachon 6.

No. 2 4 4 O E 58.

21st May, a)

xaTLK0

0

@rjhero(s) AXei;iLOVo(s) \ x (l ^) (erovs) (Spaxp>ds) s* fioXov), f%aX(avevrLKOv) (8vOfS6Xovs). \ (erovs) 8 i7a^ct)(v) /c?.

A.D.

72.

(rerpco-

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of dyke-tax for t h e 4th year, 6 drachmai, 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 4, Pachon 26.

No. 2 4 s O E 125.

AKvvrds AKwr(dros) Xa(oypaLas) 8 (erovs) (Spaxpids) y (rerpoj/SoXov). | (erovs) e Advp j8.

29th October, A . D . 72.

OvetT7r(acriavov)

j

(Translation.) A k y n t a s son of Akyntas, in respect of poll-tax for the 4th year of Vespasian, 3 drachmai 4 obols. Year 5, H a t h y r 2. 1. AKWT&S is probably a curious transcription of t h e R o m a n n a m e Quintus (cf. N o s . 171 a n d 180), t h o u g h AKWT&S AKWT8.TOS is t o o strange a name for a R o m a n . I t seems that in this period t h e R o m a n n a m e s were vulgarized and used in a c o m m o n Greek manner.

SECTION I X : NOS. 246-254

140

No. 246 OE 25.

29th N o v e m b e r , A . D . 7 2 .

NLK]OJV

*Povov

AVTOJVLOV

(Spa^/xd?) (Spaxp^jv)

(rerpojfioXov), a ] , g/j,pi(a)s)

Oveairamavov

I [Xao]ypa(ias)

f$aX(avevriKov)

Xaoyp(aias)

| 5 | XoiaK

is* x

(8paxpids)

(8vof$6Xovs),

\

G

u,aT6K:

ot5)

[vX(aKiriKov) 7

8 (erovs)

a>

(8paxp>as) is .

| [(erovs)]

e

y.

(Translation.) N i k o n son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax, 16 drach­ mai ; in respect of d y k e - t a x 6 drachmai, 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of police-tax, 1 drachme. Similarly, in respect of poll-tax for the 4th year, 16 drachmai. Year 5 of Vespasian, Choiak 3.

No. 247 OE 3 1 .

November-December, A.D. 7 2 .

Tpvds

NL[KOJVOS]

yeojfji(erpias)

8p[axp>6\s] J OKrcoi 6fioX(ovs)

e (erovs)

8v[o.]

\ (erovs)

0[yeo7ra(oiavov)] e X[oiaK

\

©p.ovov

. .].

(Translation.) Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of survey of land at T h m o u o s for the 5th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols. Year 5, Choiak . . . .

No. 248 OE 52.

23rd March, A . D . 7 3 .

@e68a>po(s) (8paxp>ds)

6 Kal j Niyep

is", (erovs)

Xaoyp(aias)

e (erovs)

0veo7r(aaiavov)

e &ap,(evd>d) K £ .

1. Probably a slip of t h e p e n , for in the E d f u ostraka.

cf. N o . 170.

QeoSwros;

is everywhere spelt as

GeoSoros

GeoSayros

(Translation.) Theodoros, also known as Niger, in respect of poll-tax for the 5th year of Vespasian, 16 drachmai. Year 5, P h a m e n o t h 27.

No. 249 OE 42.

A.D. 73-74.

Niyep

6 Kal

(BpaxP'ds) fioXov),

.

@eo[8coros]

.]. I NiKOJV

/3aX(av€vriKov)

\ Xaoyp(aias)

Avroj[y(iov) (8vo/36Xovs).

f

*Pov(
(erovs)

|

a)

OveoTTa[(aiavov)

JLarLK0

x {l

^)

s*

(rerpoj-

[s*

(Translation.) Niger, also k n o w n as Theodotos, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 6th year of V e s p a s i a n , . . . drachmai. N i k o n son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of d y k e - t a x 6 (drachmai) 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 6 . . . .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

141

No. 2£0 O E 121.

A . D . 73-74.

'Ico[0*17770? 'Idacovo(s)] (Spaxp-ds)

77. (erovs)

I Xao(ypalas)

s* [(erovs)

0veo7r(aoiavov)]

|

S IT[

(Translation.) Josepos son of Jason, in respect of poll-tax for the 6th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai. Year 6, P . . . .

No.

2£I

O E 71.

23rd March, A . D . 74.

@r)heros 'IaKovfiov &ap,(evtbd) K £ .

\ Xa(o)y(pacf>cas)

s" (erovs)

($paxp>ds) 8. (erovs)

1

S

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Jakoubos, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 6th y e a r of Vespasian, 4 drachmai. Year 6, P h a m e n o t h 27.

252

No. O E 18. NIKLQV

(Spaxp^ds)

20th April, A . D . 74.

Avrcovi(ov) 4

s

(opaxpLty)

*Povcj)(ov)

(rerptbfioXov), I (erovs)

OJ

| x (l

iaTLKOV%

)

S*

fiaX(avevriKov)

s" 0app,(ovdt)

(erovs)

Ovecmafoiavov)

(hvoftoAovs),

\

vX(aKirLKov)

k~e.

(Translation.) Nikon son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of dyke-tax for the 6th year of Vespasian, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of police-tax, 1 drachme. Year 6, Pharmouthi 25.

No.

2£

3

O E 17. NLKCOV

(opaxP'ds) 1

25th April, A . D . 74.

Avrcoviov ts". I (erovs)

s (rerpw^oXov),

\ 'Povtf>ov Xaoy(patas)

s* (erovs)

\

OveoTraaiavov

s &app.(ovQi) A. [ 5 | ^cof/xartKou) 6pLo(ccos) (8paxp>ds)

fiaX(avevriKov)

(SvoftoXovs),

| tf>vX(aKirucov)

6p,ot(tos) a .

(Translation.) N i k o n s o n of Antonius Rufus, i n respect of poll-tax for t h e 6th year of Vespasian, 16 drachmai. Year 6, Pharmouthi 30. In respect of dyke-tax, similarly, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of police t a x , similarly, 1. N o s . 252 and 253 s h o w three t a x e s paid twice in t h e same year. D i d N i k o n , p a y i n g his poll-tax five d a y s later t h a n t h e others, get a composite receipt ( N o . 253) t o replace t h e former ( N o . 252) ?

No.

254.

O E 54.

Nlyep

25th April, A . D . 74.

ITroXXiSos

\ Xaoyp(acf>tas)

s" (erovs)

Ov(ea7Tatna)vov

(8paxp>ds)

142

SECTION I X : NOS. 255-262

is", | x° {f ' J

Jt arLKOV

0apie(vd)9)

l

K~i,

s* (T€T/)C6J8OAOV), Pa\(av€VTLKov)

j 5 | 0app,(ov9C)

A,

6p,oi(ojs)

I

(8vof$6\ovs). <j>v\(aKiriKov) a.

( e r o v s )

(Translation.) Niger son of Ptollis, i n respect of poll-tax for t h e 6 t h year of Vespasian, 1 6 drachmai; in respect of dyke-tax, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; i n respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 6, P h a m e n o t h 2 6 . Pharmouthi 3 0 , similarly, in respect of police-tax, 1 .

No.

2 s s

O E 72.

19th March, A . D . 75.

®f)8eros

'IaKovftov

| Xa(o)y(paias)

£ (erovs)

(SpaxpLas)

rj. (erovs)

£

0api(eva)d) (Translation.) Thedetos son of Jakoubos, i n respect of poll-tax for t h e 7 t h year, 8 drachmai. Year 7 , P h a m e n o t h 2 3 .

No.

256

O I F A O 40 (unpublished).

24th March, A . D . 75.

Made k n o w n t o u s t h r o u g h t h e courtesy of M. J . Schwartz.

['Idcrjqjv

0iXa)(vos)

(Translation.) menoth 2 8 .

| ] £ (erovs)

Ovecnrqcriavov

| ] (erovs)

£ 0ap,e(vd)9)

Jason son of Philon . . . Year 7 of Vespasian. Year 7 , P h a ­

No.

2gy

O E 19.

24th April, A . D . 75.

Avroj(viov)

NLKOJV

(Spaxpids) is . Niyep 4

p,(ov9i)

icq.

'Pov(f>ov Z7TOA|AISOS

| Aaoy(paLas) 6p.oi(a)s)

£

(erovs)

(Spa^d?)

Ovearrraaiavov

ts\ | 5 | (erovs)

|

£ &ap-

K0.

(Translation.) N i k o n son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the 7 t h year of Vespasian, 1 6 drachmai. Niger son of Ptollis, similarly, 1 6 drachmai. Year 7, Pharmouthi 2 9 .

No.

2^8

O E 59.

@r}8eros ijS. I (erovs)

24th April, A . D . 75.

AXe^iojvos £ &app,ov9i

Xaoyp(aias) $

| £ (erovs)

Oveairaoiavov

(Spaxp^ds) 8 | (erovs)

£ 0app,ov9t

(Spaxpids) K9.

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for the 7 t h year of Vespasian, 1 2 drachmai. Year 7 , Pharmouthi 4 . 4 drachmai. Year 7 , Phar­ mouthi 2 9 . 3. K0 here is meaningless, since t h e d a y of t h e p a y m e n t is Pharmouthi t h e 4th.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

143

No. 2^9 O E 20. NIKCOV

(Spaxfjids)

30th May, A . D . 75.

Avrcoviov

(Spaxptrjv)

a,

6pioi(cos)

|5|

drrapx(d>v)

| ^o>(/xart/coi;)

| f$a\(avevriKov) (8paxp>r)v) a

(8paxp>as)

vA(aKiriKo€) I Tlavvi

'Povtf>o(v)

s" (rerpcbfioAov),

OveairaaLavov <j>vA(aKtriKov)

(SvofioAovs).

S" (rerpco/SoAov),

(8paxp>r)v) a, j drrapx(cdv)

£ (erovs) (SvofioAovs), | Nlyep

f$aA(avevriKov)

TlroAAiSos (SvofioAovs),

(8paxp>r)v) a (SvoftoAovs).

1

(erous )

e.

(Translation.) Nikon son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of dyke-tax for the 7 t h year of Vespasian, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols; in respect of police-tax, 1 drachme; in respect of aparchai, 1 drachme 2 obols. Niger son of Ptollis, similarly, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of police-tax, 1 drachme; in respect of aparchai, 1 drachme, 2 obols. Year 6, Payni 5 . T w o receipts for

amapxal

are mingled here with receipts for other t a x e s . Cf. n o t e to N o . 183.

No. 260 O E 32.

18th S e p t e m b e r , A . D . 75.

j

Tpvas NLKCOVO(S) yecopie(rplas) £ (erovs) Spax(p-ds) irevre j (yivovrai) (Spaxpial) p,e. (erovs) f] ©cor J 5 | ic.

|

reaaapaKovra

(Translation.) Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of land-survey for the 7 t h year, forty-five drachmai, total 4 5 drachmai. Year 8 , Thot 2 0 .

No. 261 O E 55.

12th J a n u a r y , A . D . 76.

©eoScoros 6 /cat Niyep \ TlroAAiSos tf>vA(aKiriKov) arraaiavov \ (hpaxpw)v) a. (erovs) rj Tv(fti) i£.

rj (erovs)

j

Ove-

(Translation.) Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Ptollis, in respect of police-tax for the 8 t h year of Vespasian, 1 drachme. Year 8, Tybi 1 7 .

No. 262 O E 263.

18th April, A . D . 76. i

*Icoar)rros /opaxpids)

Ir)aOvr(os)

4

is , (erovs)

|

Aa(oypaias)

rj 0app,(ovdi)

rj

(erovs)

Ovearra(aia)vov

|

| icy.

(Translation.) Josepos son of Jesous, in respect of poll-tax for the 8 t h year of Vespasian, 1 6 drachmai. Year 8 , Pharmouthi 2 3 .

SECTION IX: NOS.

144

263-270

No. 263 OE 21.

3rd J u n e , A . D . 76.

Avrojviov

NLKOJV

(Spa^/zds)

'Pov(f>ov a >

is", | x ( i

L t a T t / c o

(SvofioXovs).

X(avevriKov)

Xao(ypaias) X(avevnKov)

($paxp>as)

| Xao(ypaias)

^)

dp.oi(ojs)

\ Se68ojro(s) 4

cj

(SvoftoXovs).

a

l

| (erovs)

JL

4

s

(rerpcbfioXov),

*Povov | 5 | s

(^P Xt ^ ) rj Uavvi

OvearraaLavov

(erovs)

(Spaxpids) Avrojviov

JLaTLKOV

is , x {l

rj

j8a-

6p,(oioJs)

& (rerpojfioXov),

j8a-

9.

(Translation.) N i k o n son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the 8th year of Vespasian, 16 drachmai; in respect of dyke-tax, similarly, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Theodotos son of Antonius Rufus, similarly, in respect of poll-tax 16 drachmai; in respect of d y k e - t a x 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 8, Payni 9.

No. 264 O E 44.

2nd March, A . D . 77.

@e6Sojro(s) (aiavov)

Avrojviov

| 'Pov
\ (BpaxP'd.s) csT. (erovs)

Xao(ypa<j)ias)

6 &ap.(eva)8)

6 (erovs)

Ov(ea)rra-

f.

(Translation.) Theodotos son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the 9th year of Vespasian, 16 drachmai. Year 9, P h a m e n o t h 6.

No.

265

O. Briiss.-Berl. 69 (Viereck).

26th April, A . D . 7 7 .

Apiarop,evrjs Eap\f$adiojvos vavftuov Eeparr( ) . (erovs) 6 OvearraaLavov 3.

. otAtou

J ev |5|

0

Is x^t^i ) i7a^(o>v)

^LVOV

j

Kal

d.

t o o m a y be read (edit.).

(Translation.) Aristomenes son of Sambathion, one naubion towards a d y k e of . . .ainos and Serap. . . . Year 9 of Vespasian, Pachon 1. 2. For vavfitov see Wallace, Taxation, 59 sqq. T h e d y k e w a s named after t w o p e r s o n s : the first n a m e is somehow contained in . axvov or atXiov, whereas the second was probably Serapion.

No. 266 OE 23. NLKOJV

15th J u n e , A . D . 7 7 .

Avrojviov a)

(Bpaxpids) is", x {[ (SvofioXovs), XOj(piarLKov)

\ 'Pov
JLaTLKO

v)

Xao(ypa
0

I (SpaXjU-d?) S" (rerpojfioXov),

<j>vX(aKiriKov) (8paxp^]v) a. | QeoScoros (8paxp>ds)

4>vX(aKiriKov) (Spaxpwjv)

(erovs)

(rerpojfioXov), a. (erovs)

0 Ilavvt,

Avrojviov

fia(XavevriKov) ica.

Ovearraaiavov fH>aX(avevriKov) | 5 | 'Povcfjov (SvofioXovs),

|

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

145

(Translation.) Nikon son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 9 t h year of Vespasian, 1 6 drachmai; in respect of dyke-tax, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of police-tax, 1 drachme. Theodotos son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of dyke-tax, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols; in respect of police-tax, 1 drachme. Year 9 , Payni 2 1 .

No.

267

O E 130.

A.D. 77-78.

*Op,a£as IJarrjros

\ oifjtoviov vX(aKrjs) 1 (erovs)

(8paxp>r)v) a \

(Translation.) Omazas son of Pates, in respect of p a y for guard-duty for the 1 0 t h year, 1 drachme. . . . I t does n o t seem that ' O / i S ^ a ? narrjros w a s a t a x p a y e r and it is more likely that he w a s a guard receiving a fixed p a y (6ifia>viov v\ai
No.

268

O E 260.

MdpKos

13th M a y , A.D.

I

AWLS


(8paxp>as)

(erovs)

78.

t | JTa^a>(v) trj.

1. Probably X m < o > s .

(Translation.) Markos (son of) Annis, in respect of cattle-tax, 6 drachmai. Year 1 0 , Pachon 1 8 .

No.

269

45

OE

Oe68toro(s)

16th M a y , A.D.

6 KOL Nlyep

Ov(ecnraaia)vov

| Avrcovlov

(8paxp
'Povtfrov | Xa(oypaias) t | IJaxcbv

v

78.

(erovs)

icd.

(Translation.) Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the 1 0 t h year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai. Year 10, Pachon 2 1 .

No. OE

270

47. ©e68toro(s)

26 M a y , A.D.

6 Kal Nlyep

Ov(ea)7Ta(oiavov)

| Avrcoviov

(8paxp>ds) rj. (erovs)

'Povov \ Xao(ypaias) t | Tlavvi

1

78.

(erovs)

a.

(Translation.) Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the 1 0 t h year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai. Year 10, Payni 1 . B 6105

L

146

SECTION IX: NOS.

271-279

No. 271 O E 24.

26 J u n e , A . D . 78.

Avrojvtov I *Pov(f>ov Xao(ypatf>tas) t (erovs) Ovearra(aiavov) | (SpaxfjLas) rj. (erovs) t 'Enid) jS. | fiaX(avevriKov) (6/SoXov), <j>v\(aKiriKov) (rpitofioXov). NLKCOV

(Translation.) N i k o n son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 1 0 t h year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai. Year 1 0 , Epiph 2 . I n respect of b a t h - t a x an obol; in respect of police-tax, 3 obols.

No. 272 OE 33.

2 i s t A u g u s t , A . D . 78.

Mep,erprjK(ev) p,aros)

Tpvcf>ds

\ t (erovs)

(yivovrai)

NLKOJV(OS)

errl p,r)vo(s)

(rrvpov)

Meaopr)

(dprdfiai)

\ vrrep

dvco rorr(ov)

opLK(ov) rrvpo(v)

/T r\ . (erovs)

1 Mecro(prj)

ryrrelpov 8tp,oipov

yev(r]-

oyhoov

\

icq.

(Translation.) Measured b y Tryphas son of Nikon on behalf of the upper highland area, from the crop of the 1 0 t h year, in the m o n t h of Mesore, t w o thirds and an eighth artabai of wheat, as tax. Total of wheat, f and | artabai. Year 1 0 , Mesore 2 8 . Cf. note t o N o . 236. yjrreipos means highland not irrigated b y the annual inundation of the Nile and requiring therefore a n artificial arrangement of an irrigation s y s t e m .

No. 273 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 5 (Wessely).

SB 5815.

Arjpuas Zipioivo(s) Xot(aK) B.

)e

8iA(

30th N o v e m b e r , A . D . 7 8 .

Oveorr(aaiavov)

(Spaxptds)

r).

| (erovs)

1

1. 8 i A ( )e; perhaps a slip of the pen for 8i€'(ypa^)e. SiS(paxfiov), as suggested b y Preisigke, is w r o n g , since t h e Jewish t a x is never called so in the ostraka. 'L'imp6t en question doit etre A o c ^ y p a ^ t a s ) ' Schw.

(Translation.) D e m a s son of Simon (paid in the 1 0 t h year) of Vespasian, 8 drachmai. Year 1 0 , Choiak 4.

No. 274 O E 48.

OeoSojros Ovearra(oLavov) X
25th May, A . D . 79.

6 K(al) Nlyep (8paxp,as) 4

| Avrcovlov is", (erovs)

(8paxp>as) S (rerpojfioXov),

'Povtas) ta &app,(ov6i) /8a(XavevrLKOv)

y.

ta

(erovs)

| /Ta^co(v) A, (8vofi6Xovs).

(Translation.) Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the n t h year of Vespasian, 1 6 drachmai. Year n ,

OSTRAKA FROM APOLLINOPOLIS MAGNA (EDFU) 147 Pharmouthi 3. Pachon 30, in respect of dyke-tax, 6 drachmai. 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols.

No.

2JS

O E 50.

30th N o v e m b e r , A . D . 7 9 .

0e68ojro(s) (erovs)

Tirov

6 /c(at)

Niyep

(8paxpJjv)

| Avrojviov

a. | (erovs)

t

Povov

XOI(6\K)

\ <j>v\(aKiriKov)

j8

y.

(Translation.) Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of police-tax for the 2nd year of Titus, 1 drachme. Year 2, Choiak 3.

No. 276 OE 51.

A . D . 69-79.

0e68ojro(s)

6 Kal Niyep

| [Avroj\viov

*Poy[<j>ov] |

(^Translation.) Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Antonius Rufus . . . .

No. 277 O E 74.

A . D . 69-79.

'IdKoy@os

(Translation.)

&rj[8erov]

\

(8paxp>as) rj \

e

Jakoubos son of Thedetos . . . 8 drachmai....

No. 278 OE 277.

A . D . 69-79.

] Aa>adro(s)

a|

v\(aKiriKov)

\ ..(erovs)

0]vea7raaiavov

(8paxp>r)v)

—

(Translation.) . . . son of Dosas, in respect of police-tax . . . of Vespasian, 1 drachme. . . .

No. 279 OE 132.

26th April, A . D . 8 2 .

2Jap,pad(iajv) (8paxpcds)

JJarr)ro(s)

rj. (erovs)

a Ilaxdjv

\ \ao(ypa<j)ias)

a

(erovs)

Aopbina(vov)

\

d.

(Translation.) Sambathion son of Pates, in respect of poll-tax for the 1st year of Domitian, 8 drachmai. Year 1, Pachon 1.

148

SECTION I X : NOS. 280-289

No. 280 O E 60.

J u l y - A u g u s t , A . D . 82.

GijSeros M.[Xe£ia>vos] | Xao(ypa
q (erovs)

A [opuriavov]

| ($paxp><*s)

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 1st year of Domitian, 16 drachmai. Year 1, Mesore . . . .

No. 281 O E 280.

28th A u g u s t , A . D . 8 8 .

I

UroXXlojv 0LXOJVOS Xao(ypa(f>Las) X<*)(p.arLKOv) (hpaxp^v) (rerpojfioXov), £ Meao(pr)) | v.. e.

£ (erovs) Aopunavov (Spaxp>Q>s) 8, | fiaX(avevriKov) (hvofioXovs). (erovs)

4 . [ e 7 r a y o / z e ] i ' ( a ) v ) (edit.)

(Translation.) Ptollion son of Philon, in respect of poll-tax for the 7th year of Domitian, 4 drachmai; in respect of dyke-tax, one drachme 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 7, Mesore . . . 5.

No. 282 O E 270.
(ria)vov\

J u n e - J u l y , A . D . 89.

@rjj\Berov

V7r(ep)] \ reX(ovs)

I (hpaxP'd.s) 8. (erovs)

6vrj(XariKov)

rj (erovs)

[Aopu-

9

rj ETTe[l
(Translation.) Philippos son of Thedetos, o n behalf of t h e t a x for donkeydriving for the 8th year of Domitian, 4 drachmai. Year 8, Epeiph . . . . 2. F o r t h e ovr/XaTiKov cf. W o l f e , TAP A l x x x i i i , 1952, 80 s q q .

No. 283 O E 271. 0LXLTT7TOS

A p r i l - J u n e , A . D . 89.

©rj8er[ov]

\ X(a)o(ypa<j>ias)

(SvojioXovs).

(3aX(AVEVRIKOV)

(EROVS)

77

rj

(EROVS)

..|...],

Aop,IRIAVO[v

IJ[

(Translation.) Philippos s o n of T h e d e t o s , i n respect of poll-tax for t h e 8th year of D o m i t i a n . . . ; i n respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 8, P . . . .

No. 284 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 1 ( W e s s e l y ) . S B 5 8 1 1 .

AaXXeas A^PATPIOV fioXov RJPLLOJ^eXiov). I . Aapeas?

29th March, A . D . 90, or 29th March, A . D . 77.

\ 6pov 7Tpoj3(drojv) | (erovs) 6 [0]APPLOVD(I)

6 (erovs)

(8paxp>ds)

[.]

(rpioj-

8.

Schw.

(Translation.) Dalleas son of Abraimos, in respect of t h e t a x on cattle for t h e 9th year, . . . drachmai 3^ obols. Year 9, Pharmouthi 4.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

No.

149

2S5

O E 266.

2nd J u n e , A . D . 90.

[Aieyp(axjjev]]

Orjoeros

(SpaxfJicis) 17. (erovs)

AXe^ioo(vos)

6 Tlavvi

\ Xao(ypatf>ias)

6 (erovs)

Aopiinavov

\

rj.

(Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for the 9TH year of Domitian, 8 drachmai. Year 9 , Payni 8 .

No. 286 O E 62.

4th D e c e m b e r , A . D . 90.

Aieyp(aifjev) navov

©rjSeros

I 6iSoX(ovs)

6fS(oXovs)

AXe£iLQVo(s)

£, rj (erovs)

C, rj (erovs)

\ v(rrep)

6j3oX(ovs)

piepiapiov

y \ . 0iXirrrro(s)

6fS(oXovs) y. \ 5 \ (erovs)

1 Xoi(aK)

1 (erovs) vlo(s)

Aopii-

6

(erovs)

rj.

5. ij: corr. e x 6? (Mant.).

(Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion on behalf of the assessment for the 10TH year of Domitian, 7 obols; for the 8TH year, 3 obols. Philippos his son, for the 9TH year 7 obols; for the 8TH year 3 obols. Year 1 0 , Choiak 8 .

No. 287 O E 380.

Aap,as

16th May,

Ap][3eivov

i8aX(av€vriKov)

(?) | ^ ( / x a r t f c o i ; ) 1 (erovs)

(SvofioXovs).

(erovs)

Aop,(in)avov

A.D.

91.

(hpaxp>a>s) S", \

1 Ilaxcov fed,

(Translation.) D a m a s son of Harbeinos, in respect of dyke-tax for the 10TH year of Domitian, 6 drachmai; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 1 0 , Pachon 2 1 .

No. 288 O E 75.

Aieyp(aifjev) Aopi(ina)vov

A . D . 92-93. i

TIea(ovpis) p,8(oXovs)

Idaa)vo(s)

rj. | (erovs)

0iXa>v(os) ifi

\ piepiapiov

t/? (erovs)

J

[...

(Translation.) Paid b y Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of the assess­ ment for the 12TH year of Domitian, 8 obols. Year 1 2 . . . .

No. 289 O E 264.

28th September, A . D . 92, or 28th September, A . D . 108. a)

ia TlK0

AoXxovs *Irjaovros \ x (l ' ^) iSaX(avevriKov) (SvofHoXovs). | (erovs)

($paxp>r)v) a tj8 0aco
I

A

(%TOVS)

(ovofioXovs),

(Translation.) Dolchous son of Jesous, in respect of dyke-tax for the n t h year, 1 drachme 2 obols; in respect of bath-tax, on 2 obols. Year 1 2 , Phaophi 1.

150

SECTION I X : NOS.

No.

290-298

290

OE 73.

26th March, A . D . 9 3 .

'IaKovftos I ®rjO€Tov | Xa(o)yp(aLas) ifi 0apLevco(0) I 5 j A.

tj8 (erovs)

(opaxfj,as)

rj. \

(erovs)

(Translation.) Jakoubos son of Thedetos, in respect of poll-tax for the 12th year, 8 drachmai. Year 12, P h a m e n o t h 30.

No.

291

OE 136.

May-June, A . D . 93.

ElpCqj(v) (erovs)

A.p,ojvo(s)

tj8

f$a\(avevriKov)

| i a (erovs)

Aopunavov

(8paxp,as)

j8.

IIav(vi).

(Translation.) Eirion son of A m o n , in respect of b a t h - t a x for the n t h year of Domitian, 2 drachmai. Year 12, P a y n i . . . .

No.

292

OE 137.

27th J u l y , A . D . 9 3 .

AKirjros riKov)

ITarrjros

(SvofioXovs).

)

Jia TLKOV

J x° {t '

L

l

I (erovs)

P (erovs)

tj8 Meao(prj)

(rerpcbfioXov),

fiaX(avev-

y.

(Translation.) Akietos son of Pates, in respect of dyke-tax for the 12th year, 6 (drachmai) 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 12, Mesore 3. 1. AKIT)TOS probably t h e R o m a n n a m e Quietus (OWj? in t h e T a l m u d ) . Cf. N o . 1 7 1 .

No.

293

OE 258.

A . D . 93-94.

Uapamajv rov

tj8 (erovs)

6

CTTI

vrr(ep) 6vop,(aros) rpets.

(erovs)

rcov \ OK07r(eXojv).

eojs 2 7 a w [ t ] | rov vioj(vov)

e^co vrr(ep) ty

(erovs)

cr[ou] | Oveppiov

GKOTT(CXOJV)

Aopanavov

wno \ *E7rel | 5 | rod

Kvpiov

8t(d) @ehiacr\ov ?] | 8pax(p>as)

iy[

(Translation.) Sarapion, commander of the watch-towers. I h a v e received, in respect of the watch-towers, from Epeiph in the 12th year t o Payni in the 13th year of our lord Domitian, in the name of your grandson Verrius, through Thedissos, three drachmai. Year 13 . . . . For this form of receipt see N o s . 107,109, n o , 1 8 1 . Here t h e n a m e of the t a x p a y e r t o w h o m the letter was addressed is o m i t t e d , b u t it was presumably 0eBiaa[os] w h o paid here the t a x for his grandson Verrius. For this R o m a n n a m e see N o . 241.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

151

No. 294 O E 259.

A . D . 93/94, or A . D . 1 0 9 / 1 0 .

\ ripurjs rrvpo(v)

ALOVVCT(LOS)

I

pvq\rporr(6\eois)

vy (erovs).

[

(Translation.) Dionysios, in respect of the t a x on wheat in t h e metropolis district, for the 13th year

No. 2917 O E 160.

3 1 s t March, A . D . 94, or 3 1 March, A . D . n o .

[B6]K)(Ct)pLS AvXaiov 0app.(ovdi) I e.

j Xa(o)y(pacf>las)

vy (erovs)

($paxp>as) LS". (erovs)

vy

(Translation.) Bokchoris son of Aulaios, in respect of poll-tax for the 13th year, 16 drachmai. Year 1 3 , Pharmouthi 5.

No. 296 O E 63.

i s t A u g u s t , A . D . 94.

Aieyp(aifjev) (Spaxpias)

ft

(x)

AAe£tto(vos)

(rrevrojfioXov

I vlo(s)

&L\LTTTTO(S)

fioAovs).

©rjheros

rjpLitofieXiov),

j5 (rrevrcoiSoXov

I 5 J (erovs)

J aT

ty Meaopr)

KOV

l

\ x (l ' '- )

fi (erovs)

Aopunavov

f$(a)\(avevriKov)

\

(BvoftoAovs).

^jU-tcojSeAtov), f$(a)\(avevriKov)

(Svo-

rj.

(Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of dyke-tax for the 12th year of Domitian, 2 drachmai 5^ obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Philippos his son (in respect of dyke-tax), 2 (drachmai) 5^ (obols); in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 13, Mesore 8.

No. 297 0. D e i s s m . 30.

29th J u l y , A . D . 95, or 29th J u l y , A . D . I I I .

Tevcf>iAos Tev<j>l\ov *Errel K6. |

| \aoyp(aLas) vy (erovs)

(hpaxp-ds)

o. | (erovs)

t8

(Translation.) Teuphilos son of Teuphilos, in respect of poll-tax for the 13th year, 4 drachmai. Year 14, Epeiph 29.

No. 298 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, no. 7 (Wessely). S B 5 8 1 7 .

Aieypa(iffe) Zap,f$a6ico(v) Aopuriavov

| rod Kvplov

19th February, A . D . 96.

6 Kal 'Irjoofis)

(8paxp>as)

\ IJarrlov

rj. (erovs)

\ao(ypatf>tas)

te Mex(elp)

te

(erovs)

ice.

(Translation.) Paid b y Sambathion, also known as Jesous, son of Papios, in respect of poll-tax for the 15th year of our lord Domitian, 8 drachmai. Year 15, Mecheir 25.

152

SECTION IX: NOS. 299-308

No. 299 O E 274.

30th A u g u s t , A . D . 99.

MeXxicov (hpaxptrjv)

Ileaovpios

| (f>(v)X(aKtrtKov)

a (rptojfioXov),

j8 (erovs)

/3aX(avevrtKov)

6fi(o)X(ovs)

Tpatavov

rov Kvpiov

j8. | (erovs)

\

y QcnQ j8.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of police-tax for the 2 n d year of our lord. Trajan, 1 drachme 3 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 3 , T h o t h 2 .

No. 300 O E 96.

i s t September, A . D . 98.

MeXxioj(v) (Spaxptds)

IIea(o)vpto(s)

8. I (erovs)

| Xa(oypaias)

a (erovs)

Tpatavov

\ rov

Kvpiov

j8 @ci)9 8.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the i s t year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 2, T h o t h 4.

No. 301 OE 376.

29th September, A . D . 99.

BoKxojpis (hpaxp^v)

*Iojari7T(ov) a (ofloXov),

y 0aco((f>t)

vX(aKtrtKov)

y

(erovs)

| aKOTr(eXojv) (8paxptr)v)

Tpatavov

a, f$aX(avevrtKov)

rov /?.

Kvpiov (erovs)

a.

(Translation.) Bokchoris son of Josepos, in respect of police-tax for the 3 r d year of our lord Trajan, 1 drachme 1 o b o l ; in respect of t h e watch-towers, 1 drachme; in respect of bath-tax, 2 (obols). Year 3 , Phaophi 1 .

No. 302 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 8 (Wessely). S B 5 8 1 8 .

'Iojor)Tr(os) (opaxp>r)v)

AlaxvXov

<j>vX(aKtrtKov)

a (rptojftoXov),

23rd September, A . D . 98.

j8 (erovs)

| aKOTr(eXojv) jS (erovs)

\ Tpatavov 6fioX(ovs)

rov

Kvpiov

jS. (erovs)

j8

0
No. 303 O E 95.

A . D . 99-IOO.

MeXxta>(v) (Spaxptrjv)

Ileaovptos

a (ofioXov),

| vX(aKtrtKov) y (erovs) |] .

fiqX(avevrtKov)

gj3pX(ovs)

Tpatavov

| rov

Kvptov

j8| 5

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of police-tax for the 3 r d year of our lord Trajan, 1 drachme 1 o b o l ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols . . . .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

153

No. 304 Ostr. J u n k e r : Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 9 (Wessely).

EaiLf$adico(v) 6 Kal 'Irjaods rod Kvpiov

\ Tlaneiov

(8paxp>ds) v}. | (erovs)

29th March, A . D . 99.

\ao(ypatf>tas) ft (erovs)

|

Tpaiavov

j8 <Papp,(oddi) E.

(Translation.) Sambathion, also known as Jesous, son of Papeios, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 2 n d year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 2 , Phar­ mouthi 4 .

No. 30s O E 94.

27th M a y , A . D . 100. oi

iaTlKOV

MeXxico(v) TIeaovpio(s) x (l ) 7 (erovs) \ Tpaiavov rod Kvpiov (Spaxpias) s" (rerpcbfioXov), | 8aX(avevriKod) (SvofioXovs). | (erovs) y TIad(vt) ft. l

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of dyke-tax for t h e 3 r d year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 3 , Payni 2 .

No. 306 OE 379.

A.D. 100-1. a}

JLaTLK

AiroXds Bo[KxcoptSos] I x {f °v) $ (erous") Tp[acavod (8paxp>ds) £ (rerpojfSoXov). (erovs) 8 . . . .

rod Kvpiov]

J

(Translation.) Apolas son of Bokchoris, in respect of dyke-tax for the 4 t h year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 obols. Year 4 . . . .

No. 307 OE 140.

KaXXeds (ofloXov),

23rd January, A . D . I O I .

IJairiov

\ vX(aKiriKod)

I 5 I f}(a)X(avevriKod)

j 8 (erovs) j8. (erovs)

Tpaiavov

rod | Kvpiov

a

8 TV/3(L) Hcrj.

(Translation.) Kalleus son of Papios, in respect of police-tax for t h e 4 t h year of our lord Trajan, 1 o b o l . . . . I n respect of bath-tax, 2 . Year 4 , Tybi 2 8 .

No. 308 O E 64.

©rjSeros AXe^iwvos \ Xao(ypalas) (erovs) 8 0ap,(evcod) K S .

20th March, A . D . I O I .

8 (erovs)

Tpaiavov

(8paxp>ds) rj. j

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for the 4 t h year of Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 4, P h a m e n o t h 2 4 .

154

SECTION I X : NOS. 309-318

No. 309 OE 375.

20th March, A . D . I O I .

'IojcrrjTTos AlaxvXov (Spaxptds)

\ \ao(ypaias)

8 (erovs)

Tpatavov

rov

vtos j 6ptot(ojs)

(opaxp>as)

rj. (erovs)

8

rj. BoKxojpts

Kvpiov

|

0apt(evcb8)

is. (Translation.) Josepos son of Aischylos, in respect of poll-tax for the 4 t h year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Bokchoris his son, similarly, 8 drachmai. Year 4 , Phamenoth 24.

No. 310 O E 97.

22 March, A . D . I O I . iOJV

Me\x (erovs)

n^crovptos

8 0apt(evtbd)

\ \ao(ypa<j>ias)

8 (erovs)

Tpatavov

(8paxp>as) i^- |

/c?.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the 4 t h year of Trajan, 1 6 drachmai. Year 4 , P h a m e n o t h 2 6 .

No. 311 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . n (Wessely). S B 5820.

Uapt^a6ioj(v)

6 Kal 'Irjaovs

IIa7r(eiov)

1

rov Kvpiov I (BpaxP'ds) s (rerpoj^oXov), 8 Havvt

20th J u n e , A . D . I O I . w

iaTl K0

| x {l ' v)

8 (erovs)

fiaA(avevrtKov)

Tpatavov

(8vofi6Aovs).

(erovs)

/c?.

(Translation.) Sambathion, also known as Jesous, son of Papeios, in respect of dyke-tax for the 4 t h year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 4 , Payni 2 6 .

No. 312 OE 142.

Aapttojv

20th J u l y , A . D . 1 0 2 .

I &tArjpt(ovos)

Xa(o)yp(atas)

rj. | (erovs)

e Tpq(t)av(ov)

*ETTI(J>

K?.

(Translation.) D a m i o n son of Philemon, in respect of poll-tax, 8 (drachmai). Year 5 of Trajan, Epeiph 2 6 .

No. 313 O E 286.

25th March, A . D . 1 0 3 .

Eapt^aBiojv ((erovs)

Kal \ Aojodfjs

s?y 0aptevd)d

vtos Xa(o)yp(aias)

\ s" (erovs)

(8paxptds)

rj.

K6.

(Translation.) Sambathion a n d (his) son Dosthes, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 6 t h year, 8 drachmai. Year 6, P h a m e n o t h 2 9 .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

155

No. 314 O E 278.

26th March, A . D . 103.

TIroXXas IJarriov Xa(oypa<j>ias) s" (erovs) rj. J (erovs) £ &ap,(evcbd) A.

J Tpaiavov

rov Kvpiov

(8paxp>ds)

(Translation.) Ptollas son of Papios, in respect of poll-tax for the 6th year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 6, P h a m e n o t h 30.

No. 31s O E 275.

A wads

31st May,

[Ue]aov[pio]s

(&paxp>as) 77. (erovs)

\ Xao(ypaias) $ Tlavvi

s* (erovs)

Tpaiavov

rov

A.D.

Kvpiov

103.

\

f.

(Translation.) D o s a s son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the 6th year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 6, P a y n i 6.

No. 316 O E 65.

25th July, A . D . 103.

Orfieros AXe£ia)(vos) \ Xa(oypaias) s" (erovs) Tpaiavov (8paxp>ds) 8 (6/SoXov r)pLiLofieXiov). \ (erovs) s Meao(pr)) a.

| rov

Kvpiov

1

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for the 6th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai i | obols. Year 6, Mesore 1.

No. 317 O E 98.

25th July, A . D . 103.

MeXxicov (erovs)

TIeao(vpios)

S" Megpp(r))

\ Xao(ypa<j>ias)

s" (erovs)

Tpaiavov

\ (opaxp^ds) 8.

| a.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the 6th year of Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 6, Mesore 1.

No. 318 O E 103.

September-October, A . D . 103. oj

JiaTLKOV

MeXxitoy IJea(o)vp[ios x (l )] I £ (erovs) Tpaiavov (SpaxP'ds) S (rerpdifioXov), j3aX(avevriKov) (SvoftoXovs), ]. I (frovs) £ [&]acp[
rov [icvpiov] \ cf>[vX(aKiriKov)

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of dyke-tax for the 7th year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols; in respect of police-tax, . . . . Year 7, P h a o p h i . . . .

156

SECTION IX: NOS.

No.

319-328

319

O E 99.

A . D . IO3-4.

MeX]%tojv [TOV

IJeagvptos

Kvpiov

|

[XO>(/u,aTi/cot>)

(SpaxP'ds) s" (rerpco^oXov),

s" (or £)]

(^rgys)

fi]aX(avevriKov)

Tpatavov

(Svo(36Xovs).

\

(erovs)

£|- — (Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of dyke-tax, for the 6TH (or 7TH) year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 7 . . . .

No.

320

O E 100.

A.D.

104.

Kvpiov

\

i s t May,

MeXxiojv 6/3oX(ovs)

IJecrovptos .

\ vX(aKtrtKov)

(erovs),

6pb(oio)s),

£ (erovs)

6j3(oXovs)

Tpatavov

rj. (erovs)

£

rov

IIaxo)(v)

f.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of police-tax for the 7TH year of our lord Trajan, 8 obols; for the 6TH year, similarly, 8 obols. Year 7, Pachon 6 .

No.

321

Berlin I n v . 12537 (Arch. v i . 220, n o . 6, e d . Plaumann). S B 7400.

Eap.fSa6toj(v) rov Kvptov

6 Kal 'Irjcrovs

\ Tlairiov

(SpaxpLOs) 8 . | (erovs)

i s t M a y , A . D . 104.

Xao(ypa<j>tas) £ (erovs)

£ TIaxdi(v)

\

Tpatavov

f.

2. Tlavov P l a u m a n n ; b u t cf. N o s . 298, 304, and others.

(Translation.) Sambathion, also known as Jesous, son of Papios, in respect of poll-tax for the 7TH year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 7, Pachon 6 .

No.

322

O E 146.

27th May, A . D . 104.

IJerav(s) IIavy(t)

®avpLao(iov)

\ Xa(o)y(paias)

(hpaxp^ds)

rj.

(erovs)

£

|

jS.

(Translation.) P e t a y s son of Thaumasios, in respect of poll-tax, 8 drachmai. Year 7, Payni 2.

No.

323

O E 101.

MeXxico(v)

31st May,

TIeao(vptos)

[(8paxp>as) rj. (erovs)]

X(a)o(ypa<j>ias)

£ | IJav[v]t

£ (erovs)

Tpatavov

| rov

A.D.

104.

Kvpiov

f.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris in respect of poll-tax for the 7TH year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 7, Payni 6 .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

157

No. 324 O E 102.

6th J u n e , A . D . 104.

MeXxito(v) (Spaxptas)

TIecTovpio(s)

f\. (erovs)

Xao(ypaias)

£ Tlavvi

£ (erovs)

Tpaiavov

| rod

Kvpiov

ift.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 7th year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 7, P a y n i 1 2 .

No. 32$ O E 149.

25 N o v e m b e r , A . D . 104.

'IaKofios €Tr(eira)

0avp.ao(iov)

A6v(p)

Xa(oypacf>ias)

£ (erovs)

tj3. | (erovs)

17 Advp

6.

KQ 8.

2. e n ? Schw.

(Translation.) Jakobos son of Thaumasios, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 7th year, I2(drachmai). Year 8, H a t h y r 9 . Also H a t h y r 2 9 , 4 (drachmai).

No. 326 O E 147.

14th December, A . D . 104.

IJeravs t] XoiaK

®avp,aaig(v)

\ ^CO(ttaTt/
4

S (rerpoj/SoXov).

|

(erovs)

vrj.

(Translation.) P e t a y s son of Thaumasios, in respect of d y k e - t a x for t h e 7th year, 6 (drachmai) 4 obols. Year 8, Choiak 18.

No. 327 O E 287.

'

]a>v 2ap,i8adaio(v)

A . D . 104-5.

\ [Xao(ypa<j>ias)

rj\ (erovs)

(opaxpids)

rj.

(erovs)

(Translation.) . . .on son of Sambathaios, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 8th year, 8 drachmai. Year 8 . . . .

No. 328 O E 104.

A . D . IO4-5.

8 dp,6(hov). I MeXxicov n[eoovpios] rov] Kvpiov

(hpaxp^v) a (SfQoXov) [

\ vX(aKiriKov) rj (erovs) ]. | (erovs)

Tpaia[vov

6.. . .

(Translation.) 4th District. Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of police-tax for t h e 8th year of our lord Trajan, 1 drachme 1 obol. Year 9 . . . .

158

SECTION I X : NOS. 328a-337

No. 328a i O I F A O 232 (unpublished).

22nd October, A . D . 104.

Made k n o w n t o u s through t h e courtesy of M. J . Schwartz.

'Idatov

(i)

JLarLK0

M. . . . T ° j x {l

^)

£ (krovs)

I vX(aKLTLKOv) ..

Tpatavov

| TOV Kvpiov

(Bpaxptds)

(zTOVs) Tj &a
(8vo/36XoVs)

No. 329 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 1 2 (Wessely). S B 5 8 2 1 .

24th March, A . D . 1 0 5 .

8 dp,(6)8(ov). I 'Idaojv * Iojarj7r(ov) Xao(ypa<j>tas) TOV Kvpiov (8paxptds) rj. | (CTOVS) rj &apt(evd)d) KB.

rj

(CTOVS)

Tpatavov

|

(Translation.) 4th District. Jason son of Josepos, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 8th year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 8, P h a m e n o t h 29.

No. 330 OE 148.

27th October, A . D . 1 0 5 . a)

| x (H'

0avptaot(o)v

IJeTavs

aTLK0

^)

V

(^TOVS)

S"

(TCTpojftoXov).

(CTOVS)

6 I &aw(t) A. (Translation.) P e t a y s son of Thaumasios, in respect of d y k e - t a x for the 8th year, 6 (drachmai) 4 obols. Year 9, Phaophi 30.

No. 331 OE 152.

8

3 1 s t October, A . D . 1 0 5 .

dpt(f>6(8ov).

IIdpL(f>tXos

Kvpiov

(BpaxP'ds)

(ETOVS)

6 Advp

8,

| x {l ' (0

I Bapvdfitos

Xao(ypatas) a

JL

,s

{^P Xf ^ )

xa rLK0

^)

7

rj

(CTOVS)

{rcTpco^oXov

Tpatavov

TOV

r)p,ta)f$£Xtov).

8.

(Translation.) 4th District. Pamphilos son of Barnabis, in respect of pollt a x for t h e 8th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai; in respect of d y k e - t a x , 3 drachmai 4% obols. Year 9, H a t h y r 4.

No. 332 O E 106.

MeXxtojv

7th N o v e m b e r , A . D . 1 0 5 .

IJ€Oovpto(s)

(Bpaxptas) /?. (eTovs)

f$aX(avevTtKov) 6 Advp

rj (eTovs)

Tpatavov

TOV Kvpiov

\

td.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of bath-tax for t h e 8th year of our lord Trajan, 2 drachmai. Year 9, H a t h y r n .

OSTRAKA FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S

MAGNA (EDFU)

159

No. 333 OE 107.

7th D e c e m b e r , A . D . 1 0 5 .

MeX)(ico(v)

TIeao(vpios)

| ^ct)(ttaTt/cou) 07 (erovs)

(Spaxpids) £ (rerptbfioXov),

I5 I

\ /8aX(avevriKov)

Tpaiavov

(SvofioXovs).

| rov

(erovs)

9

Kvpiov XOI(6\K)

ta.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of d y k e - t a x for t h e 8TH year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 9 , Choiak n .

No. 334 O E 282.

2nd March, A . D . 1 0 6 .

B dp,tj>[(68ov). rod Kvpiov

Sieyp(aifj€v)]

\Acooapioov

(Spaxpids) e. | 5 | (erovs)

1. Schw. t h i n k s oiiypaifitv

[| p,epi(apiov)

9 &ap,€v(to9)

9 (erovs)

Tpaiavov

\

7

s.

impossible for reasons of formula.

(Translation.) 4TH District. P a i d b y Dosarion, in respect of t h e assessment for t h e 4TH year of our lord Trajan, 5 drachmai. Year 9 , P h a m e n o t h 6 .

No. 33£ OE 273.

16th April, A . D . 1 0 6 .

TIeoovpi[s Tpaiavov

'Idtrojvos]

rov Kvpi[ov]

\ 0iXa>v(os)

v(rrep)

\ (Spaxpids) r). (erovs)

Xao(ypatf>ias) 9 &app,o(v9i)

9 [(erovs)]

|

| 5 | k~d.

(Translation.) Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 9TH year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 9 , Pharmouthi 2 1 .

No. 336 O E 66.

28th M a y , A . D . 106.

GrjSeros Kvpiov

AXe^ico(vos)

\ v(7rep)

(Spaxpids) 8. (erovs)

Xao(ypatf>ias)

9 Tlavvi

9 (erovs)

Tpaiavov

| rod

y.

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 9TH year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 9 , P a y n i 3 .

No. 337 OE 144.

24th J u n e , A . D . 1 0 6 .

KeXxias IJav(vi)

Aap,icov(os)

Xa(oypatf>ias)

17 (erovs)

1

is . \ (erovs)

9

Tpa(iavov)

A.

1 . KeXxias is probably a slip of t h e p e n for

XCXKUS.

(Translation.) Chelkias son of Damion, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 8TH year, 1 6 (drachmai). Year 9 of Trajan, P a y n i 3 0 .

160

SECTION IX: NOS. 338-346

No. 338 O E 108.

15th J u l y , A . D . 106.

I

MeXxicov IJeaovpio(s) Xao(ypastas) (Spaxpids) ij8. (erovs) 6 j 'Errlc^ £~d.

6 (erovs)

Tpaiavov

| rov

Kvpiov

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 9TH year of our lord Trajan, 1 2 drachmai. Year 9 , Epeiph 2 1 .

No. 339 OE 123.

21st A u g u s t , A . D . 106.

Zap.f$adLa)(v) *Itoor}TT(oy) (Spaxpids) rj, vX(aKLTLKov) 6 Meao(pr)) 1. 2Ja^a6lto(v)

j

Xao(ypaias) 6 (erovs) (rpicofioXov), aKo(7reXaiv)

Tpaiavov rov (Spaxpirjv) a.

Kvpiov

|

\

(erovs)

icq. Mant., b u t corrected in note t o O E 286.

(Translation.) Sambathion son of Josepos, in respect of poll-tax for the 9TH year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai; in respect of police-tax, 3 o b o l s ; in respect of the watch-towers, 1 drachme. Year 9 , Mesore 2 8 .

No. 340 OE 383.

i s t September, A . D . 106.

Airras Aihvpio(v) S" (rerpojfioXov), 1 0ch(6) B.

^(/XARIFCOU)

/QaX(avevriKov)

6 (erovs)

Tpaiavov

(SvofioXovs),

rov

|

Kvpiov

(8paxp>ds)

(vXaKiriKov) (oftoXov).

(erovs)

(Translation.) Dipas son of D i d y m o s , in respect of dyke-tax for t h e 9TH year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols; in respect of police-tax, 1 obol. Year 1 0 , T h o t h 4.

No. 341 OE 77.

25th N o v e m b e r , A . D . 1 0 6 . 9

TIeaovpis Idaa)v(os) vo(s) p,epi(crp,ov) Kvpiov (Spaxpids) e. (erovs) 1 AOvp K0.

1 (erovs)

j Tpaiavov

rod

(Translation.) Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of the assessment for the 10TH year of our lord Trajan, 5 drachmai. Year 1 0 , H a t h y r 2 9 .

No. 342 O E 378.

B6i<xtop\is

A p r i l - J u n e , A . D . 107.

'Icoo"q7T(ov)]

(hpaxptas) r). (erovs)

j Xao(ypaias)

1 (erovs)

Tpa[iavov

rov

Kvpiov]

|

1 TIa[

(Translation.) Bokchoris son of Josepos, in respect of poll-tax for the 10TH year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 1 0 P a . . . .

OSTRAKA FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

161

No. 343 O E 76.

7th April, A . D . 1 0 7 .

[IJeoov]pts *Iaoojvos | [&iXa>]vo(s) Xa(oypaias) t (erovs) [rov] Kvpiov (Spaxptds) 8. | [(erovs) t] 0apptovd(t) tj8.

Tpatavov

|

(Translation.) Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of poll-tax for the 1 0 t h year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 1 0 , Pharmouthi 1 2 .

No. 344 O E 279.

9th M a y , A . D . 1 0 7 .

8 apxf)68(ov). Kvpiov

I TIroXXas

j [(Spaxptas)]

IJantov

rj. (erovs)

| Xaoy(pa<j>ias)

t Uaxoov

1 (erovs)

Tpatavov

rov

18.

(Translation.) 4 t h District. Ptollas son of Papios, in respect of poll-tax for the 1 0 t h year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 1 0 , Pachon 1 4 .

No. 34s OE 118.

S e p t e m b e r - O c t o b e r , A . D . 107.

[Me]Xxioj(v)

IJeao(vptos)

J [xa>(/xaTiKo£J) t]a (erovs)

(opaxp*as) y (ofioXov rjpttojfteXtov), e. I (erovs) w

tq 0q[a)((^t)

JLaTlK

2. [x (f

°v)

| @aX(avevrtKov)

Tpatavov

rov Kvpiov

(SvoftoXovs),

ptept(ap,ov)

..

is not certain.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of d y k e - t a x for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 3 drachmai i\ obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the assessment, 5 (drachmai). Year 1 1 , P h a o p h i . . . .

No. 346 OE 83.

n t h October, A . D . 1 0 7 .

8 apxf)68ov. [Tpata]vov (yivovrat)

I [TIe]aovpts

rov Kvpiov (hpaxptat)

'Idaojv(os)

| [. . .]a8ou GKOTr(eXa)v) ta (erovs)

| 5 | [(Spa^/zds") j8, v]X(aKtrtKov)

8. (erovs)

(Spaxptds)

\ j8,

ta | &aw(J>t Uy.

(Translation.) 4 t h District. Pesouris son of Jason . . . ades, in respect of the watch-towers for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 2 drachmai; in respect of police-tax, 2 drachmai. Total, 4 drachmai. Year n , Phaophi 1 3 . 3. W e e x p e c t [vo?, as in N o s . 3 4 1 , 343, etc., b u t the traces of letters do not fit the required name.—Prof. Manteuffel kindly informed m e t h a t his previous reading OKJ)( ) m a y be changed t o CT/co7t( ), as suggested b y m e . 5. 'jS n'est pas certain' Schw. B 5195

M

162

SECTION IX: NOS. 3 4 7 - 3 5 5

No. 347 O E 87.

19th October, A . D . 107.

8 dp,68(o)v. I A wads rov Kvpiov

(dpaxp>ds)

Tleaovpios

rj. (erovs)

\ Xaoyp(acf>ias)

ta (erovs)

Tpaiavov

|

ta | 5 | @aw(
{Translation.) 4th District. Dosas son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the 11+h vear of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year n , Phaophi 2 1 .

No. 348 O E 84.

25th March, A . D . 108.

B dpi(6)8(o)v. (erovs)

Tpaiavov

I TIeaovpis rov

Kv(piov)

9

Idawv(os)

\ @iXwv(os)

| 5 | (Spa^/xd?) rj. (erovs)

Xaoyp(acf>ias)

| ta

ta &ap,ev(thd)

K6.

(Translation.) 4th District. Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of poll-tax for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year n , P h a m e n o t h 2 9 .

No. 349 O E 78.

8th May, A . D . 108

8 api
rov

Kvpiov

'Idaojv(os)

(Spaxpids)

\ ^tAcov(os-) Aaoyp(atf>ias)

8. | 5 | (erovs)

1a (erovs)

j

ta TJa^cov ty.

(Translation.) 4th District. Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of poll-tax for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year n , Pachon 1 3 .

No. 3£o O I F A O 165 (unpublished).

15th May, A . D . 108.

Made k n o w n t o us through the courtesy of M. J. Schwartz.

8 dp,(f>68ov. \ TIeaovpis 'Idotovos \ 0iXcovos Xaoyp(atf>ias) ta (erovs) Tpaiavov rov Kvpiov \ | 5 | (Spaxp-as) 8. (erovs) ta 77a^co(v) K .

\

(Translation.) 4th District. Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of pollt a x for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 1 1 , Pachon 2 0 .

No. 3$i OE n o .

23rd May, A . D . 108.

B dp.tf)68ov. (Spaxpids)

8,

I MeXxioiV OVCOTT^AOW)

TIeaovpios o^oXovs)

\ Xaoyp(aias) s". (erovs)

ta (erovs)

Tpaiavov

\

ta 77a^co(v) | 5 | icq.

(Translation.) 4th District. Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the n t h year of Trajan, 4 drachmai; in respect of the watch-towers, 6 obols. Year n , Pachon 2 8 .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

163

No. 3 p O E 88.

5th J u n e , A . D . 108,

Awards (Bpaxpids)

IJegrpylpios] S (rptojfioXov).

| Xq(oypastas) (erovs)

ta (erovs)

ta IJqvvt

Tpqtaygy

rod [Kv(ptov)]

j

ta.

(Translation.) Dosas son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai 3 obols. Year 1 1 , Payni n .

No. 3^3 OE 1 1 3 .

28th J u l y , A . D . 108 LOJV

a)

iaTlKOV

L a

MeXx Tleoovp(ios) \ x (t ^) {^rovs) Tpatavov (opaxptas) S" (rerpco^oXov), | [ft]aX(av'evriKov) (SvofloXovs), j8 (rpiojfioXov). I 5 I [(erovs) ta Me]oopr) 8.

| [rov] Kvpiov (v)X(aKtrtKov)

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of dyke-tax for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of police-tax, 2 (drachmai) 3 obols. Year n , Mesore 4.

No. £ 4 3

OE 91.

J u l y - A u g u s t , A . D . 108^ a)

JiaTiK0

L a

Ao)6[as Tleaovptos] \ x {[ ^) {^rovs) Tpatavov (Bpaxptds) j8 (rerpoj^oXov), f$qX(avevrtKov) (BvofioXovs), (Bpaxptrjv) a ] , | (erovs) ta Me\aopr) ..

rov Kv(ptov) | [vX(aKtrtKov)

(Translation.) Dosas son of Pesouris, in respect of dyke-tax for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 2 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of police-tax, 1 drachme. Year n , Mesore . . . . 3. R e s t o r a t i o n

doubtful.

No.

s s s

O E 79.

IJeaovpts *Idoojvo(s) \ OiXojvos Kvpiov I (Bpaxptds) s* (rerpoj^oXov), rtKov) j8 (rptojfioXov). | 5 | (erovs)

14th A u g u s t , A . D . 108. a)

JLariK

x {t °v) ta (erovs) | Tpatavov rov fiaX(avevrtKov) (BvofioXovs), (v)X(aKtta Mecro(pr)) ica.

(Translation.) Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of dyke-tax for the n t h year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols; in respect of police-tax, 2 (drachmai) 3 obols. Year n , Mesore 21.

164

S E C T I O N IX: NOS.

356-364

No. 356 OE 1 1 5 .

9th N o v e m b e r , A . D . 108.

8 dp,68ov. I MeXxitov

I

Kvpiov 2. 1.

(8paxp,ds)

TIeaovpiov

£. (erovs)

| pi€pi(apiov)

t/3 A6vp

tj8 (erovs)

Tpaiavov

rov

ty.

Tleaovpios.

(Translation.) 4 t h District. Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of the assess­ m e n t for the 1 2 t h year of our lord Trajan, 7 drachmai. Year 1 2 , H a t h y r 1 3 .

No.

3^7

OE 153.

September, A . D . 108.

TIeaovpi(s) riKov)

] I xa>(/AaTtf) ifi (erovs)

A[

(8vOf86Xovs).

(erovs)

s" (rerptoftoXov),

f8[aX(avev-

tjS] | @chd K[ .

(Translation.) Pesouris son of A . . ., in respect of d y k e - t a x for the 1 2 t h year, 6 (drachmai) 4 o b o l s ; in respect of b a t h - t a x , 2 obols. Year 1 2 . T h o t h 2 0 .

No.

3 J

8

OE 116.

A p r i l - J u n e , A . D . 109.

B d(p,)[68ov]. Tpai[avov]

I MeXxioj(v)

[Tleaovpios]

4

I (8paxp>ds) is , (erovs)

| Xaoyp(atf>ias)

tj8

(erovs)

tj8 77a[.

(Translation.) 4 t h District. Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the 1 2 t h year of Trajan, 1 6 drachmai. Year 1 2 , P a . . . .

No.

3^9

OE 81.

A . D . io8-9« y

TIea[ovpis Kvpiov

Idacovos

(8paxp
•].

@IXOJVOS]

\

| (erovs)

X(a)o(ypatpias) [ifi

tj8 (erovs)

T[paiavov

rov

....

(Translation.) Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of poll-tax for the 1 2 t h year of our lord Trajan, . . . drachmai. Year 1 2 . . . .

No.

360

O E 276.

7th J u n e , A . D . 109.

Aiey(paifjev) rov Kvpiov

A toads

(Spaxpids)

TIeaovpio(s) is". \ (erovs)

\ Xaoypa(cf>ias) tj8 Tlavvi

ij3 (erovs)

Tpaiavov

\

| 5 | ty.

(Translation.) Paid b y Dosas son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the 1 2 t h year of our lord Trajan, 1 6 drachmai. Year 1 2 , Payni 1 3 .

OSTRAKA FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S

MAGNA (EDFU)

165

No. 361 O E 92.

3rd J u l y , A . D . 109

A toads

Tleaovpios

(Bpaxpias) £.

Xap(ypatj>ias)

I (erovs)

\ tj8

ifi ^Eirel^)

(erovs)

Tpaiavov

rod

Kvpiov

6.

(Translation.) Dosas son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the 12th year of our lord Trajan, 7 drachmai. Year 12, Epeiph 9. Schw. points out that the readings of N o s . 360 a n d 361 are suspect, since t h e y s h o w D o s a s p a y ­ ing 23 drachmai poll-tax in one year.

No. 362 OE 272.

10th A u g u s t , A . D . 109.

OrjSerov

OIXITTTTOS

rod Kvpiov

| reX(ovs)

j (Spaxpids)

Si(7rXtop,aros)

8 . (Zrovs)

dvtov tj3 (erovs)

tj8 Meaopr)

\

Tpaiavov

j t£.

| 5

(Translation.) Philippos son of Thedetos, in respect of p a y m e n t for a donkey licence, for the 12th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 12, Mesore 17.

No. 363 O E 82.

20th A u g u s t , A . D . 109.

[B] dpi(6)S(ov). (erovs)

I TIe[ao]dpis

Tp[aiavov]

fSaX(avevriKov) la (erovs)

\ rod

(ofioXov

Idato[vos]

i)piiav),

Atoaas

(SvoftoXovs),

(erovs)

tj8 Me(ao)prj

vlos

(O

JLaTLKOV

x (f

P

j

5 |

(v)X(aKiriKod)

: aTLK0

\ x (p -

L

)

r)p.iav),

OK(o7TeXtov) (SvoftoXovs),

f$a(XavevriKod)

y (r)p,itofieXiov).

a)

[ 0iXto(vos)

(Spaxpids) ft (TrevrtbfioXov

Kvpiov

6/Q(oXovs) y (rjputofteXiov).

rtbfioXov rjpiiov), 6iS(oXovs)

i

^)

(f>(v)X(aKiriKod)

(rrevla (erovs

)J

/c£.

(Translation.) 4th District. Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of d y k e t a x for the 12th year of our lord Trajan, 2 drachmai 5^ o b o l s ; in respect of b a t h t a x , i \ o b o l s ; in respect of the watch-towers, 2 obols; in respect of police-tax for the n t h year, 3 ! obols. Dosas, his son, in respect of d y k e - t a x , 2 (drachmai) 5^ o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of police-tax for the n t h year, 3 ^ obols. Year 12, Mesore 27.

No. 364 O E 80.

29th May, A . D . n o .

TIeaovpis

,

Idatovos

\ p,epi(ap,od)

6f$(oXdv) a (r)p.itofieXiov). (erovs)

iy TIad(vi)

2. Perhaps

8i(irA<Sv)

or

| Atoaas

Si(

) ij8 (erovs)

Ileaovp(ios)

Tpaiavov

| 5 j OJ8(OAOV) a

rod Kv(piov)

\

(r)piitof$eXiov).

| B. Si(aipuyos);

see Wallace, 1 5 3 , 1 6 4 .

(Translation.) Pesouris son of Iason, in respect of the assessment . . . for the 12th year of our lord Trajan, i \ obols. Dosas son of Pesouris, i £ obols. Year 1 3 , P a y n i 4.

166

SECTION I X : NOS. 365-374

No.

3 6 s

OE 154.

20th J u n e , A . D . I I I .

A]/3pap,os 18 Uavvt

'IaKovfiov

I Aa(oypa<j>ias)

ty (erovs)

(8paxp>ds)

8. |

(erovs)

K~f.

(Translation.) Abramos son of Jakoubos, i n respect of poll-tax for t h e 13th year, 4 drachmai. Year 14, P a y n i 26.

No.

3 6 6

O E 85.

J u l y - A u g u s t , A . D . 112.

IJeoovpus

['Idcrojv(os)]

[($paxp>d.s) rj7] j . [(erovs)

Xaoyp(alas)

te (erovs)

t]e Mea(opr))

T[patavov]

\ rov

Kvpiov

..

(Translation.) Pesouris son of Jason, i n respect of poll-tax for t h e 15th year of our lord Trajan, 8 (?) drachmai. Year 15, Mesore . .

No.

3 6 7

OE 93.

A.D. 113-14.

Aojcra]s Ileaovpios 8. (erovs)

| [. . . i £ ] (erovs)

Tpatavov

\ [rov Kv(piov)

(Spaxpids)]

t£ I

(Translation.) D o s a s son of P e s o u r i s , . . . for t h e 17th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 17 . . . .

No.

3 6 8

O E 158.

8th J u n e , A . D . 1 1 5 .

Ileravs irj TIavvi

@a[vpiaa(lov)]

J Xa(o)y(paias)

irj (erovs)

(8paxp>a.s)

rj.

(erovs)

18.

(Translation.) P e t a y s s o n of Thaumasios, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 18th year, 8 drachmai. Year 18, P a y n i 14.

No.

3 6 9

O E 288.

28th April, A . D . 1 1 6 .

]OJV UapbfUaOaiov | [Aao(ypa<J>ias)] Kvpiov

(8paxp-ds)

is" dtat y (8paxp*ds)

iB (erovs) . | [(erovs)

3. d^tffi is incomprehensible. 'Peut-on songer a. <[>y\ (

Tpatavov t&] Uaxcbv

Apiarov

\ rov

y.

) ?' Schw.

(Transcription.) . . . o n son of Sambathaios, i n respect of poll-tax for t h e 19th year of our lord Trajan Optimus, 16 d r a c h m a i ; . . . 3 drachmai. Year 19, Pachon 3.

OSTRAKA* F R O M A P O L L I N O P O L I S

No.

17th March, A . D . 96, or 17th March, A . D . 1 1 2 .

I Xao(ypa<j>ias)

NLKLOV

(vwQ)

167

370

O E 386.

]ds

MAGNA (EDFU)

te (erovs)

(Bpaxpids)

\ rj. (erovs)

te

0ap,e-

tea.

(Translation.) . . . as son of Nikias, in respect of poll-tax for the 15th year, 8 drachmai. Year 15, P h a m e n o t h 2 1 .

No.

371

O E 70. B

rov

A.D. 98-117.

dp,]cf>6(8ov). Kvpiov

0rjBer(ov)

OLXLTTTTOS

I [

I [Xao (ypacptas?)

] e (erovs)

. . (erovs)

Tpaia]vov

..

(Translation.) 4th District. Philippos son of Thedetos, in respect of poll-tax for the . . . year of our lord Trajan . . . . Year 5 . . . .

No.

372

O E 86.

A.D. 98-117.

B apxf)68ov. [

I [IIeoovpL\s

*Idooivos

| [

(erovs)]

Tpatavov

rod

Kvpiov

\

] . . . .
(Translation.) 4th District. Pesouris son of Jason . . . year of our lord Trajan . . .; in respect of police-tax, 1 drachme . . . .

No.

373

OE 36.

i s t century A . D .

Tpvas (erovs)

NLKOJVO(S)

I rLp,(fjs) irvpov tjS (eTovs") (rrvpov) (aprdftrjv)

ty &aa>L e . | 'Iepatj

OTrei(pojvl)

\ 5 | IlKr]^(ts)

a (rpirov).

\

OTrei(pojv}).

(Translation.) Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of w h e a t - t a x for the 12th year, 1 ^ artabai of wheat. Year 13, Phaophi 5. Hierax the . . . . Pkebis the . . . .

No.

374

Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 3 (Wessely). S B 5 8 1 3 .

Aftpdpus 0ap(p,ov)6(t)

®rjyev[o]v

| Xaoyp(acj>[as)

i s t or 2nd century A . D .

j8 (erovs)

(8paxp,ds)

rj. \ (erovs)

/8

K.

(Translation.) Abramis son of Thegenes, in respect of poll-tax for the 2nd year, 8 drachmai. Year 2, Pharmouthi 20.

168

SECTION I X : NOS.

375-380

Part IIP Nos. 37^-403. Various Taxes (A.D. 151—16^) No. 37£ O E 168.

31st December, A.D. 1 6 1 .

Aieyp(aifjev) a(p,ov) Kvplcov

Eev7rere(adevs)

I dvSpe(idvros) Eeftaurcov

ft

(erovs)

\

AxiX(Xaros)

AvprjXitov

| (Spaxpids) ft (SvoftoXovs)

(Spaxpial) ft (SvoftoXoi)

(xaXKol

Svo).

'Povtfrov

| Avrcovivov

piepi-

Kvp(iaKov)

Kal Ovr\pov

TCOV

(yivovrai)

SVO),

(XO-XKOVS

| (erovs) ft Tv(fti)

|5 [

e.

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpetestheus son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of the Imperial assessment concerning statues, for the 2nd year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 2 drachmai 2 obols 2 chalkoi. Total, 2 drachmai 2 obols 2 chalkoi. Year 2, Tybi 5. 1. T h o u g h the E g y p t i a n aev- is more frequently used in composition of women's n a m e s , as a short form of

roev-,

there is no d o u b t t h a t Senpetestheus, as well as S e n p e a s m y s in the following ostraka, is

male.

No. 376 O E 184.

A.D. 161-2.

[Aieyp(aifjev TLKOV)

TIav]iftrJKis Eev7re(aap,vs)

a (erovs)

\Eeftaor\cpv

\ [AvprjX]ccov Avrcovivov

(Spaxpids) S , (yivovrai)

[AxiX(Xaros)

\

oi

'Pojvcfrov

ia

x (l ~

| [/cat Ovrjjpov rcov Kvpicov \ 5 j

(Spaxpial) S . | [(erovs)

ft

] e.

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of dyke-tax for the i s t year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 4 drachmai. Total, 4 drachmai. Year 2 . . . 5.

No. 377 O E 186.

5th J a n u a r y , A . D . 1 6 2 .

Aieyp(aifjev)

TlaviftrJKLS

| Eev7re(aop,vs)

riKov) ft (erovs) AvprjXicov Avrcovivov (Spaxpids) dvS(pidvros)

S, pLepi(crp,ov)

(rrevrcoftoXov

Axt>X(Xaros)

J

Kal Ovrjpov rcov Kvpicov \ Eeftaarcov r)p,icofteXiov)

(X^XKOVS

SVO),

(Spaxp^v) a (oftoXov) (xaXKods Svo), cf>6(pov) 7rp(oftdrcov)

v(XaKrjs) a (erovs) (erovs) ft Tv(fti)

JLa

'Pov(f>ov J x° (l ~

| (Spa^/x^v) a (rrevrcoftoXov), (yivovrai)

\

5 [

(/cat)

(Spaxpial)

rj.

1.

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of dyke-tax for the 2nd year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 4 drachmai; in respect of the assessment, 5^ obols 2 chalkoi; in respect of the statue levy, 1 drachme 1 obol and 2 chalkoi; in 1

W e h a v e not found it possible t o m a k e the corrections in the numbering of the ostraka w h i c h Schwartz's changes of dating ( N o s . 393-403)

should strictly m a k e necessary, but h o p e t h a t n o great inconvenience will be caused b y this.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

169

respect of cattle-tax and police-tax for the i s t year, 1 drachme 5 obols. Total, 8 drachmai. Year 2, Tybi 10.

No. 378 O E 169.

10th J a n u a r y , A . D . 1 6 2 . (

Aieyp(aifjev)

Pov(f>os a.7reA(ev9epos) Eqp(pas) | 8t(d) EevTrere(adeojs) I 'Povcfrov ri(pirjs) o'ivov I KV/3( ) Aox( ) j8 (erovs) (Spaxpids) y I 5 I (yivovrai) (Spaxpial) y (rpicbfioAov). (erovs) Tv(j3i) te.

AXIA\&T(OS)

(rpioj^oAov),

(Translation.) Paid b y Rufus, freedman of Sarra, through Senpetestheus son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of wine-tax . . . for the 2nd year, 3 drachmai 3 obols. Total, 3 drachmai 3 obols. Year 2, T y b i 15. 1. Since the freedman of Sarra is called Rufus, there is no d o u b t t h a t the c o g n o m e n of Sarra herself was Rufus, and that she belonged to the family of Caecilii Rufi (it is worth noting t h a t t h e p a y m e n t for the freedman is m a d e b y a son of Achillas Rufus). Another Sarra, belonging t o the s a m e family, is recorded in A . D . 75 (Nos. 171 and 180). 3. The same t a x in N o . 392. 4. Manteuffel restores Kvp(epvqrav) t h a t the restoration is right.

he quotes Herod, iii. 5 7 : j-vAivds

X6x(ov);

Xoxos,

but I a m not sure

No. 379 OE 178.

27th January, A . D . 1 6 2 .

Aieyp(aifjev)

A(a)o(ypaxf>ias)

rcbv Kvplojv Eefiaorwv ly (SvofioAoi 2. sq. 1.

\ AxiAXaro(s)

EevTreqy\ys\

y(TT€p) I avrrjs

| 5 | (Bpaxpids)

r)piioj^eAiov).

A a o y p a ^ t ' a s /cat

a (erovs)

(erovs)

*Povov

AvprjAiojv ty (SvoftoAovs

Me(xelp)

eyA(eipipLaros)

Avrowivov

Kal

Kal Ovrjpov

ripucofieAcov),

|

(yivovrai)

j8.

vnkp ivXeip.p.aros avrrjs', cf. N o . 394.

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpeamys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of pollt a x and arrears of the same, for the first year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 13 drachmai 2\ obols. Total, 13 drachmai 2\ obols. Year 2, Mecheir 2.

No. 380 OE 185.

27th March, A . D . 162.

Aieyp(aipev)

IIavif$r)Kis

<J>ias) j8 (erovs) Eeftaorcbv 0app,(ov6i)

Eev\7rea(op,vs)

\ AvprjAiojv

(Bpaxpids)

Avrojvivov

r\, (yivovrai)

a Aao(ypa<j>ias)

AxiAXaro(s) | Kal

(Spaxpial)

Ovrjpov rj. (erovs)

(8paxp>ds) rj, (yivovrai)

'Povfov rd>v

Aao(ypaKvpiojv

| 5 j

j3 &ai) 8.

|

77.

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the 2nd year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 8 drachmai. Total, 8 drachmai. Year 2, Phaophi 4. Pharmouthi 1, in respect of poll-tax, 8 drachmai. Total, 8 (drachmai).

SECTION IX: NOS. 381-387

170

No. 381 OE 179.

28th December, A . D . 1 6 2 .

Aieyp(axpev) ft (erovs) ovv(

Eevrreapivs

AvprjXicov

) (Spaxpids)

AxtXXar(os)

| Avrcovivov

Kal Ovrjpov

rj, (yivovrai)

4. Perhaps ow(eioopd.s),

| 'Povcfrov Xao(ypacf>ias) rcov

Kal aX(Xcov)

| Kvpicov

(Spaxpial) rj. | 5 | (erovs)

Eeftaorcov

y Tvft(i)

ft.

cf. Wallace, 160. T h e same in N o s . 384 and 390.

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpeamys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of poll-tax and other taxes for the 2 n d year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus in joint p a y m e n t (?), 8 drachmai. Total, 8 drachmai. Year 3 , Tybi 2 .

No. 382 OE 188.

i s t October, A . D . 1 6 3 .

Aie[yp(axjsev) 8 (erovs)

TlaviftrjKis]

AvprjXicov

(Spaxpids) S, (yivovrai) 3. fiepio-fiov?

\ Eeyrre(aopivs)

Avrcovivov

AxiX(Xaros)

| Kal Ovrjpov

(Spaxpial) S. (erovs)

'Pov(ov) | . . . .

rcov Kvpicov Eeftaorcov

S

j 5 |

| ^acp(0t) y.

(Manteuffel).

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus . . . for the 4th year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 4 drachmai. Total, 4 drachmai. Year 4, Phaophi 3

No. 383 O E 189.

29th December, A . D . 1 6 3 .

Aieyp(aipev) (erovs)

IJaviftrJKis

AvprjXicov

[(Spaxpids)

ft]

EevTrea(apA)s)

j

Avrcovivov

(oftoXov),

\ [Axt]X(Xaros)

Acat [Ovjrjppy

6pov rrp(oftdrcov)

(8paxp>v)v) a (irevrojftoXov),

(yivovrai)

rcov

dyS(pidvros)

8

Eeftaorcov

Kvpicov

(Kal)
(Spaxpial) 8. | 5 J (erovs)

y

|

(erovs)

8 Tv(fti)

ft.

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas, in respect of t h e statue l e v y for the 4th year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 2 drachmai 1 obol; in respect of cattle-tax and guardt a x for the 3 r d year, 1 drachme 5 obols. Total, 4 drachmai. Year 4, Tybi 2 .

No. 384 OE 172.

A . D . 163-4.

Aieyp(aipev)

EevTrere(o6evs)

AxiX(Xaros)

dX(Xa>v) y (erovs)

AvprjXicov

orcov

) [(Spaxpids)

<Pa(

I 5 [ crw( ) a.

| Avrcovivov

\ 'Povtftov Kal Ovrjpov

ift], (yivovrai)

Xa(oypalas) | rcov Kvpicov

(Spaxpial)

ift. (erovs)

Kal Eefta­ 8 \

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

171

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpetestheus son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of pollt a x and other t a x e s for the 3 r d year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus in joint p a y m e n t (?), 1 2 drachmai. Total, 1 2 drachmai. Year 4 , P h a . . . 1 .

No. 38^ O E 180.

4th January, A . D . 1 6 4 .

Aieyp(a^jev) y

(erovs)

(Spaxpids)

Eevrreapivs

AvprjXicov 1

is , (yivovrai)

\ AxiXXdro(s)

Avrowivov

'Pov<j>ov Xao(ypa(f>ias)

Kal

(opaxpial)

Ovrjpov

rcov

ts*- I 5 j (erovs)

Kal aX(Xojv) |

Kvpiojv

8 Tvfi(i)

j

Ueflaarcov

6.

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpeamys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of poll-tax and other t a x e s for the 3 r d year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 1 6 drachmai. Total, 1 6 drachmai. Year 4 , T y b i 9.

N o . 386 O E 190.

9th J a n u a r y , A . D . 164.

[Aieyp(aifjev) o(piov)

ITjavifirJKis

8 (erovs)

[Eefiaorcov

Zev\[7reao(p,vs)

j [AvprjXio)]v

(Spaxpids)]

Avrcovivov

8, (yivovrai)

A]xiX(Xaros)

'Pov(f>ov

p,epi-

j [Kal Ovrjpov

rjcov Kvpiojv

| 5 |

(Spa^jLtat) 8. (erovs)

8 | [T]v(fti})

ty.

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of the assessment for the 4 t h year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 4 drachmai. Total, 4 drachmai. Year 4, T y b i 1 3 .

N o . 387 OE 171.

25th J u l y , A . D . 164.

Aieyp(axjjev) piKOv

Sev7re(reo6evs)

8 (erovs)

AvprjXiojv

arcov I 5 I (rpicbfioXov) (erovs)

8 Meggpr)

f

AxiX(Xaros) \ Avrcovivov

(xaXKOvs

Svo),

Povov | p,(e)pio(p,ov)

Kal

Ovrjpov

(yiverai)

| rcov Kvpicov

(rpicbftoXov)

(xaXKoi

era(i)HefiaSvo)

a.

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpetestheus son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of the t a x on hetairai (?) for the 4 t h year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 3 obols and 2 chalkoi. Total, 3 obols, 2 chalkoi. Year 4, Mesore 1 . 2. For fiepiofios eTaipiKos cf. a b o v e , p . i n . It is true,ZevireTeoQevsmight be a woman's n a m e as well, y e t w o m e n do not p a y the laographia (cf. N o s . 384, 393-396). W a s he a nopvopooKos (as suggested b y S. A p p l e b a u m ) ?

SECTION IX: NOS. 388-394

172

No. 388 OE 191.

29th J u l y , A . D . 164.

[Aieyp(aifjev)] (opiov) 8 (erovs)

IJaviftrJKis

\ [Eevrre(aop,vs)

\ AvprjXicov

Avrcovivov

(8paxp>as) 8, (yivovrai)

Ax\iX(Xaros)

'Poy'tfroy

/cat Ovrjpov rcov Kvpicov |

(8paxp>al) 8. (erovs)

8 Mepppjj

piepi-

Eeftaorcov

e.

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of the assessment for t h e 4th year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 4 drachmai. Total, 4 (drachmai). Year 4, Mesore 5.

No. 389 OE 187.

9th A u g u s t , A . D . 164.

[Aieyp(aifjev)] (piariKov)

TlaviftrjKis

rcov Kvpicov Eeftaorcov p,epi(op,ov) (xaXKot

Svo). (erovs)

AvprjXicov

| (Spaxpirjv)

(rpicoftoXov),

AxiX(Xaros) 'Povtf>ov

\ \Ee\vrrea(opivs)

Kal dX(Xcov) 8 (erovs) (yiverau)

8 | Meoo(pr))

| Avrcovivov

| 5 |

(xaXKovs

Svo),

a (oftoXov rjpiicofteXiov) (Spaxpir))

| ^co-

Kal Ovrjpov

a (rerpwftoXov

rjpLLCofteXtov)

£?.

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of d y k e - t a x and other t a x e s for t h e 4th year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 1 drachme i £ obols and 2 chalkoi; in respect of t h e assessment, 3 obols. Total, 1 drachme 4% obols, 2 chalkoi. Year 4, Mesore 1 6 .

No. 390 OE 181.

September-October, A . D . 164.

Aieyp(adjev)

2Je[v\rreap.vs

dX(Xcov) 8 (erovs) Eeftaorcov

| CTW(

\ AxiXAaro(s)

AvprjXicov

'Povcfrov

| Avrcovivov

Xao(ypacf>las)

Kal Ovrjpov

) (8paxp>ds) rj, (yivovrai)

| 5 | rcov

(8paxp>al) rj. (erovs)

e

\ Kal Kvpicov 0acp(cpi).

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpeamys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of poll-tax and other t a x e s for the 4th year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus in joint p a y m e n t (?), 8 drachmai. Total, 8 drachmai. Year 5, Phaophi . . . .

No. 391 OE 195.

3rd January, A . D . 1 6 5 .

Aceyp(ai/j€v) {K}8

(erovs)

O\vrjpov (erovs)

TlaviftrjKis AvprjXi\cov

rcov Kvpicov

Eevrrea(op,vs) AvroKparopcov

Axt>X(Xaros) Kaiodpcov

Avrcovivov

(Spaxpids) ft, 6pov \ \rrpoft(drcov)

(Spaxpids) ft, (yivovrai)

(Spaxpial) 8. (erovs)

'Povov pLepi(opLov) |

[/cat

(/cat) v(XaKrjs)] y

a Tv(fti)

rj.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

173

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of the assessment for t h e 4th (?) year of our lords Imperator Aurelius Caesar Antonius and Imperator Aurelius Caesar Verus, 2 drachmai; in respect of cattlet a x e s and police-tax for the 3rd year, 2 drachmai. Total, 4 drachmai. Year 5 (?), T y b i 8. The ostrakon is written b y an evidently inexperienced tax-collector w h o used an unusual formula in t h e titles of the Emperors. 1. T h e date K8 is, of course, a mistake. Probably {K}8. 4. (erovs) a is another mistake. Probably (erovs) e.

N o . 392 O E 170.

9th J u n e , A . D . 165.

[A]ieyp(aifjev)

Zevrrereo6(evs)

[ot]vo(u) KV(3( ) X6x( rcov Kvpicov Ue^aorcov (rpicbfioXov).

(erovs)

AxtX^Xydro(s)

) 8 (erovs)

AvprjXicov

\ [(Spaxptds) y] (rpicbfioXov), e IJav(vi)

'Pov
I

T[IIA(T))S)]

AvTLCoviv[ov] | [/ca].t

Ovrjpov

(Bpaxp^ou) y

Te.

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpetestheus son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of winet a x for the 4th year of our lords Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and Aurelius Verus Augustus, 3 drachmai 3 obols. Total, 3 drachmai 3 obols. Year 5, P a y n i 15.

N o . 393 O E 173.

September, A . D . 1 5 1 .

Sevrreread(evs) (erovs) (yivovrai)

[*Pov(f>ov] | Xaoy(paias) Kal dX(Xcov) 18

AxiXXaro(s)

Avrcov[ivov]

\ Kaioapos

rov Kvpio[v

(hpaxp^al) tj8. (erovs)

Ue^aorov)]

| (Spa^/xds)

ie Ocod fc[.

(Translation.) Senpetestheus son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of poll-tax and other taxes for the 14th year of our lord Antoninus Caesar Augustus, 12 drachmai. Total, 12 drachmai. Year 15, T h o t h 2 . . . .

N o . 394 O E 174.

17th J a n u a r y , A . D . 156.

UevTre(reodevs)

'Pov(f)ov Xa(oypa<j>ias) Kal y(rrep) evXei\p,(p,aros)

irj (erovs) Avr]covivov (yivovrai)

Kaioapos

rov | KvpiovUe^(aarov)

8[pa]x(p,ds)

ay[rrjs rpeis,

y. (erovs) id Tvfii /CJ8.

1. AxtXXdros omitted.

(Translation.) Senpetestheus son of Rufus, in respect of poll-tax and arrears of the same for the 18th year of our lord Antoninus Caesar Augustus, three drachmai. Total, 3 (drachmai). Year 19, T y b i 22.

174

SECTION

IX: NOS. 3 9 5 - 4 0 3

No.

3 9 £

OE 1 7 5 .

20th October, A . D . 1 5 8 .

\Ateyp(aiftev) Avrcovivov (erovs) 2.

Ee]v7re(reo9evs)

Kaioapos

AxiAAaros

\ [rov Kvpiov]

'Povcfrov

(8paxp,qs)

77,

| [

KOL

(yivovrai)

(erovs)]

8paxp
OKTCU.

«RYS &aoo(i) icy. (Manteuffel).

Kal dX(Xa>v)?

Xa(oypaias)

\Translati01i.) Paid b y Senpetestheus son of Achillas Rufus . . . for the 2 1 s t year of our lord Antoninus Caesar, 8 drachmai. Total, eight drachmai. Year 2 2 , Phaophi 2 3 .

No.

3 9 6

OE 177.

A u g u s t - S e p t e m b e r , A . D . 159.

Aieyp(axfjev)

Eev\_7re(reodevs^)

aXiAcov)

K[J8 (erovs)

(yivovrai)

(8paxpial)

AxiA(Aaros)

Avrcovivov

'Povov] \ Aaoy(pacf>ias)

Kaioapos]

if}]. \ (erovs)

Ky

\ rov

Kvpiov

[(8paxpids)

Kal if},

@cbd[.

(Translation.) P a i d b y Senpetestheus (?) son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of poll-tax and other t a x e s for the 2 2 n d year of our lord Antoninus Caesar, 1 2 drachmai. Total, 1 2 drachmai. Year 2 3 , T h o t h , . . .

No.

3 9 7

O E 183.

20th October, A . D . 1 5 9 .

Aieyp(axjjev) (erovs)

Uevrreapivs

I Avrcovivov

(Spaxp>al) 2. 'Pavlov

if}, (erovs)

\ AxiAAar(os)

Kaioapo(s)

rov

Aao(ypaias) Kvpiov

koi

| (Spaxpids)

dA(Ao>i/) tj8,

Ky

(yivovrai)

Ky <Paco((f)i) icy.

omitted.

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpeamys son of Achillas, in respect of poll-tax a n d other taxes for the 2 3 r d year of our lord Antoninus Caesar, 1 2 drachmai. Total, 1 2 drachmai. Year 2 3 , Phaophi 2 3 .

No.

3 9 8

O E 289.

18th December, A . D . 1 5 9 .

Aieypa(ifjev)

Uevrreapivs

aA(Aa>v) Ky (erovs) (xaAKovs ($vof}6Aovs

\

[-MJ^iAAa (ros)

\ \Avr]covivov

8vo). Ar}pi( r)p,icof}eAiov)

) AiKiviov (xaAKovs

Kaioapos J5 | 8vo).

'Povcfrov

Aao(ypalas)

Kal

rod Kvpiov

\ [(opaxpias)

. . .]

] (irevroofioAov). (erovs)

K8 | ASpiavov

\ (8paxp>as) irj K/3.

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpeamys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of pollt a x and other t a x e s for the 2 3 r d year of our lord Antoninus Caesar d r a c h m a i . . . 2 chalkoi. D e m . . . son of Licinius . . . 5 obols. (Total?), 1 8 drachmai 2\ obols 2 chalkoi. Year 2 4 , (month) Hadrian 2 2 .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

175

No. 399 OE 176.

27th December, A . D . 1 5 9 .

Aieyp(aijjev) Avrcovivov

Eevrre(readevs)

Kaiaapo(s)

AxiXXdro(s)

['Povtpov

rov [Kvpiov Spax(pias)]

Kft (erovs)]

| Svo. (erovs)

Ky Tv(fti)

|

a.

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpetestheus son of Achillas Rufus . . . for the 22nd year of our lord Antoninus Caesar, t w o drachmai. Year 23, Tybi 1.

No. 400 OE 182.

A . D . 159-160.

Aieyp(axfjev) Kft (erovs)

Eevrreapivs

Avrcovivov

(Spaxpial) eft. (erovs)

\ AxiXXdro(s)

Kaiaapos

'Povtfrov Xao(ypacbias)

\ rov Kv(piov)

Kal aA (A cov)

| 5 | (Spaxp-ds) ift,

(yivovrai)

(c[y

(Translation.) Paid b y Senpeamys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of poll-tax and other t a x e s for the 22nd year of our lord Antoninus Caesar, 12 drachmai. Total, 12 drachmai. Year 23 ( ? ) . . . .

No. 401 OE

193.

A . D . 160-I.

Aieyp(aifjev) KS

(erovs)

TlaviftfJKLS Eevrreaapivs

Avrcovivov

(Spaxpids) S, (yivovrai)

| Kaiaapos

\ [Ax]iXXdros

rov Kv(piov)

Spax(p>al) eiKoai

'Povcpov

Aao(ypatf>las)

| (Spaxpids) if,

piepi(apiov)

j5 | [

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the 24th year of our lord Antoninus Caesar, 16 drachmai; in respect of the assessment, 4 drachmai. Total, t w e n t y drachmai. . . .

No. 402 OE

194.

A . D . 160-I.

Aieyp(aifjev) KS

(erovs)

IJaviftrJKis Eev7rea[(apivs) Avrcoviv[ov

(Spaxpial) S. (erovs)

Kaiaapos]

\ rov

AxiX(Xdros)] Kvpiov

\ 'Povcpov

(Spaxpids)

8,

p,epi(ap,ov) (yivovrai)

KS [. . . .

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus, in respect of the assessment for the 24th year of our lord Antoninus Caesar, 4 drachmai. Total, 4 drachmai. Year 24 . . . .

No. 403 OE 192.

Aieyp(axjjev)

27th April, A . D . 1 6 1 .

JJaviftrJKis Eev[rre]a(apivs)

AxiX(Xdros)

\ 'Povcpov

piepi(apiov)

176

SECTION I X : NOS. 4 0 4 - 4 0 8 ^

(erovs) Avrcovivov Kaiaapos \ rov (Spaxpial) 8. (erovs) KS TIaxco(v) ft.

tcy

Kvpiov

(Spaxpids)

8,

(yivovrai)

(Translation.) Paid b y Panibekis Senpeasmys son of Achillas Rufus in respect • of the assessment for the 23rd year of our lord Antoninus Caesar, 4 drachmai Total, 4 drachmai. Year 24, Pachon 2.

Part IV Nos. 404—408. Miscellaneous No. 404 OE 1 4 1 .

i s t or 2nd century A . D .

Meaopr) icy. | e/c rcov Aihvpiov TTXOI

o ) v Ke(pdpiia)

rrXoi(p)v Ke(pdpiia)

| irpcbrov irAoi(p)v

arj, | 5 | (yivovrai)

Ke(pdpiia)

x^» I ft rrXoi^oyv Ke(pdpiia)

Xdyvvoi v I 10 | Kepdpiia

Ke(pdpiia)

iftr], [ ft

/N is". \ Aapiicovos'

T K . | KOX(

)y |

\ a

p,e(Xiros?)

Se/ca.

3. TTXOIV ostr. ifte in editio princeps

was a slip of t h e press.

(Translation.) Mesore 23. Belonging t o D i d y m o s : First ship, 708 jars. 2nd ship, 208 jars. Total jars, 916. Belonging t o D a m i o n : i s t ship, 666 jars. 2nd ship, 320 jars. Kol( ) 3. 50 flasks of honey (?). T e n jars . . . . D i d y m o s and D a m i o n , w h o were owners of ships, were evidently engaged in trade on the Nile. It seems that t h e whole cargo was of victuals.

No. 40^ Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 2 (Wessely). S B 5 8 1 2 .

AeKavos r(os),

I 'ITJOOVS

I 5 j Eoftrais

Tlarriov,

AvXaiov,

i s t or 2nd century A . D .

| TIeaovpis

i

Idacovos,

\ Acoaapitov

| OrpSeais yephis, Eap,ftaQai(pys

^Irjaov-

Eipicovos.

(Translation.) Dekanos Jesous son of Papios, Pesouris son of Jason, Dosarion son of Jesous, Sobtais son of Aulaios, Thedesis, a weaver, Sambathaios son of Simon. AeKavos is a military or police officer and m a y denote a R o m a n decurio as well. It is likely that t h e term is applied here t o 'Ir/aovs IJaTrlov k n o w n t o u s from N o s . 298, 304, and others (cf. I n d e x ) . Other persons n a m e d here are also recorded elsewhere as tax-payers.

No. 406 O E 166.

i s t or 2nd century A . D .

i

Ir)g[ovs

Xaipeas

\

?] I Tev
(Translation.) Jesous, Teuphilos, Josepos, Methysion, Thegenes, Jason, Chaireas, Thermouthion. 5. T h e dative form 'Idoovi

possibly a mistake for

'Idoaiv.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

177

No. 407 OE 165.

i s t or 2nd century A . D .

j Zapuq [ ] I AvTiirarp\os\ (Translation.) Sama ( Joannes.

\ ©drprjs IJer.[

] Ztoao(s)

*Ia)[dvvov\.

), Antipatros, Thatres (son of) P e t . . . , Zosos son of

No. 408a OE 167.

Ka

i s t or 2nd century A . D .

V7roXrj[ ] I Ka rrjrp.[ y

(space) EaKi[ea\dKLs7]

] | Ilaxovpu[s]

\ Aai.[

\ AAe£av[8pos] | 5 | A/38ovs j

| M[

6. For t h e restoration ' . E W i [ e a A a » a s ] Manteuffel quotes P . O x y . 1446, 57.

(Translation.) (The first 2 lines unintelligible) Pachoumis, Alexandras, Abdous, Eskieslakis(P), Lai . . . .

No. 408Z) ist or 2nd century A . D .

O E 164.

]Apdrjvdras

|

*IOV\LOV.

(Translation.) Arthenatas son of Julius.

No. 408c O E 385.

ist century A . D .

IIaTr)s Apfte[ivov}]

(erovs) y IJaxoo(v) /cS.

(Translation.) P a t e s son of Harbeinos(P). Year 3, Pachon 2 4 .

No. 408J O E 163.

Ilaxovpuos

ist century A . D .

i7[

] I crn(

)X( )a Aa(

(Translation.) Pachoumios . . . .

B 5195

N

)

SECTION X

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF THE EARLY R O M A N PERIOD T H E documents collected in this section are of very varied c o n t e n t s : receipts for taxes, legal documents, fragments of lists and registers, and the like. Nos. 418-20 consist each of several documents bound together b y the n a m e s of Ti. Julius Alexander, Marcus Julius Alexander, and Gaius Julius Alexander, the t w o nephews and the brother of Philo. There is, of course, no u n i t y in this section, but nevertheless one trait seems to be predominant, especially in the second part of the section: the h e a v y bur­ den of t a x e s which the J e w s had to pay. W e hear of syntaximon and laographia (Nos. 416, 426, 427), of the 'Jewish tax', already familiar t o us from the Edfu ostraka (No. 421), and of t a x e s of various or uncertain character (Nos. 409, 416); compulsory work in the fields is also mentioned (No. 431). It was not the fate of J e w s alone t o p a y h e a v y t a x e s ; the entire E g y p t i a n population carried a h e a v y fiscal burden put on it b y the R o m a n government, and cases of evasion of the p a y m e n t of taxes, as well as of flight from the villages, became in this period more and more frequent. Y e t the Jews' economic situation w a s the more embarrassing on account of the n e w t a x imposed on t h e m after A . D . 70, and also because anti-Semitism became more and more the official policy of the R o m a n government. On this question cf. above, Vol. I, pp. 80 sqq.

No. 409. Receipt for bath-tax Euhemereia ( F a y u m ) . P. F a y . 0. 3 (p. 321). L I T . : F u c h s , 109

3 B.C.

A receipt for bath-tax (fiaXavevTiKov) issued probably by the bank (rpdirela) of the village Euhemereia in the Fayum. The bath-tax was levied in Roman Egypt not for every single visit to the bath, but as a standing impost on the entire population of Egypt (cf. Wallace, 1 5 5 sqq.). The small amount paid by Sambatheios and Dystheon seems to indicate that the persons in question were tax-payers and not tax-collectors. "Erovs

K£ Katoapos,

Uaptfiadeftos) Evr)(p,ep€tas)

'Eireicf) K6. \

Kal Avodeco(v) a

K

x (^ °v)

hi(iypaxjjav)

| reX(ovs)

dfi(oAovs)

(3aA(avevriKov)

Se/ca | oKroji

(yivovrai)

irj.

(Translation.) Year 27 of Caesar (Augustus), Epeiph 29, paid b y Sambatheios and D y s t h e o n for b a t h - t a x in Euhemereia, eighteen oboloi of copper, total 18. 2 . 2 J a f x P a O e ( o j v ) edit. This form never occurs in the papyri. Zay-^aOelos, t h o u g h unusual t o o , occurs in N o . 4 8 5 . F r o m the middle of t h e first century A . D . the n a m e Zaii^adiav is frequently borne b y nonJews (see Section X I I I ) , and we cannot fix a definitive date w h e n this started. For the time of Augus­ tus I should prefer t o consider the Sambathions a s J e w s . Avadiojv is probably a derivative from

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

AiooWeos;

ZaPfSaraiov

cf. AOMJOICDV 3 ) . B o t h tax-payers were evidently J e w s . 2. j8aA(ov«a>v) edit.

179

in an inscription from 'the land of Onias' (Ann. d

No. 410. Fragment of an account Oxyrhynchos. 14-3 X 13*1 c m . P . O x y . 816.

c. 6/5 B.C.

In a fragment of an account containing names and sums of money there occur the words: ]s (Translation.) On t h e n a m e

'Itnoojpov

y

Kal

Irjaovs

. . . of Isidoros and Jesous see Vol. I, p . 84 and n. 7 3 ; cf. Vols. I—II, Indexes of names.

'I-qaovs

No. 411. Loan of barley Philadelpheia ( F a y u m ) . 27 X 12*5 c m . 13th N o v e m b e r , A.D. 3 . P . Berl. Moller 4. S B 7341. Cf. BL ii. 2. 1 3 3 ; iii. 1. 29. L I T . : Frisk, Aeg. x , 1929, 94. Schubart, Gnomon, vi, 1930, 613. Schmidt, Phil. Woch. 1,1930, 675.

Loan of six artabai of barley made by Herakles to a Jew, Sambathion, Persian of the Epigone. Since the six artabai include a rj^oXla, the loan is possibly a renewal of a loan of four artabai, which was given without interest, and had become six artabai, through Sambathion's failure to repay (cf. Moller, following the arguments of Gren­ fell and Hunt in their notes to P. Tebt. n o ) . The contract is couched in the usual terms. "Erovs

rptrov

K[OI r]pLa[K]oa[r]o[v]

6[e\oy

Kparrjaeoos

Advp

errraKaiheKarr)

5

Sos

rov Apaiv\o\trov vopuov.

vvalov

*HpaKXelovs

IJeparj

drjs rrpos rd

r[rjs] emyovrjs

rrjs

haviap.evos

rrjs

'HpaKXelcp

ap,a rfj

KpiQrjs,

rj rots

ep, p/qvl Tlavvi

rov evearcbros

aKoarov

Kaiaapos

erovs

veav KaOapdv

p.erpop reraprco pierprjoi

re

rrpps

\e\vrropoov

avyypatpfj Se

odvrjov

TOV­

drroBooro 6 Serrap' rptrov

drroScSovs TO

dprdfias

as Kal eiXrj(f>e-

rrapaxp[r]]p,a

rds e£ dprdftas

Kpi-

Siypua

ravrrj rtOepievrj Kvpla. rd TO,

15

ehdviaev

rds

'Eppi,o(f>avrov

avrov

puepi-

UapLfSaOloovi A10-

avv rfj rrpoarjypbevr] r)p,ioXla, v rrap

Kaiaapos

vacov

errraKaiheKarrj

ipi <2>iAaS[eA]^>[e]i'<x rrjs 'HpaKXetSov 'HpaKXrjs

10

rrjs

[uto]u pbrjvos AvS{o}

avrov Kal

rpi-

KpLdr)(v)

'Epp,odvTOV rep rov

heiyp,a

'HpaKXe[ovs

Kal aK[vra]Xrj Si/caia KaBia-

180

SECTION X: NOS. 411-412 ru)V

els TOV ev rfj Koofirj rrypov Orjaavpov

avrov

20

Orjaavpov

[TO] TOV

SL8OVVTOS

eav Se per) diroSto

CVOLKLOV.

a [y]ey/>a7rrai, drroTiadrto

[KJCLO'

8avLop,ev[os] 'HpaKXeltp irapaxprjpia dprdf3r)s T(,p,r)v d[p]yvpioy pcevrjv ev dyopq

8paxp>ds rpels rj rr)v ea[o-

7r[X\eiarTr)V ripsrjv,

ovarjs 'HpaKXeito

25

KOLI

rrjs rrpd^ecos

9

Trap avrov

TOLS

Kal CK rcov vrrapxdvToov

€K

8ehaviap[evov

TOV

avrop rravroov KaQdrrep €K 8[i-

Krjs* r) avyypar) Kvpia. (2nd hand) erovs Ay Kaioapos,

pbdprvpes. AOvp t£ hi Apcpbooviov

T[O]U rrpos TOO ypa(eiop) TOO 30 (3rd hand) UapLJSaOioov Aiovvaiov exoo rrapa *HpqKkeiovs

6 Se-

eKdarrjs

TOV

&L\ahe(\eias).

IJepgrjs Trjs errtyovrjs

'HpaKXeiovs r[o]

SQVLOV

e

ras Trjs KptOfjs rrpos TO Eppuo(f>dvTov Setypua dprdftas

e£ avv rfj rrpoarjypievrj

p,erpop re[rdpTOj] 35

KaOearap,eva{s) SLSOVVTOS

TO

TOV

evrropcov els

TOV

r)p,io\iq

&i\aoe\eias

rrypov dr)ara[v]p6v [epiov

Orjaavpov eVpt/cetov,

as Kal diroBooaoo ev pvrjvl IIav[vL r]pv

40

Tp'nov

Kal {/cat} rpiaKoarov

KadoTt

rrpoyeyparr\r\qL.

KdoToop KaXXiarpdrpy

erovs

evearoorps

Kaioapos

eypaipev vrrep

avrov

dtjicoOels Std TO d-

OKew avrov pir) erriaraaOai ypapupbara.

^["""oJxW)

Verso: 8. 1 . oelypa. 18. 1. [lerprjoei..

aK

v

'fJp[ ]^4? ? [ir]pd(s) 2Jap,j3a0iojva. I I . 1 . Sdvetov. 20. 1. Stoovros.

1 2 . 1 . dirohdrat. 16. a in Setypa above t h e line. 3 1 . 1. S a v c t o v . 37. second s in eveartorgs above t h e line.

(Translation.) In the twenty-third year of the rule of Caesar (Augustus), son of a god, on the seventeenth of the month Audnaios, on the seventeenth of Hathyr, in Philadelphia of the district of Herakleides of the Arsinoite nome. Herakles son of Herakles lent to Sambathion son of Dionysios, Persian of the Epigone, six artabai of barley of the brand of Hermophantos, including the added half, which he received from him as soon as this contract was com­ pleted. And the borrower shall repay this loan, six artabai of barley, to Herakles or his representatives in the month Payni of the present thirty-third year of Caesar (Augustus), paying it back in fresh, unadulterated barley of the brand of Hermophantos, according to the fourth scale of measures of the merchants (of Philadelphia), with fair measure and strickle, returning it to the village-

VARIOUS DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 181 granary, paying t h e granary-fee himself. If h e does n o t p a y it back according t o t h e contract, t h e borrower shall forthwith p a y t o Herakles for each artabe its value i n money, three drachmai or w h a t e v e r is t h e highest price i n t h e market, a n d Herakles a n d his representatives shall h a v e t h e right t o distrain on t h e borrower and all his property, as if judgement h a d been given in t h e case The contract is valid. Witnesses. (2nd hand). 33rd year of Caesar (Augustus). H a t h y r 1 7 b y A m m o n i o s i n charge of t h e grapheion a t Philadelpheia. (3rd hand). Sambathion son of Dionysios, Persian of t h e Epigone. I h a v e re­ ceived from Herakles t h e son of Herakles t h e loan, s i x artabai of barley of t h e brand of Hermophantos, including t h e added half, according t o t h e fourth scale of measures of t h e merchants of Philadelpheia, deposited in t h e granary, p a y i n g t h e granary-fee myself. I shall repay these in t h e m o n t h P a y n i of t h e present thirty-third year of Caesar (Augustus), as h a s been written above. Kastor s o n of Kallistratos wrote o n his behalf at his request, since he s a y s h e does n o t know h o w t o write . . . Verso: Quittance of Herakles t o Sambathion. 6. F o r t h e name Sambathion see N o . 409, 2, note. 7. F o r IJepaai

rrjs

imyovfjs

cf. V o l . I , p . 5 1 n . 10.

8. 'Epfio(f>dvTov 8iyp,a: 'eine Sorte . . ., die als "Probe des H e r m o p h a n t o s " allgemein bekannt war', Schubart. 9. F o r t h e inclusion of r)p.ioXla in t h e renewed loan cf. J o u g u e t , Melanges Desrousseaux, 1937, 229 sqq., especially 237. 1 7 . [tyrropoiv

Frisk. [i]vir.pa>v

M o l l e r ; cf. 1. 34.

17. I t seems that a particular p.irpov reraprov, used b y t h e corn-dealers of Philadelpheia, is m e n ­ tioned here. Herakles' n a m e is introduced b y a c c i d e n t ; 1. 34 h a s t h e correct form. 18. oK[vTa]\r) oiKala: cf. e.g. P . Lille 2 1 , 26; B G U 1 1 4 2 , 7 ; see also Wilcken, Ostr. 1 , 769 n . 2 ; W . Chr. 279, n o t e . 19. rrvpov Or/oavpov Schubart. . . pov drjoavpov Moller; cf. also 1. 3 5 . 21. a7rp§4» Frisk. Moller.

wMjjofo]

24. iv dyopS.

v i z . of P h i l a d e l p h e i a .

27. p.dprvpes: n o names follow. According t o Moller, t h e contract h a s been written b y a person ignorant o f t h e fact t h a t there were n o witnesses needed for a document registered in a grapheion. 40. agicadets F r i s k . . . . o>dai Moller; cf. also BL iii. 1. 29. 41. s q q . Under ypap.p,a.Ta illegible traces of some words in about three l i n e s ; Moller's a t t e m p t a t deciphering t h e m h a s been rejected b y Schubart, I.e., o n revision of t h e papyrus. A. F.

No.

4 1 2 . Return

Hermoupolis Magna. 19 x 8*5 c m . P . Berl. Moller 7. S B 7344. Cf. B L ii. 2. 1 3 3 ; iii. 1 . 29. L I T . : Frisk, A e g . x , 1929, 95. Schmidt, Phil. Woch. 1. 1930, 675. Schubart, Gnomon, Wallace, Taxation, 387-8 n. 28.

A.D.

8/9.

v i , 1930, 6 1 3 .

This return states that sheep and goats belonging to different owners in the Oxy­ rhynchite district were under the charge of a shepherd from the Kynopolite district. Among the owners mentioned there are some Jews: Abramos, Sambataios, Dositheos.

rov Se [^]0[t]p? [rrpo ftara} iv­ vea, TOV Se ©ooovips 7Tpp[i3aTa

SECTION X: NOS. 412-414

182

oeKCL reaaapa,

rrpoftara 5

rod Se

IJeroalpt[os

eiKoai reaaapa,

KedXcoyos rrpoftara

rov Se

Svo, rod

[S]e Aftpapiov (Trpoftara)

Se/ca errrd

[jLtjcW, rod Se Eap,ftarai\o\v ra eiKoai

Svo, alyas

alyav

Trpofta­

et/coox, rod

[S]e Acoaudeov Trp6[ft]ara rrey[r]e, 10

rod Se TlroXepualgy

rrpoftara

Se/ca Svo, rod Se TlroXXiSos ftara rpla alyas

irpo­

Svo rrp(6ftara) pp>S", aly(es)

Kal rovs erraK[o]Xgy[6od]vras

/c?

ap-

vas (/cat) eplcpovs emp,epLiypieva . . . 15

a vep,rjaerau rrepl &6cpxLV rrjs rrpos drrrjXLCorrjy rgrra[p]a

r

xi $

°v

' O^vpvyxeirov

/cat S[t' o]A[ou

rod vopiod vrro vopceoos rod rrp[oyeypapupievov IlroXXiSos rod 20

TIep\i-

yevgvs Xaoypa<j>op,evov els K .cp rod KvvorroXel[r]ov. \ja£\6p,e6a (2nd hand)

ro KadrJKOv reXgs.

KaXXiKXrj(s) /c(at) /Lt(ero)^p(t) dyriypa( reapapaKovra

25

cov Kal

e£,

) rrpo(ftara)

e/carov

alyas

ecKooi e£. traces of several letters (erovs) Xrj Kaiaapos 6.1.

He(ftaarod)

16. a in roTjap- a b o v e t h e line.

atya.

(Translation.) . . . and of Aphis nine sheep, and of Thoonis fourteen sheep, and of Petosiris twenty-four sheep, and of Kephalon t w o sheep, and of Abramos seventeen sheep, one goat, and of Sambataios t w e n t y - t w o sheep, t w e n t y goats, and of Dositheos five sheep, and of Ptolemaios twelve sheep, and of Ptollis three goats, t w o sheep, in all 146 sheep, 26 goats, and t h e accompanying lambs a n d kids mixed. These will be grazed around Phthochis of t h e western toparchy of t h e Oxyrhynchite nome and throughout t h e whole nome b y t h e above-mentioned herd Ptollis son of Perigenes, registered at K. .0 of t h e K y n o polite nome, and w e shall p a y t h e appropriate t a x for them. (2nd hand) Kallikles and his partners. A copy. One hundred and forty-six sheep, twenty-six goats . . . Year 38 of Caesar Augustus. 1.

(#)<$V]p?

6-9.

For

Schmidt. .

UPpauos

cf.

<£[i]o?

Vol.

Moller.

I, p .

84

n.

1 2 ; for Uap-fiaraios

cf.

No.

409,

1. 2 n.,

and

for

Awotdeos

see

Vol. I , Introduction, p . x i x n. 7, p . 2 3 1 . 12. Reading according t o Schubart. (yivovrai) •np(6^ara) p/I? aty(es) KS Frisk. / {/>} Moller. 14. ejnp.eaiyp.eva Frisk on t h e basis of P . O x y . 245, 15 a n d P . Cornell 1 5 , 1 8 . eTnp.ep,t[y\p.eva[s Moller. 15. a veurjoerai: on such returns cf. Wallace, 82 s q q . ; see also Avogadro, Aeg. x i v , 1934, 292 sqq., id. Aeg. x v , 1 9 3 5 , 1 3 3 s q q . ; for similar formulae cf. e.g. P . O x y . 245, P . Cornell 1 5 , P . H a m b . 34.

VARIOUS DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 1 8 3 22. TO KadrjKov reXgs

is the iwoptov,

cf. Wallace, 83 and 86 sqq.

23. R e a d i n g according t o S c h u b a r t . 6 ir(apd) 26. Kaioapos

2e(fiaoTov)

S c h u b a r t . Kaioapos

AX( ) oeorj(pela>p.ai) Oeg[v]

Moller.

Moller. Kaioapos

Tvffc.

Frisk.

A. F .

No. 4 1 3 . Abstract of a loan Tebtynis. P . Mich. v . 241,11. 39-45 (Boak).

A . D . 16.

The papyrus consists of four abstracts of contracts. I print only the last entry: an abstract of a loan of one hundred drachmai at an interest of one dr. on the mina per month. The lender is a Jew, Sambathion son of Sambathion. ihdv(eioev) 40

oetjicp

UapiftaOloov Uapc^adlcovos

AaKidvi

AaKudvios

cos (ircov)

imK(aXovp,evov)

pis' ovXr)

dvrLK(vrjp,lcp) (Ilepcrrj

Ui<[a]iTqvevs

rrjs

imyovrjs) cos (ircov)

K . ovXr) yovarlcp

K€.<j>aXaio(v) (opaxpcds) ecos rov dTroh(ovvat) Eef$q\o~\r\ov.

dpiarepcp

eKarov

iv Me)^ei\p

v\iToyp(a(j)evs)

TOK(OV)

dpy\y\plov

imofjp,ov

(8paxp>fjs) a rrjc

rov y (erovs)

Tt§[e\plpv

ro(v) op\o\(Xoyovvros)

pjyq

rov

pirjva

Kaioapos

Av[o]lp,a[xos

AL\VOL-

p,dxov 45 [d>]s (ircov)

[K{3 ovXr) (rrpooajTrop) i £

40. 1. EKairaveois.

dpiorepcojy\

43. TOV 1. rov

(Translation.) Sambathion, s o n of Sambathion, about forty-six years old, w i t h a scar o n his right shin, h a s loaned t o Lakianis, s o n of Lakianis, surnamed Skapaneus, a Persian of t h e Epigone, about t w e n t y (?) years old, w i t h a scar on his left knee, a capital s u m of one hundred drachmai of coined silver a t t h e interest of one dr. o n the m i n a per m o n t h until repayment is made in Mecheir of the third year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus. Signatory for t he party of t h e second p a r t : Lysimachos, s o n of Lysimachos, about t w e n t y - t w o years old, w i t h a scar o n t h e left side of his face. 39. For EapfSaBiatv cf. N o . 409,1. 2 n o t e . 40. AaKiavt AaKidvLos: this n a m e i s , t o m y knowledge, u n a t t e s t e d ; it seems t o be neither of Greek nor of Semitic origin. There are similar n a m e s of Carian a n d of L y c i a n origin; cf. P a p e - B e n s e l e r s.v. AO.KI.VOS; see J . Sundwall, Die einheimischen Namen der Lykier, 1 3 1 . ZKairavevs would seem t o be a nickname derived from occupation (a 'digger'). F o r 'Persians of the Epigone'cf. Vol. I , p . 51 n . 10. 42. This rate of interest w a s c o m m o n in R o m a n E g y p t ; cf. J o h n s o n , Roman 45. Restored b y B o a k o n t h e basis of 11. 1 3 , 38.

Egypt, 450. A.F.

No. 4 1 4 . Contract of a loan Oxyrhynchos.

i8'6xi3'3cm.

A.D. 21.

P . O x y . 1281. Cf. EL i. 334. L I T . : Bell, JEA ii, 1 9 1 5 , 1 0 0 ; i d . , P . L o n d . V , p . 234. S c h m i d t , GGA, clxxviii, 1916, 407. F u c h s , 58, 63. T a u b e n s c h l a g , 339 n. 4. Pringsheim, Greek Law of Sale, 257 n n . 3,4, 267-8 n . 7, 523. 2

A contract of loan between a Jew, Josepos, and an Egyptian linen-weaver, Harpaesis, the debtor. Only the last three lines from the original contract are preserved

184

SECTION X: NOS. 414-415

(11. 1 - 3 ) ; the following copy (11. 4 sqq.) gives the abridged contents, so that much remains obscure; for details of the deed cf. below, note to 11. 9 - 1 1 .

TCO[L

* looaryrrooi

vrrapxdvrcov Kvpia

e/c r\py ASjpTrarjaios /cat] e/c rco[v

avrcoi

dvriypa(<j>ov). 5

7r[dvrcov Aprrafjcns

SeSavtcTjLtat rrjv reipbrjv XLVCOV

EivvpaiTLKCpy

KOBOTI

TTpoKnai,

9

IcooTynov

rovrcov

cot KopbL^opbeyoy [rod

rds ecTTaju^eVaJs" dp[y(vplov)

*HpdiKXeios p,r) Ihoros

dvTLypa((f>ov). Uefta(arov)

\ivvdx>s

eicarov

rrporepov SaWet Aoyp[v

tva pcv Kaidfj

vrrep avrov

IJavpvpiLos

rcov

(Bpaxp^as) r /ce^aAat'ou, /cat a7roSdS[cra> e$

ravra

Ttevrrpcovra.

15

8LK(T)S).

aapa
rds TOV dpyiypiov)

10

KaOdrrjep ey

r) ovyyparjL.

"Qpov ypdp,p,ara.

erovs rj TifiepLov

Kaiaapos

Tvfii e, Std il^tAAe'cos' rov

ypa(p,piarecos)

(opaxpids)

eypa\xjja

KcopLrjs Eivapv

Ilpoirpy

/cat erepcov Kco(pLcov)

Kexprjip-dn-

o"Tat). 3 . 1 . ovyypar).

6 . 1 . Uivapv'irtKwv.

10. 1 . /tot.

II. 1 .

'HpaxXeios.

(Translation.) . . . Josepos (having t h e right of execution) upon Harpaesis a n d upon all his property, as if in consequence of a legal decision. This contract is valid. Copy. I, Harpaesis, son of Panrymis, linen-weaver, h a v e borrowed t h e price of one hundred linen cloths . . . of Sinary, t h e capital s u m of 300 drachmai of silver, a n d will repay it as aforesaid, o n condition that w h e n Josepos receives it he shall first render a n account of i t in order t h a t he m a y p a y t h e agreed fifty drachmai. I, Herakleios, son of Horos, wrote for him, as h e is illiterate. Copy. T h e 8th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, T y b i 5, e x e c u t e d b y Achilles son of Proitos, scribe of t h e village of Sinary a n d other villages. 6 . SivapviriKwy: i.e. of t h e village Ewapv mentioned in 1 . 1 5 . 6 . aauKap.vKU)v is a n u n a t t e s t e d w o r d ; aap,KapvK(ov = oap.Kap.i)K
VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 1 8 5

lacking m o n e y t o procure the material, borrowed from Josepos 300 drachmai ( r ^ v r e i / ^ v T&V eKarov XIVOJV 11. 5-6). I t w a s further stipulated in the original contract of loan that before (irporepov) collecting the finished cloths (Kop.it,op.ivov ravra) Josepos will certify to the weaver ( S c o a a A d y o v ) that o n supply­ ing the 100 cloths Harpaesis h a d paid off the loan and t h a t there are due t o h i m in addition 50 drach­ mai (T
No. 41

A list of clothes

Hawara, 13-2 x 10-9 c m . P. Hawara 208 (Petrie). Arch. v . 388 sq., ( Milne). L I T . : Juster ii. 67 n. 4. F u c h s , 62.

A . D . 24/25.

The papyri from Hawara, revised and reprinted by Milne in Arch. v. 3 7 8 sqq., were first edited by Petrie according to copies made by Sayce. The present papyrus con­ i tains a list of Arsinoitic clothes, the abbreviations x ® d t,p-L meaning x^(<3vo?) = XIT(O>VOS), and i/*(aT)i.o-(jLtou) (so Milne). It seems that the 'textile industry' of Arsinoe was widely known: Wilcken (in a note to the papyrus, cf. Arch. 1. c.) refers to x^toves, adyoi, ApcrwoiTucol in Peripl. Mar. Erythr. 8. In what connexion the Jew in 1. 1 3 is mentioned is not clear; he was, perhaps, a dealer in clothes. a n

["E]TOVS

ia Tifieplov

}$P[(JLVO€IT]LK6JV

a

Kala[apos XIQ(OJVOJV)

a

je[

AoKAr]7rid$r)s[ L

x B{oovos) a , 7ra[pa ( 7 ^ x 7 7 )

Ap[a]ivoeLTiKov ApOLVOeLTLKOV

5

Apa LVoeLTLKcov ApoLVO€i\riK6jv\

lp,(aT)

lo(p,OV) a!, pi[ a , ye\_

L

X B(OJVOOV)

j8' .rj[

XL9(OJVOJV)

[Ap,pi]oovios to Apotvoei\riKov 10

Apo LVoetTLKov ApoLVoeLTLKodv Apo\ivoei\rtKov

A[

. . . . ] a 7rap[a(7717^77) tp,(ar) Lo(piov)

a', Avovfi

(

^(.0\ojvoov) f$', irapa(TTTJXV) i

X 9(OJVOS)

~\os 'Iovhatov ilcr/cATjjTJldSoV

Apoivoe]iTLKov

15

[

a

)[ ?•[

7ra/oa(7777^77) [

Std . . [ TOV ApOi[

L

x 9(oovos) a 7T[apa(7rt]xy})

Ap,p,Oi)Vl,[os (Translation.) Of Of Of Of

Arsinoite Arsinoite Arsinoite Arsinoite

Of Arsinoite

Year 1 1 of Tiberius Caesar . . . Of Arsinoite t u n i c s one Asklepiades . . . tunics, one, striped gowns, one . . . tunics, one . . . tunics, t w o . . . Ammonios . . . tunics(?), one striped.

186 Of Of Of Of

SECTION X: NOS. 415-417 Arsinoite gowns, Arsinoite tunics, Arsinoite tunics, D the Jew

one, A n o u b . . . t w o , striped. one, striped. . .. Of Asklepiades t h e s o n of Arsi . . . Of Arsinoite tunics, one, striped. Ammonios . . . 9 - 1 2 . Cf. 4, 9, 1 5 . 1 suggest for 7rapa( ) t h e expansion rrapa^xri), according t o P S I 3 4 1 , 1 . 7. 7rapdm]xv w a s a w o m a n ' s broad cloth g o w n w i t h a purple b a n d o n each side.

No. 416. Fragment from a tax-list Philadelpheia.

A . D . 25.

P . Princet. i. 2, Col. I l l , 10 s q q .

A register of payments of the avvrd^ifxov from Philadelpheia. For the tax see John­ son, 5 3 1 sqq.; Wallace, 1 2 1 sqq. There are some Jews among the tax-payers, as attested in the lines printed below. 10.

[Mva]6as

£ap,f$adLco(vos)

ITTTTO (kotos')

rj

12.

Ne[. .]eloov

'Icoorjfoov

8

13.

[

* I[eo<j]ri[TTov

8

24.

]ipals [

]

[Uaixft]adt,[ojvos

i/3 (opaxp>al)

(e£ ^aA/cot)

a ( opaxtwrj)

(oftoXos)

(Translation.) M y s t h a s s o n o f S a m b a t h i o n . . . a groom . . .8; N e . . . eion son of Josepos . . . 4; . . . psais son of Josepos . . . 4 ; . . . s o n of Sambathion . . . 12 drachmai, 6 chalkoi, a n d 1 drachme, 1 obolos. 10. Restored b y t h e editors. B u t 6 is n o t certain a n d m a n y other restorations are possible, as being a c o m m o n ending of Graeco-Egyptian n a m e s in this period. 12. Perhaps Ne[eu]eia>v the Biblical fPEni (the transcription in L X X is the restoration m a y b e also ' i W i j [ 7 u o s . 13. Perhaps [2ap,]ifiais, the Biblical T h e restoration '/[ci>a]ij[7rou] is n o t certain.

(Uap.ifia>v

Neep,tas).

Instead of

'ICDO^TTOV

in the L X X ; y e t cf. N o . 433). [77oju.]^rai's editors.

No. 417. An agreement concerning a loan in form of a deposit B a b y l o n (Heliopolite district). 18 x 13-5 c m . 26th N o v e m b e r , A . D . 59. P . H a m b . 2 (Tafel I ) . P . Meyer, Jur. Pap. 30. Cf. BL i. 193. L I T . : Juster, i. 205 n. 9; ii. 67 n . 4 (f.), 319 n. 3 . P . Meyer, o p . cit. N e p p i Modona, Aeg. iii, 1922, 33. Mitteis, Sav. Ztschr. x x x i i . 3 4 1 . L e w a l d , Krit. Vierteljahrsschr. x i i . 477. U g o Monneret d e Villard, Aeg. v , 1 9 2 4 , 1 7 4 . F u c h s , 63, 70, 8 2 , 1 5 4 . B e v a n , n o . T r a m o n t a n o , 27. Bell, HTR x x x v i i , 1944,187 s q . T a u b e n s c h l a g , 350 n. 6. i d . J. Jur. Pap. v , 1951, 258. 2

An agreement concerning a sum of money lent b y the Roman cavalryman to a Jew and to his two sons. The money is given in the form of a deposit (rrapaO^Kr)), and con­ sequently without interest (droKos). Yet the time for repaying the deposit is fixed for

V A R I O U S DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

187

two months only (from 26th November, 59 until 25 th January, 60), and in case the debtor does not repay the debt in the time fixed a fine of 120 drachmai and payment of interest for the overtime are stipulated. It is clear, therefore, that the whole deed is a loan disguised as a deposit (cf. Meyer, Juster). For loans given without interest, but nevertheless weighing heavily on the debtor, see above, Vol. I, pp. 35 sq. The impor­ tance of the document for Jewish history lies in the fact that there were Jews in Egypt called 'IovSatoi IJepaai TTJS imyovrjs; cf. above, Vol. I, p. 51 n. 10 for this term. The domicile of the Jews mentioned in this document (the Heliopolite nome) gives ground for the supposition (edit.) that the persons named were descendants of Jews settled in the second century B.C. on the 'Land of Onias'; for the name Helkias see note to 1. 4. "Erovs

Nepcov[os]

€KTOV

repfiav[t,]Kov err* dyopqvopigv Xtoyt, 5

*HXtorroXeirov

TOV

*IovSaloL

Aoyyivov.

OvoKovvricov rrapd

(yivovrai)

Nepcpvos

dpy(vpiov) TOV

droKovs

etjaKooias

ro\s\

XP°

eiKooi,

dwnoXoyov

K

a

L

irriripiov

[Te^pp^aviKov

dpyvpiov rravrds

rov

rrpoKi-

(Bpaxpids)

vrreprreoov-

dXXas dpy(vpiov)

rrjs rrpd^ecds 001 ovorjs

erri-

ras re dpy(vpiov)

rrjy rrapadrJKrjv

Kal [T]OUS" roKovs vov

Eefiaorov

Biaypd<j>ovres

aoi

erovs

CKTOV

eav Be psq drroBcopiev Kadori

rai, €Krio[o]p,[e\y

rrapaOrj-

(Bpaxp>al) x> &S Kal drroScooop,ev

evegrco[TO]S"

Kaioapos

orjpiov BoKipiov dpeorov V7r\o]X6yov.

aov

Kal IJrgXepia'CKOv Bpaxpbds

KXav[Bl]ov

AvroKpdropos

20

aXrjs

CKTIOIV

etjaKooias

rpls

rcov [d]ird Uvpcpv KCOexeiv

ecos Tyfti rpiaKaBos

15

Kal Acop[. .]/coa? ol

6p,oXoyovp,ev

Eefiaorov

X

Bafiv-

XCXKVOV

Bid ^etpo? oV ey[y]ua)[v] dXXrjXcov els K7)v dpyvpiov

Se§q\or\gy

rrjs rrpos

vopuov. Ilercos

ITTTTZ

Ue^aor[ov]

N[e]ov

IJap\epi\§oXfjs

rrjs erriyovrjs

Overricp

Kaioapos

p,[r)]yos

vlo[l~\ XeXKtas

Hepoai

AOVKICO

TvppLrjs 10

Elprjvqiov

Kal o[i] rovrov ptrjs,

KXavBiov

Av[r\oKpdropg[s]

(Bpaxpias)

eKarov

e/c re r)p.cov

rcov rpicov Kal e£ evos ov eav rjpicov alpfj Kal eK rcov VTrapxdvrcov 7r[p]dooovri rravraxq. 25

IIe[r]cos

[XeX\Kla[s 5 . 1. rpets.

7-

rjpieiv rjavrg\icov

Kypicos- r) Be 7Tapadrj[Kr)

eojrco

cos (ercov) [.]s" pLeXdvx[p(cos)

cos (ercov) l^nei.

7rdv]rojv Kvpia

. . .]ey[..o]yX(r))

16—17. 1 . irpoKeirai.

dvrLK(vr)pilcp) 2 1 . 1. dv.

22. 1.

[ rip.iv.

(Translation) I n the s i x t h year of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germani­ cus the Emperor, on the 30th of the m o n t h N e o s Sebastos, w h e n Eirenaios w a s agoranomos of t h e 'Camp' b y B a b y l o n of t h e Heliopolite nome. P e t o s son of Helkias and his sons Helkias a n d Dor. .koas, all three Jews, Persians of t h e Epigone, from the village of the Syrians, t o Lucius Vettius, cavalryman of t h e

SECTION X: NOS. 417-418 ala of t h e Vocontii, of t h e turma of Longinus. W e agree that w e have received from y o u into our hand under m u t u a l pledges t o repay a deposit of imperial and Ptolemaic silver s i x hundred drachmai, that is, 600 drachmai, which w e will repay t o y o u before the thirtieth of T y b i of t h e present sixth year of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus t h e Emperor, without interest, paying in coined, genuine, current silver coin, without a n y faults. A n d if w e do n o t p a y it back according t o t h e agreement, w e will p a y back b o t h t h e deposit, t h e s i x hundred drachmai of silver, and t h e interest for t h e time in excess and as a fine another one hundred and t w e n t y drachmai of silver, and y o u shall have t h e right t o distrain o n all three of us a n d o n each one singly that y o u m a y choose and o n all our property of whatever sort, as a valid distraint. T h e deposit shall be valid everywhere. Petos, of a b o u t . . . years, dark-complexioned . . . Helkias, of about . . . years, . . . scar on shin . . . 2. Neos

27€j8 aoTos

=

Hathyr.

3 . On t h e R o m a n fortress of B a b y l o n (in the vicinity of t h e modern Cairo) see U g o Monneret d e Villard, 'Sul Castrum romano di Babilonia d'Egitto', Aeg. v . 174 s q q . ; Butler, Babylon of Egypt, 1914. 4. The mixture of E g y p t i a n and Hebrew names in a Jewish family living in a village is very charac­ teristic ; cf. e.g. N o . 46.—The name Helkias (IH^Vn) was n o doubt very popular a m o n g the Jewish settlers o n t h e 'Land of Onias', since o n e of t h e Jewish generals of Queen Kleopatra I I I , a son of Onias, bore this very n a m e ( J o s . ant. 1 3 . 285, 349, 3 5 1 ; cf. t h e inscription recording t h e n a m e of Helkias, Vol. I, p . 17 n. 45). 6. For 'Syrian villages' in E g y p t see Vol. I , p . 4. 7. L . Vettius, eques alae Vocontiorum turmae Longini, n o d o u b t a R o m a n citizen (edit.). F o r ala Vocontiorum see Aeg. v i i . 295 s q . 10. T h e s u m w a s paid in R o m a n denarii (1 denarius = 4 E g y p t i a n drachmai) a n d in Ptolemaic money. 14. 'In gepragter, echter, zusagender, gangbarer (landlaufiger) Silbermiinze' (edit.). 21. T h e reading as established b y Schubart (cf. P . H a m b . , p . 268, Zusatze). 22. Restored b y H u n t (p. 268, Zusatze).

No. 418. Tiberius Julius Alexander Tiberius Julius Alexander, the famous prefect of Egypt, was born about A.D. 1 4 - 1 6 in Alexandria. His father, Alexander the alabarch, the brother of Philo, was one of the richest men in Alexandria and one of the most influential personages of the Jewish community there (see Jos. ant. 1 8 . 1 5 9 - 6 0 ; 1 9 . 2 7 6 - 7 ; 20. 1 0 0 ; bell. 5 . 205). The wealthy banker, who was in charge of the finances of Antonia, the mother of the Emperor Claudius, was inspector-in-chief of customs duties on the eastern border of Egypt (on the common equation of dXafiapxqs with dpafiapxqs, cf. Vol. I, p. 49 n. 4 ) . Of Tiberius' youth we know very little, though it is possible that in Philo's 'Alexan­ der, or That irrational animals possess reason' there are cited his young nephew's philosophical views, and we can learn from it something about Tiberius' intellectual background; the same would go for the rrepl dcf>dapalas xoopov, if its attribution to Tiberius be tenable. We do not know when Tiberius entered Roman service, but it would seem reasonable to suppose, in view of his later very important military com­ mands, that he had some military experience previous to his first civil appointment in A.D. 4 2 . According to a well-known passage in Josephus, Tiberius r o t ? . . . Trarplois OVK evepeivev . . . eOeaiv (ant. 20. 1 0 0 ) . We do not have to suppose that Josephus refers in this passage to any overt act of apostasy; but by joining a Roman legion, taking the

V A R I O U S DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

189

military oath, and generally conforming to the non-Jewish way of life Tiberius would become in Jewish eyes a man who 'did not continue in the religion of his forefathers'. Tiberius' first step in the equestrian career was his appointment to the post of epistrategos of the Thebaid in A.D. 42 (cf. Martin, Les Epistrateges, 107 sqq.; 109,185). It is probable that this appointment was due to the friendship existing between the family of the new Emperor Claudius and the family of Alexander the alabarch (cf. ant. 19. 276-7). His term of service in Upper Egypt coincided, in part, with business activities in the same region of his brother, Marcus Julius Alexander (see No. 419, Introduction). His next appointment was to the procuratorship of Judaea (A.D. 46), which he held until A.D. 48 (ant. 20. 100-3)'>the great famine, relieved with the help of Queen Helena, and the execution of the sons of Judas of Galilee are the main events mentioned in Josephus' short notice. The following fifteen years in Tiberius' life are a complete blank to us, until he re­ appears in A.D. 63 as a high-ranking officer on the staff of the Eastern army-group of Corbulo as: inlustris eques Romanus, minister hello datus (Tac, ann. 1 5 . 28). Together with Corbulo's son-in-law he was sent by Corbulo to meet and escort King Tiridates: honori eius ac ne metueret insidias tali pignore. Both the story and the language of Tacitus prove that Ti. Julius Alexander was regarded as one of the highest ranking personages in the eastern army. In May A.D. 66 Ti. Julius Alexander reached one of the two peaks of equestrian career when he was appointed by Nero as praefectus Aegypti (for King Agrippa's visit of congratulation, cf. Jos. bell. 2. 309). Shortly after his appointment Tiberius was con­ fronted with an outbreak of severe Graeco-Jewish hostilities (Jos. bell. 2 . 487 sqq.; for detailed discussion of Josephus' story see Vol. I, pp. 78 sqq.). There is little doubt, I think, that Tiberius attempted to mediate, and that full military strength was crushingly deployed only after his attempts failed. The great edict of Ti. Julius Alexander (OGIS 669, new edition H. G. Evelyn-White and J. H. Oliver, The Temple of Hibis in El Khargeh Oasis, Part II, nos. 3 - 4 ; see also No. 418c) is not only one of the most important documents for the study of Roman Egypt, but also reveals some traits in Tiberius' personality. Though the edict (dated 6th July, A.D. 68) may well have been 'a captatio benevolentiae to win the goodwill of Alexandria and Egypt for Galba and for himself (Turner, JRS xliv, 1954, 60), the fiscal oppression, economic abuses, and bureaucratic malpractice, prevalent both in Alexandria and in the chora, are stated courageously and incisively and the promise of reform sounds honest (for precis of the contents see Johnson, Roman Egypt, 704 sq.). After Nero's fall Tiberius duly recognized first Galba, then Otho, then again Vitellius. But it seems that negotiations with Vespasian started shortly after the recogni­ tion of Vitellius; details escape us, but the plans for Vespasian's bid for imperial power seem to have been well laid down and Tiberius' part in them prominent. On ist July, A.D. 69 Ti. Julius Alexander took the lead by declaring for Vespasian and administering the oath of fidelity to the legions and the populace of Alexandria in the name of Vespasian. The Roman forces in Judaea followed two days later, those of Syria before the middle of July (cf. Jos. bell. 4. 616 sqq.; Tacit, hist. 2 . 74 sqq.; Suet. Vesp. 6. 3 ; the acclamation in Alexandria became Vespasian's dies imperii). Late in A.D. 69 or early in A.D. 70 Ti. Julius Alexander was transferred by Vespasian from his post in Egypt to the staff of Titus' army in Judaea (for discussion of Tiberius' whereabouts after ist July 68 see No. 418a, Introduction). He is styled €7r]apx°? [T]OV Voi>Sai"[/<;ou arparov] in the Arados inscription (OGIS 586) and TTOVTCUV T < S V aTparevpdrwv irrapxtov by Josephus (bell. 6. 237). So he was the highest ranking officer in Titus' army, second only to Titus himself. He is mentioned as first of the six

igo

SECTION X: NOS.

417-418a

principal men in Titus' army taking part in the decisive council about the fate of the Temple, and his vote for not demolishing the Temple is recorded by Josephus (bell. 6. 2 3 6 sqq.). These outlines of the career of Ti. Julius Alexander, derived mainly from the re­ ferences in our literary sources, can now be supplemented by papyrological evidence. No. 4 1 8 a is a description of festivities in Alexandria in honour of Vespasian; Ti. Julius Alexander is conducting these festivities in person and saluting the new Emperor. No. 4 1 8 6 can be said to open new vistas in the appreciation of Alexander's career. In a legal memorandum Alexander is said to have been praefectus praetorio, after his term as prefect of Egypt; and the most plausible, though not quite certain, line of interpretation is that he served as prefect of the Guard in Rome after the end of the Jewish war. Another papyrus (BGU 1 5 6 3 ) gives the text of the first 40 lines of Alexander's famous edict; the opening line of this papyrus is given in No. 4 1 8 c . Edicts and legal decisions of Ti. Julius Alexander are referred to in Nos. 418*?, 4180, and, possibly also in 4 1 8 / . Discussions of papyrological evidence are listed in bibliographies to Nos. 4 1 8 a - / ; on the career of Ti. Julius Alexander in general see especially: Lepape, BSAA viii, no. 29, 1 9 3 4 , 3 3 1 sqq. Turner, JRS xliv, 1 9 5 4 , 5 4 sqq. Burr, Tiberius Iulius Alexander. Schwartz, Ann. Inst. Phil. Hist. Orient. Slav, xiii, 1 9 5 3 , 5 9 1 sqq. Stein, Die Prdfekten, 3 7 sqq. A. F.

No. 4 1 8 a Provenience u n k n o w n . 21-5 X 7-5 cm. E n d of ist century A . D . P. Fouad 8 (Gueraud, Jouguet, Lewis). Melanges Ernout, p p . 201-2 (Jouguet). Musurillo, VB. Jouguet, Bull. d'l'Instit. d'lZgypte, x x i v , 1942, 22. Cf. BL iii, I. 59. (Plate, Burr, op. cit.) LIT. : Jouguet, Melanges Ernout, 201 s q q . ; id., Bull, de Vlnslit. d'jttgypte, x x i v , 1942, 21 s q q . ; id., La Domination romaine, 4 sqq. Bell, / . Jur. Pap. i v , 1950, 35. Stein, Die Prdfekten, 38. Preaux, Mel. Smets, 1952, 576 sqq. Wilcken, Arch, x v , 1953, n o . Turner, JRS xliv, 1954, 61. Musurillo, op. cit. 142 sq. Turner, Gnomon, x x v i i , 1955, 461 sq. Burr, Tiberius Iulius Alexander, 60 sqq. Braunert, Chr. d'£g. x x x , 1955, 400 sq. Schubart, DLZ l x x v i , 1955, 814. Turner, P . O x y . x x v , p p . 106 sq.

This papyrus was first published in 1 9 3 9 and has been subject ever since to much study and interpretation. It is beyond reasonable doubt that Tifiepios AAegavSpos is referred to in 1. 2 , that he is the person mentioned as Tifiepios in 11. 1 7 , 1 8 , and that he is to be identified with Tiberius Julius Alexander, the prefect of Egypt. It is likewise certain that the Emperor Vespasian is referred to in this papyrus; he is mentioned by name in 1 1 . 1 2 , 20 and most probably in 2 1 ; he is the avTOKpdrcop spoken of in 1. 8, and doubtless to him refer the glorificatory expressions throughout the text. In view of these facts the editors sug­ gested that the papyrus is an account either of Vespasian's acclamation in Alexandria on ist July, A.D. 69, or of the reception accorded to Vespasian by the Alexandrians on his visit to Alexandria some months later. As regards the character of this account they suggested three main possibilities: (a) an excerpt from a vTropvt^paTiapos', (b) an historical literary composition; (c) 'une piece de circonstance, discours, monologue, ou meme dialogue'. In his later studies, Jouguet strongly stressed the view that the papyrus is to be connected with Vespasian's visit to Alexandria, not with the acclamation of ist July 69, and that it is a worked-up literary account, written for propagandist purposes; he also maintained that it has some affinities with the AAM. These views have been generally accepted, though Burr argues in his monograph on Ti. Julius Alexander that

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

191

the account in the papyrus is of the acclamation, not of Vespasian's visit to Alexandria. Though the scrappiness of the text does not allow of certainty, and though there is much that is tenable in the prevalent view, some discussion of the problems in question seems to be called for. (a) As regards the events related, the editors were, I think, right in stating that the papyrus refers either to the acclamation of ist July, or to Vespasian's visit to Alexandria. Jouguet's view that the latter was the case was mainly based on the assumption that Vespasian was present on the occasion described. According to Jouguet, Vespasian is spoken to in 1 1 . 1 1 sqq. and is speaking himself in 11. 19 sqq. Since on ist July, A.D. 69, Vespasian was not present, Jouguet's conclusion seemed to follow. Burr argued that since Ti. Julius Alexander is certainly referred to as being present, and he was re­ leased from his Egyptian post before 2 8 t h August, A.D. 69, i.e. before Vespasian's arrival, the occasion described could not but have been that of ist July. He further pointed out that an absent emperor could well be addressed in the second person, and that the 'Du-Stil' was not unusual in acclamations (op. cit., p. 103 n. 3 7 ) . One of Burr's premisses is false: C. Liternius Fronto did not follow Ti. Julius Alexander as prefect of Egypt in August 69 but was appointed in A.D. 79 (see Pflaum, Latomus, x, 1 9 5 1 , 4 7 3 ) , so Alexander could very well have been present as prefect of Egypt on Vespasian's visit in late 69 or early 70. The other argument, however, is valid: it is rather doubtful whether the Emperor is the speaker in 11. 1 9 sqq., and his presence on the occasion described in No. 4 1 8 a , though of course possible, is not certain. Now it is, to be sure, reasonable to suppose that Vespasian's visit to Alexandria (cf. Jos. ant. 4. 6 5 6 ; vita 7 5 ; Tacit, hist. 2 , 8 2 ; Suet. Vesp. 6. 3 ; Dio Cass. 6 5 . 8 - 9 ) was a great public occasion in which the populace of Alexandria took part, led by Alexander; that, however, is not referred to in the sources. On the other hand, it is expressly stated that ist July, A.D. 69, was a great official occasion in which the Alexandrian population at large took part, led by Alexander. The prefect is said to have made both the legions and the population of Alexandria swear allegiance to Vespasian r d r e rayp,ara Kal T O 7r\fjdos et? avrov tbpKcuaev (Jos. bell. 4. 6 1 7 ) . ol o^Aoi are mentioned in our papyrus and this would seem to be well in accord with Josephus' irXrjdos. The occasion described in No. 4 1 8 a takes place in the hippodrome which was outside the Canopic gate. We could easily account for this rather unusual place if we suppose that Alexander wanted the crowds to wait for him in a suitable place as near as possible to the military camp, and that he wanted to approach the assembled crowds as soon as possible after having sworn in the troops in Nikopolis. Though Josephus uses the verb wpKcoo-ev for both Roman troops and Alexandrian crowds, it is hard to imagine how a formal swearing in of the crowds could have taken place. It would seem probable that Alexander addressed the assembled crowds and told them about his decision and the allegiance to Vespasian of the legions, and that this pro­ clamation was enthusiastically acclaimed by the Alexandrians. Our papyrus could be regarded as an account of such an acclamation. On this supposition we could suppose that there is some description of the scene (11. 1 - 1 0 ) , a speech by Tiberius (11. 1 1 sqq.) punctuated by cheers of the crowd, and expressions of joy, agreement, and gratitude to the prefect. This is not to contend that No. 4 1 8 a describes the events of ist July, A.D. 69, but only to stress that this supposition is not to be summarily dismissed; in fact, it seems even to be slightly more acceptable than the prevalent view. 1

1

J o u g u e t backed his v i e w s b y v e r y ingenious restorations, some of which are given in the commentary b e l o w ; in spite of their attractiveness, we h a v e to keep in mind that t h e y are

based o n a definite general interpretation a n d , consequently, a general interpretation cannot be based o n t h e m ,

SECTION X: NOS.

192

418a-4186

(b) Whether the papyrus is a description of the events of ist July, A.D. 69, or of Vespasian's visit to Alexandria, we should reject the suppositions that it has affinities with the AAM, or that it is 'une piece de circonstance, discours, monologue, ou meme dialogue'. It is neither anti-Jewish nor anti-Roman, and it has been written, unlike most of the preserved Acts, immediately after the events (see below). It is of course pro-Alexandrian, but then, the acclamation (or reception) of Vespasian must have been a grand patriotic occasion. The papyrus could very well have been an almost straight, or somewhat written up, description of the great occasion. Josephus tells us that both the legions and the Alexandrians were eager to acclaim Vespasian (. . . dop,eva>s VTrrJKOvaav rrjv dpeTTjv rdvSpos ix rrjs eyyvs arpaTrjyias elSores . . . bell. 4. 6 1 7 ) , but he may be slightly reticent here. It must have been a great patriotic occasion: Alexandria was leading again, Alexandria was giving an emperor to the Roman world. The hopes the Alexandrians were pinning on their emperor must have been manifold, and great their enthusiasm. That did not last long. Some time after his arrival, Vespasian increased taxes and introduced some unpopular economies—vicious lampoons took the place of hymns of praise (see Dio Cass. 65. 8 - 9 . 2 ; Suet. Vesp. 1 9 . 2 ; cf. Musurillo, 1 4 3 ) . But hymns of praise there certainly were before and they should not astonish us in our papyrus. Vespasian is hailed in No. 4 1 8 a , either by Tiberius or by the crowd, or by both, a s : aurrrip Kal evepycTr/s, Kvpios aefiaaTos, "Appuovos vlos, 6eos Kaioap. Some of the adulatory expressions are used in reference to emperors: Vespasian himself is styled, in an inscription from Egypt, aojTrjp Kal evepyerrjs rfjs olKovp,<=vr)s (OGIS 6 7 0 ) ; Nero is dyados 8alp.(ov rr)s olKovp,€vr)s . . . dpxr) . . . TrdvTtov dyadwv ( P . Oxy. 1 0 2 1 , being an official notification of the accession of Nero); it is said of Galba by Tiberius Alexander him­ self : rrapd rov imXdpa/javros r)p,lv irrl acoTY/pla TOV rravros dvQpumaiv yivovs evepyerov Zefiaorov (OGIS 6 6 9 . 1 2 sqq.); Hadrian is styled ava£ . . . <S 7 r a v r a SouAa ( P . Giss. 3) and living emperors are found to be styled deos (cf. No. 1 5 3 , 1. 9, note). However, the cumulation of laudatory expressions is rather greater than in texts which can be compared, and "Apcptovos vlos is surprising in reference to a Roman. However, most of the texts which can be compared deal with more or less compulsory manifestations of joy—the case was certainly different in A.D. 69. Further, we should not forget an important passage in Tacitus. When describing the procedure of Mucianus in Antioch —which was very much like that of Ti. Julius Alexander in Alexandria—-he says that Mucianus: alacrem militem in verba Vespasiani adegit, then, Antiochensium theatrum ingressus, ubi illis consultare mos est, concurrentes et in adulationem effusos adloquitur (hist. 2 . 80). The Alexandrians, who felt themselves to be the 'king-makers', had much more reason to be in adulationem effusi, and our papyrus shows, I suggest, that they were. I further suggest that the account has been written by an eyewitness, very shortly after the event, before the change of heart of the Alexandrians. It may have had some propagandist aim—the Alexandrians, and above all Ti. Julius Alexander himself, were certainly interested in putting on record their devotion to Vespasian. So the account may be somewhat worked up, but everything described in it could very well have happened, and so far as joy and enthusiasm were concerned there was probably no need of much working up. 1

M Tfa}pi° 1

A\e£a[vSp

See P. Giss. 3 (a dramatic piece performed in honour of Hadrian's accession); B G U 646 (an

nominee Barbillus); cf. P. univ. Bibl. Giess. 16. T h e account of Germanicus' visit t o Alexandria

edict i n connexion w i t h the accession of Pert i n a x ) ; P . O x y . 1021 (notification of the accession of N e r o ) ; OGIS 666 (honouring Nero and his

(to be published as P . O x y . 2435) i s also m u c h more sober than N o . 418a.

VARIOUS DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 1 9 3 ] . j8co/za[ JcTTOV . K[ 5

]aavTO>v[v..

.]ois

avvj][

]CTT. . a . TCOV ]

]VS 6 aVTOKp&TCOp Ac[

]jW

TT6\LV

TCOV

o^A[a>v

a

] [ ? ] j 0X0V TOV

IO

]ort vyiaivcov, Oveo7r\a\o\Lav6s

l7T7r68pop,Ov[

Kaiaa[p

Kvpie

eis ocoTr)p /cat e[vepyeT7]s

] o . . .os o* dvareXXcov e[ ] a v\a£ov 15

txvpije

aeftaare,

]..

avT[6v

r)pi€LV

e v e p y e r a ,

Tiftepicp[

€v])(apLOTOvp,€v

].

Tifiepios

f]Tr\_.

]6eos Kaiaap 20

.]rtae[

e [ . . ] ort vyta[tv

] . Beds Kaiaap ]is

9. Before TU>V a space.

2Jdp[a7ris

Apipicovos vtos /cat a7rX[

Ov[e]a7raaia[y6s

oeftaoTe

Kvpie

14. space before

O[v€oiraaiave

vXa^ov.

(Translation.) Tiberius Alexander . . . t h e Emperor . . . t h e city. The crowds . . . all t h e hippodrome . . . that in health, lord Caesar, . . . Vespasian, t h e one saviour a n d benefactor, . . . y o u in its rising . . . guard h i m for u s . . . lord Augustus, benefactor, Sarapis . . . Son of A m m o n a n d . . . w e give thanks t o Tiberius . . . Tiberius . . . divine Caesar . . . that he m a y b e (?) well . . . t h e divine Caesar Vespasian . . . lord Augustus Vespasian . . . 2. Either TifSepios AXegavopos or Tifieplov AXegdvopov, doubt t h a t Tiberius Alexander is referred t o .

or

Tifleplci)

AXegdvopa>;

there is, however, n o

8. A t t h e end of the line Jouguet suggests the s u p p l e m e n t : / ^ e r e ' / t y CK ZxeSias. 10. ivi7TX-qa]av(6') oXov Jouguet. 1 1 . 'Perhaps [^aaiXevois] or t h e like' Musurillo. 13. d v a r e X X w v : the editors compare P . Giss. 3 . 1 - 2 . os 3] ° °x^ Jouguet. e [ i ? deovs] Jouguet. 18. The editors of the editio princeps s u g g e s t : 17 TI[IO]TI.S. ^ e v ] ( = elirev) J o u g u e t . 'Possibly Ticre ( = aTrtfpTioe)?' Musurillo. J

21. elaavQ^is Kvpie J o u g u e t .

ijwTjfc]-

A. F.

No. 418 Z> Hibeh. Fragm. a 10 x 3 c m . ; F r a g m . b 10 x 1 c m . c. A . D . 70-130. P. H i b . 215 (Plate I I I ) . L I T . : Turner, JRS xliv. 1954,61 sqq. Burr, Tiberius Iulius Alexander, 112. Braunert, Chr. d'£g. x x x , 1955, 398. Turner, Gnomon, x x v i i , 1955, 461. P r e a u x , Chr. d'£,g. x x x i , 1956, 369. F u k s , BO x i v , 1957, 88. B 5195

o

SECTION X: NOS.

194

4186-418^

The document printed below consists of two non-contiguous scraps of what 'may have been a legal memorandum, citing previous decisions of Alexander' (editor). In Fragm. b Ti. Julius Alexander is mentioned as having been prefect of Egypt (TOV •f)yep.o\yevaav\TOs) ', this is followed by the words: yevop,4vov Kal irrdpxov irpai[Twplov]. Now, e-n-apxos rrpavrajpLov is the official Greek rendering of praefectus praetorio, and there can be no doubt either about reading or supplement at the beginning of 1. 6. Thus, in spite of the silence of literary sources, we have to accept that Tiberius bore the title of praefectus praetorio at some time after his term as prefect of Egypt. Pro­ fessor Turner, the editor, points out both in his Introduction to P. Hibeh 2 1 5 , and in greater detail in his paper in JRS xliv, 1954, 6 1 sqq., two possible lines of interpreta­ tion : (a) Ti. Julius Alexander might have been appointed as praefectus praetorio to command the Roman army in the Jewish war under Titus. That could perhaps be somehow squared with Josephus' description of the standing of Alexander as Trdvrtov TWV oTpaT€vp.dra)v lirapx^v in bell. 6. 2 3 7 , and with the inscription from Arados in which Alexander is styled €rr]apxos [r]o€ *IovSai[Ko€ orpaTov] (OGIS 586). (b) It is possible that Ti. Julius Alexander was a prefect of the Guard in Rome. There is no valid reason why we should not take the new piece of evidence at its face value and suppose that Ti. Julius Alexander was rewarded by Vespasian for his services in the Jewish war by the appointment to the high office of praefectus praetorio. Professor Turner has made out a strong case for this line of interpretation and in view of his arguments it would seem to be probable. (a)

]•[•]•[' K^qi\aci\f)os

OLKovofxop

erraKOv. S e r o u

[Xojydovvros [rlarov

5

^JTepuviov AlXiavov^

ernrporrov

rov

rrjs N~\eqs IJoXecos

K aP

tv\a

[ . ] . 7 a [9 letters] . [3 letters] . [

cos Tifteplov 'IovAlov AXetjdvopov rov rjyepLO[yevaavrjos, yevopievov Kal Irrdpypv rrpai[rcoplov] 6.

tovXiov

Pap.

(Translation.) . . . t o the procurator of Caesar, accompanied b y Geminius Aelianus the lord procurator of Neapolis, so t h a t . . . of Tiberius Julius A l e x a n ­ der, the former Prefect, w h o became also Praetorian Prefect . . . 2-4. B o t h the Kaioapos oUovopos (cf. e.g. B G U 102. 1 ; P . O x y . 735. 6) and the eirirponos TTJS N4as (cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 57) were probably assisting Tiberius, if this scrap belongs t o an epikrisis document, as pointed out b y the editor. 3. repivios A l X i a v o s : 'presumably the wrong n a m e w a s written, and the correct one (of which only the end remains, and which could be read ] . SVTOV) w a s substituted above the erasure' (editor). 7. yevop.4vov xai: 'the postponed KOI shows clearly that the praetorian prefecture was held after the prefecture of E g y p t ' (editor). Cf. N o . 156&, Col. 1,11. 1 5 - 1 6 . A. F. iroXecos

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

195

No. 4 1 8 c Philadelpheia. First half of second century A . D . Wilcken, Sav. Ztschr. xiii, 1921, 1 2 5 - 7 . B G U 1563. L I T . (sel.): Wilcken, Sav. Ztschr. xiii, 1921, 124 sqq. Schubart, Arch. x i v . 37 sqq.

This papyrus contains the opening 40 lines of the great edict of Ti. Julius Alexander fully preserved on stone (see above, Introduction, p. 1 8 9 ) ; since the papyrus copy does not add anything of importance to our knowledge of the text of the edict, and the edict has nothing to do with Jews or Judaism, I print here the first line only in which the name of Ti. Julius Alexander occurs. In bibliography only two basic studies con­ cerned with the text of the papyrus are mentioned; for other works cf. bibliographical list in Burr, Tiberius Iulius Alexander, 100 n. 1 0 . ['AvTcypacfrov] (Translation.)

Ttftepios

eKdepiaTos.

'IOVXLOS

9

[ AX4£av8pos

Aeyet.

A copy of an edict. Tiberius Julius Alexander speaks. A. F .

No. 41 Sd (11.17-23) 19th J a n u a r y , A . D . 69. Provenience unknown. 22 X 16-5 c m . Papyrus grecs de Strasbourg, Bull, de la Faculte des lettres de Strasbourg, x x x i i i , 1955, n o . 226 ( P . Bureth). L I T . : Taubenschlag, / . Jur. Pap. i x , 1951, 549 sq. P r e a u x , Chr. d'j£g. x x x i , 1 9 5 5 , 3 7 1 .

This papyrus consists of two documents divided by a blank space; 11. 1 - 1 5 are an account of some proceedings before Mettius Rufus, prefect of Egypt, in A.D. 8 9 - 9 1 ; in 11. 1 7 - 2 3 an edict of Ti. Julius Alexander with regard to ra/xiaKd is quoted; possibly ovmaKT) (yrj) is mentioned in 1. 1 8 , but the scrappiness of our text prevents us from ascertaining the contents of Tiberius' ruling. Col. I I M€TTio[v] (erovs)

'PolvdyOV

t AopiiTiavgy ...

Kvpiov

.aa.e.[

Tjpos 5

[TOV

*HpaKXei8r][y

Memos

*Povos[

OVTOJV

dve.[

TO Kara X4£iv 8[ [.]

. . .]/CO

KCU . . .v[

TereXevTT) KOTCO 10

yevgpievai

[V

€77to[

KareXiTTOV Trepl

TO.[

] • [ • • • • ] •

yov av€pdv yetyopLevrjv KXTJKOTCOV

.a.s Kal ...[.]

€7T7]pelav.

avTo [

TI)]V

els 8e

TCOV TO

iyKe-

pidXXov

]pa8 [ • • ] e i [ . . ]

tprjpiiais [/cat vjou^ecrtats" drro 8iaTayp,aTos

TOVS

et.

dva.o[..

Tufieptov

9

IOVXLO[V

196

SECTION X: NOS. 418^-419

AXe^dvSpov [ . ] . . . . rapnaKa TCOL xpovoot, a. .gvcr[. .]KT)S 77? [ . . ] e£ovarla[

K€KpLp,€va 20

. . t Kal rd opuoXoya 7rapaypd
Svvd-

pieygv wore IT. . 1...[. . ] 8 . . [. .]eodaL a 7 r a oav p,r)K€TL aKoveadai. (erovs) ft Eepoviov TdXfta Tyftu K S . (Translation.) Of Mettius Rufus . . . year 1 0 of our lord D o m i t i a n . . to Herakleides . . . Mettius Rufus . . . according t o w h a t w a s said . . . of the de­ ceased . . . becoming . . . t h e y left . . . t h e abusive practices of t h e objectors having become obvious. A n d for t h e future . . . b y penalties and admonish­ m e n t s . . . b y an edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander . . . adjudged t o t h e treasury in t h e course of time . . . ousiac land ( ? ) . . . power . . . being able t o cancel t h e agreements so t h a t . . . no single one is heard of again. Year 2 of Servius Galba, T y b i 24. 17. 'Au debut de la ligne, p e u t - e t r e : ajro[yp] (les dernieres lettres e n exposant au-dessus de la ligne), m a i s la lecture reste tres douteuse' (edit.). 19. 'Apres le premier m o t , qui fait allusion a un j u g e m e n t par prescription, on lit o, puis u n e lettre (peut-etre rayee), puis v o u o o u 1 ou a , puis ova[. JKTJS O U y - q s ' (edit.). 21. 'La consonne precedant eadai peut etre 8, A o u a. Faudrait-il lire: /iij]8cv[l ejaeadai}' (edit.). A. F .

N o . 418 e Oxyrhynchos. A . D . 200. P. O x y . 899,11. 27-28. W . Chr. 361. 27-28. Cf. BL iii. 1 . 1 3 3 . L I T . : Wilcken, Arch. v . 268 s q q . R o s t o w z e w , Kolonat, 197. Oertel, Die Liturgie, 103 sqq. Stein, Die Prdfekten, 37. Schubart, Aeg. x x x i , 1951, 154. Burr, Tiberius Iulius Alexander, 53. Turner, JRS x l i v , 1954, 61. Turner, P . H i b e h , ii. 1 3 5 .

This document is a petition of a wealthy woman, Apollonarion, asking to be re­ leased from compulsory cultivation of various plots of land in the Oxyrhynchite district. Apollonarion contends that being a woman she is to be excused from such liturgies; she quotes precedents and legal decisions and cites an edict of Ti. Julius Alexander protecting women from personal liturgies. It is worth noting that in his great edict Alexander safeguards to women the right of prior Hen on dowries. I print only two lines, referring to the edict of Ti. Julius Alexander, from this 'very elaborate and composite document, giving apparently the history of her case from the beginning, and quoting both her own previous petitions and various official cor­ respondence in connection with them' (editors).

27

. . . dvayvoiodevros ...[... Tiftepiov AXe^dvSpov a7Tayop\evov\ros y v v a i K a yeoopyia 7 r p o o d y e a 9 a t eVri rod ft (erovs) TdXfta[...

B[i]ar[dy]pLaros

(Translation.) . . . there w a s read a decree of Tiberius Alexander, in t h e 2nd year of Galba, forbidding w o m e n t o b e made cultivators. 28. R e a d i n g according t o Schubart. After quoting Tiberius' decree some later decisions based o n his edict are cited. I t is worth noting t h a t Tiberius' basic ruling is depended u p o n as late as A . D . 200. A. F.

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

197

No. 4 1 8 / Fayum. P . Vindob. Boswinkel i, 1. 19. L I T . : Turner, JRS xliv, 1954, 6 1 ; id., P . H i b e h , ii. 1 3 5 .

After A . D . 8 7 .

In a petition of the priests of Neiloupolis concerning their hereditary right to the priestly offices in Soknopaiou Nesos, which has been infringed by the authorities, there occur the words / c a r ' ivKeXevaiv TifiepLov, cancelled by the writer. Since the word iyKeXevais is usually applied to decrees of high officials and rarely to those of the Emperor himself, the editor suggests that a decree of Ti. Julius Alexander is here referred to. Unfortunately, even if we suppose that a decree of Ti. Julius Alexander is mentioned, which is not at all certain, it is impossible to ascertain in which connexion it has been cited or why the mention of it has been struck out by the writer. [[/car' ivKeXevacv (Translation.)

TijSe/Hou]]

According t o a decree of Tiberius.

A. F .

No. 419. Marcus Julius Alexander The five ostraka printed below, No. 4iga-e, belong to the archive of 'Nikanor's Transport', which operated in the years A.D. 6 - 6 2 on the lines Koptos-Myos Hormos and Koptos-Berenike. A large number of firms engaged in the Arabian and Indian trade, conducted via the Red-Sea ports of Berenike and Myos Hormos, is attested in receipts given to 'Nikanor's Transport' for services rendered. Among the names of the biggest customers of 'Nikanor and Sons' there occurs a firm owned by Marcus Julius Alexander. This Marcus Julius Alexander of the ostraka can be identified, I submit, with Marcus, the brother of Tiberius Julius Alexander, mentioned by Josephus in ant. 1 9 . 2 7 6 - 7 . It is commonly supposed that Philo's brother Alexander the alabarch, the father of the future prefect of Egypt, was the first Roman citizen in the family and that he received his citizenship from Tiberius (see Dessau, Prosopogr. Imp. Romani, ii. 1 6 4 , no. 9 2 ; Groag-Stein, Prosopogr. Imp. Romani, i. 8 5 , no. 5 1 0 ; Lepape, BSAA viii, no. 29, 1934, 3 3 2 ) . If this is correct, his full Roman name most probably was Tiberius Julius Alexander; his eldest son would probably bear his full Roman name, while any other son must have borne his nomen and cognomen: Julius Alexander. His son Marcus' full Roman name should have been, therefore, Marcus Julius Alexander—and that is exactly the name found in the ostraka. If we suppose that Roman citizenship was granted to Philo's family by Augustus, or even earlier by Caesar (as suggested by J. Schwartz, Ann. Instit. Phil. Hist. Orient. Slav, xiii, 1 9 5 5 , 597), the case for the identification will seem to stand as before. Alexander the alabarch's full Roman name would in this case have been Gaius Julius Alexander, while his sons' names were Tiberius Julius Alexander and Marcus Julius Alexander (see also below, No. 420, Introduction). Marcus, the brother of Tiberius Julius Alexander, who married princess Berenike, the daughter of Agrippa I, died before the end of A.D. 44 (cf. Zion, xiii, 1944, 1 4 - 1 5 sqq., where the pertinent passages in Josephus are discussed), while Marcus Julius Alexan­ der of the ostraka appears from A.D. 3 7 until 4 3 / 4 4 . This coincidence of the general chronological data derived from Josephus with the chronology of the ostraka allows for the proposed identification of the businessman Map/cos 'IovXtos AX££avhpos with MdpKos, the nephew of Philo.

SECTION X: NOS. 4 1 9 - 4 1 9 ^

198

The five ostraka in which Marcus Julius Alexander is referred to are receipts writ­ ten either at Myos Hormos or at Berenike. They adopt the formula followed in almost all the ostraka of the 'archive of Nikanor': name of the writer of the receipt (normally a business-agent of the firm, sometimes acting through (8id) a sub-agent) to Nikanor (or one of his family); I acknowledge the receipt; place of delivery, els Xoyov (name of the owner of the account follows); specification of goods delivered; date. On the 'archive of Nikanor' see Rostovtzeff, Gnomon, vii, 1931, 23 sqq. Fuks, /. Jur. Pap. v, 1951, 207 sqq., where the ostraka printed below are discussed; cf. also Meredith, Chr. d"£g. xxxi, 1956, 356 sqq.; on Marcus Julius Alexander see / . Jur. Pap. v, 1951, 214 sqq. Zion, xiii, 1944, 10 sqq. (in Hebrew). Schwartz, op. cit., 591 sqq. Turner, JRS xliv, 1954, 59. Burr, op. cit. 1 7 . A. F.

No. 4 1 9 a 8th J u l y , A . D . 37.

Provenience u n k n o w n . 0 . Petrie 252.

Though the provenience of this ostrakon is not given, it almost certainly comes from either Berenike or Myos Hormos, since all the ostraka belonging to 'Nikanor's archive' were written in one or other of the two ports (the only exception, O. Petrie 245, was written in Apollinis Hydreuma, a station on the way from Koptos to Berenike). 'Eppiiqs MqpKov 'IovAiov e^cu

I

rrapd aov Is rov

Bvo Kal iv avr(ais) Kaiaapos

AXe^dvB(pov)

| NiKavopi

AXe^dvB(pov)

*IOVA(LOV)

IIavf)ovs

^a(t)oetv).

| Ady(ov) 8idepas . . . 7 7 . .

| 5 | p.apei . . .^/o. . a ? Bvo (yiverai)

(j8>. (erovs) a Faiov \

FeppiaviKov ^Enelcj) | iB.

(Translation.) Hermias (slave of) Marcus Julius Alexander t o Nikanor, son of Panes, greeting. I received from y o u o n t h e account of Julius Alexander, skins . . . eight . . . t w o . . . and in t h e m . . . t w o . . . total (two). First year of Gaius Caesar Germanicus, Epeiph 14. 1. Hermias w a s m o s t probably a slave of Marcus Julius Alexander. 2-4. T h e persons whose accounts (Xoyos) are m e n t i o n e d in t h e ostraka of 'Nikanor's archive' are owners of t h e firms engaged in t h e Arabian a n d Indian trade, while those w h o acknowledge t h e receipt of various consignments are their business-agents. T h e b i g businessmen did n o t reside in t h e far-away ports on t h e R e d S e a ; it m a y well be t h a t m o s t of t h e m did n o t reside e v e n in K o p t o s , b u t carried o n their business entirely through agents (cf. Rostovtzeff, 24 sq.). A. F .

No. 4 1 9 b Myos H o r m o s . 0 . Petrie 266.

Avrioxos

9th J u n e , A . D . 43.

Earopveivov

Bid M...

ov

rod Earopveivov

IJereapTrgx(pdTrj)

VARIOUS DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 1 9 9 (Translation.) Antiochos son of Satorneinos, through M . . . of Satorneinos, t o Peteharpochrates, son of Nikanor, greeting. I received from y o u in Myos Hormos on the account of Marcus Julius Alexander twelve artabai of wheat, total 12 artabai. Third year of Emperor Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Payni 15. 1. T h e same person acts on Marcus' behalf also in 419c; cf. also 419^, n o t e on 1 . 1 . 2. F o r Peteharpochrates' business activities see 0 . Petrie, n o s . 240, 253, 257, 259, 275, 280, 285, a n d , probably, n o s . 274, 3 0 1 ; 0 . Bruss. 7 ; cf. / . Jur. Pap. v , 1951, 208 sq. A. F.

No. 4 1 9 c Berenike. 0 . Petrie 267.

...gys

>

MdpKov

e'^cu Trapd rov

14th J u l y , A . D . 43.

ipiov Kvplov

KXqvhlgv

IovXiov

crov irrl

AXe£dv8pov

Be\p€velKr)s

els rov

Xoyov ipa.. .yqs

j Kaiaapos

Eeftaarov

i

Ko..MdpKov

IgyXlgy

NiKavo\pi MdpKov

IlavijTos 'IovXlov

| 5 | tXvplvas enrd. TeppLaycKgd

AXetjdyBpgy

(eVous") y

AvroKpq\rgpgs

\ e^a>

xalpeiv. AXe\£dvopov Tifieplgy

'Erreld) K .

K

(Translation.) ... (slave of) Marcus Julius Alexander, t o Nikanor, son of Panes, greeting. I received from y o u in Berenike on the account of m y master Marcus Julius Alexander seven . . . of lime-wood. Third year of Emperor Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Epeiph 20. K o . . of Marcus Julius Alexander, I have . . . 7. 'It is doubtful whether t h e n a m e in 1. 7 is the same as in 1 . 1 ' (edit.).

A. F.

No. 419c/ Myos Hormos.

A . D . 43-44.

0 . Petrie 2 7 1 .

Avjlgxos

a

(rjpuov)

€LV

\ x{ ^P )'

TIavevovs 'IovXloy

UaTopvlXov

AXe£dv8pov (erovs)

Std TlorrXlov rrapeXafta

Xgygv Tjypgy

S Tcfieplov

Majtu|Atou

eVt Mvos

"Qpp.coi

qprd\ 5 \@qs

| KXavoiov

Avopgp,qxov

Kalcrqpgs

OKTOJC

els

TOV

?%ttp-y

Eefiaoroy

NtKavopu MdpKov (dpTafiai)

TeppiavLKgy

| rj |

AvroKpdropos 3 . 1.

irapeXafiov.

(Translation.) Antiochos son of Satornilos through Poplius Mamilius Andromachos, t o Nikanor, son of Panes, greeting. I received from y o u in Myos Hormos on the account of Marcus Julius Alexander eight and a half artabai of wheat, artabai 8|. Fourth year of Emperor Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus . . . 1. Avrioxos 2aropviXov is almost certainly identical w i t h Avrioxos Earopveivov in N o . 419^. Z W o p v f A o s is a misspelling of Saturninus; cf. e.g. P . Mich. I I I . 169, i v . 2 with Greek s u m m a r y , 1. 2. 3. 'Read "Opp.ov; there is here a confusion between t h e t w o constructions e m Mvos "Opp.ov a n d iv Mvos "Opp.tp (edit.). A. F.

SECTION X: NOS.

200

419*-420a

No. 4 1 9 c Myos H o r m o s .

c. A . D . 43.

0 . Petrie 282.

Avrlo)(os

Earopveiy\ov

x(cLLpeLv).] I napeAafiov ['/ouA(tou) a

PXQ?

AXe^dvhpov

[

Sid rrqp[d

Adyov] (erovs)

FeppiaviKov]

I

aov

] | rod Earppvelypy

Nt,[Kavopi

IIavr)ovs

inl

\ els rov

MdpK(ov)

Mvos

"Opp,ov\

I 5 | axpivicoy

. Tifieptov]

[

| KXavS[lov

| Kaiaapos

Eefiaorov

Avj[oKpdropos

(Translation.) Antiochos son of Satorneinos, through . . . of Satorneinos, t o Nikanor, son of Panes, greeting. I received from y o u in Myos Hormos on the account of Marcus Julius Alexander cords . . . year . . . of Emperor Tiberius Claudius Caesar Germanicus . . . 1. The same person is acting on behalf of Marcus Julius Alexander also in N o s . 419& and 419^. A. F.

N o . 420. Gaius Julius Alexander In the two papyri printed below a Gaius Julius Alexander, great landowner in Euhemereia, and possibly owner of an ovola., is mentioned. It has been suggested by Rostovzeff, SEHRE , 268 and 575 n. 4 3 , that the man is 'the son of Herodes and Mariamne, the Hasmonean', and this suggestion has been accepted by Hohlwein in J. Jur. Pap. iii, 1949, 8 1 sq. It should, however, be pointed out that Alexander, the son of Herodes and Mariamne, had been executed in 7 B.C. (cf. PIR , I. 8 4 1 n. 498), while the two papyri are dated A.D. 26 and A.D. 2 8 - 2 9 respectively. But it is a probable supposition that the full name of Alexander, the alabarch, was Gaius Julius Alexander (see Schwartz, Ann. Inst. Phil. Hist. Orient. Slav, xiii, 1 9 5 3 , 5 9 9 ; cf. above No. 4 1 9 , Introduction), and it is possible that the landowner of Euhemereia is Alexander the alabarch. Both the dates of the documents and the social standing of the man, so far as it can be ascertained from the papyri, are in keeping with this assumption. A. F. 1

2

1

1

It has been suggested b y Balogh and Pflaum (Rev. hist. d. droit frangais et etranger, 4 serie, x x x , 1952, 123) that Julius Lysimachus, w h o occurs in P . F o u a d 2 1 . 8 as a member of a consilium of the prefect C. Caecina Tuscus, is to be identified w i t h Alexander the alabarch, called in some manuscripts of Josephus also Avolpaxos. H o w e v e r , the manuscript tradition is mistaken, possibly there is a confusion there with another brother of Philo, Lysimachos (see Schwartz, 591 sqq.), and the date of the papyrus ( A . D . 63) would seem t o make the identification with either brother of Philo difficult, though n o t entirely inadmissible. According t o Rostovtzeff (loc. cit.), Julia Berenike, mentioned in P . H a m b . 8, is 'probably a descendant of the mistress of the Emperor Titus'. T h a t is not impossible, though the n a m e s of Julia and Berenike are rather c o m m o n , b u t n o e

concrete identification can be offered. I n SEHRE , 272 n. 45 there occurs, in connexion with Rostovtzeff's proposed identification of C. Julius Alexander, the remark: 'Is the ovola AXegavopiavrj in P . Bouriant 42, p . 162 perhaps his estate? Or should we rather think of the celebrated Prefect, Ti. Julius Alexander?' It would seem that the name AXegavSpiavos alone (mentioned in P . Bouriant, p . 169) would not allow for a n y valid identification. W e owe thanks t o Prof. E . G. Turner, w h o has kindly sent proof of P . O x y . 2435, where he suggests the identification of a personage n a m e d Alexander w i t h either the alabarch or w i t h t h e Alexander mentioned in Philo's Dialogue Alexander. T h o u g h this is an interesting possibility, n o definitive identification can be established beyond doubt, 2

V A R I O U S DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

201

No. 420a Euhemereia. 2 8 7 x 1 1 7 c m . P. R y l . 166. L I T . : Rostovtzeff, SEHRE ,

A . D . 26.

2

293, 672 n. 45. H o h l w e i n , / . Jur. Pap. iii, 1943, 81 s q q .

An offer for a lease of land belonging to Gaius Julius Alexander; the application was made to Gaius Julius Amarantus, who was probably Alexander's freedman and acted as his land-agent. The papyrus contains a description of the plot in question, and terms of lease offered by the bidder. raioji

Apbapavroji

'IOVXLOJL

[rr]apd *Opoevovios rrpeofivrepov drro Evr)p,eplas pnadojaaadat 5

Trjs ©epilarov

els err] e£ drro TOV

tcT/catSe/c dVou erovs \a\rrg

[KXjfjppy dpovpas vorov

(fyq f$op{p)a Srjpioolas ovorjs S[iOj]pvyos,

e£ rjp,ya[i]av tcl rpls

TOV IJroXepLalov

etxcp'opiov /ca#'

piiay rrvpov

dprd^as rpiaKov-

Kal

e/carcV dprd^a\C\s

rrpoap,erpovdprdfias

Svo

Kar eros dqXXoy dprd^rjv

p,iav /cat

dXeKTopa eva. rd Se yecopy[t]/cd epya rrdvTa 20

/cat emreAeoroj /car €TLO?J ra ge Kao eros drroSojow

Kal reXeaw

aK{o)XovdoJS

erovs

TOLS

[T]i[f$~\epl[o]v

eats

rrorjaoj

TOV

SOJ-

Kaiaapos

Uefiaorov

T[e]reAecr/xeVots', /cat puera TOV xpovov

rrapa-

Su)oa) rov K[X\rjpov Kada[p]6v

yep

dypojarecos [e]rrl rovrois 30

eK<popia

yeivopie-

vrjs vrr* ipcov e/c SiKaiov, kol rrdvra SeKarov

a[£]a)

del rco IJavvt prqvl iv rfj KOJ-

/X17 vea KaOaXd rrjs pierprjaeojs

25

eros

arr€ppLdroj(v)

Sp6p,oj Tip rrpos

etcrov ^aA/cco errairov

[/c]at rg[v] rravros

p,eaov

gyv fj XrjpafjopLai

dprd^rjv

iSdEvdvSpov

Srjpioats dva

e' ct> reXeaoj

pterpoj

[p,e]yq irrl rats

AXetjdvSpov

KOipvqv iSad>a>v

AtjSo? TOV avrov

dpg\ypijs]

rrvpov Sp[o]p,ov 15

Sefiaorov

rpcs errel TOV rrep/rrrov yvov a>v

EvdvSpov

ehd<j>r] drrrjXcojTov yvrjs €KaoTrj[s]

TCOV

eveortbros Kaiaapos

Taloy 'IovAlqy

.5 rrepl rrjv avrr)v

yelroves 10

Tifieplov

vrrapxovrojv

T\CO\V

. .a$...

ApoSuaiov

TOV

piepiSos. ftovXopLai,

(2nd hand) Tdios rrpoKeipievoLS.

Slorjs rrdarjs, p,iodojoao6'at. 'IOVXLOS

(erovs)

aov

drro

idv

(paivrjrac evrv^ei.

Ap,ap\a\vrov vy [Ti\^eplov

ovv)(u>pdi irrl Kaiaapos

TOLS

Ueftaarov

XoiaK e. 8 . 1 . rpeis.

1. em.

I I I . 8rjp.oaias.

1 4 . 1 . dprdpr)

p,iq..

1 5 . 1 . i)ulo[i]av.

22.1.

KaBapd.

S E C T I O N X: NOS.

202

420«-420&

(Translation.) T o Gaius Julius Amarantus from Orsenouphis elder son of Aphrodisios, of Euhemereia in the division of Themistes. I desire to lease for 6 years from the present 13th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus of the lands belonging to Gaius Julius Alexander . . . in the area of the said village a holding of 3 arourai in the fifth plot, which is adjoined on the south b y the property of Euandros son of Ptolemaios, on the north b y state land (?), on the west b y the properties of the aforesaid Euandros, on the east b y a plot of state land separated b y a dyke, on condition that I p a y a yearly rental on each aroura, including the one dromos-artabe of wheat which I shall receive for seed, of 6\ artabai of wheat measured b y the bronze . . . dromos-measure which is equivalent t o 33^ (choinikes), and additional p a y m e n t s for 2 artabai of every 100 artabai and a yearly total offering of 1 artabe and one cock. All the acts of cultivation I will perform and execute yearly and I will p a y the yearly rental regularly in the m o n t h of Payni at the village in new and clean corn, the measuring to be carried out b y me fairly, and I will execute all duties and p a y m e n t s in accordance w i t h the procedure up to the 12th year of Tiberius Caesar A u g u s t u s ; and at the expiration of the period I will deliver the holding free of unirrigated land, coarse grass and dirt of all sorts, if y o u consent to the lease on these terms. Farewell. (2nd hand) I Gaius Julius Amarantus, agree to the lease on the terms aforesaid. The 13th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Choiak 5. 1 . Afiapdvroji: 'in 1. 30 the individual in question signs his n a m e l a i o ? 'IovXios Apapdvrov, b u t he m a y nevertheless himself h a v e borne the cognomen Amarantus. A similar remark will apply to the landowner w h o in 1. 6 is described as r 'IovXlcp - M A c ^ a v S p o u ' (edit.). The landowner's n a m e is Gaius Julius Alexander in N o . 420b, 11. 7 - 8 ; his father's n a m e might h a v e been, and probably was, Alexander. 6. itrapxovTOiv: the present participle m a y be held to show t h a t Gaius Julius Alexander w a s in actual possession of the land in A . D . 26 but with this verb it m a y often h a v e an imperfect connotation. 7. 'ets j 3 o p ( p ) a v is n o t a satisfactory reading' (edit.). 8. 'For [KX]T}POV which is very uncertain, cf. 1. 27' (edit.). 10. 'The meaning of orip.ooLas is not clear. Probably 8r)p.oola (yrj) or 8r)p,6at.os yv-qs (cf. 1. 1 1 ) was intended' (edit.). 1 5 - 1 6 . For perpto Spopup KTX. cf. editor's note, P . R y l . ii, p . 198. 16. The meaning and derivation of eircurov are n o t clear, cf. Meyer, P . H a m b . 49, 3 , note, and Preisigke, Girowesen, 157 n. 1. 18. flaAAds is a gift given to a landowner b y one whose bid for lease was accepted, cf. e.g. U P Z 112. iii. 2 5 ; P. R y l . 1 6 7 . 1 6 ; here the gift is annual. A. F.

No. 420 b Euhemereia. 26-5 x 8-5 c m . P. R y l . 126. L I T . : Rostovtzeff, SEHRE , 2

A . D . 28-29. 293, 672 n. 45. Hohlwein, / . Jur. Pap. iii, 1943, 81 sq.

A petition from Onnophris, of the village of Euhemereia, to the strategos of the Arsinoite district. He asks the strategos for punishment of his neighbour who let his sheep and cattle graze on his mother's fields, cultivated by Onnophris. The plaintiff describes himself as 'farmer on the estate of Julia Augusta of lands formerly the property of Gaius Julius Alexander'. [

]..

\A.paivo€LTo\v

[tTrparrjyooL [

\7rapa\ 'Ovvob[p]€to[s

....

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D [.. .]ros 5

rrjs

rcov cvn

@ep,iorov

Evr)p,[epias

[xeptoos

yov rrjs 'IovAlas ovoias

[yecop-

Eef$\aorrjs

TOW rxporepov

[Taiov

'/ouA[t]ou AXe^dvhpov rcdi [i]veoroori 10

Eeflaorov

[iSacf>(cov).

pvqvl

rod te (erovs)

[....

TifiepLov

Arjpids

Karayeuvopuevos

Kaioa[pos

Warjai^os ev root, [rrepl

rrjv Kcdpvqv irroLKltoi

\ey\o(p,evcp)

Apopuetos erracftels rd 15

rrpo^ara

Karevep,rjadv arr6po(v)

rrjs p,r)(rpos) p,ov

dpo(vpas)

et; ov pAdfios

p>oi

p\p]v eSd(rj)

rrvpov ]8 Kal Kpi9(rjs)

dpo(vprjs)

(r)p,iov)

errrjK(o)Aovd(rjaev)

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6 Se

ear iv p,erd

Aprrarjoto(s)

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evKaAovp,(evos) rov

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els d yeoopyd)

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rrp[6s

rrjv eoopLevrjv e7refoS(ov). €L

evrvx ' ' OvvLo(tf>pLs) (ercov) v ov(Arj) SaK(rvAcp) 14. 1.

p,LK(pco) (xeipds)

dpio(repds).

iavrov.

(Translation.) . . . from Onnophris son of . . . of Euhemereia in the division of Themistes, farmer on the estate of Julia Augusta, of lands formerly the property of Gaius Julius Alexander. I n the present m o n t h . . . of the 15th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, D e m a s , son of Psaesis, dwelling in the so-called Dromeusfarmstead in the area of the village, let his sheep and cattle into m y mother's fields, which I cultivate, whereby t h e y grazed d o w n 2 arourai of y o u n g w h e a t belonging t o m e and half an aroura of barley, b y which I suffered n o slight loss. T h e accused is pasturing w i t h Harpaesis son of Heras. Wherefore I request t h a t t h e accused be brought before y o u for the consequent punishment. Farewell. Onnophris, aged 50, w i t h a scar on the little finger of his left hand. 5-8. On the oiaiai in Euhemereia see Hohlwein's s t u d y 'Euhemeria d u F a y o u m ' , / . Jur. Pap. iii, 1949, 81 sqq., on ovolai in E g y p t in general, Rostovtzeff, SEHRE , 292 sqq. and 669 s q q . n. 45. T h e lands mentioned are described as 'formerly the property of Gaius Julius Alexander'. W h e t h e r Alexander w a s in possession of an ovota which later w e n t t o Livia (who became Julia A u g u s t a under the will of Augustus), or just some of his lands, not necessarily forming a n oiala, were incorporated in a large estate given to Julia A u g u s t a , are questions which unfortunately cannot be answered. Like­ wise, it is impossible t o ascertain whether there w a s a n y connexion b e t w e e n Alexander's e s t a t e s mentioned in N o . 420a and the lands mentioned in this d o c u m e n t . A. F. 2

204

S E C T I O N X : NO. 421

No. 421. The Jewish tax in Arsinoe Arsinoe ( F a y u m ) . 16th May, A.D. 73. Stud. Pal. i v . 71 (Wessely). W . Chr. 61. R o t h , 13. L I T . : Wessely, Stud. Pal. i, 1901, 9 sq. i d . , Stud. Pal. i v , 1905, 58 s q q . i d . , Stzb. Wiener Ak., phil.-hist. Klasse, c x l v , 1902, A b h . i v ; id., Actes du I4 Congres internat. d'Orientalistes 1905, 2 partie, 1907, Sect. I I , p p . 17 sqq. Schiirer, iii . 46 sq., 117. Wilcken, Grundz., 64. id., Arch. iii. 556 sq. N e p p i Modona, Aeg. iii, 1922,20. J o u g u e t , La Vie municip., 65 sq., 282 sqq. Juster, ii. 11 n. 3,281 n. 2. R o s t o w t z e w , RE 6. 2404. W e y n a n d , ib. 2686 sq. J o h n s o n , Roman Egypt, n o . 332 (pp. 581 sq.). Wallace, Taxation, i n , 114, 170 sqq., 428 sqq. F u c h s , 105 sq. Meautis, Hermoupolis-la-Grande, 49, n. 7; 64. Hombert et P r e a u x , Recherches sur le recensement dans Vligypte Romaine, 1952,140. e

e

4

The three columns (XI-XIII) printed below are parts of a large papyrus comprising 45 columns; the number of lost columns is not less than 30. Parts of this papyrus were printed in P. Lond. ii. 260 and 261, and by Wessely in Stud. Pal. iv. It con­ tains a report of the amphodarches of a quarter in Arsinoe, called 'the quarter of Apollonios' camp' (ap.<j>ohov ArrtoXXajviov IlapepLpoXrjs). The duty of the amphodarches was to draw up a list of the inhabitants of his quarter with special reference to their liability to various taxes (for the contents of the entire papyrus see Wallace, 1 1 2 sqq.). The three columns printed below refer to persons paying the Jewish tax. This document has a double interest for us as it contributes many valuable data for the study of the Jewish tax, and enables us to have a glimpse of the structure of Jewish families in Egypt. The Jewish tax is called here 'Iov8a'Ct<6v reXeapia (11. 154, 172), and is exacted from men, women, and children from the age of 3 years on (11. 171/2). An old woman of sixty-one is also among the payers (11. 183/4). The list of the payers is drawn up in a very complicated manner showing the capacity of the Egyptian officials to cope with hard problems of documentation; a modern office, however, would surely find less complicated ways to solve the same problem. The list of the payers for the 5th year of Vespasian (the year of the document) is based on a similar list for the foregoing year (1. 156); then names were added from the list of minors who were listed by the 'epikrisis' (examination) as being 3 years old in the foregoing (1. 162) and the current year (11. 170 sqq.). The age of the minors has been repeated again in respect of the year when they were 1 year old (the 2nd and 3rd year of Vespasian, 11. 163 and 171), though it could add nothing to the question whether they were liable now to the payment of the Jewish tax, since the fact had been established already by the 'epikrisis' of the 4th year of Vespasian. We may conclude from this reference to the years when the children were '1 year old' that a strict account of the natural increase of the Jewish population was kept by the government. It is worth noting that the usual 'epikrisis' of youth liable to laographia was quite unsuitable for the purposes of the Jewish tax, since the latter was paid by women and children as well (cf. for the 'epikrisis' Wal­ lace, 109 sqq.; Wilcken, Grundz. 196, 401). Since in the 2nd year of Vespasian no lists of the payers of the Jewish tax were extant, the reference to this year can only be explained by the supposition that the lists for the 2nd year were drawn up in a retro­ spective manner, this year being the first year for paying the 'arrears' of Jewish tax (see above, pp. 1 1 2 sqq.). We conclude that there is no conflict between the evidence of the Edfu ostraka and the present document. The opinion of some scholars, such as Schiirer and Juster, was that the Jewish tax mentioned in our document was some ancient tax imposed on Jews by the Ptolemies, as there could be no payment of 'didrachmon' in the second year of Vespasian. This view is now exploded by the evidence that Jews had to pay arrears from the 2nd year on. In the same manner as minors, old persons (v-n-epereTs) too had to undergo an 'epikrisis' in order to establish

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

205

whether they were to be freed from the payment of the tax (the same epikrisis was used for persons liable to laographia). Wessely's statement, that the inclusion of a woman of 61 in the list of the payers was a mistake on the part of the amphodarches, cannot be regarded as correct, as there is no evidence that the age of 60 was an upper limit for the payment of the Jewish tax. Wallace is probably right when he puts this limit at the age of 62 (p. m ) , this being, as it seems, the upper limit for the payment of the laographia. Women and children only are listed here, names of males being included in the usual lists of laographia (11. 180, 203). The rate of the payment is the same as in Edfu, viz. 8 dr. 2 ob. for the Jewish tax and 1 dr. for the drrapxo.1 (11. 205 sqq.). The second point is the evidence given by this document as to the inner structure of Jewish families in Egypt. Fifteen persons are recorded in the list, among them an old woman, Tryphaina, whose connexion with any of the families cannot be fixed; further five males (Simon, Theodoros, Thegenes, Sambathion, Ptollas), their wives (Dosarion, Philous, Sambathion, S . . ., and Erotion), and four children, two of them of one couple. The relative paucity of children is astonishing; we would be inclined to explain this fact by the youth of the mothers (Dosarion 22, Philous 20, Sambathion 1 8 , S . . . younger than 20, Erotion 22 years of age), but for the fact that Philous, a woman of 20, is already mother of two children, the eldest being 5 years old. It fol­ lows that Philous gave birth to her first child at the age of 1 5 , i.e. married at the age of 1 4 , if not before that. We draw the conclusion that Jewish girls in Egypt were be­ trothed and married at a very early age, in accordance with the common usage in ancient times and in the Orient till now. (Cf. for Roman Egypt M. Hombert et CI. Preaux, Recherches sur le recensement dans VEgypte Romaine, 1 9 5 2 , 1 6 0 sqq.). Also, Erotion and Dosarion, both women of 2 2 , have children of 4 years each. But why have they each one child only ? If this is not pure chance, two suggestions may be made: (1) it is well known that peasant women are anxious to prolong the suckling of the child as long as possible, in order to prevent a new pregnancy (cf. 2 Mace. 7. 2 7 , where three years are presupposed as the normal period of suckling). (2) We should recall that Egyptian families in general were not blessed with a great number of children (cf. Hombert et Preaux, op. cit., 1 5 4 sq.), either because of a high death-rate among the children, or as a result of the barbarous practice of exposing new-born children, especially girls (cf. P. Oxy. 744 = SP 1 0 5 ) . We cannot be sure that this practice did not find its way also into Jewish families; at any rate foundlings (DS1DK) are mentioned in the Talmud (cf., e.g., M. Kiddushin 4. 2 ; M. Makhshirin 2 . 7 ) . Nor are Jewish families with a great number of children mentioned in the Edfu ostraka; cf. above, Section IX, Introduction. Yet, of course, it is dangerous to draw conclusions of a general character on evidence as scanty as this. ,

Col. X I rrapd 'HpatxXetoov 155

[a]p,[d)oodpxo]v

'/[ouSatVcou reXea\piaros

AvroKpdropos

Kalo[ap]os

o\y\voipiop,evov

[rrpos T O (reraprov)

eoriv

rd

Uape(pifioXfjs)

ATTOXXCO(VLOV)

drrairr]aLp\ov\

rov

(rrepirrrov)

[OvecrrrjaoLavov

(erovs)

Eefiaarov

(eros)].

rcu[v] '/[ouSatcov] d[vaXap,f3(avopLevcov)]

Std

rrpoor(epoov)

Xoyojv reX[eioov dvSpcov e yvvaC\K(oov) cov vrrep(err)s) 160

TCOL

(rerdprcp) (rerdprco)

S[

] KOL

reXeioo(v)

4

s,

emKeKpip,(evr))

(eret,) ercov v[9] (pica), [d]rjX(L^) (eret) (/xta), (yiverai)

6v6(p,ara)

(rerpaerr)s) t/3,

206

S E C T I O N X: NO. Kal Sid 7rpooypd(tf)ov) erriKplo[ecos]

165

d[vaXap,p(avopievoi)]

rrer][v]6[res] elvai

drro (evaevcov)

[(Sevrepcp)]

yevop,e(vr)s) (eros)

(rpierels)

(erei) [IlroXXdrjos

ro(v)

0IXLCTKOV

0ryA(eiai) Ilpcorovs

[El]p,[tovo(s)]

ro(v)

IIroX(ep,aiov)

(rpds)

(erei)

e dtj)fjX(iKos)] (rerpaerovs)

(rrepbrrrcp)

Te[Aeta>v s dtf>r)X(iKos)\ (rrevrerovs)

(rrepvTrrtp)

appe(vos)

a 1

(eret) dr)X(eias) (rerpaerovs)

a

6pi(oicos)

a [] yiverai

el[s TO (rrepirrrov)]

Ovearr[aaiavov (rpirco)

els Se rd (rrep/nrov)

psq-

18,

[dvh(pd)v)

yvvaiK(tov)

Kal rrpoayl(verai)

pirj(rp6s)

Atoaapiov j8 (yivovrai)

tov reXeico(v)

Kaiaapos

€K rrjs

els rd (reraprov)

dppe(ves) 0IXIOKOS 'EptOrloV

(yivovrai)

170

421

ra n(dvra)

(eros)

Eefiaorov]

6v6(p,ara)

10

[Av]roKpdropos

drro

dtf>r]X(iKOJv)

(evaevcov)

(eret)

(eros)

(rpier tov) [e]j> 'IovdqiKO

reXeap,(ari)

dva-

Xap,j3a(vop,evojv) Col. X I I dppe(vtov)

Eevd[rjs]

®eo$cbpo(v)

ro(v)

TIroXep.aio(v)

p,rj(rp6s)

&iXov-

TOS

e7TiK(eKpipievos) 175

yive(rai)

(rerdprcp)

(erei)

6v6p,(ara)

(hierrjs)

(yiverai)

a

te,

to[v] r\eX(eicov)

dvS(ptov)

e dtj>rjX(iKos)] (rerpaerovs)

rrrtp) (eret) dppe(vos) [(rpierovs)

(rrep/Trrtp)

(rrep.-

a

(eret)

dp]pe(vos)

a yvvaiK(cov)

re~

X(eia>v) s" [dtf>r)X(iKos)

(rrevrerovs)

(rerpaerovs)

(rrepuTrrcp)

6pi(oitos)

(eret)

a (yiverai)

d]r)X(eias)

rd 7r(dvTa)

te

6v6(p,ara)

e

a

T

tov 180

dvSpcov re[Aet]a>v ovrtov

ev 6p,oX(6ytp)

Kal r[a Ao]t7r(d) tov T O K(ar* 182 b

yvv[aiK(es)

arraros

drro

ro(v)

KaXrjros

[vrrep](ercov)

(ercov)

(rerdprcp) Acoodp[io]v

9

[ I]aKov^ov yv(vr))

OIXOVS

avhpa)

Te]A[et]at

Tpvtf>ai\ya..]

185

Xaoy(patf>iq)

6vo(p,ara)

[•]*[••

(erei) ro(v)

Eip,co(vos)

pirj(rp6s) £a

(ercov)

Atoaapiov

emK(eKpip.evrj)

rcoi

a(vrcp)

vd

'IaKovft(ov)

pir](rp6s)

Eapif3o(vros)

(ercov) K/3

,]ov pL7](rp6s) IlroXXovros

yv(vrj)

@eohcb(pov)

(ercov)

K

V A R I O U S DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D Hap,l3[d]6[iOV £]aj3lvov 2J..[

1 2 letters

p,r)(rpos)

]ou p,rj(rp6s)

207

'HpalSo(s)

yv(vr))

©r)yevo(vs)

(ercov)

©evSovr(os)

yv(vrj)

Eapbf$(a)d(loovos

pLr)(rpos)

Evreprrrj(s)

?)

(ercov) t [ . ] y

E[pconov

8 letters

]covo(s)

Xar(os) 190

[(yivovrai)

yv(yr))

TlroX-

(ercov) K/3

s"] Col. X I I I

d(f>rjX(iKes) dppe(ves')

(rerpaerr)s)

(rrep,rrrcp) (eret)

TIroXXaros

[OLXLOJKOS

ro(v)

o(vop,a) [(Tpierr)s)] 195

[2e]vdr]s

(rrepmrcp)

(eret)

©eoScopo(v)

ro(v)

(rrevrerrjs) [Tlpjcorovs

a

TIroX(epialov)

©eoScopov

[(rerpaerr)s)

&iXovro(s)

(eret) p,r)(rpos)

(rrepirrrcp) (eret)] JJpcorovs

p,rj(rpos)

a

(rrepirrrcp) (yiverai)

200

'Ep[oor\lov

6p,oi(cos)

(yiverai) [dri\X(eiai')

p,r)(rpos)

OLXIGKOV

OiXovros

a

6p,ol(cos)

Zlp,covo(s)

ro(v)

IJroX(epialov)

pir)(rp6s)

Acoara-

plov (ylverau)

a (yiverai)

[pierd r]cpy

ev 6p,oX(6ycp)

OVTOJV

(yiverai) 205

a rrpoAc(etTai) 6vo(p,ara)

[dvd (Spaxpids)

206 2o6

rj (SioofioXov)]

vrrep drrapx(d>v) b

'ia(ov) KaraK]exoj(piorai)

[TO

yp(apip,arecos)

(Spaxpial)

t

te (yivovrai)

(erovs)

e

te

(Spaxpial)

f$(aoiXiKtp) yp(ap,p,aret)

(vos) repp,(aviKiov) 1 7 2 . 1.

6vo(pLara)

Xaoy(palq) 6vo(pidroov)

(rrepirrrov)

pKe Spaxpial Si(d)

pp.. Ap.ovTico()

Oveorraoiavov

p.rj-

K.

>

Iovoa'iK&.

(Translation.) The report of Herakleides amphodarches of the quarter of 'Apollonios' Camp'. The liability for the Jewish t a x for the fifth year of the Emperor Caesar Vespasian Augustus being an abstract according t o the state­ m e n t of the fourth year. The number of J e w s taken u p b y previous accounts are 5 adult males, 6 adult females, of w h o m one is over age and w a s adjudged as such being 59 years of age in the fourth year, one minor, being four years of age in the fourth year, total of names 12. A n d those taken u p through a transcript of the preceding epikrisis shown to be three years of age in the fourth year, being one year old in the second year. Males: Philiskos, son of Ptollas, grandson of Philiskos, mother Erotion. F e m a l e s : Protous, daughter of Simon, son of

S E C T I O N X : NO.

208

421

Ptolemaios, mother Dosarion, total 2, 14 in all, of these adult males 5, minor male 1, who in the fifth year w a s four years old, adult females 6, minor female 1, who in the fifth year w a s five years old, likewise 1 minor female four years old . . . total of n a m e s 14. I n addition there is enrolled in the Jewish t a x in the fifth year of the Emperor Caesar Vespasian Augustus, of minors w h o in the third year were one year old and so in the fifth year three years old, of males taken up, Seuthes, son of Theodoros, grandson of Ptolemaios, mother Philous found t o be t w o years old in the fourth year, in the epikrisis of the fourth y e a r ; total of names 1 5 ; of which adult males 5, 1 minor male who in the fifth year is five years old, adult females 6, 1 female minor w h o in the fifth year is five years old, likewise 1 four years old, total 15. Of these 5 adult males being of those in the list as liable t o the m a x i m u m rate of the laographia, 5 names, and the remaining n a m e s 10. These individually are: adult females: Tryphaina, daughter of . . . spas, granddaughter of Kales, mother Dosarion, of those w h o are over age, having been adjudged in the fourth year to be 59 years old, now 61 years old. Dosarion, daughter of Jakoubos, son of Jakoubos, mother Sambous, the wife of Simon, 22 years old, Philous (daughter of) . . . , mother Ptollous, wife of Theo­ doros, 20 years old. Sambathion, daughter of Sabinos, mother Herais, wife of Thegenes, 18 years old. S . . . daughter of . . . mother Theudous, wife of Sam­ bathion . . . years old. Erotion, daughter of . . . on, mother Euterpe, wife of Ptollas, 22 years old, total 6. Minor males, four years old in the fifth y e a r : Philiskos, son of Ptollas, grandson of Philiskos, mother Erotion, 1 name, like­ wise those three years old in the fifth y e a r : Seuthes, son of Theodoros, grandson of Ptolemaios, mother Philous, 1. Females five years old in the fifth year. Protous, daughter of Theodoros, mother Philous, 1. Likewise those four years old in the fifth y e a r : Protous, daughter of Simon, son of Ptolemaios, mother Dosarion, 1. Total of names 10. Together w i t h the 5 names of those liable t o the m a x i m u m rate of the laographia, total as above 15 names, at 8 drachmai and 2 oboloi each, 125 drachmai, for the aparchai 15 drachmai, total 140 drachmai. A similar copy has been deposited with the royal scribe through Amoutio . . . the scribe, in the fifth year of Vespasian on the 20th of Germanikios. 153. For the office of dp.oodpxr]s see Wilcken, Grundz.; J o u g u e t , La Vie municip., 65 s q . ; 282 sqq. 157. The irporepoi Xoyoi are to be compared with -rtpdaypaj^ov in 1. 161 (Wilcken). 163. See the introduction t o this papyrus. 164. The child is called after his grandfather, according t o a v e r y c o m m o n usage. Erotion is a n a m e used b y hetairai, b u t could also be a n a m e of respectable w o m e n ; see RE, 8. 1364. Cf. N o . 427. 172. T h e reading 'IovSaiKo seems t o be almost certain. W e owe thanks t o Prof. H . Gerstinger, w h o kindly sent us a photostat of this p a p y r u s ; for discussion of the t a x and of its n a m e cf. above, Intro­ duction, and Section I X , Introduction. 180. iv 6p.o\(6yq>) Wilcken. iv 6poX(6yois) Wessely. For 6p.6Xoyoi see Wilcken a p . R o s t o w z e w , Kolonat, 220 sqq. 'The 6p6Xoyoi were the unprivileged w h o paid poll-tax a t the m a x i m u m rate' (Wallace, 409 n. 42). 183. KaXrjTos: the n a m e KaXrjs is perhaps of Arabic origin; see L i t t m a n n in NB, s.v. KaXei, KaXeis, KaX-qs,

&c.

187.

Uapp\a]d[is

Wessely, W i l c k e n ; b u t EapfidBiov W e s s e l y , W i l c k e n ; ZapPadlcov

188.2Jap,p(a)6(atov?)

is more u s u a l ; cf. Introduction t o Section X I I I . for this period is more u s u a l ; cf. Introduction t o

Section X I I I . 206. dirapx(rjs) Wessely, W i l c k e n ; corrected according t o O E . 2o6 . The m o n t h repp.aviKios is the E g y p t i a n Pachon. b

V A R I O U S DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

209

N o . 422. Receipt for reception of a cargo Oxyrhynchos. 10*9 x 10-5 c m . P . O x y . 276. R o t h , 14. Cf. BL i. 320. L I T . : F u c h s , 56.

6th September, A . D . 77.

A receipt delivered by three steersmen on a cargo-boat to the sitologoi of the vil­ lage Dermeithai confirming the reception of a cargo of corn. The receipt had been delivered through the agency of a Roman soldier. At least one of the steersmen was a Jew. (2nd hand) . . . . A (

) rrX( )

(ist hand) "Erovs

SeKa[rov

Ov€arraotav\od rj U€p(aarrf}), 5

AvroKp]dropos Eefiaoro^v,

iv ' 0[£vpvyxoo]v

d/LtoAoyoucr[t

10

K[OLI

rr[X]olo[v]

KXavSlov

arparioorov

Sevrepas

Bpaftuplov,

KiXepos e/carov-

&pl/3i, *HpaKXrjov

rat

ovv dXXois oiroXoyoLS

Br)p,ocrlov

Orjaav-

pov KOjp,r)s Aeppjeidcbv

rrjs avoo

rorrap-

[TjaAetcTa? a[vr]ois yov

KXavS[lov]

ypaelorj[s vrro rod

ima-

vrro rov rod vopiov

'HpaKXe[lo]v

KV~

€Kare-

^ t a ? , rrapiXr]€vai 7 r a [ p ] ' avroov rds 15

®r)f$athos.

IJroX-

Ulp,]oov Tpvcfyoovos

pos ives 01 imrrXoov rapxlas

Kal

vavXooalptov,

Xeyecovos

2Jej3aorov

rroXei rrjs

] ? 'IaKovftov

Xas NtKoarpdrov fiepvrjrai,

Kaiaapos

psqvos

e£

] Mapiov

arparrj-

ernaroXrjs OV[L]VSLKOS

irrtr[

rov[

4.

rj a e / ?

inserted b y the 2nd hand (ed.)

8.

1. ets.

11.1.

oiroXoya).

(Translation.)... in the t e n t h year of the Emperor Caesar Vespasian Augustus, the m o n t h Sebastos, on the eighth of the m o n t h , the sacred day, in O x y r h y n ­ chos of the Thebais . . .s, son of Jakoubos, and Ptollas, son of Nikostratos, and Simon, son of Tryphon, steersmen of a cargo boat, each of t h e m through a soldier w h o w a s on board, Claudius Celer, soldier of the second legion, of the century of Brabirius, acknowledge t o Phribis, son of Herakleios, together w i t h others the sitologos of the public granary of the village Dermeithai of the upper toparchy, t o h a v e received from t h e m the artabai c o m m a n d e d t o t h e m b y Claudius Herakleios, strategos of the district in accordance w i t h the letter written b y . . . of Marius Vindex, the . . . 1. Perhaps [/coA]A(i7/ta) w A ; cf. Schubart, Einf., 45. 3-4. Sebastos is the E g y p t i a n m o n t h T h o t h . TJ ZepXaorrj) w a s the dies natalis of the Emperor Claudius, t h e celebration of which w a s still continued after his death. Cf. B l u m e n t h a l , Arch. v . 3 3 8 ; Snyder, Aeg. xviii. 2 1 5 , and above, p . 45. B 5195

P

SECTION X: NOS. 422-424

210

5 s q q . Perhaps all three steersmen were J e w s . T h e father of o n e of t h e m bears a Biblical n a m e ; t h e other is called TlroXXas, a n a m e frequently used b y E g y p t i a n J e w s in t h e R o m a n period (cf. I n d e x t o this v o l u m e ) ; the n a m e of the third was, perhaps, ZlpJjw and the n a m e of his father, T r y p h o n (]lS>*lt3), w a s also c o m m o n a m o n g J e w s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , only the first of the three m a y be w i t h certainty identi­ fied as a J e w . n s q . On public granaries in villages see V o l . I, N o . 12,11. 9 - 1 2 , n o t e . 13 s q . ras emaraXelaas scil. dprdfias (editors). 17. 'C7TIT—perhaps imr(rjprjrov),

or ini T ] J J . . . hardly imr[p67Tovy

(editors).

No. 423. Sale of part of a house in the Jewish quarter in Oxyrhynchos Oxyrhynchos.

9-3 x 7*4 c m .

c. A . D . 85.

P . O x y . 335. L I T . : J u s t e r , i i . 2 0 n . 5 , 6 7 n . 4 , 1 7 7 n . 3 . M^autis,Hermoupolis-la-Grande,

4 9 n . 7. R o t h , 48. F u c h s , 62.

An abstract of this papyrus had been published by Grenfell and Hunt in Vol. II of the Oxyrhynchos papyri. According to the editors the scrap which consists of 1 2 lines is a notice from one Theon son of Sarapion (known also from P. Oxy. 336) to the agoranomos, to register the sale of the sixth part of a house in the Jewish quarter— en-' d[x.
Tr6\(e<x)s)

*Iov8altov

by

TIavXos.

For national quarters in Egypt see Vol. I, p. 5 n. 1 4 , for the Jewish community in Oxyrhynchos see Vol. I, pp. 7, 94.

424.

Letter from Johanna to Epagathos

Ptolemais H e r m e i o u . 30 x 15-3 c m . 15th December, A . D . 87. P . B a d . 35 (Bilabel). Olsson, Papyrusbriefe, n o . 5 1 , p p . 147 s q q . Cf. BL ii. 2 . 1 7 4 . L I T . : W i l c k e n , Arch, v i i , 304. Kiessling. Phil. Woch. x l i v , 1924, 341. Bell, HTR x x x v i i , 1944, 195.

A private letter from Johanna to Epagathos. It is written in a most illiterate Greek. Though the papyrus is, on the whole, not much damaged, the contents are rather obscure, since the private affairs of the writer and the addressee are unknown to us. It is hard even to ascertain what was the relationship between the writer and various persons mentioned in the letter. y

,

Iod[vv]rj

Errayd6o

rep etSto 7RA[e terra ^at/jetv].

py /c[aA]cus" irroLpqg KQL 7rq[p]afids Kal 5

qrjqvra

yTj\aXXdt;as]

aov rrjv avvrayr)[v

imSe^apievrjv

fxe K[yplav

($paxpid>v)

K Kal rov roKov.

L)(aeaar9aL'

davped^o,

oov i^AAa^at. ptrj p? {jorrojy}

Biarpeifjai

A[et]Stou p,€Karrrj 6 rovro

dyvopLpavvrjs.

dtbes Ke^[aAa]t[oV JLTE]

rrcos rrjv

rrlariv

dvavKaorjs

o$v, 64Xo rrovrjoai Kal Irrl 10

rrjv\

e&>at]

rorroov

pre p,rjSe

imaro-

JOKOS'

orjp,d

ipis

8e Kal

on ovrro SeXis 'ErrdyaQpv

eorw Tarjai,

eXevdepov

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D rrepiXapifidviv.

rrepl

<&epayddo(v)

pir) dpLeXijorj, idv ovvfjjai, 15

ivivKa\i\ yivogKe 0V

epX

]

iXrrlSa dvevpe\riKov

rroietv].

Tarsal darop,dx[rjros,

[d]yi[X]6rj.

]-

ylvooKe[

loepiv (dpaxp,r)v) a Kal Avdovaav Tarjaiv

yivogKe r\pXv

evevKov

25

K

Kal Tarjaiv ae Avdovaa.

0iXd8eXov Kal (erovs) 30

a. darrd^erai

0epdyados

Kal avrov

TOVS

rrpo rrdvrojv

TeppiaviKov,

R e c t o : [et]? IJroXepiaelBa

I.

1 . 'Ia>d[yv]r].

iax^odai.

1 . *E7tayaO.

deXets.

21.

1 . elXrjffrevcu.

30.

1.

13.

1.

irepiXanfidveiv.

26.

1 . rrdvras.

1 . 9e\a>.

rrdvres, impieXgv,

Kaiaapos

iva

vy[ial]vrjs.

Aop.eriavov

XoiaK 1 6 .

rrjv

1.

8.

Avaiv,

aarov

'Eppiellov]'

[hos KOo]pbo(f)vXaKi ooare 6. 1.

ae

darrd^ov

£ AvroKpdropos

Uefiaorov

[ . . obs Kal]

TOV ^aA/coV.

OVKI

darrd^eral eppoao.

(ofioXovs)

pir) el alXrjevai pie

rrapd TIpoaooKlpiov

1.

idv]

pir) dpieXrjarjs rd dA[Aa

va pioi eVeWar 20

Jjpuv

Kal vlov Kal yX.[ °vv

211

i8i'a>«

*Erray[d9cp 2.

epeiv].

1 . irrolrjaas.

I I . 1 . dyva>iMoavvrjs. 1. 16. ylyvtooKe, also 19, 2 1 . 21. 1 . eppcoao. 1. aeavrov.

. epets.

5.

1.

Ttov TOKtav. 12.

20. 1 . 28. 1 .

1. ovirai. ela^epeiv. Aofxiriavov.

TJroAe/LiafSa.

(Translation.) Johanna t o her E p a g a t h o s warm greetings. Y o u h a v e done wrong t o change and go back on your agreement which acknowledged t h a t I o w n e d the t w e n t y drachmai and the interest. Allow m e t o possess the capital. I a m surprised t h a t y o u h a v e become faithless. D o n ' t compel m e t h e n — I w a n t t o m a k e y o u act on the spot and not b y letter, lest I lose the interest too. This is a sign of hard-heartedness. Y o u will tell Taesis too that y o u do not y e t w a n t E p a g a t h o s to get his freedom. A b o u t Pheragathos do not neglect t o bring u s b o t h a son and a (?) . . . Resolve t o make your hope undiscoverable. Come w i t h Taesis, if she comes, without anger. D o n o t neglect t o bring m e the other . . K n o w t h a t . . . is contributing one drachmai and A n t h o u s a . . . obols, and Taesis too. K n o w t h a t I h a v e not received the bronze from Prosdokimos. Bring us 20, not 1 . Pheragathos greets y o u and Taesis and Lysis. A n t h o u s a greets y o u . Give our greetings to Philadelphos and all his people. Farewell. A b o v e all, take care of yourself, that y o u m a y b e well. 7th year of Caesar D o m i t i a n Augustus Germanicus the Emperor. Choiak 19. (Recto.) T o Ptolemais Hermeiou. Give t o the village-guard for delivery t o Epagathos. 1. Iod[w]r): for the n a m e cf. N o s . 7 and 133. According t o Wilcken, Arch. vii. 304, 'muss sie eine Jvidin oder Christin sein'. T h e latter supposition must be rejected: we h a v e no instances of Christians in the papyri till the middle of the third c e n t u r y ; see Vol. I, Introduction, p . x v i i . y

SECTION X: NOS. 4 2 4 - 4 2 7

212

1. iSto) m a y be applied t o a member of the family as well as t o a slave (cf. Blass-Debriiner, 172 s q . ; Moulton, Gramm. of N.T. i. 87 sqq.). This term, therefore, cannot serve as a clue for establishing t h e relationship b e t w e e n the writer and E p a g a t h o s . 2. y 7 r [ a A A a | a s ] : reading very doubtful. 3 sqq. If t h e reading aov is correct the word avvrayq would denote here a n agreement. (If aov is a mistake for p.ov the word avvrayr) would retain its usual m e a n i n g of 'order', 'command'). 7. It seems t h a t p,r) p.* dvavKaarfs m a y be interpreted here as a n e x c l a m a t i o n : 'don't compel m e ' , scil. t o do something drastic about y o u , and t h a t t h e sentence really begins w i t h 6e\a>. 7-10. The entire passage m a y perhaps be interpreted in t h e sense t h a t J o h a n n a orders E p a g a t h o s t o settle the business in question personally and n o t b y m e a n s of correspondence. 8. iirl roncav—'an Ort u n d Stelle' (Olsson). 9. Siarpeipai: probably for oiarptipai, cf. B G U 1208. 21 and the editor's n o t e there. 9-10. p.r/oe imaroX[ei.]8iov: 'es fehlt wohl S t * ' (Bilabel). 10. p.€Kaijrj

6 TOKOS :

'Vielleicht p.r) (p.01) K

dirfj

6 TOKOS'

(Bilabel).

i o - n . aijpA ianv TOVTO: here ends the first part of the letter dealing w i t h business m a t t e r s ; t h e second part dealing m a i n l y , it would s e e m , w i t h family m a t t e r s , is e v e n more confused t h a n t h e first. 1 2 - 1 3 . eXevdepov 7repiXap.f$dviv: the e x a c t m e a n i n g cannot be ascertained; Olsson suggests 'freilassen'. 13. -rrepl vXaKt.: if the lacuna permits a restoration of more t h a n five letters I would suggest the r e a d i n g : TTOTap,o
No. 4 2 A n account Oxyrhynchos. P . Princet. ii. 42 (Kase) (Plate V I ) .

A . D . 93.

An account from Oxyrhynchos, the purpose of which is not clear. I print here some lines referring to a Jew. The persons mentioned in the account were probably peasants, at any rate, villagers. Col. I I , verso 1. 20.

y

1. 2 1 .

Aiov(voios)

1. 3 2 .

Evreu(s)

oa ^a(A/cot) Ahixr](rov)

v, @r]o(€ros)

y

IaKof$(ov)

Ka ^a(A/cot),

laov

Col. I l l ©TySe(TOS') 'IaKo((3ov) Kar]

^Translation.) E n t e i i s : 7 1 chalkoi. Dionysios son of A d m e t o s 50 chalkoi; Thedetos son of J a k o u b o s 2 1 chalkoi. I t balances. T h e d e t o s son of Jakobos 2 i | 20. '2?VT€H? is the n a m e of a village in the O x y r h y n c h i t e n o m e . 21. @ij8( f«^> is written, which m e a n s 2 i £ oboloi (there are 8 XOAKOI to one obolos). a

VARIOUS DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 2 1 3

No. 426. List of persons liable to the poll-tax Fayum. P . Lond. I I , p p . 28 sqq., no. 258. L I T . : Juster, ii. 289 n. 3 . Fuchs, 109.

c.

A.D.

94.

Three papyri, P. Lond. 2 5 7 - 9 , are parts of one and the same record; no. 2 5 7 is dated A.D. 94. These papyri present lists of payers of the laographia dwelling in the division of Herakleides in the Arsinoite nome. The list is arranged by households. The line below refers to a Jewess, Thermoutharion, daughter of Isakis, owner of a house. In 11. 1 9 8 sq. the name @€oiAos is recorded, but in this period the theophoric names are no longer characteristic of Jews; cf. Vol. I, Introduction, p. xix, n. 7 . 1. I 5 I - [oji/cta? (Translation.)

©epfJLOv0[apiov rrj]s

IO(LOLS)

'Iodxeoos.

. . . private house of Thermoutharion, daughter of Isakis.

BepiiovOdpLov is a n E g y p t i a n name. She does not p a y t h e laographia, a s the p a y m e n t of the poll-tax was required from males only. Her n a m e is mentioned only in order t o note t h e address of tax-payers dwelling in her house.

No. 427. Notification of death 10th February, A . D . 101. Apollonias ( F a y u m ) . 19 x 8 c m . B G U 1068 (Viereck). W . Chr. 62. R o t h , 16. Cf. BL i. 9 3 ; ii. 2. 23. L I T . : Wilcken, Arch. i v . 561 s q . Schiirer, i i i . 47 s q . Juster, i. 344 n . 6 . Neppi Modona, Aeg. iii, 1922, 19. F u c h s , 68. Taubenschlag, Aeg. x i i , 1931, 143. 4

A notification of death of a child, Josepos, sent by his father, Soteles, son of Josepos, to the basilikos grammateus, as was usual in such cases (cf. Biedermann, BaaiXucos ypapparevs, 42 sq.). The notification was forwarded by the basilikos grammateus to the scribe of the village in order to obtain from Soteles a signed oath on the notification in question. The oath at the top of the document is written by Soteles himself, but the very end of the papyrus is unfortunately broken. The importance of the papyrus lies in the following three items: (1) the mixture of Hebrew and Greek names in a Jewish family; (2) the payment of laographia by Jews; ( 3 ) the oath in the name of the emperor taken by a Jew. For notifications of death cf. P. M. Meyer, Jur. Pap., 1 0 sqq.; P. Merton 9. 9

Iaiooo[pcp j8acn]A(uccp) ypapLpia[T(ec)

Apai(votrov) Trapd

UOOTCXOVS

@ep,lo(TOv) TOV

TOV 0€OpLV&TOS p,r)Tpos

5

p,€pl[8(os)]

''IooorJTrov 'EpOOTLOV

dVo Kobp,r)[s M.]TroXXoovLaSos. 6 vlos piov * Ilobo^rjTros pirfTpos Udppas dd)fj\i£ pJ\Troo /caraXij^as els \aoypad>lav eVeAeuT7]oe

10

TCOTOS

TOO

Tvfii p/tjvl

TOV

TerdpTOV erovs

Kaiaapos

T[O]V Kvplov.

cWcrTpaiavov Sio d£ia>

SECTION X: NOS.

214

rayijvai (2nd hand)

TOOL

avrov

ev rots

TeTeX(evT7)Koai).

Kcop,oypa(p,p,aTei).

el €TeX(evrrjae),

pcerd xetpo(ypa
(erovs)

7rpoa<j>co(vetv)

o AvroKparopos

Tpaiav\ov\

427-428

Eefiaorov

dvaypaip-dp,(evov)

cos

Kaiaapos

Kad(rjKei).

Nepova

FeppiaviKov

Mex^lp t?. (3rd hand) ZcoreXrjs avynov 20

6

ypap,evos vvco

Vcuirptoyecbp.-

AvroKpdro-

pa Kalaa[pa

Nepovav

Tpauav[6v 2Je^a[arov E n d missing 11. 19—20 1 .

npoyeypapp-evos.

(Translation.) To Isidoros, the royal scribe of the Arsinoite nome, division of Themistes, from Soteles son of Josepos, grandson of Theomnas, mother Erotion, of t h e village of Apollonias. M y son Josepos of t h e mother Sarra being a minor, n o t y e t having enrolled into p a y m e n t of poll-tax, died in the m o n t h of T y b i of the present fourth year of the Emperor Trajan. Therefore I request that he be inscribed as dead. (2nd hand.) T o the village scribe. If he died, let the m a n declare as is fitting writing his own signature. The fourth year of the Emperor N e r v a Trajan Augustus Germanicus. (3rd hand.) Soteles, son of Josepos, the one mentioned before, I swear b y the Emperor Caesar N e r v a Trajan Augus­ tus . . . . 3 sq. T h e n a m e s i n the family are as f o l l o w s : T h e o m n a s (Greek, theophoric, an abbreviation for T h e o m n e s t o s ) , his son Josepos (Hebrew) married t o Erotion (Greek; cf. N o . 421, n o t e t o 1. 164), their son Soteles (Greek) married t o Sarra (Hebrew), their son Josepos (named after his grandfather, cf. N o . 421, n o t e t o 1. 164). For the mixture of the n a m e s in Jewish families, cf. a b o v e , p. 1 1 6 . 7. arjXig etc. Josepos died before reaching the age of 14, w h e n a non-privileged inhabitant of E g y p t had t o begin t o p a y the laographia; cf. Taubenschlag, I.e. T h e father is anxious t o remove the n a m e of his son from t h e lists of persons liable t o laographia in order n o t t o be obliged t o p a y for h i m . (Cf. P . Merton 9: d£«3 Tayrjyai TO TOVTOV ovopa iv jfjt, TCSV rej^ejXevrtjKOTODV ypatf>fj u^fp [T]OU dnapev°xKvT°v] I * ycveoOat,.) Our d o c u m e n t is the best evidence t h a t J e w s paid the p o l l - t a x — a fact, indeed, no longer contested b y scholars. 1

7-8. For the e x a c t m e a n i n g of KaraX^as

see Preisigke, WB,

s.v.

9. T h e m o n t h T y b i of t h e 4th year of Trajan corresponds t o D e c e m b e r - J a n u a r y A . D . I O O / I O I . 13 sqq. T h e order of t h e fiaoiXiKos ypap.p.o.Tevs w a s sent t o the village-scribe. T h e el ireXevrriae shows t h a t the scribe h a d t o verify the declaration of Soteles. 18 sqq. T h e o a t h , t a k e n in the n a m e of the R o m a n Emperor, is written b y the hand of Soteles. T h e rvxq (genius) of the Emperor is not m e n t i o n e d , b u t this omission is not on account of the Judaism of Soteles, since the R o m a n o a t h 'by the genius of t h e Emperor' was not y e t familiar in E g y p t (it w a s introduced gradually i n t h e t i m e from D o m i t i a n t o Hadrian, see B l u m e n t h a l , Arch. v . 329; Seidl, JEA x x i i . 82). Nevertheless, a n o a t h b y the Emperor presupposes his superhuman origin, which contradicts the principles of J u d a i s m . I n some cases the J e w s did not shrink even from an oath b y a h e a t h e n g o d ; cf. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the 5th century B.C., n o . 14. Christians, t o o , had n o scruples against swearing b y the genius of the E m p e r o r ; cf. P . L o n d . 992 = S P 61 ( A . D . 507).

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

215

N o . 428. A list of sitologoi F a y u m . 10 x 1 9 c m . B G U 715 (Krebs). Cf. BL i. 61. L I T . : W i l c k e n , Arch. i. 175. Juster, ii. 257 n. 4, 295 n. 1 . Schiirer, i i i . 47. F u c h s , 65.

A . D . 101/102.

4

A list of sitologoi from the Fayum. Hebrew names are very numerous (Col. I, 11. 4, 7, 8, Col. II, 11. 2 , 9, 1 1 ) . For the functions of sitologoi cf. Wilcken, Ostr. i. 6 5 3 sqq.; id. Grundz. 1 5 3 , 1 8 1 ; Wallace, 3 6 sqq. For the liturgical character of the office cf. A. Kranzlein, J. Jur. Pap. vi, 1 9 5 2 , 2 1 5 sqq. The text below is given according to the corrections in BL. Col. I Tpa^r) aiToA(6ya>v) e (erovs) Kaiaapos

Tpaiavov

TOV Kvpio\v\.

KeaXioov Aoopiojvo(s) 'Iooofjs 6 Kal TeviAo(s) api 5

Ayxopipiis TIaKvois

IJavdfjpos

IJve(f>ep[co]Tos eTriKaX{X}pv(p,evos)

UTPOLTOOV

'EAed[£apos] Aoioico\y\ 10

A6O9OJVO(S)

*IoaK(is)

TlT\oAepi\aiov Zoj7Tvp[o]v

'HpaK(Arjs)

'HpaKAr)\o\v

Avvrjs "Hpoovos ' Owco[pi\s Xaiprjp,. [. ] *HpaK[A]as

Mepaecos

IJaavs 6 /c(cu) •

0avoa

•

UOKOV[I\OOV

•

•

U . .

.e.

•

•

.S

•

Col. II Av8po[... Aftpdpi[ios ZojTr[v]pos 5

Ilpea^pvs

... Ae[..].[... Trpeofi(vTepos)

A.KOVOiA(dov)

A18&S &ifiioovos IJToA(epiaios) Aoooideov AKTJS

10

Wevapiovveoos

. . . .S 'IoaKeoos NeiAoov IJTOAAIOOS I!apiftad(iojv) 'JaKovfiov UTOTorj(Tis) 9

EaTafiovTOS

Ovvcodypis EiaoiTOS .[.]. Koopioyp(apipiaT.

Arjpia ..) 8t(..)

Aa(o)ypa(f>[..]

SECTION X: NOS.

2l6

428-430

(Translation.) List of sitologoi for the 5 t h year of our lord Trajan Caesar. Kephalion son of Dorion. Joses, also called Teuphilos, descendant of (?) D o s thon. Anchorimphis son of Panther. Pakysis son of Pnepheros. Straton called Isakis. Eleazaros son of Ptolemaios. Dosion son of Zopyros. Heraklas son of Herakles. Aunes son of Heron. Onnophris son of Chairem . . . Phausas. Herakles son of Merses. Paaus, also called Sokonion, son of S. . . . Andro . . . Abramios . . . A m p h . . . Zopyros son of Le . . . Presbous elder son of Akousilaos. Didas son of Phibion. Ptolemaios son of Dositheos. Akes son of Psenamounis. . . . son of Isakis. Neilon son of Ptollis. Sambathion son of Jakoubos. Stotoetis son of Satabous. Onnophris son of Sisois D e m a s . . . village-scribe . . . poll-tax. . . . 4. 'Iojarjs COT') is a shortened form of 'Iworjiros. This Hebrew n a m e has n o inner relation to the Greek theophoric name TevfaXos (i.e. OeofaXos) which is the second n a m e of Joses. For the question of double n a m e s see Vol. I , p . 28. I cannot explain the meaning of a/I. ap.vap.os' vlov vlos (Hesychius) m a y be relevant. 7. Conjecturally restored b y me. OVK aXXcv 'IoaK(e<x>s) edit.

No. 429. A customs-house registry Bacchias ( F a y u m ) . i s t October, A.D. 1 1 4 . P. Wisconsin 16 ( = Clauson, Aeg. i x , 1928, 240-80). S B 7365. Cf. P . Merton 1 5 .

A registry of a customs-house situated in Bacchias, Fayum (cf. P. Merton 1 5 ) . I give here only the lines referring to a Jew who was engaged either in retail trade or in transport of goods. The editor of SB introduced a further Hebrew name into the docu­ ment by the suggestion that Adpouv in 1. 1 0 1 is a mistake for Adpcov. But the Hebrew name Adpwv ( " j T i n X ) never occurs in Egypt, and I prefer, therefore, to leave the text as it is. Col. I I 19.

*Iojqvco eAato(u) imyo^piovs)

cbs ro(y)

fJL€T(prjrov)

(opaxpal)

y

[xerprjTds

f (ypucrv)

e , (ytVerat) (opaxp>al)

€TT'

Aj8

OVOLS

y

(rpiobfioAov)

(Translation.) T o Johannes, three bags of oil, containing six and a half metretai, carried b y three donkeys, five drachmai t o the metretes; total 3 2 drachmai and three obols. It is not clear whether ' l a i d ™ is a d a t i v e ; the n a m e s of the importers of the goods are given in the document as a rule in the nominative. The a m o u n t of drachmai is probably the s u m paid b y the importer of the goods to the officials of the customs-house (cf. 6 rrpos rfj miXy in Soknopaiou Nesos). im.yop.ovs: 'it seems we h a v e here a word compounded of em and yop.os, as the name of a bag or a jar wherein the oil w a s transported' (Clauson, 271).

No. 430. A census return Arsinoe ( F a y u m ) . A.D. 105. P. Lond. I l l , p . 25, n o . 1119a. Cf. BL i. 274; iii. 1. 96. L I T . : Wilcken, Arch. iv. 530. H o m b e r t et P r e a u x , Recherches sur le recensement dans l'£gypte Romaine, 1952, 72 n. 3, 74 nn. 2, 5 , 1 0 2 n. 5 , 1 0 3 n. 7. Braunert, / . Jur. Pap. i x - x . 3 1 2 n. 107. A census return (/car' OIKLOV drroypaf]) dated in the 7 t h year of Trajan. The declara­ tion was delivered by a lady whose father bore the name of Jesous (1. 2). Whether her

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

217

husband, Agathonikos, who acted as her Kvpios, was also a Jew, we cannot know. Another Jewess is recorded in 1. 1 1 ; cf. also note to 1. 1 2 . It seems likely that all the inhabitants of the house were Jews. For the / c a r ' OIKUW a.TroypaaL see Calderini, Le schede di censimento dell'Egitto romano, 1 9 3 2 ; V. Martin, 'Recensement p£riodique et reintegration du domicile legal', Atti del IV congresso di Papirologia, 1 9 3 6 ; M. Hombert et CI. Preaux, Recherches sur le recensement dans I'Egypte Romaine; Taubenschlag , 6 1 1 sq.; Braunert, / . Jur. Pap. i x - x , 1 9 5 6 , 305 sqq. 0

2

[

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ivoiKovs

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els]

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pLrjr(pos)

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K(vplov)

p,€Ta

]

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e^' ov Kal Trj

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(4TOVS)

] Kal

eloiv

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[

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[ \hto 15

6

TOV]

p,r)T(pds) iTTiSiSoopLL

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iv]

(eVajv) K9 djLt^orepo(t). TOO

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eVecrrcuTt rj (eret) .ijfe(

)

Trpoaavax(

)

tool y (eret) [

d]p,
...

(Translation.) t o the strategos . . . from . . . daughter of Jesous, whose mother w a s T a . . ., w i t h her guardian, her husband, Agathonikos son of . . . w h o is registered in the Hermouthiac quarter. I possess in the quarter of Apollonios Hierax part of a house, in which I register the following residents for the past 7th year of the Emperor Caesar N e r v a Trajan Augustus Germanicus Dacicus in t h e house-register for t h e quarter of Apollonios Hierax, for which t h e y also made the house-register in the gth year of Domitian, and t h e y are: . . . of . . . archos, whose mother w a s Marous . . . Sulam . . . 35 years old and . . . of the same mother, b o t h 29 years old. A n d so I make m y return in the present 8th year of our lord Trajan Caesar . . . in the 3rd year . . . Treasury quarter . . . 1 - 4 . T h e lacuna seems t o o large for proper n a m e s needed in 11. 2 and 4. Perhaps the first four lines were shorter than the following. 2. For the n a m e 'I-qoovs see Vol. I, p . 84, n. 73. 4. Restored b y m e according t o H o m b e r t et Preaux, o p . cit., 103 n. 7. The restoration of the editor vrr]dpx(ei) e V du68ov KTX. is in contradiction t o the formula of 6.TToypa<j>ai used in A r s i n o e ; see n e x t note.

SECTION X: NOS.

2 1 8

5. Restored b y m e according t o the usual formula of et P r e a u x , o p . cit., 109. For fiepos

430-431

diroypaai

OIKUS instead of olida

KO.T OIKIOV

in Arsinoe, cf. Hombert

see H o m b e r t et P r e a u x , op. cit., 109 n. 5.

'Iep(aK€iov) (here and in 1. 9) restored b y the editor according t o Wessely, Die Stadt Arsinoe, 2 1 . Y e t there w a s another dp.o8ov in Arsinoe called AnoXXtaviov Tlapep^oXr] (cf. N o . 421), so t h a t the restoration might be AtroXX(
No. 4 3 1 . The enrolment of a Jew for land-work Fayum. 20'5x6-icm. P. F a y . 123. L i e t z m a n n , n o . 7. R o t h , 1 5 . Olsson, 65. S P n o . Cf. BL ii. 2. 56. L I T . : R o s t o w z e w , Kolonat, 195. Juster, ii. 279 n. 5, 295 n. 3. II Vessillo Israelitico, Johnson, Roman Egypt, n o . 3 2 , p . 107. Wegener, P . Oxford, p p . 40 sqq.

c.

A.D.

no.

2

l x x , 1922, 1 1 5 .

This very interesting letter is written by Harpokration to his brother Bellenus Sabinus, both sons of a discharged Roman veteran L. Bellenus Gemellus who owned land in various villages in the Fayum. Whether he was of Roman (Olsson) or of Graeco-Egyptian (Wegener) descent is still a matter of dispute. A small family archive of 35 letters, as well as some other documents, reflect the activities of Gemellus and (on a minor scale) of his four sons as landowners in the Fayum; cf. Olsson, nos. 52-65, and especially Wegener, I.e. It seems that his death took place about A.D. IIO and that after his death his eldest son Sabinus took over the management of the family property. As the present letter is addressed to Sabinus and does not mention Gemellus at all, I would place it in the years following the death of Gemellus, i.e. after A.D. 1 1 0 , and not c. 100, as it is generally placed by scholars. The main interest of the letter lies in the episode concerning the Jew Theophilos, who was forced by the government to perform some land-work, but expressed his wish to be employed by Sabinus. For details cf. note to 11. 1 7 sqq. ApTTOKparitov

BeXXrjvooi

Uafieivcoi

d-

TOOL

8eX(f)OOL xa(ipeiv).

Kal

8es 001 eypaxpa 5

Mdpooovos

e/c-

Sid

TOV aov

y-

vdovai oe deXcov 6TL Sid TO e7Tr)peaodai OVK rjSvvrjOrjv /careAU€LV,

10

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cos

code r)p,epas

0

1

ex *

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eav boKjj croi, Treptxpai TO diroxoov

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napaXaftoopLev TO eAdSio v

XVTTOV

eav 86£rj

001.

VARIOUS DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D 15

219

eXrjXvQev yap TevLXos 'IovSatos

Xeyoov

[O]TV 'fJxOyjv Is

yecopyiav

Kal f5ovXop,aL rrpos vov dneX6ei\y\. 20

1

pyx*

x

v

?/ [']

Uaftet-

ovre yap

et-

dyopuevos

iva drroXvOfj, dXXd alVi8t\[.~J\cos eiprjxev r)p,Zv arjpuepov. yvcoaopuaL ydp el dXrjdcos 25

Xeyi.

eppcoo{ojo.

darrd^ov

d8eXovs

TOVS

Ka\l

AVKOV

]y

[Me] elp X

f

]8."

Verso: ct7r[d]Sos'

BeXXrjvcp Uafielvcp.

3—4. 1.

9. 1. €xa>.

exOes

14. 1.

Xotirov.

24. 1.

Xeyei.

(Translation.) Harpokration t o Bellenus Sabinus his brother greeting. I wrote t o y o u yesterday t o o b y your m a n Mardon, wishing y o u t o k n o w t h a t because of the arrogance I have been subjected t o I w a s unable t o come down, a n d t h a t I h a v e t o spend a few days here. If y o u think fit send t h e rest of t h e oil(?) of Isas a n d let u s take over t h e remaining oil if y o u approve. Teuphilos t h e J e w came saying, I h a v e been impressed as cultivator, a n d I w a n t t o go t o Sabinus. H e did not s a y anything t o m e w h e n he w a s taken, asking t o b e released, b u t he h a s suddenly told m e today. I will find o u t whether he is speaking t h e truth. Farewell. Salute m y brothers L y k o s and . . . Mecheir 12. Deliver t o Bellenus Sabinus. 12. Edgar and H u n t in S P n o print diroxo{o}v and translate 'receipt(P)'. T h e same interpretation is adopted b y Johnson. Y e t t h e previous suggestion (Lietzmann and others) of diroxoov—as a parallel form t o diroxvfia—seems t o be more reasonable. Arroxvpa in P . F a y . 95 has the meaning of 'ein N e b e n bestandteil des Ols bei der Olgewinnung' (Preisigke, WB), and in t h e present sentence precisely t h e question of 'the rest of t h e oil' is discussed. 1 5 - 1 6 . Tev(/>iXos

=

0e64>iXos,

as in N o s .

167, 297, 406,

428.

17 sqq. T h e expression a y « v or I A K « V els yecopyiav is a technical term for compulsory agricultural work performed b y private persons o n behalf of t h e government. Cf. U P Z n o , p . 4 7 7 ; W . Chr. 3 6 1 , 1. 2 5 ; OGIS 664; P . Vind. i n v . 25824b, Col. V I ( / . Jur. Pap. v i . 1 9 7 ) ; K n u d t z o n , Bakchiastexte, p . 1 5 ; R o s t o w z e w , Kolonat, 55 s q q . ; P . Phil. 1 (1947). All scholars agree t h a t in t h e case of Teuphilos, t o o , w e h a v e a n instance of some compulsory work, b u t t h e character of this work is variously defined b y t h e m . T h e editors, in their c o m m e n t a r y ad l o c , w r i t e : 'this probably m e a n s t h a t h e (i.e. Teuphilos) h a d been obliged t o become a S-qpoaLos yecopyos'. Wilcken (ap. Lietzmann) r e m a r k s : 'Theophilos ist zwangsweise zur Landarbeit abgefiihrt w o r d e n . . . . D a s s es sich u m Zwangsarbeit auf einer kaiserlichen D o m a n e handelt, zeigt der technische Ausdruck uyetv els yecopyiav'. R o s t o w z e w (I.e.) defines t h e yecopyla as 'Zwangsaufbiirdung der Bewirtschaftung . . . ohne K o n t r a k t ' , a n d explains t h e situation in t h e following m a n n e r : 'In Fallen der N o t biirdete also die Regierung d e m wirtschaftlich Kraftigen die B e b a u u n g der aus besonderen Griinden dyecopyr/Toi gebliebenen Teile der Kaiserlichen D o m a n e

220

SECTION X: NOS.

431-432

zu einem herabgesetzten Pachtzins zwangsweise auf.' This opinion is, as it seems, adopted by J o h n s o n , according t o w h o m 'Theophilos had been drafted as a tenant apparently on public land'. W e must add t h a t , b y an edict of the R o m a n prefect C. Vibius Maximus ( A . D . 103-7), the obligation to perform the yecopyta was imposed u p o n all private landowners whose yearly income exceeded one talent ( P . Phil. 1 ) . Thus we can explain the case of Theophilos in one of the following t w o w a y s : either he w a s a well-to-do ('wirtschaftlich Kraftiger') landowner, h a v i n g a yearly income of 1 talent or more, w h o received from the government an additional plot of land with the order t o cultivate it on behalf of the state ('Zwangspacht'), or he was a poor peasant working on the fields of his rich neighbours (cf. yecopyos p.iaQu>L in N o . 36) w h o was ordered b y t h e government to abandon his present work and t o perform some other agricultural work on state land. It seems t o me that the second solution must be preferred. Theophilos expressed his wish 'to go t o Sabinus' instead of 'being drawn to the yeotpyla\ and it seems t o follow from 11. 19 sqq. that this wish could be fulfilled b y Harpokration without m u c h ado had Theophilos expressed it at the right moment. A s we h a v e no evidence for Harpokration's being in government service, we h a v e no right t o ascribe t o h i m the power of releasing persons from obligations imposed on t h e m b y the government. H a d Theophilos been a rich landowner, quite independent from Sabinus and his family, he would h a v e applied for his release t o a government official, and not to Harpokration w h o was a landowner like himself. It seems t o be obvious t h a t Theophilos was dependent on Harpokration (or rather Sabinus), being his tenant (yecopyos) or his field-hand. In cases when workers for rich landowners were enrolled b y the government for com­ pulsory work, there were various illegal w a y s b y which these m i g h t y persons could exert their influence on the government officials in order to set free m e n needed b y t h e m . It is quite natural, however, that the influence of the landowner had to be exerted at the v e r y m o m e n t of the enrolment, and not d a y s after i t ; t h a t is the reason w h y Harpokration seems to be angry with Theophilos. T h e entire episode is a very important illustration of the well-known process of a gradual increase of the power of private landlords t o the detriment of the state's power, a process which took place in E g y p t as well as in other lands of the R o m a n Empire in the second and third centuries. A s to the edict of C. Vibius Maximus, it is v e r y interesting t o note that just at the time of our document some new regula­ tions concerning the yecopyta were published b y the R o m a n g o v e r n m e n t ; y e t P. Phil. 1 contains only one paragraph of the edict, which might h a v e been a comprehensive one, and probably referred t o obligations imposed not on rich landowners only, but on various classes of the E g y p t i a n population. W e h a v e , therefore, no right to apply t o the case of Theophilos the paragraph of the edict which is unfortunately the only one k n o w n t o us. Cf. Scherer's c o m m e n t a r y t o P. Phil. 1 . 19. arreXdetv m a y be translated either as 'go a w a y ' or as 'return'. If the second meaning is correct, Theophilos was a worker, or a lessee, of Sabinus long before he was enrolled for the compulsory work. 23 sq. Harpokration intends t o make an inquiry 'whether he is speaking the truth'. Theophilos disappeared, probably, for some time from the estate of Sabinus, having been forced t o work else­ where, and the first step to be made b y Harpokration w a s , naturally enough, t o ascertain whether t h e excuses of Theophilos were true.

No. 432. Supply of water to two Jewish houses of prayer Arsinoe. A.D. 113. P. Lond. I l l , p p . 181 sqq., n o . 1177. W . Chr. 193. R o t h 17. Cf. BL ii. 2. 83. L I T . : Wilcken, Arch. iv. 553 sq. Schiirer, iii . 48. Wilcken, Grundz. 62. Johnson, Roman Egypt, p p . 647, 685 sq. B l a u , Papyri und Talmud, 10. J o u g u e t , La Vie municipale, 419. Schnebel, Landwirtschaft,. 75. Juster, i. 429 n. 4, 444 n n . 2, 4. Meautis, Hermoupolis-la-Grande, 52 sq., 105, 107, 109, 155. F u c h s , 44, 66, 1 3 3 . Beek, Oudtestament. Stud, ii, 1943, 134. 4

The published part of this papyrus contains 335 lines; three further columns are reported by the editors to be illegible. It is an account of the water system of the municipality of Arsinoe presented to the auditor by four administrators of watersupply at Arsinoe. The water was pumped into reservoirs by a 'shaduf, or waterwheel, and distributed to various customers. Most of the sums needed for operating

V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

221

the system were derived from contributions of the magistrates, such as gymnasiarchoi and kosmetai. The first column is a preamble to the whole document; in Coll. II—IV the various contributions of the magistrates and payments of the customers are listed; the remaining parts of the papyrus are an account of expenditure connected with the administration of the water-system. Among the customers two Jewish houses of prayer are mentioned, a synagogue (irpoaevxr)) of the Theban Jews, and a eucheion, and among those receiving payments, a certain Mareinos, son of Josepos, obviously a Jew. Since he is paid for 'three felloes of acanthus for the machine', he must be a dealer in lumber or a craftsman. I give here the text (according to W. Chr.) of Coll. I—III (omitting only the list of special contributions), and 11. 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 in Col. I X men­ tioning Mareinos son of Josepos. The synagogues pay each a sum of 1 2 8 drachmai per month which is to be considered rather high in comparison with the 72 dr. 1 8 ob. paid for the bath of Severianus, or with the 3 6 dr. 9 ob. paid for various fountains. There arises the question why a synagogue had to pay much more for its water-supply than such a 'water-consuming' establishment as a bath? One may, of course, observe that the payments recorded in our papyrus are not paid for the exact quantity of water supplied, but according to the class to which the customer belongs (all the fountains pay exactly the same sum, the synagogues too pay 1 2 8 dr. each). But even in this case we must suppose that various classes of customers were taxed according to their average consumption of water. The Jews of the period to which our papyrus belongs were particular about the observance of the religious prescriptions concerning ceremonial purification and per­ sonal hygiene. There were connected with synagogues special arrangements for washing (cf. e.g. j . Meg. 3 - 7 4 ^ ) . Also, sometimes there were boarding-houses connected with synagogues (cf. SEG viii. 1 7 0 = C 7 / 1 4 0 4 ) . One has therefore to reckon with additional water for daily purposes. It should be pointed out that syn­ agogues were often built near rivers or the sea, most probably to ensure a supply of water. Cf., for example, Acts 1 6 . 1 3 ; ant. 1 4 . 2 5 8 . It may be assumed in view of the foregoing remarks that the use of water in a Jewish synagogue might be extensive; but it is impossible to state if this satisfactorily explains the fact that a synagogue pays nearly twice as much as a bath. It may be, therefore, that for further explanation we have to turn to the suggestion of Johnson that 'the ghetto may have got its daily supply at the temple fountain'. 1

2

Col. I, 11. 1 - 1 5 AtjpvqTpiooi Kpi

GTTOV

Kal Mvodov 5

yeyvpvaaiapyy\KOTi

TOV

KOL

UapaTrloovos

TOV Kal 77ToAe/Lt[at]ou TOV

TJroAejLtatou Kal Mvodov

Std r[ou] ira-

TpOS AiSvpLOV KOI HcOTOV TOV [Z]opiXoV TCOV

1

Teoodpcov

(f>povTLOTCov

l[o]aycoyrj(s)

My t h a n k s are due t o m y friend, Dr. Y . B r a n d t , w h o w a s kind enough t o a d v i s e m e on t h e s e matters. J o h n s o n , o p . cit. 647. Of course one m u s t 2

s u b s t i t u t e the words 'Jewish quarter' for 'ghetto'. N o J e w i s h g h e t t o is k n o w n in the t o w n s of E g y p t . Cf. Vol. I, p p . 5 sq.

222

SECTION X: NO. 4 3 2 vBdroov KaareXXoov Kal

Kprjydov

p/rjrporroXeoos. 10

Xoyos

Xrjpipidroov Kal

rcov dvaXovpievoov vBdroov laayoj[yr)]y

15

rov

BieXrjXv06ros

TOV

Kvpiov

it,

(erovs).

dvaXoop,dr(ojv)

els rrjv

rcov

rcov and

IJa cbv X

if (erovs)

Tpaiavo[v]

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Kaiaapos

evearcoro(s)

Col. I I , U. 3 0 - 3 8 30

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vBaros

X

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r)pi€prjaio(i)

and a eoos ie...

drro is" eoos X p,r) XeXovKevai

rcov al{pov}p[o]vaoov

..

(oft.) 0' 6Xai (Sp.) vft

errayopievoov r)p,epcd[v] (8p.) ift (rpiooft.), 35

0aob(f)i (Sp.) oft (oft.) irj (yivovrai) Kprjvrjs Bpopiov r)p,ep[rjaioov] na oov

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X

(oftoXol) try

(Bp.) oft (6ft.) irj, *Errel^) (8p.) oft

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(dp.)

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[(Bp.)] X\y (6ft.) 8 ] , Meaoprj

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Col. I l l , U. 3 9 - 6 1 vrrep errayopievoov

, 40

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(Bp.) tS (6ft.) e,

rjpiepcov B (Bp.) e

eoos @cb0 r)p,epoov K0 (Bp.) Xs" Bid r d rrjv

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0, Meaopr)

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opioioos rjpieprjolcov

opioioos Kprjvrjs

pie, y(ivovrai)

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(Bp.) Xs- (oft.) 0, navvi

6ft(oXol)

50

,

na cbv X

45

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?

m

Eaparreiov

&acoi (Bp.) As" [6ft.) rjpieprjaioov

(Bp.) vft (6ft.) ty, IJavvi

ty, Meaoprj

(Bp.)

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0 (yivovrai)

(Bp.) ae

iy

(Bp.) vft (6ft.) ty, 'Errelcp (Bp.) vft (6ft.)

drro

(Bp.) vft (6ft.) ty (Bp.) vft (rrevrooft.) €KK€KpOVK€Vai

Bid rd rovs

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6ftoX(ovs)

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VARIOUS DOCUMENTS OF T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D vrrep 55

a..

[a]yaopas voovros eayrop xopr)yrjoavTo(s),

vrrep -qpiepcbv e (op.) 6 it, (erovs) t)pm x [ - • •] (&P-) ^ (8/0.) riy dpxdvrojv Tlaxcbv

eyxeiov

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rrpoaevxrjs

©cod (Sp.) pKtj, opiolcos TIaxoov

Meao(pr)) it, (erovs)

Oaaxfri,

pir) Kexoprjyrj (odai)

(yivovrai)

(0/8.) o y

(Sp.) pK[r)], Tlavvi

it, (erovs) 60

errayo(pievojv)

©cod (Sp.) vft (o/8.) vy,

T

Std ° TQS Xonr(ds)

223

(Sp.)

©rjftalcov p.r)vialoj(v)

(S/o.) pKrj,

(8/0.) pKrj'

*Errel (Sp.) pKrj,

0acoi (S/o.) ptcr) (yivovrai)

(8/o.) pKrj, Tlavvi

(Bp.) pKrj,

Meaopr)

(op.)

(8/0.) ^[£17]. 'Erreld)

(op.)

pKrj,

[picrf],

©cod (8/0.) pK[rj\,

0acocf)i (Sp.) pKrj (yivovrai)

(S/o.) ifj£r).

Col. I X , 11. 199-200 199

Mapeivcp

'Iojorjrrov

difjelSa[s]

£v\(ov)

di
L r

avr v

[els P ] )X )

Kyrra(pioaov)

y.

(Translation.) (Col. I) ,To Demetrios, former gymnasiarchos, auditor, from Crispus, also called Sarapion, Mysthas, also called Ptolemaios, son of Ptolemaios, Mysthas through his father D i d y m o s , and Sotas son of Zoilos, the four administrators of the water-supply of reservoirs and fountains of the metropolis. Account of receipts and expenditures on the water-supply from Pachon of the past 16th year of the Emperor and Lord Trajan Caesar till Phaophi 30 of the current 17th year. (Col. II) For supplying water to the b a t h of Severianus 18 obols d a i l y ; Pachon, Payni, and Epeiph 72 dr. 18 ob. per m o n t h ; Mesore 1 - 1 5 (36 dr. 9 o b . ) ; Mesore 16-30 n o bathing (14 dr. 5 ob.) instead of 36 dr. 9 ob. or total for Mesore of 52 dr. For five intercalary d a y s 12 dr. 3 o b . ; 17th year 72 dr. 18 ob. for T h o t h and Phaophi. Total 424 dr. 93 ob. For supplying water t o the street fountain 9 ob. daily: Pachon and P a y n i 36 dr. 9 ob. e a c h ; for 27 d a y s in Epeiph 33 dr. 4 o b . ; Mesore 36 dr. 9 o b . ; and (Col. I l l ) for five intercalary days 45 ob. Total 141 dr. 76 ob. For supplying water t o the Macedonians' foun­ tain 9 ob. daily: Pachon, Payni, Epeiph, and Mesore 36 dr. 9 ob. each m o n t h ; for 5 intercalary days 45 ob. Total 152 dr. 14 ob. For supplying the fountain of Kleopatrios 9 ob. daily: Pachon, Payni, and Epeiph 36 dr. 9 ob. m o n t h l y ; Mesore 20 dr. and the additional sum paid b y the b a t h of Severianus in the same m o n t h 14 dr. 5 o b . ; for 4 intercalary d a y s 5 dr.; 17th year 29 d a y s in Thoth, because water w a s not supplied one day, 36 dr.; Phaophi 36 dr. 9 ob. Total 205 dr. 36 ob. For supplying water to the brewery at the Sarapeion 13 ob. daily: Pachon, Payni, and Epeiph 52 dr. 13 ob. m o n t h l y ; Mesore 52 dr. 5 o b . ; because a rebate of 8 ob. w a s made for the d a y w h e n the brewer provided water for himself; for 5 intercalary d a y s 9 dr.; 17th year T h o t h 52 dr. 13 o b . ; Phaophi (25 days) 44 dr. because water w a s not supplied on the remaining days. Total 313 dr. 70 ob. F r o m the archontes of the synagogue of the Theban J e w s 128 dr. m o n t h l y : Pachon, Payni, Epeiph, Mesore, 17th year, T h o t h and Phaophi. Total 768 dr. F r o m the eucheion likewise 128 dr. m o n t h l y : Pachon 128 dr., P a y n i 128 dr.,

224

SECTION X: NOS.

432-434

Epeiph 128 d r . ; Mesore 128 dr. in the 17th year Thoth 128 dr. and Phaophi 128 dr. Total 768 dr. (Col. I X ) T o Mareinos, son of Josepos, for three felloes of acanthus for the machine. Col. I. 10. For Xoyos Xr)p,p.drcov KOX dvaXtopArtov cf. e.g. P . Lips. 5, P . O x y . 2019. Col. I I . 30. T h e drachme has here the value of 7^ obols. Col.

III.

57.

For

the

57. (irjvi.aL(t)(v): supply. 60.

For

evxeiov

dpxovres

cf.

Vol.

I, p .

10.

the J e w s are p a y i n g per m o n t h , while other customers are taxed for the daily cf.

Vol.

I, p .

8.

(112)

Col. I X . 199. Mapeivos m a y be derived either from the S e m i t i c mar (cf. P . Warren 1 . 1 7 ) . For KWTa(piooov) cf. e.g. Col. I X , 1. 190. KITTYI edit. 200. di/ie(Sa[s] Schnebel.

or from the R o m a n Marinus A. F .

No. 433. A list of names Philadelpheia.

i s t century A.D.

B G U 1635.

A list of names followed by figures. The meaning is obscure. I quote only two lines bearing on Jews. R e c t o , Col. II, 1. 34: 9

l

S Ic6arj7Tos • • [ • ] • • [ ]

fi

R e c t o , Col. I I , 1. 39: ^ T [ e ] [ . . ] S[a]^alo(v) X

(Translation.)

. . o( X

)

4 Josepos . . . 12 Petech . . . of Sampsaios . . . cho (

)

39. 'The second n a m e is doubtful' (edit.). Eapupatos could be a transcription for ]W13& (LXX: the s a m e form in P . Princet. I I I . 140); cf. N o . 416. For similar n a m e s cf. W u t h n o w , p p . 105 and 172. See also E p i p h a n . , Panarion, x i x . 2. 1 0 ; ib. 53. T h e first n a m e is E g y p t i a n .

Zapiptbv;

No. 434. A fragment Fayum. B G U 776. Cf. EL i . 65. LIT. : Juster, i i . 289 n. 3 , 295 n. 2. Fuchs, 109.

i s t century A.D.

The papyrus, seemingly a fragment of an agricultural survey, is very badly muti­ lated. I quote here only one line referring to a Jew. The reading is according to BL. Col. I, 1. 12

. . .] .tag d 'IoJcrrjTTOs (Translation.)

. . . ias 1 Josepos

SECTION XI

THE JEWISH REVOLT IN EGYPT (AX). 115-17) T H E Jewish revolt in the diaspora (A.D. I 15-17) is one of the most significant e v e n t s in the history of the J e w s under R o m a n rule. I t started in Cyrene, where a Messianic leader, 'King' Loukuas-Andreias, appeared in 1 1 5 ; it soon spread t o E g y p t , Cyprus, and later on t o Mesopotamia. I t raged all over these countries for almost three years, Jews conquering entire towns and country-districts, until it w a s finally quelled b y strong R o m a n forces, under M. Turbo in E g y p t and Lusius Quietus in Mesopotamia. Though it is possible that the revolt started as just another Graeco-Jewish stasis, it soon became a revolt against R o m a n rule, and a war of destruction against the Gentiles in general. W a g e d with great ruthlessness on b o t h sides, it ended in the almost complete annihila­ tion of entire Jewish communities in the Diaspora. The scanty literary evidence for the revolt (see Vol. I, pp. 86 sq.) has been during the last few decades supplemented in a very important w a y b y archaeo­ logical and epigraphical evidence, for the events in Cyrene, and b y new papyro­ logical evidence, for the story of the revolt in E g y p t . In this section sixteen papyri referring t o the Jewish revolt in E g y p t have been collected; two other papyri which have a bearing on the revolt are t o be found in Section V I I I , Nos. 158a, 158b. T h e y give us some interesting glimpses of the fighting itself, vividly c o n v e y the atmosphere in E g y p t during the revolt, and supply some valuable information which enables us to assess its impact and effects. The papyri referring t o the Jewish revolt fall into the following groups: (a) Events in Alexandria: N o . 435; Nos. 158a and 158b. N o . 435 is concerned w i t h the events in Alexandria in the early stage of the revolt; N o s . 158a and 158b b o t h with the early phase of the revolt and w i t h its aftermath in Alexandria. (b) The revolt in the chora. To this group belong: Nos. 436, 437, 438, 439, 440, 441, 442, 443. All of t h e m (except the last which records the end of the fighting) were written during the revolt. Some record the actual fighting, others reflect private feelings and matters affected b y the war. (c) The scope and repercussions of the revolt. To this group belong the remain­ ing papyri: Nos. 444, 445, 446, 447, 448, 449, 450. T h e y were written after the Jewish revolt, some shortly after its end, the last as late as A . D . 199/200. T h e y add t o our knowledge of the topographical extent of the fighting, supply evidence for some measures taken b y the R o m a n administration after its end, record damage done during the fighting, and sometimes testify to the psychological effect of the revolt on the population of E g y p t . 1

1

The following additional papyri h a v e been regarded b y some scholars as relevant to the Jewish r e v o l t : P . Brem. 36, P . Giss. 26, P. Giss. 47, P. Giss. 17, P . Brem. 60, 62, P. Giss. 65, B 5195

P. Giss. 66, P. Giss. 18, P . Bour. 44, P S I 982. A l t h o u g h some of t h e m m a y h a v e been connected with t h e rebellion, I do not see sufficient grounds for including a n y of t h e m here. Q

SECTION

226

XI

Although the papyri of the first group deal partly w i t h the same matters, t h e y derive from different sources: N o . 4 3 5 seems t o be a prefectorial edict (see N o . 4 3 5 , Introduction), while N o s . 1 5 8 a , 1 5 8 b belong t o the A c t s of the Alexandrian Martyrs (see Section V I I I , N o s . 1 5 4 - 9 , Introduction). The provenance of the papyri of the third group is various; t h e y derive from different parts of E g y p t , and from different times. B y contrast the main group of documents is almost homogeneous. All of the papyri deriving from the time of the revolt (except N o s . 4 4 0 , 4 4 1 ) belong t o the family archives of Apollonios, strategos of the district of Apollinopoiis-Heptakomias in Upper E g y p t (Nos. 4 4 4 and 4 4 6 written shortly after the revolt belong t o the same archives). Our knowledge of the course of the revolt in E g y p t is so closely bound u p with the fate of Apollonios and his family t h a t some general account of the 'Archives of Apollonios' is required before we turn t o the papyri themselves. There are b y now about 1 5 0 H e p t a k o m i a - P a p y r i : P. Giss. 3 - 2 7 , 4 1 - 4 7 , 5 8 - 9 3 ; P. Brem. 1 - 8 2 ; P. Flor. 3 2 6 - 3 4 ; P. R y l . 8 2 , 9 6 , 2 3 4 ; P. O x y . 1 2 9 3 ; P. Mich. inv. 6 6 2 9 . The archives were found near Hermoupolis but t h e y supply information b o t h about the district of Hermoupolis in Middle E g y p t and about ApollinopolisHeptakomias in Upper E g y p t . Apollonios came from a Greek family of the Hermoupolite district. His parents lived in its metropolis, and the family held landed property in their native nome. Apollonios is known t o have served as a strategos of the district of Apollinopolis-Heptakomias from A . D . 1 1 3 / 1 1 4 ; and he w a s still acting in this capacity during the prefecture of Haterius Nepos, i.e. in A . D . 1 2 0 and perhaps later. The archives are part of the official and private papers which accumulated mostly during his period of office. Naturally papers concerning the Apollinopolite district are in the foreground, b u t there are in the archives letters from members of his family in Hermoupolis and others from his native nome. The most probable explanation of the fact that the archives were found in the Hermoupolite district is t h a t Apollonios returned after his term of office t o his native nome. H e took w i t h him part of his official and pri­ v a t e papers. Here t h e y came t o light in the beginning of the twentieth century, probably in a place which was once one of Apollonios's e s t a t e s . The topographical identification of Apollonios's administrative district is of some importance for tracing the m o v e m e n t s of Apollonios in the time of the revolt. The n o m e ArToXKajvoTToXtTr)? 'ETTTaKiD/jLias w a s unknown before the archives of Apollonios came t o light. It w a s identified b y Wilcken as bordering on the Antaiopolite and Hypselite districts, and further proved b y Kornemann t o h a v e 1

2

3

4

1

For the archives see e s p . : Wilcken, P . B r e m . , pp. 6 - 1 6 ; id., Forsch. u. Fortschr. xii, 1936, n o . 7, 89 s q q . ; id., Sitzb. Preuss. Akad., 1935, 8 8 1 ; id. Arch. iv. 163 sqq., 385 s q q . ; v . 245 s q q . ; R o o s , Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, x x x v i i , 1922, 1-40, 129-46; Kramer, Phil. Woch. xliii, 1923, coll. 702 sqq., 727 sqq. (review of the foregoing); K o r n e m a n n , Klio, vii, 1907, 281 sqq., viii, 1909, 398 s q q . ; id., P . Giss. i, p p . 13 sqq., 58 sq., iii, pp. 66 s q . ; Roberts, Legacy of Egypt, 276 s q q . ; L . F u c h s , Die Juden Aegyptens, 29; Vitelli,

Atene e Roma, vii, nos. 64-65, p p . 121 s q q . ; Bell, JEA v i , 1920, 235 s q . ; Tcherikover, Jews in Egypt, 8-9, 218 sqq. ( H e b r e w ) ; F u k s , Aegyptus, x x x i i i , 1953, 131 sqq. For general bibliography o n the Jewish revolt see Applebaum, Zion, x i x , i95°> 52-56 (Hebrew). Cf. Wilcken, Arch. iv. 163 s q q . ; P . Brem., p p . 6, 9; Kornemann, P . Giss. i, p. 51 n. 1 . Cf. P . Mich. inv. 6229 (Aeg. x v , 1935,265 sq.). Cf. R o o s , 4; Kornemann, P . Giss. i, p . 51 n. 1 ; Roberts, I.e. 2

3

4

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 )

227

taken the place in Flavio-Trajanic times of the former Aphroditopolite nome. T h e metropolis of t h e n e w district, where Apollonios resided, w a s H e p t a k o m i a , a small township w i t h a population chiefly E g y p t i a n b u t including Greeks also. Apollonios w a s a w a y from H e p t a k o m i a during the greater part of the Jewish revolt (see below). I n one of our papyri (No. 4 3 9 ) we find him taking part in a battle against the J e w s as far a w a y as Memphis. The fact t h a t officials so purely civilian (in spite of their title) as the strategoi performed military service during t h e Jewish war w a s one of the startling pieces of information produced b y t h e archives of Apollonios. The tracing of Apollonios's m o v e m e n t s during the fight­ ing m a y throw some further light on the chronology and topographical e x t e n t of the revolt. (See N o s . 4 3 6 , 4 3 7 , 4 3 9 , 4 4 2 , 4 4 3 ) . The other t w o important personalities of the archives are Apollonios's wife Aline and their mother Eudaimonis. Aline, t h e wife and sister of Apollonios, is t h e writer of one of t h e letters deriving from the time of the revolt (No. 4 3 6 ) and recipient of another (No. 4 4 2 ) . Since the papyri of Apollonios's archives leave no doubt that she usually lived w i t h her husband in Heptakomia, the fact t h a t during the war she s t a y e d with her parents in Hermoupolis and the date of her return t o H e p t a k o m i a are of some general interest (Nos. 4 3 6 , 4 4 2 ) . Eudaimonis is the writer of t w o of our papyri, a letter t o her son (No. 4 3 7 ) , and one t o Aline (No. 4 4 2 ) . Some of the expressions used b y this irascible old lady, such as her warning t o her son 'may t h e y not roast y o u ' (No. 4 3 7 ) , scil. the Jews, and her rebellion against the gods when things go wrong (No. 4 4 2 ) (ov IxeWco deajc a^oAd^eii/ KTX.), h a v e become famous among students of papyrology. Since it is through the eyes of this sharp-tongued old lady that w e see certain of the events, some s t u d y of her forms of expression is desirable (cf. N o s . 4 3 7 , 4 4 2 , notes). The family of Apollonios seems t o h a v e belonged t o the upper stratum of t h e Greek population. The fact that Apollonios served as a strategos proves t h a t he must h a v e been a m a n of some standing. The archives show him t o have h a d estates b o t h in the Hermoupolite and Lykopolite districts, and we h a v e some reference t o his business activities. The general impression is of a rather wellto-do family. There are some signs of E g y p t i a n influence. One of t h e m is Apol­ lonios's marriage with his sister, and there are some E g y p t i a n names in the family * B u t the Greek written b y the members of Apollonios's family is, on the whole, fairly g o o d ; most of Apollonios's correspondents are Greeks, and he seems t o h a v e been on a good footing with R o m a n s of some importance. On the whole Apollonios's seems t o have been a typical well-to-do Greek family of R o m a n Egypt. A. F 1

2

3

5

1

The modern K 6 m Eshfaht. Cf. Wilcken, Arch. iv. 163 s q q . ; Kornemann, Klio, vii, 281 s q q . ; P . Giss. i, p p . 1 3 s q . ; Wilcken, Ant. 794 n. 4. There can be little doubt in v i e w of Wilcken's discussion that we have here a brother-and-sister marriage (cf. esp. P . B r e m . , p p . 1 0 - 1 3 ) . Cf. esp. P . Giss. 4 1 , P . Brem. 1 5 , P . R y l . 234, P . Giss. 20, P . Brem. 1 1 , P . Brem. 16 (cf. Wilcken 2

3

ibid., p . 5 1 ) , P . Brem. 17 (cf. Wilcken, ibid., p . 53), P . Brem. 53 (Wilcken, p . 123), P . Giss. 1 3 (cf. K o r n e m a n n , p p . 5 0 - 5 1 ) ; cf. K o r n e m a n n , P . Giss. iii, p p . 56 sqq. 4

Cf. Wilcken's genealogical tree, P . B r e m . , p. 1 3 ; Bell, op. cit., p . 83 sqq., 89. Cf. P . Brem., nos. 5, 6 , 1 0 . 5

SECTION X I : NO 435

228

No.

4 3 T h e

Revolt in Alexandria

T e b t y n i s . 39-5 x 23 c m . 2nd century A . D . Cazzaniga, Torbidi Giudaici, Melanges Boisacq, i, 1 9 3 7 , 1 5 9 sqq. Musurillo, I X c (Cols. I I I - I V ) . L I T . : Skeat, JEA x x v , 1 9 3 9 , 79. Rostovtzeff, Klio, x x x i , 1 9 3 8 , 291 n. 1 . Preaux, Chr. d'&gypte, x i v , 1 9 3 9 , 180 sq. Vogliano, Ann. du Service, x x x i x , 1 9 3 9 , 695. Collart, Rev. de Philol., N . s . x v , 9 4 j 55- Segre, Jew. Soc. Stud, v i , 1944, 391 sq. Musurillo, 194 sq. Schwartz, Chr. d'£gypte, xxx, 1955, 148 s q q . i

i

This papyrus dates from Phaophi 1 6 = 1 3 October of the 1 9 t h year of either Trajan or Hadrian. The weight of palaeographical opinion is slightly in favour of the reading Tpaiavov (cf. below, commentary), and this seems to be strengthened by the following considerations: (a) in Cols. III. 26—IV, 1 a battle (pax ]) between the Romans and the Jews is mentioned. We do not know of any such battle in Egypt in the 1 9 t h year of Hadrian (i.e. 1 3 5 ) , but some fighting in Alexandria is attested by Eusebios for A.D. 1 1 5 , in the early stage of the revolt (H.E. 4. 2 . 1 ; cf. Wilcken, P. Brem., p. 1 4 ) ; (b) our papyrus deals with some slave-disturbances in Alexandria (cf. below). There is little doubt that the same matter is dealt with, at greater length, in the Acta Pauli et Antonini (Nos. 1 5 8 a and 1 5 8 b ) which refer to A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 . The papyrus is written in the first person (Col. III. 1 , 6, 1 1 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 14) ; somebody is speaking of Alexandria (the TTOXLS in III. 6) and to the Alexandrians. He speaks in a castigatory tone and his language is that of a person in a position to command (III. 8 - 9 , 1 0 , 1 1 , 2 0 ; IV. 3 ) . Either the emperor himself or the prefect of Egypt might have spoken in this way to the Alexandrians. Since, however, the emperor is mentioned in the third person (III. 1 5 - 1 6 ) it may be supposed that the writer is the prefect of Egypt (cf. III. 1 7 sqq.). If our supposition concerning the dating is correct, we may assume that No. 4 3 5 is an edict of Rutilius Lupus who was prefect in A.D. 1 1 5 . Although the style of the papyrus sometimes falls into the rhetorical (cf. esp. III. 1 8 - 2 0 ) , it is, on the other hand, characterized by expressions common in prefectorial edicts. Notwithstanding the bad state of preservation of the papyrus, some points of his­ torical interest may be ascertained. The most important fact is that a battle {pa-x )) between the Romans and the Jews had taken place in Alexandria previous to the date of our edict (III. 26-IV. 1 ) . It is not stated in the papyrus what its outcome was. The writer stresses, however, that there could perhaps have been some excuse for certain anti-Jewish actions before the battle, but not on any account after it. This implies a Roman victory and that the situation is under control. Now it seems that the whole content of the papyrus, in so far as it is legible, deals with what happened in Alex­ andria after this battle and before 1 3 t h October 1 1 5 . In Cols. I—II some unrest and incendiarism in Alexandria appear to have been discussed (II. 2 1 , 28). Then the writer alludes to the allegation that might have been put forward in excuse, namely, that those responsible were but few. That is true—he goes on—but they are backed by people of importance. And it is right to accuse all the voXis even if those directly responsible are not numerous. Most of those active in the troubles may have been slaves, but once again, their masters are to be held responsible. Let not—those really 7

1

2

3

7

1

There w a s fighting b e t w e e n J e w s and R o m a n s in Palestine a t t h a t t i m e , not in E g y p t . Sometimes the first person singular, sometimes the royal or magisterial plural. Cf., for i n s t a n c e : wopayyeAAw I I I . 9 w i t h P. Oxy. 237, viii. 1 2 ; OGIS 669. 1 0 2 ; S P 219. 36, 4 1 ; for the use of irdai I I I . 8 see, e.g., W i l c k e n , Chr. 1 3 . 4; S P 224. 1 5 ; for t h e imper. 3rd plural 2

3

compare I I I . 10, 1 1 - 1 2 , 20 w i t h , e.g., S P 219. 3 3 , 3 4 ; Mitteis, Chr. 188, i. 5, 8, 9, i r , 1 5 , I I . 2, 5, 1 1 ; Wilcken, Chr. 19. i. 1 5 ; ii. 5, 1 6 ; OGIS 665. 3 3 , 3 7 ; Mitteis, Chr. 329. 3 ; P . O x y . 1 1 8 5 . 26, 30; B o a k , £t. Papyr. ii, N o . r, 1.11;forOVKZTI dyvoovfiev cf., e.g., Mitteis, Chr. 188, iii. 2 ; OGIS 669. 85.

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 ) responsible, it seems—pretend anger. They are well known. Then comes the state­ ment that a special judge has been sent by the emperor to inquire into the case (III. 1 5 - 1 6 , perhaps also II. 1,6). Even the riyepLoves are not allowed to apply capital punish­ ment without a trial. And a trial there will be. So, let the complaints cease, and let those who complain of being wounded remember that it was their own fault. All the misdemeanours (apLaprrj p,ara) might perhaps have had some excuse (aTroXoyiav) before the battle between the Romans and the Jews, not after it. It is not to be supposed that this strong language is directed to the Jews. Firstly, they are spoken of in the papyrus (III. 26-IV. 1), secondly, the SXrj TTOXIS, i.e. Alexandria, could hardly have been blamed for Jewish offences. The edict is not directed against the Jews but against their enemies, the Greeks of Alexandria. It is not possible to know exactly what happened in Alexandria. It seems, however, that after the Roman victory the Greeks started one of the usual staseis against the Jews. This time the participants in the unrest were mainly slaves, but the instigators were people of influence. The rioters must have encountered resistance, since some of the people with whom the writer deals complain of having been wounded. The Roman administration, which after the victory over the Jews was interested, as usual, in peace and order, took some measures against the Greek fomentors of the trouble, which evoked com­ plaints from the Greeks. Finally, a special judge was sent by the Emperor to inquire into the case. The edict of Lupus was issued, one would think, pending the opening of this special inquiry. Nos. 158a and 158b seem to deal in part with the same events, in part with some other incidents in Alexandria during the revolt and shortly after it. No. 158a records, as is usual in the Acts of the Alexandrian Martyrs, a dispute between the Greeks and the Jews of Alexandria before a Roman emperor, to be identified as Hadrian. The fol­ lowing are the main questions discussed, or mentioned in that papyrus: (a) an order of Lupus concerning arms; (b) events connected with certain slaves who have broken out from custody; (c) some events connected with a 'king of the stage and the mime'; (d) the question of a settlement of Jews in Alexandria. The incident connected with the slaves who had broken out from custody has apparently been dealt with at length. Some 'sixty men' connected with this incident are mentioned for the first time in No. 158a, Col. I, 11. 1 6 - 1 7 y then in Col. II the Jewish deputation speaks before the Emperor about those 'snatched away from custody' and of the wounding of certain people in the course of the incident (11. 8-10). The case of the sixty Alexandrians who were tried, and of their slaves, comes up again in Antoninus' speech. And we learn from recension B of the papyrus that the Alexandrians were banished and their slaves executed (No. 158b, 3 sqq. with Col. II. 20 sqq.). The story is continued in Col. I l l ; the Alexandrian deputation contends that the Greeks were not guilty of rescuing the slaves, and that those who fled were punished by their masters (11. 1 - 1 3 ) . The matter is further discussed in the Emperor's reply (16 sqq.), and an edict of Rammius Martialis (he is the 6 errapxos fiov in 1. 21) is mentioned. This column ends with mention of the dxpetot SovXoi and of their punishment. It seems that the story told there is somehow related to that of our papyrus: both No. 435 and the Acta Pauli et Antonini are concerned with some unrest connected with Alexandrian slaves (No. 435, Col. iii. 6 - 7 : o i S a o n ev TOVTOLS irXetovis eUn SovXoi). Antoninus who speaks on behalf of the Alexandrians in No. 158a may be the man mentioned in No. 435, Col. i. 23, and finally the words 8iKaorr)[v] VTTO Kaiaapos errl rovro Trep,(f>d4vTa are reminiscent of somebody 7re]p,(f>d€[l]s VTTO . . . mentioned in the badly preserved Col. V of No. 158a. The exact sequence of events cannot be ascertained. It seems, however, that the Acta deal with a later stage of the events dealt with in No. 435. Lupus's edict was issued pending an investigation by the special Si/cao-nfc.

230

SECTION X I : NO 435

Now—one may suggest on the basis of the Acta—the guilty slaves have been executed while sixty Alexandrians, probably their masters, have been sentenced to banishment. This may have happened while Lupus was still in office. The unfavourable verdict evoked opposition, and some new disturbances and inquiries followed. The matter was certainly still dragging on at the beginning of Martialis's prefecture, since the latter issued an edict in this connexion. Finally, the unsettled affair of the disturbances, the rescuing of the slaves, their punishment and the banishment of sixty of the Alex­ andrians, which had begun as early as 1 1 5 , came up for judgement before Hadrian himself. (For other events connected with the revolt see No. 1 5 8 a , Introduction, and Notes.) Col. I

] .CO. . 5

] . . . . . .

]0a[ ] ]..e...o

€t.

] .TOO 10

avTo\us

r)yv6ei

LOCOS

]e77/). tcr

7r]ept 15

) - '

O

V

[9]pLap,fiovs

TO]VS

a. .

.vfiaX

e]7T6L

eqovaia

]. vea.

. T O

. cp

M..].[..]..« ^ovdrjaajfji. ijrr* KO\1 25

Avrovely[. ydp

j3LOLLOP

] . €7Tet T O

6p.o-

..po..[ ]Sei> euAoCol. I I Jet Si[fcao*]0ev ]vojp.€V, . [ . ] . .ovs

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 ) ]et7re rfj [. . ] . .

]8[

KLCT

] . [ . . .]<xt irpo ]fJLr)T(ll

]eva c. 10 letters]

. . . .? .

.

.

[••••]

TTore

evda p,e[. . ].

. . . .]

KptOrjppa^av

IV «r[a]t pLT]K€Tl

. . .]

av TTOOS

. .]

ifiaoavLo-

0IAOT[T7S] [ T O U ]

dp-

X9yTo[s TOVOU

. ] . .OJV

€.yov[.

,]8e

TOO aijv r e

TOV A.

.S.oyy

. ]re

Ka-

-Tap,a

. . . . . . . .

y a p dtjios

c. 8 letters]

[O.V]TOV

T T / V e/caA<e>tre

/ca

epa

Std

TOVTO

rnoTeve

OV

[r] t/xojvres- 7rd-

[A]ea)[?]....

irvp

S[e]t dAt-

OIKLCUS'

yo[i>?

Trpocr
obs d At [you?] etvat

errevrd Tt? ipeZ r ] a u r a ToXpuoovTas

[TOVS

]e^etv TO deovrpov ].

dirocpaLveodcu

] . cooxv /cav T O U Aca]t rrvp Kad* r/poov Col. I l l erotp,[d]£oi;[o-t] /cat aiSrjpov.

o t 8 a drt

etctv [o]Atyot* dA[A'] iy<j>epovoLV

avTovs

[ o t ] 7rAe[t]

ove? [/c]at Tpecf>ovoLV ol Kpeiooov[e\s

dyopd^ov-

}

TCS

TO pir) Xoihopeiodai,

[&\av TO ev 6Xiyo[i\s

TO pur)

hiapTrdl,€0-

p,€Lcrovpiev[o]v O[V\K dSt-

[/c]a>? oXrjs rroXeojs eoTiv drt iv

TOVTOLS

TOVTO

ol SeoTroTOLL AotSopowra[t].

ovv iydi

rrXeioves

evKXrjpia. o t S a

rrapayyeXXoo

opyrjv eindvp\i\q dr[t]

OVKCTL

avjgvs

eioiv hovXoL' Std pur)

rrdaLV

TTpoorroLeiodaL

/cepSou?.

yeivoooKeTOooav

dyvoovpiev.

TOJcrdv p,ov Trj eVTreTLa piySe Tats

pur)

maTeve-

. .Tat?

SECTION X I : NOS. 435-436

232

rjpiepais

. . [ . . . ,]TOV ef$iaodpvq\y.

evdecos eoy\ya\p\ri\v 15

KaT[rf\yopeiv

errl

8e ydp rjyepiooiv TTO[K]Telvai, XP^ \p\ i 20

i8lOV

KoXa\(j\is.

TOTTOV

elvai

LOCOS

rrpo Trjs

TVTTOV

01 Te dXrjeav-

errairovvTes.

yap e£fjv.

p,apT7]p,aT[co]v e8vvqjo

l8lOV

evei

Kal fiialcos ap,a

8[i]i
piaTl^eadai

ovd-

i8iov

TpavpuaTcas

Xeyovres

Kal d[8lKco]s 25

COS

rravodoOcooav

6cos ot Te ifjevhcos TOVS

dtxplrovs

dA[A]d Kal Kplois

V

8iKaoTr)\y]

rrepicpdevTa.

TOVTO

e£eoTiv

Sua

.8ev.[

6[e]Xei TJYJVOS', e^et

vrro Kaiaapos

V

.]peiv

e . [ . .JAeiv.

Tivd

TCOV

diroXoylav

p>r)

Tpav-

de^eiv

'Pcopialcov Col. I V

i

rr[p]6s Iov8alpys

p,a\r]S.

Se / x d [ T c u a ] K[pLTrj]piq, rrpoTepov (eTovs) Col. I l l : 2. 1. eK(f>epovaiv.

vvv a Kal

OVK e£rjv. id Tpaiavov 5. 1. fiiaovfievov.

&aco
2 3 . OIKTJV a b o v e t h e line

(Translation.) . . . perhaps he did n o t k n o w . . . t h e triumphs . . . since power . . . t o Antonin . . . for force . . . (Col. II) . . . adjudicated . . . and n o longer . . . how it w a s investigated . . . friendship of t h e ruler . . . w o r t h y of h i m . . . y o u called . . . for this reason (you did not) believe . . . honouring . . . of t h e c i t y . . . fire t o the houses . . . a few m u s t . . . applying . . . . Then someone will s a y t h a t the people w h o dared this were few . . . t o hold t h e theatre . . . t o show . . . (Col. I l l ) and are preparing fire and weapons against us. I k n o w that t h e y are few, b u t t h e y are supported b y m a n y more a n d provided for b y t h e powerful, w h o p a y n o t t o be abused and maltreated. The wickedness of t h e few can justly be called a reproach t o the whole city. I know that most of t h e m are s l a v e s ; that is w h y their masters are blamed. I therefore b i d t h e m all n o t t o simulate anger for t h e sake of profit. T h e y should recognize that w e n o w k n o w w h o t h e y are. L e t t h e m n o t trust t o m y indulgence or (to t h e entreaties made in t h e d a y s when I forced myself t o protect all I could ? ?). If anyone h a s charges t o make, there is a judge sent b y t h e Emperor for this purpose. F o r n o t even governors h a v e t h e power t o execute w i t h o u t trial, a n d there is a proper time for a trial just as there is a proper place a n d a proper m e t h o d of punishment. Let there b e an end of those w h o say, some truly, some falsely, that t h e y h a v e been wounded, and demand justice violently and u n j u s t l y ; for there w a s n o need t o be wounded. Some of these errors could perhaps have had an excuse before (Col. IV) the battle b e t w e e n t h e R o m a n s and t h e Jews, b u t n o w t h e y are purposeless judgements, which h a v e never been permitted. T h e 19th year of Trajan, Phaophi 16.

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 ) Col. I I . 25. Some incident connected w i t h the theatre is here m e n t i o n e d ; cf. also Col. I . 16 TOVS This m a y , perhaps, be taken as y e t another link b e t w e e n N o . 435 and N o s . 158a and 158b (taking dpidppovs in the sense of triumphal procession and connecting it w i t h the farcical pro­ cession mentioned in the Acta). [0~}pidfif}ovs.

Col. I I I . 2. The reading is that of S k e a t ; Cazzaniga reads dyeyfiepovoiv . . . [o] !8iov e[ern]p, Tptyovow. 5. Keivovpevov (suggested b y t h e late Prof. M. Schwabe) would seem t o be a possibility. 12. ' p o v Tij evTreTia would seem t o be the only plausible restoration (and Cazzaniga informs m e t h a t Schubart had already suggested it t o h i m privately in 1938). Schubart h a d also suggested rats faTals or AITOI? of which I should prefer the latter' (Musurillo). 1 3 . Musurillo thinks of O T [ I 7r/>a>]-rov. Schubart s u g g e s t s : Cazzaniga proposes e ] p e f v .

ijit.aodp.ri[v

Trf\pelv

oaa

eidetos

i8v[vd]pr]v

iy[fla]\eiv.

14. . . 8 e v . [ . ] Cazzaniga; Skeats suggests ( e i TIS); Schubart [dA]A' et [ n y ] ; Musurillo suggests t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of [dA]A' « [ a ] v T[LS]

15. 25.

. . . 0[e]Aei =

9eXrj.

(Skeat, Schubart). < a v > ? (Collart).

0 [ e ] A « T[I]VO£ drroXoyiav

Col. I V . 2. Suppl. Paribeni. 4. ' Tpa.ig.yoy Schubart and Bell in private communication t o Cazzaniga, and from t h e facs. this would seem more likely t h a n Afoiayov ' (Musurillo). A. F .

No. 436. A letter from Aline to Apollonios Hermoupolis. 2 1 x 1 2 cm. August/September A . D . I I 5 ( ? ) P . Giss. 1 9 . Cf. P . Giss. iii, p . 1 6 1 and BL i. 168 sq. Schubart, Griech. Pap. (Text) 30. L I T . : Schubart, Jahr. am Nil, 5 1 . R o o s , Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, x x x v i i , 1 9 2 2 , 1 3 1 sq. Schubart, Griech. Pap. ( K o m m e n t a r ) , 37 sqq. Wilcken, P . B r e m . , p p . 1 1 , 1 3 . Winter, Life and Letters, 1 2 8 sq. Milne, A History of Egypt , 2 7 5 . P . Giss. iii, p p . 66, 70. Bell, fEA vi, 1920, 235 sq. Groningen, Le Gymnasiarque, 3, 1 2 1 . 5

a

a

n

This seems to be our earliest evidence for the fighting in the x^P » d it may, perhaps, be used to establish a terminus ante quern for the beginning of hostilities in some of the districts of Egypt. Aline writes to her husband to tell him of her great anguish and anxiety for his safety. The strategos has left his wife suddenly and hence has been exposed to danger (1. 1 5 ) . Aline, when writing, is with her parents (11. 1 3 - 1 4 ) , so the letter was sent from Hermoupolis. Since Aline makes a comparison between Apollonios and 'the strategos here' (i.e. in the Hermoupolite district; 11. 1 4 sqq.), and would like her husband to behave like him in shifting dangerous duty on to his subordinates, it may be supposed that Apollonios is still in the Apollinopolite nome and is involved in some fighting there. If avafiaLvei (1. 27) is to be connected with rrpos o-e in the preceding line, it would strengthen this supposition. We know for certain that some time during the revolt Apollonios was fighting away from his district, but then his whereabouts was north­ ward, not, as here, southward of Hermoupolis (No. 439). The letter was written shortly after the New Year (1. 1 1 ) . It is, however, not to be taken, as it is taken by the editor, as the Roman New Year—hardly observed by the population of Egypt—but rather as the Egyptian New Year (the first of Thoth) which was in Roman times officially regarded as the New Year in Egypt (cf. Tcherikover, Jews in Egypt, 2 1 9 ; Roos, I.e.), i.e. 2 9 t h August. Aline wrote at the end of August or at the beginning of September either of 1 1 5 or 1 1 6 or 1 1 7 of the current era. The last date does not seem to be possible as by then the revolt was practically quelled (cf. No. 443). It seems that in view of the quite recent separation of Aline from her husband, and the fact that Apollonios seems to be still in his nome while during the height of the revolt he was certainly with the forces, August/September 1 1 5 is to be taken as the more probable date. If that is correct,

S E C T I O N X I : NOS.

234

436-437

some unrest started both in the Apollinopolite and in the Hermoupolite districts before the end of August or the beginning of September A.D. 1 1 5 . [A]Xlvr)

Arro?\Acovicoi

TCOL

d8eXcoi

rroXXa ^atpetv. pieydXcos

dycovicbaa

TO, T]OV Kcupov dcj)]vcos e[£]r}\9es TOLS]

rrepl aov Std r d OP­

r)pn£,6pieva /cat OTL e£drr* ipiov

dXXd avv\excos

aov.

p,ov rroX]ycppla

dveyelpeL

veov

TOV

acoTrf\plav

pie. rrapoi\KaXco IjTJpet] dvev] Kal

KOL

p,e Kal Trji a' vr) Trjv ar)v

CTOVS

p,ov elaeXOcov

TOV

TO fidpos

pia

aeavrov

KIVSVVOV

dXXd cos

6 ejvOdSe aTpaTrjyos

apxpv-

TOLS

Kal av TO av-

. . ] . . v Se piov TOV

,

ifiidaaTO

ae ovv dacf>aXcos

pir) piovos

ai erriTijdrjai

25

pLovrj Se r) TOV rraTpos

yXaKrjs vrropieive'

TO rrolei.

rrepl

TTJV

d[y]et>CTTOS' eKOLpLcoprqv,

el pLr)(?) 6 rrjqTrjp 15

r)-

VVKTOS

e^co

Trjs ocoT]r)plas

rro-

rrpooepxopiai

dypvrrvovaa

piepas pi\lav p,epip,vav

rjpiepa]

ovre

cretTtot? rjSecos

OVT€

] a ovTa.

rrarepa

KOL yap

TOV a]8eXov

TO OVO-

rrpoeTedrj

,

]t? Se avrov 6 6e6s

•

]v.

,

TCO]V

I

idv ovv,

rrpaypiaTCov

]s rrpos

ifjov

]/8ct>

pias

d'Se

r)p,as

ypd-

avrcp rrpos

]r

dvafialvei

].

Trjs acoTrj-

ae

] Verso il7roAAcovtcot X doeX[cf>coi. 6. 1. oiTtois.

16. 1.

virofieve.

(Translation.) Aline t o Apollonios her brother greetings. I a m terribly anxious about y o u because of w h a t t h e y s a y about w h a t is happening, and because of your sudden departure. I take n o pleasure in food or drink, but s t a y awake continually night and d a y w i t h one worry, your safety. Only m y father's care revives m e and, as I hope t o see y o u safe, I w o u l d h a v e lain w i t h o u t food on N e w Year's D a y , had m y father n o t come and forced m e t o eat. I b e g y o u t o

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 )

235

keep yourself safe, and n o t t o g o into danger without a guard. D o t h e same as the strategos here, w h o puts t h e burden o n his officers . . . m y father . . . . F o r t h e n a m e . . . of m y brother w a s p u t forward . . . . May God (preserve) him. If then, m y brother, (you have leisure from) your business . . . write t o m e . . . t o y o u . . . h e is coming u p . . . safety . . . . (Verso) T o Apollonios m y brother. 4. T]OU Kaipov (Wilcken). 4 - 5 . ^ [ d ^ J v c o s (Schubart). 4-6. Concerning t h e unexpected separation, it could b e supposed either t h a t Apollonios left his wife abruptly when t h e disturbance suddenly broke o u t in t h e Apollinopolite district and Aline w e n t w i t h t h e children t o s t a y w i t h her parents, or—as supposed b y R o o s , 131 s q . — t h a t Apollonios took his family t o Hermoupolis, a n d then returned t o his administrative district. T h e first supposition s e e m s t o account slightly better for Aline's expression. 6. iroTois (Schubart). 1 1 . For the observance of t h e E g y p t i a n N e w Y e a r cf., e.g., B G U 63 (second century A . D . ) . 1 3 . e l fir) (?) (Schubart). I

e

5 « 7VP i

(Schubart).

20 sqq. These lines are t o o scrappy t o give a n y s e n s e ; it is hard t o s a y whether t h e list which h a s been h u n g out (rcpoeTedi]) has a n y t h i n g t o do with the disturbances. A. F .

No. 437. A letter from Eudaimonis to Apollonios Hermoupolis. 9 X 1 2 c m . 30th J u n e , A . D . n 6 ( ? ) P. Giss. 24. W . Chr. 1 5 . L I T . : Juster, ii. 187 n . 4. R o o s , 1 3 0 sq. Wilcken, Grundz. 65. Wilcken, P . Brem., p . 1 5 . L . F u c h s , 30. P e r e m a n s - V e r g o t e , 249. Wenger, Volk und Staat in Agypten, 1 9 2 2 , 1 9 .

This letter from Eudaimonis to Apollonios appears to refer to a later stage of the revolt. In the part of the papyrus which is preserved Eudaimonis prays to the gods, and especially to the 'invincible Hermes', the patron of her native nome, to preserve her son from being 'roasted' (ov ju.17 oe orrTrjacooi 11. 3 - 4 ) — b y the Jews, it would seem. If we suppose that the plural in the valedictory formula (tram . . . vfxas 1. 6), refers to Apollonios and his wife, we have to assume that the letter was written before Apollo­ nios parted from Aline, i.e. before No. 4 3 6 . It may be supposed, however, that the plural refers to men of Apollonios's family who were with him during the fighting (cf. 1. 6 rraat). I would incline to the latter supposition and put this papyrus later than No. 4 3 6 on the following grounds: (a) pVT^o-cuo-t points to the fierceness of the fighting, which was characteristic of the middle period of the revolt (the phase related in Eusebios, H.E. 4. 2. 3 ) , not of its very beginning; (b) there is no concern about Aline's security; that would be difficult to explain were Aline still in Heptakomia; (c) there are no special greetings in the letter either from Aline or for her. The first may be easily accounted for, since we know that Aline herself was writing to her husband. But the lack of greetings for Aline may be taken as an indication that Aline was not with Apollonios, especially in view of the fact that usually the correspondents were rather particular about the matter of greetings. The date of our papyrus is 3 0 June of an unknown year. On the supposition that No. 4 3 6 was written in August/September 1 1 5 we have to date the present papyrus 1

1

Cf. Ghedini, Lett. Crist, n o . 29; in P . Giss. 78 Aline is offended b y t h e fact that her little daughter, Heraidous, when writing t o Apollonios,

does n o t greet h e r ; cf. also, e.g., P . Flor. 332, P . Giss. 2 1 , P . Giss. 23.

236

SECTION X I : NOS. 4 3 7 - 4 3 8

June 1 1 6 or 1 1 7 . Since, however, Hermes is still in the eyes of the old lady OLVIKTJTOS, this letter seems to precede No. 4 3 8 , where a crushing Jewish victory in the Hermou­ polite district is related. Thus I propose, tentatively, 3 0 t h June 1 1 6 as its date. It is not possible to know for certain whether Apollonios was still in Heptakomia or already in northern Egypt when he received this letter. The letter might have been written as a kind of farewell when it became known to Eudaimonis that her son was to join the fighting forces in northern Egypt. 30th

Some lines lost. [ . . . . ] /pe.p*[. . .

.T]COV

decov

[o$~\y OeXovTOov Kal [xaXcara TOV

aVLKTJTOV 'EpfAOV OV \M]

ae pTTTrjaoja^at}. Act eppcoao

5

iraai. LSOVS

yqTrjp.

p.01

TOL 8' dX-

ovv

TOLS

d o r a i £ e T c u vpcas r) dfidoKavTos

aots 'Hpa-

Bv-

*ETrel<j> £. Verso ATTOXXOJVLOJL.

(Translation.) . . . w i t h t h e good will of t h e gods, above all, Hermes t h e in­ vincible, m a y t h e y n o t roast you. F o r t h e rest, m a y all be well w i t h y o u a n d all your m e n . Heraidous, your daughter, w h o is free from harm, greets y o u . E p e i p h 6.

(Verso) T o Apollonios. 3 - 4 . T h e terrified e x c l a m a t i o n of E u d a i m o n i s o v u-q o-e gnT^otom h a s s o m e t i m e s been referred t o t h e story of Jewish atrocities, cannibalism included, told b y D i o Cass. 68. 32. W e h a v e n o t enough i n ­ formation t o clarify t h e question of Jewish atrocities c o m m i t t e d in t h e revolt. I t should, h o w e v e r , b e pointed o u t t h a t t h e utterances of the contemporary E u d a i m o n i s are n o more reliable evidence t h a n t h e late, clearly anti-Semitic, story of Dio-Xiphilinos (cf. W i l c k e n , P . B r e m . , p . 14 n. 4). W e h a v e n o w eight letters b y E u d a i m o n i s ( P . B r e m . 63, P . Flor. iii. 332, P . B r e m . 60, P . Giss. 2 1 - 2 4 , d P . B r e m . 64, cf. W i l c k e n , p p . 145-6). T h e y show clearly t h a t t h e irascible old l a d y , w h o sometimes 'revolts' against gods ( N o . 442, 26-28) and apostrophizes her fellow m e n , used rather e x t r a v a g a n t expressions. Her oijrqatoai in our papyrus m a y b e n o more exact t h a n her yvuv-q fievto TOV x « ^ t o v a in N o . 4 4 2 , 3 0 - 1 . W e should also t a k e into account t h e 'Kriegspsychose' of t h e population of E g y p t (Wilcken, P . B r e m . , p . 1 5 ) ; this m i g h t h a v e added some colour t o t h e natural proclivities of Eudaimonis. T h e only t h i n g one c a n safely s a y is t h a t t h e war w a s conducted ruthlessly o n b o t h sides (Euseb. H . E . 4. 2. 3 - 4 ) . a

n

6-7. Heraidous w a s t h e daughter of Apollonios a n d Aline, w h o w a s s t a y i n g a t t h e t i m e of writing of this letter w i t h her grandmother, cf. W i l c k e n , P . B r e m . , p . 1 3 . A. F .

No. 438. Jewish Victories in the Hermoupolite district Hermoupolis. 1 5 x 18 c m . After J u n e A . D . 1 1 6 - b e f o r e J a n u a r y A . D . 1 1 7 . W i l c k e n , Antisem. 7 9 4 ; id., Chr. 1 6 ; id., P . B r e m . 1 . Cf. BL iii, 32. L I T . : Wilcken, Antisem. 7 8 5 , 7 9 4 s q q . R o o s , 1 3 2 sq. W i l c k e n , Grundz. 3 9 2 . H o m b e r t , Chron. d'£gypte, xii, 1 9 3 7 , 1 0 3 sq. P . Giss. I , ii, p . 4 7 . Juster, ii. 187 n. 4. L . F u c h s , 29. Premerstein,Hermes

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T , (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 ) lvii, 1 9 2 2 , 306. Bell, Juden und Griechen, 40. Stein, Prd/ekten, 56. Wilcken, P . B r e m . , p . 1 5 . R e i n m u t h , Prefect of Egypt, 3 8 . Wilcken, Forsch. und Fortschr. xii, 1 9 3 6 , n o . 7, p . 90. P e r e m a n s - V e r g o t e , 249. Musurillo, o p . c i t . , 176.

This most interesting document gives us an inside view of the Jewish revolt. The writer tells of the desperate fighting in his district. After the Jews had won the upper hand, even the Egyptian villagers had to take the field against them. But the attack of these general levies on the Jews failed utterly and many of the villagers were slaughtered. After this attack proved of no avail, the only hope seemed to be rescue by the Roman forces whose movements are related by the writer. According to his information, 'another legion' has arrived at Memphis on the 2 2 n d (of a month unknown to us) and it is expected to reach the writer's locality. The questions of the place and date of these events are interdependent and closely connected with the identity of the writer and the recipient. Two explanations have been proposed. According to Meyer (P. Giss. ii, p. 47) and Wilcken (Chr., p. 28 and P. Brem., p. 1 5 , where he changed his views stated in Antisem. 794 sqq.), this letter was sent from Hermoupolis to the strategos at Apollinopolis. In Roos's opinion, on the other hand (op. cit. 1 3 2 sq.), it is an answer by Apollonios to Aline's letter (No. 4 3 6 ) . If Wilcken's restoration of 11. 1 2 - 1 3 — b a s e d on No. 4 3 9 — i s correct, the dyyeXfia about the movements of Roman troops comes to the writer from the north, probably from Memphis, and is transmitted by him to his correspondent farther south. In this case Roos's supposition is ruled out. It seems to me, however, that while accepting Wilcken's restoration we may press the comparison between our papyrus and No. 439 a little further. I submit, tentatively, that it has been sent, like No. 4 3 9 , from Hermoupolis to Heptakomia, but, like it, not to Apollonios. Our papyrus precedes No. 439 since it relates a concentration of Roman troops in Memphis, while No. 439 tells about what seems to be the effect of this concentration—a victory of the Roman troops in the vicinity of Memphis. If this letter was sent from Hermou­ polis, it was written after No. 4 3 7 — b y the date of our papyrus Hermes certainly could not have been called 'invincible' as he still was in No. 4 3 7 . If that is correct, our papyrus was written after 3 0 t h June 1 1 6 and before the date of No. 4 3 9 . Meyer and Wilcken suggested that the present letter was sent to Apollonios in order to account for the fact that it had come to be included in Apollonios's archives. It is, however, not at all certain that the strategos was still in Apollinopolis at the stage of the revolt related in our letter, nor is it necessary to suppose that the communication was sent to him to account for its being included in Apollonios's archives. No. 4 3 9 , which came to be included in it, was not a letter to Apollonios but the outcome of an exchange of information between members of Apollonios's households in Heptakomia and Her­ moupolis respectively. Our papyrus may well have been another instance of such correspondence, this time the other way round. No. 4 3 8 depicts the desperate situation of the non-Jewish population in the Hermoupolite district after at least two (11. 1 - 6 ) Jewish victories there and it seems to fit the period of the revolt described by Eusebios in the words: rw imovTL iviamw (viz. A.D. 1 1 6 ) TroXefxov ov ofjuicpov avvfjijjav . . . TTJV xco/oav rrjs Alyvinov XerjXarovvres Kal TOVS iv avrfj vofjiovs 6eipovr€s SierdXow . . . (H.E. 4. 2 . 2 - 3 ) . Now, if Wilcken's reading 'Pov[TC]XIOV at the end of 1. 1 6 is correct it gives a terminus ante for No. 4 3 8 with June 1 1 6 as terminus post quern. On Wilcken's reading Rutilius Lupus was still in Egypt at the date of our papyrus. Consequently the end of Lupus' prefecture is to be taken as its terminus ante. This was not inferred by Wilcken from his own reading since the commonly accepted view was that Lupus was superseded by Rammius Martialis as late as Hadrian's accession. It has, however, been proved by Stein (Die Prafekten von Agypten, 1950, 58 sqq.) that Marcius Turbo was not merely military commander

238

SECTION

X I : NOS. 438-439

while Rutilius Lupus continued to act as prefect, but prefect of Egypt between Rutilius and Rammius Martialis. The change in the prefecture took place about January 1 1 7 , and this is to be regarded as the latest possible date of our papyrus. Mia

rjv eXnls Kal XoLrrrj rrpoa-

S o / a a r) TWV drro TOV vopiov r)p,OOV ddpoboJV KOjpbTjTCOV [rrp]6s 5

dvoalovs

TOVS

'Io[vSai]ovs

diopurj, d<£' 'rjs r d eva[v]rta H

vvv i£e[3r). fiaXovres drjoav

rfj yap /c[?] [cr]wol rjpL€Tepo[i]

Kal

TTOXXOI

r)rT[rj-

[O\VTCOV

GvveKorT\r)oav [••]•[

[.-] [•]•?*[ TOI

ye [yvv rrapd

96VT[OOV

15

eX-

drro

p,eTeXdj3op,ev OTL

TLVOOV

T[6

dXXrj Xeyeoov

a]yye[X]p,[a (

POV[TL\XIOV

eXdovaa els Mep,[
COTLV. ddpotov.

(Translation.) The one hope and expectation t h a t w a s left w a s the push of the massed villagers from our district against t h e impious J e w s ; b u t n o w the opposite has happened. For on t h e 20th (?) our forces fought and were beaten and m a n y of t h e m were killed . . . now, however, w e have received the news from m e n coming from . . . that another legion of Rutilius arrived at Memphis on the 22nd and is expected. 1 - 3 . The ddpooi KtoprJTM are E g y p t i a n villagers, w h o took t h e field after some previous defeats of the J e w s ' opponents. Before this happened t h e brunt of the fighting must h a v e been sustained b y t h e n o n - E g y p t i a n population of t h e n o m e , i.e. t h e Greeks, and possibly some R o m a n s domiciled there. 4. On dvoaioi ' / o w S a i o t see note o n N o . 443, Col. I I . 4 - 5 . 5. Wilcken's t e n t a t i v e reading. thop.r) is u n a t t e s t e d , b u t u>ap.6s in t h e sense of 'attack', 'thrust', 'push' occurs. 6. T h e hasta a b o v e K n o t in t h e p a p y r u s ; whether or n o t there w a s another letter after K i s , according t o Wilcken, impossible to ascertain. 1 2 - 1 5 . Wilcken's restoration based on N o . 439, 3 s q q . 16. 'Ppv[Ti]\iov is Wilcken's final reading (cf. P . Brem., p . 20). 16 sq. T h e language of t h e sentence speaking of 'another legion of Rutilius' does n o t imply that he was the commander in t h e field, nor that there w a s another legion, n o t of Rutilius. T h e legions were probably the I I I Cyrenaica a n d X X I I Deiotariana (cf. Lesquier, L'Arme'e romaine, 24; Wilcken, P . Brem., p . 20). T h e R o m a n forces in E g y p t might h a v e been called in c o m m o n usage, during Rutilius's prefecture, 'the legions of Rutilius', since the prefect w a s regarded as commander-in-chief of all t h e forces stationed in E g y p t . A. F.

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D.

115-17)

239

N o . 439. Jewish defeat in the vicinity of Memphis Hermoupolis. 15 x 1 5 c m . P . Giss. 27. W . Chr. 1 7 . Goodspeed-Colwell, A Greek Papyrus

Beginning of A . D . I I 7 ( ? ) 45.

Reader,

L I T . : L . F u c h s , 29-30. R o o s , 1 3 3 sq. Juster, ii. 190 n. 4. Wilcken, Grundz. 65, 3 9 2 ; id. P . B r e m . p p . 1 5 , 1 9 . Kramer, Phil. Woch. xliii, 1 9 2 3 , col. 728. Milne, 1 2 8 . P e r e m a n s - V e r g o t e , 249.

No. 439 takes us farther north. It tells the story of a Jewish defeat in a battle in the vicinity of Memphis. The papyrus is a letter from Aphrodisios of Apollonios's house­ hold in Heptakomia to Herakleios the steward of Apollonios's estate in the Hermou­ polite district. The writer has heard of Apollonios's 'victory and success' from men coming from the village of Ibion. They in their turn have learned of it from the bearer of the news of victory, a slave of Apollonios, whom they met on his way from Memphis. Aphrodisios wants to know from Herakleios for certain if the news is correct in order to arrange thanksgivings to the gods. The veiKT) Kal repoKortT] (11. 6 - 7 ) is not to be regarded as a private victory of Apol­ lonios but as a success of the Roman forces in a battle in which Apollonios took part. The strategos could have been enlisted or might have volunteered privately. But the latter does not seem to be a likely explanation of his military service. There can be little doubt that the ddpooi KwprjTai who fought against the Jews (No. 4 3 8 , 3) were Egyptian villagers, and we know from No. 4 5 0 that the Greek population of Oxyrhynchos also joined forces with the Romans against the Jews. In view of this evidence it seems to be highly probable that a kind of 'national militia' took the field during the revolt, and that Apollonios joined the forces with a detachment of such a militia from his nome. If that is correct, it follows that the unrest in Apollinopolis was suppressed, or nearly quelled, before Apollonios left for the north. The exact place of the battle cannot be ascertained. Since, however, the startingpoint of the bearer of the news of victory was Memphis, the battle took place, most probably, in the vicinity of that town. This fits in well with No. 4 3 8 from which we learn of a concentration of troops in Memphis. The battle might have been an important one, but we have to remember that (according to Eusebios) there was no single decisive victory. Our V€LKT] Kal irpoKOTrt) may well have been one of the iroWal p&xai (H.E. 4. 2. 4) by which Turbo gradually quelled the revolt. The first months of A.D. 1 1 7 would be the most probable date. A
*HpaK.Xeicoi

^tArdrcu

TCOL

Xaipeiv. pLejeXafiov Tra[p]d pov eX66vTCo[v\ 5

oapico

TOV

avrov

10

ATTOXXCOVLOV

evayyeXl^ovTL

KOL irpoKOTTrjs'

ae eirepupa,

LVJTO

KOL

va[s]

a7roSco.

TOLS

8yo djVJd Aydaecos

[J)v TO] p\e\v

eoTiv

TLV[_L]

7rcu-

CXTTO TOL TT}S

deois

ernyvco

V€LKT]S

upos

KOL OTetf>a-

rds 6€iXop,e-

KaXcos ovv

TeipLLCOTare, T a Y / c T T d jitot BrjXcboas.

pia

ar)p,e-

08 eVe/ca iiT^TrjSes

tva TO dotfiaXes

vr)cf>opiav d£co cnrovhas

'Ifticovos

ovvoSoiTropr)K€va[i]

Kvplov

cos \e\pxopiivcp

TLVCOV

7Toirjoeis, 7ra[i]8d-

rjvexOr] TCO SecT7ro[ri7]

Terpaeres,

TO Se TpieTrj

Kal

irpos

SECTION X I : NOS. 4 3 9 - 4 4 0

240

[

T\T}S

[

epp6~ji]o9al ere €V op,(ai),

[rJetjUTys" dpyvpiov ]a> aol tv[a] fjs X

TetjU.t6JT[are].

B. Verso 'Hp\a\K.\eLop eTTVT^poTrop 6. 1. VIKT/S. 16. 1.

I I . 1. ripitorare.

1 2 . 1. 'Odaecos.

UTTOWOOVLOV].

1 3 . 1. rpieres.

14. 1. npijs.

riptcoTare.

(Translation.) Aphrodisios t o his dearest Herakleios, greeting. I have learnt from m e n w h o arrived t o d a y from Ibion t h a t t h e y h a d travelled w i t h a slave of our lord Apollonios; t h e slave w a s coming from Memphis t o bring the good news of his victory and success. I h a v e therefore sent t o y o u specially, that I m a y know w i t h certainty and make festival and p a y the due offerings to the gods. Y o u will therefore do well, dear friend, t o inform me w i t h speed. T w o b o y s have been brought from the Oasis t o m y master, of w h o m one is four years old, t h e other three . . . t h e price . . . t o y o u t h a t y o u m a y be . . . . I pray for your health, dear friend. (Verso) T o Herakleios the steward of Apollonios. 1. B o t h Aphrodisios and Herakleios occur several times in t h e archives of Apollonios (cf. e.g. P . B r e m . 23. 1 7 ; 68. 2 ; and 48. 1 , 36). 3. Ibion can be identified w i t h a village of t h a t n a m e in t h e north of the Apollonopolite district, cf. P. B r e m . , p. 19. 11 sqq. F r o m 1. 1 1 o n the letter seems t o be concerned w i t h purely private m a t t e r s ; t h e case of the two slave-boys w h o w e n t astray is n o t necessarily to be connected with t h e disturbances. A. F .

No. 440. A letter from Heliodoros to his father Sarapion Hermoupolis. 1 2 - 7 x 9 - 7 c m . P. B a d . 36. Cf. BL ii. 2, 1 7 4 . L I T . : Schubart, OLZ x x v i i , 1924, 21 sq. Wilcken, Arch. tumswissensch. ( I l l intern. Papyrologentag, 1934) 99.

A . D . 117(F) vii. 304 sq. J o u g u e t in Pap. und Alter-

This letter belongs to a small archive of a family which lived in Hermoupolis in the days of Trajan and Hadrian. In P . Bad. 3 7 we have a letter of Heliodoros datable A.D. 1 0 7 - 1 2 ; a list of his brother's estate in P . Strassb. 24 dates from A.D. 1 1 8 (cf. also P . Strassb. 3 , 7 5 ) . There are four other letters of Heliodoros preserved ( P . Bad. 3 7 , 39). Two of them seem to have been written during the Jewish revolt (cf. also No. 4 4 1 ) . The present letter—sent to Hermoupolis—seems to mention some anticipated move­ ments of Roman troops from a place in the north, where Heliodoros was staying when he wrote (cf. 11. 5 - 6 dvaTrXeovTcov), southward. The questions both of the military evi­ dence of the papyrus and of its dating depend—in so far as they can be answered at all—on the interpretation of the last, only partially preserved, sentence: ravra XaXetrai, OTL,

eav iKavr) dvaftaois yevryrai cn-pa [ n a ? ] ,

fiedloTavTcu

Kal fiaoiXiKol y[ecopyol

7ra]/)'

ATTL-

covos eVe-. According to Bilabel ( P . Bad. i, p. 5 7 , BL ii. 2 . 1 7 4 ) , dvdfiaois denotes here the southward movement of Roman troops in their drive to quell the insurrection.

T H E J E W I S H REVOLT IN EGYPT

(A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 )

241

Wilcken (Arch. vii. 304 sq.) and Schubart (OLZ xxvii. 2 1 sqq.) take the word in the sense of 'rising of the Nile', and doubt the connexion of the papyrus with the Jewish revolt. The evidence is, in my opinion, slightly in favour of Bilabel's supposition: (a) since the writer was living at the time of the Jewish revolt any mention of move­ ments of troops should be taken, more likely than not, as related to the fighting of 1 1 5 - 1 7 ; (b) even if we accept Wilcken's interpretation of dvdj3acris, and read with him crrpa[rLal] pedloT[av}rai we shall still have some movements—in this case undefmable— of the army engaged against the Jews. Urpand in the sense of military service is a frequent word, but I do not think we often come across mention of movements of armies (arpanal) in Roman Egypt in times of peace; (c) there can be no objection to taking dvdfiao-is in the well-attested sense of 'journey inland', while if we take it in the sense of 'rising of the Nile', we should rather expect the usual addition like TOV NelXov (e.g. P. Oxy. 486. 3 2 ) or rcov v8dr
frequent. If Bilabel's interpretation of dvdpams is correct, the connexion of this papyrus with the evidence of No. 4 3 8 and No. 4 3 9 becomes attractive. We know from No. 4 3 8 of a concentration of Roman troops in Memphis and from No. 4 3 9 of their victory near Memphis. A southward drive was, as we have seen, expected by the writer of No. 4 3 8 . This could well have been the dvdfSams anticipated in the present papyrus, which in this case should be put rather towards the later phase of the revolt. These should be regarded as tentative suggestions. Col. I 'HXi[6Scopos]

Zapa[iTLOJVL]

TTdTpl

TCOL

xcupew.

/xoAt? TTork Xaficbv GOV rr)v rjcrdrjv,

5

on

epp[co]arai

eyco be aiei, TCOV,

Kara

rds

01 cov av evpco

^atpcov ae doTrd^opiai,

Sev ivrjv Kaivorepov

10

imcrroXrjv euYU? r)picov.

avairAeovKal drav

aoi SrjXcoaai'

puev odv rov TrpdypiaTos

ovirco p,oi

Kaivorepov

yivcdoKerai,

rrepl

Acuv ravra

AaAetrat, on,

jSaoxs' yevryrai Kal

fiaoiXiKol

y[ecopyol

Se rcov

idv iKavr)

arTpa[r:as],

pirj-

Trepl ovSev aX-

dvd-

pie9io~T[av]Tai 7ra]/>' ATTICOVOS

irre-

Verso Uaparricovi 1 2 . [2a]pamu)vos

rrarpi. edit.

(Translation.) Heliodoros t o his father Sarapion, greeting. I h a v e just received y o u r letter, and I rejoiced t h a t y o u are well, as I pray t h a t y o u should be. I a m a l w a y s glad t o send y o u greetings b y anyone I find sailing up-river, e v e n w h e n there is n o news t o tell y o u . A b o u t our business I k n o w nothing new, b u t for the B 5195

R

242

SECTION X I : NOS.

440-441

rest of the news, it is said that, if enough troops m o v e up, the royal peasants t o o will be m o v e d from Apion . . . . (Verso) To Sarapion his father. 8. irpdy/MaTOs: points to some private affair. 10. XaXelrai: it m a y be related to the T O 6vra TOV Kaipov ripi^6peva in N o . 436, 3 - 4 . 1 1 . The editor proposes arpa[rias], Wilcken
No. 4 4 1 . Letters from Heliodoros to his brothers Hermoupolis. 2 2 - 3 x 1 4 c m . A . D . 117(F) P . B a d . 39. Cf. BL ii. 2. 1 7 5 . L I T . : Wilcken, Arch. vii. 305. D e i s s m a n n , Licht von Osten*, 200. Schubart, OLZ x x v i i , 1924, 2 2 . J o u g u e t , I.e.

These lachrymose letters of Heliodoros to his brothers are full of complaints of the dangers of the time (KIVSWOI) and the troubles of communication, and of appeals to the gods for help. In fact they have little else in them. They do not add much to our knowledge of the revolt, but they reflect the wearing atmosphere in Egypt in the time of the Jewish war. I print Cols. II and III only. Col. I has no bearing on the revolt. Col. II

Avovfiai

'H[X]Lo8qjpos

<x[S]eA<^dk TO

. . [ . ] . as

p[as] 5

OTOA[O]S

TrXevoev. KPLKA\.

T[CU 1 0

XALPELV.

PLOL

EKACTTRJS

rrpoPifid^EL'

oov e[x]PRJL

[rcov [

TOOL

R)PI€-

€TL yap vpXv

KOPBIAAL

ovSeis, €TTL-

xi^lp^s V' vp,as

TRERREVAOQL

. .].

'

av Oeol ] TCOV

] ]P,0L

[

V

'

KE-

fiov\op[v]qva7rXeg[V]-

Tr[.]oopLai D.KAL[P

] .TOV d<£[e]t[A 7T\PP 5.

1 . EXPRJ.

7 . 1.

Q-yi"

Ky

nenvodcxi.

THE JEWISH

REVOLT

IN EGYPT

(A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 )

243

Col. I l l *HAiootopos dheX(f)ooL

@ifta TOOL xalpeiv.

5

10

(Translation.) (Col. II) Heliodoros t o his brother Anoubas, greeting. . . . goes on each day. F o r there h a s still been n o one sailing u p t o bring y o u letters except . . . I think y o u have learnt . . . if t h e gods w i l l . . . from those w h o sail u p . . . untimely . . . of t h e debt ? . . . before t h e 23rd. (Col. I l l ) Heliodoros t o his brother Phibas, greeting. I a m very glad t h a t y o u get t h e letters I send. I greet y o u at least in writing. T h a t is w h y I w a t c h e d wearily for anyone w h o is sailing up. T h e y h a v e undertaken t o p a y . Y o u should n o t h a v e forgotten . . ., b u t m a y t h e gods preserve y o u from harm a n d m a k e y o u prosper a m o n g every danger. Col. I I , 4-7. Heliodoros complains here of t h e unusual difficulties in communication. I t is almost impossible t o h a v e one's letter sent. This letter w a s written like t h e foregoing ( N o . 440) and t h e n e x t (Col. iii. 8 ) t o Hermoupolis from a place somewhere t o t h e north of i t . 12. a/fot[po or aKai[pov or dia>v doird£op,ai in contrast t o personal greetings is quite a usual formula in private l e t t e r s ; cf., e.g., P S I 1247. 4—5: ypdco do"rra{,[o]p.evr)

vp.as

Kal eixop-evrj

KTX. ; P S I

1312. 7~9

:

KOXCHS ex^tv

eKptvov

ypdtftat, KOI

dandaeadat ae S i a TOV emaToXiov; see also S B 7997. 3 . T h e sentiment underlying such expressions is t h e contrast of greetings in writing only and personal greetings (this t h e m e is fully elaborated in P S I 1 2 6 1 . 1 0 - 1 2 ) . I t would seem better, therefore, t o leave t h e t e x t as it stands a n d interpret i t : I a m sure I a m more glad t o hear t h a t y o u h a v e g o t m y letters t h a n y o u are t o receive t h e m . Since Heliodoros's family lived in a n area which w a s more exposed t o danger than t h e place Heliodoros w a s staying i n , his sentiments are quite understandable. T h e n h e a d d s : I greet y o u a t least in writing, t h a t being t h e o n l y possibility. B u t since t h a t is so h e does everything t o g e t in touch w i t h t h e m . Therefore (810) h e waits wearily (emfiap&s) for people w h o m a y be going southward (taking tyeopevov w i t h Wilcken a n d against Bilabel as i s t person sing, n o t 3rd plural). A. F.

SECTION X I : NO. 442

244

No. 4 4 2 . A letter from Eudaimonis to her daughter Aline Hermoupolis. 2 1 - 5 x 1 0 c m . 16th J u l y , A.D. 117C?) P . B r e m . 63. S B 4 5 1 5 , 1 1 . 2 5 - 2 8 . L I T . : Wilcken, Grundz. 1 2 4 s q . R o o s , 1 3 9 . R o b e r t s , Leg. of Egypt, 279 s q . Bell, JEA x x x i v , 1948, 9 6 ; i d . , JEA v i , 1920, 2 4 3 . Wilcken, Forsch. u. Fortschr. 1 9 3 6 , xii, n o . 7, p . 90. H o m b e r t , Chr. d'£gypte, x i i , 1 9 3 7 , 1 0 4 . Vitelli, P . Flor. iii, p . 6 8 . H u n t , P . O x y . v i i , p . 220.

This letter from Eudaimonis to her daughter Aline was written—notwithstanding the fact that it is concerned with private, peace-time matters—before the Jewish war was over. The revolt of Eudaimonis against the god, to whom she is not going to pay any attention unless she sees her son safely returned (11. 2 6 - 2 8 ) shows that Apollonios is not yet back from the war. There are in the papyrus some other pieces of information to be connected with the Jewish revolt: (a) Eudaimonis is engaged in some weaving at home, and she complains that it is impossible to get any help nowadays (11. 6 - 1 4 ) . Slave-girls, who were in normal conditions hired out by their owners, are, I believe, meant here. This scarcity of labour might have been one of the effects of the war; (b) the rather straitened economic situation of the mother of the well-to-do strategos—she already foresees herself 'naked in the winter', 11. 28 sqq.—may be attributed to the same causes. The general impression given by this papyrus is that the fighting is already over both in Hermoupolis, which is suffering from its economic effects, and in Apollinopolis, whither Aline had returned three weeks before the date of the letter (1. 6 ) . But some fighting must still be going on somewhere in Egypt since Apollonios is not yet safely back from the war. The letter was written on 2 2 Epeiph—16th July of an unknown year; in view of its contents 1 6 t h July 1 1 7 would seem a probable date. AXlvr/L rfju

EVO[CIL\(JLOVIS

dvyarpl

^atpetv.

eu^o/xat ere irpo rravToov evKaipoos 5

drrodeaOai T O

fidpos

Kal Aafieiv doiv errl

v\o\s. T\TJC\

appe-

rrJL KO dverrX^ejvaa? Kal i£fjs KariarraKa.

eXafiov diro

p,6yis

fia<j>€os r[rjt]

TOV

t TOV 'Eirelcf). avvepyd^opbac 10

Se Tat? TraioLoKais aov TO T<X?

Bvvarov.

ov

X

hvvapievas

Kara

evplaKoo

avvepyd^ecr-

Oav rjpuv, a7r[a]o-[a]t(?) yap Tat? tStat? KvpiaLS 15

ipyd^ovrai.

cbSevoav yap ol r)p,6~jv TYJV

TTOXLV

rrepLOXTJV

[7r]po{a)a7r€v8ovT€S

irXeov pnoOov. r) doeX^f) oov Uovepovs

direOeTo T O j8dpo?.

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 ) eypaxjse 20

p,oL Teevs

245

ev^a/)tcTT[ou]-

era vpLLV, coore, Kvpla,

k'yvcov

OTL at eWoAat puov puevovaL. TrdvTas yap

25

avrrjs

TOVS

Kara-

Aelifjaaa avve£cbppLr)ae

aoi.

daTrd^eTal

ae r) p,€LKpd

Kal

KapT(ep)el

TOLS

rrpoaia0L he

pLa9r)p,aoL.

OTL ov pLeXXoj 0ecoi crp£oAd£etv, et p,r) irpoTepov vl6v Tas 30

dirapTLGLO TOV

pLOV. els TL pLOL €7T€pLlfj[as] KS

(Spaxpids),

6Ve

rrpo 60aApLtov ex°°> °

evKaipco

OVK T l

; 17877

7

yvpw )

pLevtd TOV ^etjLtcDva. (2nd hand)

eppcoao.

'Errelcfr KJ8. I n the left margin (ist hand) 'H yvvr) EvSr]p.ov eaTiv

aKelvrjTOs p>ov

Kal

LV

X°^P

^ X

0

0

a

VTr\i.

Verso (3rd hand) 8. 1. flatftews.

AXlvrji 24. 1. (UKpd.

X

0vyaTp[l].

24—25. irpo
e d i t . irpooKapTei.

pap.

(Translation.) Eudaimonis t o her daughter Aline, greeting. I pray above all t h a t y o u m a y be delivered of a child in good time and t h a t I shall receive n e w s of a son. Y o u sailed u p on the 29th, and on the n e x t d a y I b e g a n t o w e a v e . I at last got the material from the dyer on the 10th of Epeiph. I a m working w i t h your slave-girls as far as I can. I cannot find girls t o work w i t h me, for t h e y are all working for their o w n mistresses. Our people h a v e been marching all over the city, asking for more p a y (or: offering higher wages). Y o u r sister Souerous has been delivered of a child. Teeus wrote t o me, express­ ing her gratitude t o y o u , so I know, lady, t h a t m y instructions are being carried out. For she has left all her o w n people and gone t o join y o u . T h e little girl sends her greetings, and is persevering w i t h her lessons. B e sure t h a t I shall p a y no attention t o God until I get m y son back safe. W h y did y o u send m e 20 drachmai, w h e n I h a v e no leisure ? I already h a v e the vision of being naked w h e n winter starts. (2nd hand) Farewell, E p e i p h 22. ( i s t hand) T h e wife of E u d e m o s has stuck b y m e and I a m grateful t o her. (Verso) (3rd hand) T o Aline her daughter. 4. dnoBiadai TO fidpos 'to be delivered of a child'; cf. 1. 18. 1 1 - 1 4 . According t o Wilcken workers for hire are m e a n t here. B u t , on this supposition, ISlais Kvpiais would be hardly understandable. W e h a v e t o take into account other possibilities dismissed b y Wilcken. I t would seem t h a t slave-girls were sometimes hired out for p a y b y their owners. I t might be t h a t the war caused a shortage of labour and therefore it w a s impossible for Eudaimonis t o

SECTION X I : NOS. 4 4 2 - 4 4 3

246

get such temporary help. Hiring o u t of slaves, while u n a t t e s t e d , t o m y knowledge, in the papyri, w a s a regular feature in the economic life of classical A t h e n s ; cf., e.g., P s . - X e n . Ath. Resp. i. n . 1 4 - 1 7 . According t o W i l c k e n free workers for hire are m e a n t here. (Taking ol r)pcov in a general sense like 'our people here', n o t as pointing t o the labourers of Apollonios's household in Hermoupolis.) H e reads [v]po^ayairev8ovres and translates 'indem sie mehr L o h n hinzubegehrten'. The word is n o t at­ tested in this sense (although it m a y h a v e similar connotation in Teles, a p . S t o b . Flor. 97, 32), while oTtevSto occurs in this sense. Professor Tcherikover, however, suggests t h a t this sentence is explanatory of the preceding and interprets 'our m e n ' — i . e . e m p l o y e d b y Eudaimonis—'paraded the t o w n offering higher wages' i.e. t o g e t slave-girls t o help E u d a i m o n i s . B o t h interpretations are possible, but w e m u s t suspend j u d g e m e n t in v i e w of t h e doubtful reading [ir]po(o-yoTrev8ovr€s. 1 8 - 1 9 . For Uovepovs cf. W i l c k e n , P . B r e m . , p . 1 3 ; for Teevs—P. Giss. 77. 24.17 /xet/cpd is Heraidous w h o lived w i t h her g r a n d m o t h e r ; cf. N o . 437. 25-28. The m e a n i n g of drraprlaa> is n o t clear enough. AnaprlCco is usually used in the sense of 'to g e t ready, c o m p l e t e ' , b u t t h i s , of course, b y no m e a n s suits the c o n t e x t . Preisigke, W B , s.v., translates 'den Sohn ausriisten'. B u t it is n o t a t all probable t h a t E u d a i m o n i s has t o worry about the war-kit of her son, especially n o t w h e n the war w a s almost over. I n the n e w edition of the WB (iv. 1 , s.v. dnaprl^to) t h e word is classed together w i t h U P Z 5 1 . 13 and P . B r e m . 48. 20 under the heading of 'vollig befriedigen, zufrieden stellen'. F r o m the t w o passages quoted b y Prof. Kiessling in the W B , t h e first certainly has the middle in the sense of 'satisfy' ( U P Z 5 1 . 1 3 : <07r>a>s airapn(,cop,e0a) while in the second ( P . B r e m . 48. 20, in activ.) this sense is v e r y probable. In private communication Prof. Kiessling suggests t h a t some financial help from E u d a i m o n i s to her son is m e a n t ; it is in this sense t h a t she w a n t s 'to satisfy her son'. H o w e v e r , Wilcken's 'ganz erhalte' (Roberts translates 'unless I get m y son back first', so also Bell and Roos) would suit the c o n t e x t better. A l t h o u g h this sense of drraprl^co is n o t a t t e s t e d , P . O x y . 724. 12 m i g h t be, perhaps, regarded as supporting to a degree this explanation. It is a contract for apprenticeship of a b o y in shorthand writing (it is, to m y knowledge, the only t e x t , besides those quoted a b o v e , where dnaprlt,co is applied to a living person). It has a c l a u s e : edv 8e ivros rod xpdvov avrov dvaprlar/s—i.e. 'you will m a k e h i m perfect (in his job)'. On the strength of this passage I w o u l d , t e n t a t i v e l y , suggest t h a t w e take drraprl^co in our papyrus n o t , to be sure, in t h e sense of 'make perfect' which is b e y o n d the ability of E u d a i m o n i s , but in the p r o x i m a t e sense of 'have m y son perfect', i.e. 'safe, in good health, secure'. T h e angry exclamation of E u d a i m o n i s t h a t she will p a y no a t t e n t i o n t o t h e g o d unless she has her son perfectly well back is characteristic b o t h of her dealings w i t h the gods and of some religious tendencies of the age. T h a t w a s n o t her only revolt against the gods. In another letter she writes t o Apollonios w h e n some family interests are at s t a k e , pending judicial a c t i o n — o v r [ e i]Xovadp.riv [ovjre irpoaeKvvr/aa Oeovs foPovp-evrj aov TO p.erea>pov . . . (P. Flor. iii. 332. 1 1 - 1 3 ) . In b o t h cases w e h a v e t o do w i t h a demonstration t o show to the god her dissatisfaction w i t h the state of her affairs. This t e n ­ d e n c y 'to regard the relationship b e t w e e n gods and m e n a s one of strict reciprocity'—a relationship according to which 'if t h e gods neglected their d u t y and afflicted their d e v o t e e s , the sufferers retaliated b y turning their backs on gods' ( H u n t ) — i s revealed in P . O x y . 1065, where a w o m a n in evil plight w r i t e s : toairep [ o ] t deol OVK ilaavro /x[o]w ovrtos Kayto deco[v] ov l[a]opai. Cf. on this p h e n o m e n o n W i l c k e n , Arch, v , 1913, 441 s q . ; Preisigke, Gottlich. Fluidum, 49 s q . ; Bell, JEA x x x i v . 1948, 96. S

29. K —probably for K (Spaxp-ds) although according t o the editor 'der Querstrich, der hierfiir iiberhaupt nicht zu erwarten ware, sich iiber die beiden Zeichen hinzieht'. 2 9 - 3 1 . T h e meaning seems to be t h a t the small s u m of t w e n t y drachmai cannot help her m u c h in her plight. rvp.vr) ought n o t , of course, t o be t a k e n t o o literally as we k n o w from her other letters t h a t t h e old lady is inclined t o rather strong language. A. F.

No.

4 4 3 .

Hermoupolis.

18 x 3 0 cm.

28th N o v e m b e r , A . D . 1 1 7 .

P . Giss. 4 1 . W . Chr. 1 8 . S P 298. L I T . : Wilcken, Arch, v , 1 9 1 3 , 4 3 0 ; id., Grundz.

6 5 ; id., P . B r e m . , p p . 1 5 , 46. Stein, Die

Prdfekten,

62 sq. R o o s , 1 3 5 - 6 . L . F u c h s , 30. Juster, ii. 187 n. 4 , 1 9 0 n. 4. R o b e r t s , Leg. of Eg. 2 7 7 . Premerstein,

THE JEWISH

REVOLT IN

EGYPT

(A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 )

247

Hermes, lvii, 1 9 2 2 , 309. Kramer, Phil. Woch., xliii, 1923, 729. Milne, 295. R e i n m u t h , Prefect of Egypt, 1 1 , 3 8 . P e r e m a n s - V e r g o t e , 249. Wenger, Volk und Staat, 19. Meautis, Hermoupolis-laGrande, 3 3 sq.

Apollonios's application to the prefect of Egypt consists of two parts; the first part (11. 1 - 9 ) is a letter from Apollonios reminding the prefect of an earlier application for leave, which was not yet granted to him; the second part is a copy of the original appli­ cation. Apollonios asks the prefect of Egypt for sixty days' leave to arrange his private affairs, and to put into working order his estates in the villages and the metropolis of the Hermoupolite district, as these have suffered neglect and damage because of his long absence and the action of the 'impious Jews' (vapd r-qv dvooLwv ['/ouJSaioujV e](/>oSov). The date (1. 10) is 2 8 t h November of an unknown year of Hadrian. This has sometimes been regarded as the date of the first application. Prefixing of date is, however, rather unusual in applications of this kind, documents being usually dated at the end (the date is sometimes written by the writer of the petition, sometimes appended in the office on receipt of the petition; see Reinmuth, Prefect of Egypt, 86 sqq.). Thus the date in 1. 1 0 is to be referred to the reminder, not to the first application, which must have been written at least some weeks earlier. The end of the Jewish revolt is already the terminus post quern for the first application, since Apollonios writes after resuming his normal duties, asking for temporary relief from the oTparqyLa (Col. II. 1 1 - 1 3 ) , and the revolt is to him a past event. Although one would expect Apollonios to have been so intensely interested in his leave only at a time close to the end of the revolt, theoretically the date of the application and reminder could be SeptemberNovember of any year before 1 2 0 / 1 , i.e. before the end of Apollonios's strategia. How­ ever, by the end of August A.D. 1 1 8 , the building activities on one, at least, of Apol­ lonios's estates in Hermoupolis were already in full swing (P. Brem. 1 5 dated by Wilcken, p. 4 6 ; see also P. Ryl. 2 3 3 , P. Giss. 20, P. Brem. 48, P. Giss. 67, and, perhaps, P. Giss. 70), and it looks very much as if we have before us the effects OF the leave granted to Apollonios and of his efforts to Siop0tDo-[ai] . . . rd rjperepa, to use his O W N language (cf. Roos, 1 3 6 , Wilcken, op. cit. 46). Since late 1 1 8 and any date after it are thus excluded, A N D in late 1 1 6 Hadrian W A S not yet emperor, we arrive at SeptemberNovember A.D. 1 1 7 as the possible date of Apollonios's TWO communications to the prefect of Egypt. The prefect is, thus, Rammius Martialis, as restored by the editor.

Col. I ( i s t hand)

['PapipLLcot, MapriaXt

[fjs

17817

yeypa(f)d

[TrtcTToA^s' L

\xn ]

TO

A

TCOV

€LV

x ^P '

r)yep,oj]v

dvriypad^ov

OO^TJL,

[oiopOcooiv

CTOL,

r)yep,6vi

ATTOXXCOVOTT\OX]CTOV

pdas]

['ETTTCLKOJ

5

Kpariarcoi

TCOL]

arparrjyos]

[ATTOXXCOVLOS

Kvpie, rrepl Kopedrov

[[a]PT]]

avyxcoprjorjis]

/XOT

inrera^a,

Kq]T6TT€iyeLV.

ORE

olop^ai

( 2 n d hand) ev^opiai,

1 0 ( 3 r d hand) [ ( e r o v s ) . AvTOKpaTopos

Kaiaapos

Tpaiavov

hand)

['Pa/XJLTTCUT

MapTidXi

TCOL]

KpaTia\r]coL

r)y\epL6vi]

TV-

TT)V

iv

ippcoadai rjyepicov

ae Kv[pt]e.

Ah]piavov

^aaj[o]v (4th

TTJL

[e]ls

rjpLepas itjrjKovra

r)pL€Tepco]y, vvv pidXiOTa,

[

i-

iv* idv crov

X[o]iaK

Sej8.

SECTION X I : NOS.

248

443-444

[AttoXXoovlos (irparrjyos Atto\X\ojvotto\ltov ^[rrraKOJ [

]oov, r)y[6]pioov [/cupte, . . . ]

[

ajna^,

/ca[

]

Col. I I [

^vvxpTJcraoOai'

ov yap puovov v-

tto jfjs puaKpas dTToSrjpilas 7ra[vT]qTraoLV dpieXrjOevTa Sata>[v e]o8ov

ax^Sov

r)pL€Te[pa]

Tvyx[dv€i],

dAA[d /cat] rrapa rr)v rcov dvooLwv 5

rd

['/ou]-

77d[v]r[a dcra]

€ [oj ev re T a t ] ? /cojjLtat? rov ['EppLono]\lto[v /c]at iv tt}[l jLti7]T/po7rdAe[t . . . . ] X

IO

yev[6pL€va

r]f)v nap* ipiov

iTri^rjTet.

irruvevaavTOS

herjoei piov pierd tov

dvd[\rnfiLv]

o[d]v {aov}

tt][i\

Stop0d>O"[at]

Kara to hvvardv rd r)pLerepa SvvrjevdvpLorepov Trpoaipx^oQai

[cro]/>tat ,

\rr\i o ]r/oari7)/[tas'] e7rt/xeAetat. Col. I I . I O . 1. nerd TO.

(Translation.) T o R a m m i u s Martialis, the m i g h t y prefect, from Apollonios, strategos of Apollinopolis-Heptakomias, greeting. I attach a copy, prefect, of the application for leave which I previously sub­ mitted, in order that, b y your favour, y o u m a y grant me s i x t y days t o put m y affairs in order, at this time, especially, w h e n . . . is pressing. I pray for your health, prefect. The (first) year of the Emperor Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus, Choiak 2. To R a m m i u s Martialis, the prefect, from Apollonios, strategos of Apollino­ polis-Heptakomias, greeting. . . ., prefect, . . . once . . . (Col. II) . . . make use of . . . . For not only are m y affairs completely uncared for because of m y long absence, b u t also, because of the attack of the impious Jews, practically everything I possess in the villages of the Hermoupolite nome and in the metropolis needs m y attention. If y o u accede t o m y request and I a m enabled t o p u t m y affairs in order as far as possible, I will be able t o approach the duties of m y office w i t h a more tran­ quil mind. Col. I. 1. For R a m m i u s Martialis see Stein, 61 s q q . ; h e h a s been in office from t h e first year of Hadrian, i.e. n t h - 2 8 t h A u g u s t 1 1 7 , according t o the E g y p t i a n reckoning (P. O x y . 1023), he is last mentioned on 4th A u g u s t 119, B G U 140, cf. R e i n m u t h , 1 3 4 ; N . Lewis, A.J.Ph. l x x v i , 1955, 63 sqq. 4.17817 Wilcken, dpn e d i t . ; whether the reminder w a s written shortly after the original petition or n o t , Apollonios would not stress his o w n importunity. 8 . TOV Kaipov or rr/v tupav or dvdyKrjv might be supplied before Kajreirelyeiv (edit.). 1 2 - 1 3 . Wilcken's reading.

pitas

THE

J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 )

Col. I I . 1 - 3 . VTTO Trjs fiaKpas anoorjulas. I t follows from Apollonios' language that he h a s n o t visited the Hermoupolite district till t h e end of the revolt. 4 - 5 . TCDV dvoaioav ['Iovjoaiwv. Apollonios uses the term dvoaioi 'IovSatoi in an official communication t o t h e prefect. Since a strategos w a s certainly n o t supposed t o give v e n t t o his private hatred of t h e J e w s in a document directed t o the prefect of E g y p t , it would seem t o follow that b y t h e e n d of t h e revolt dvoaioi ' i b u S a f o t had become almost an official designation. The c o m m o n explanation of the occurrence of t h e term dvoaioi a s applied t o t h e J e w s is that it expresses the 'deep religious e n m i t y between non-Jews and J e w s ' (Wilcken, Antisem. 786; cf. Weber, Hermes, 1. 1915, 6 5 ; L . F u c h s , 26). H o w e v e r , this term was n o t applied a s a standing designation t o t h e J e w s throughout Graeco-Roman antiquity. T h e term dvoaioi *Iov8aioi came into use only during t h e revolt in E g y p t ; it seems to h a v e become almost a n official designation b y its end, a n d is echoed shortly after it in a specifically antiSemitic literature, viz. t h e A c t s of t h e Alexandrian Martyrs. T h e evidence i s : N o s . 438,1.4; 158a, col. v i , 1. 1 4 , 1 5 7 , 1 . 4 3 ; a n d t h e present papyrus. N o w , t h e archaeological a n d epigraphical evidence from Cyrene seems t o testify t o t h e violently anti-religious, iconoclastic character of t h e revolt. I n v i e w of this evidence I suggest that the J e w s became specifically dvoaioi to the gentiles not as an o u t c o m e of t h e long-standing antagonism between t h e m , b u t a s a result of the J e w s ' violent attack o n t h e pagan g o d s and their holy places (for details cf. Aegyptus, xxxiii, 1953, 158). 7. Some word like dvdarara 8. dvd\fa)\jjiv] or dva[vea)aiv]

is t o be restored here. (edit.).

A. F.

No. 4 4 4 . Letter from Ammonios and Hermokles to Apollonios Hermoupolis. 22 x 52 c m . E n d of A . D . 1 1 7 or beginning of n 8 ( ? ) P . Brem. 1 1 . L I T . : Wilcken, P . Brem., p p . 1 5 , 5 7 ; id., Arch, x i i , 1 9 3 7 , 2 3 9 .

This papyrus implies that some hostilities have taken place in the Lykopolite dis­ trict during the revolt. It is a letter from Ammonios and Hermokles, who lived in the Lykopolite district, to Apollonios the strategos. It seems that Ammonios and Hermokles failed to supply to Apollonios a certain amount of chickling due to him. Apollonios wrote a letter of complaint to the strategos of the Lykopolite nome, which offended Ammonios and Hermokles and caused them to write the present letter. In the part of the letter in which they seem to explain why they failed to supply the goods, the words S t a [ T O U ] ? T[W]V ['Io]v[8a]lwv dopvflovs occur (11. 2 5 - 2 6 ) , and ardueuis ov[o7)s] occurs at the end of the column. The letter does not give information about the character of the hostilities in the Lykopolite district, but it shows that there was some unrest there, which impeded, or allegedly impeded, the writers in fulfilling their promise. Wilcken suggests that in line 26 the rebellion is spoken of as a past event, in line 3 0 as a present event. The context before and after seems, however, to be too obscure to allow such conclusion. I would rather suggest that the letter was written after the revolt since Apollonios seems to be dealing with his private, peace-time affairs. Col. I A[JJL\IXOJVLO[S TOOL

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Std TTjv TOV SrjpboaLov rrvpov

Trapov-

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SECTION XI: \a\7rohpap1elv

rrpos

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arparrryon

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TOV doa/c[o]s, dXX* r)pias Kal 0 eK Tp[lr]ov

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'EppLorroXeiTov TOLS

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['io]i>[Sa]tan> dopvftovs,

[TO]US' T[CO]V

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drroKov(f>Lo6f}s

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rov

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vets

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444-445

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T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 )

251

Verso (3rd hand)

A7TOXXCOV[COJL

(''Eirra) /cco/xta?.

ATP]arrjy(cot)

(Translation.) A m m o n i o s and Hermokles to their most honoured Apollonios, greeting. W e h a d no time, because of the bringing-in of the public corn, t o protest t o y o u and complain about your attacking us as if we were m e n of no account. Y o u did this in the letter which y o u wrote t o Sarapion, strategos of the L y k o ­ polite nome, saying that we had not given y o u your third share of the chickling, b u t that we had . . . a third . . . (Col. II) If we had not (been engaged with?) t h e supplies for Artorius Priscillus, the epistrategos, w e should h a v e m a d e inquiries about the division so that y o u should receive two-thirds a n d w e . . . w e were involved in the division of the chickling of the Hermoupolite nome . . . b y a half . . . and t h a t y o u should have received a half-share from the Hermou­ polite nome, so t h a t y o u m i g h t be relieved b o t h about the quality and . . . . W e took m u c h trouble t o write to one another . . ., however, because of the Jewish disturbances. N o w the affair m u s t be governed b y your conscience and your view of the matter(?) . . . consider t o o that not m u c h . . . and that there w a s a state of riot. (Col. I l l ) For this reason w e h a v e sent to y o u a river-guard, so t h a t y o u m a y reply to us as y o u will and the matter m a y be resolved before the visit of the epistrategos t o the Lykopolite nome. W e pray for your health, lord. (Verso) To Apollonios, strategos of Heptakomia. 4. A m m o n i o s and Hermokles worked for the g o v e r n m e n t in connexion with the transport of corn t o Alexandria. 6. TWV possible; the space does not allow for [TOU]TCUV ( e d i t . ) — c b s no a c c o u n t ' ; t h e y seem to h a v e been m e n of some standing.

doid[opoi]

dvopes—as

if 'men of

15. irapoxai are supplies given b y the localities for visiting high officials; cf. Preisigke, s . v . ; Wilcken, P . B r e m . , p . 36.

Fachwdrt.,

15. On Artorius Priscillus cf. Martin, Les epistr., 187 and Wilcken, a d l o c . ; the e x a c t d a t e of his term of office is not k n o w n . T h e aorist participle indicates t h a t he has laid d o w n his office. 20. HQHI or &OHI (edit.). 26. T h e reading [ ' I o ] v [ o a ] l u ) v is certain (edit.). 25-26. This is the only evidence of 'Jewish troubles' (dopvfloi) being used t o denote t h e e v e n t s of 1 1 5 - 1 7 ; rdpaxos—tumultus seems to h a v e been the official term (cf. F u k s , Aegyptus, xxxiii, 1953,155). 28.

HO

(=

rj

o?) is c e r t a i n ; there seems to be a writer's mistake in

eaaadr)

(edit.).

30. Zrdois was the standing designation of the clashes b e t w e e n Greeks and J e w s (cf. esp. N o . 1 5 3 , 1. 7 3 ; also F u k s , I.e.). 37. T h e epistrategos might h a v e b e e n — a s suggested b y W i l c k e n — F l a v i u s P h i l o x e n o s , cf. P . B r e m . 6 . 1 , 9 and 37. 4. A. F.

Property c. A . D . i i 7 / n 8 ( ? )

Oxyrhynchos. 1 6 - 6 x 1 3 - 1 cm. P. Oxy. 1189. Roth, no. 23. L I T . : Wilcken, Arch. vi. 290 sq. II Vesillo 29, 5 2 . Accordi, Stud. Scuol. Papir.

Israelitico,

l x x , 1 9 2 2 , 1 1 5 . Juster, ii. 69 n. 2. L . F u c h s ,

iii. 2 5 . MacLennan, Oxyrhynchus,

20.

Our knowledge of the topographical extent of the revolt is considerably enlarged by this papyrus. It is a communication from Aquillius Pollio, strategos of the Herak­ leopolite nome, to Apollonios, strategos of the Oxyrhynchite district. Aquillius Pollio

252

SECTION X I : NOS.

445-446

sends two copies of a letter concerning property confiscated from the Jews, accom­ panied by two copies of a schedule (ypa^-q) of the same land. He asks his colleague to transmit one set to the strategos of the Kynopolite district. We cannot know for certain whether the confiscations affected the entire Jewish community or applied only to certain classes of it, viz. those who took part in the revolt. The evidence seems, however, to be slightly in favour of the latter supposition (cf. No. 4 4 8 , see also Aegyptus, xxxiii, 1 9 5 3 , p. 1 5 4 ) . If this is correct, the papyrus would serve as evidence for hostilities in the Herakleopolite, Kynopolite, and Oxyrhynchite districts. The exact date of the document is not known, but the confiscations must have been carried out shortly after the fighting subsided. /x8. AKVXLOS

aTparrjyos

IJCOXIOJV

*HpaKXeoTroXlrov aTparrjycoL 5

TCOI

'

ATTOXXCOVLCO

0£vpvyxelr[oi]v

^lArdVcoi yaxpeiv.

iirLcrroXds Svo, Sis

eypaxjta,

7)v p,ev croc, i)v oe Zapeivco arpanqycp

KwoiToXelrov

rrepl ypacprjs rcov TO is ['jTJovSat10

ois VTraptjdvTcov, rrjv ypatj>r)v ev Kop,iadp,evos

K[OI

rrotrjaeis

Kal rr)v

p,ev aoi LKVovp,evr]v

axcov, 15

TTJV

TroXeiTrjv

avrrjv

Kara-

Se els rov

Kvvo-

hiaTrepufjdpLe-

[vos

Verso ATTOXXCOVICOL

arpa(rrjycp)

'

0£vpvyx[eirov.

(Translation.) Aquillius Pollio, strategos of the Herakleopolite nome, t o his dearest Apollonios, strategos of the Oxyrhynchite nome, greeting. B e good enough t o receive t w o letters which I h a v e written, one t o y o u , and one t o Sabinus, strategos of the Kynopolite nome, about the schedule of the property formerly held b y the Jews, and the schedule itself. R e t a i n your o w n copy, and transmit the other t o the Lykopolite n o m e . . . . (Verso) T o Apollonios, strategos of the Oxyrhynchite nome. 3-4. Apollonios is k n o w n from P . O x y . 74 and 97 t o h a v e held the office of strategos of the O x y ­ rhynchite district in the t i m e of the Jewish revolt. 9-10. T h e form virap^dvraiv shows t h a t the property included in the schedule did n o t a n y longer belong t o t h e J e w s in question. 1 4 - 1 6 . T h e fact t h a t t h e strategos of the Herakleopolite district sends copies of the ypay of con­ fiscated Jewish property t o his colleagues in the O x y r h y n c h i t e and K y n o p o l i t e districts shows t h a t similar measures were t a k e n , or were t o be t a k e n , in these districts also. A. F.

T H E J E W I S H REVOLT IN EGYPT

No. 4 4 6 .

(A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 )

253

A letter from Herodes to Apollonios the strategos

Hermoupolis. 25 X 10 c m . 29th A u g u s t , A . D . n 8 ( ? ) P. Brem. 1 5 . L I T . : Wilcken, Forsch. und Fortschr. xii, n o . 7 , 1 9 3 6 , 90; id., P . B r e m . , p . 1 5 . R o o s , 1 3 6 .

The writer, known from other papyri, was an architect, or a builder, in the private service of Apollonios. When writing this letter he was in charge of building a house on Apollonios's estate in the Hermoupolite district (cf. P. Giss. 2 0 . 1 9 ) ; he informs the strategos about the progress of the work. In the second part of the letter he asks for leave to visit his brother in Alexandria. He has an opportunity to go by ship and reminds Apollonios of the fact that going on foot (ire&veiv) is almost impossible be­ cause of the devastations (Std rrjv iKTropdrjcnv rcov TOTTWV). Wilcken—who establishes the date as August 118—connects this piece of information with the effects of fighting in the Hermoupolite district.

]

t

Hpoj\hr)S

ATTOXXOOVLOOL

TOOL

KvplcoL

xalpew.

ov rrdvTOOs XavddveL ere r d JZvXiKa epya 5

iV

cbv x^-P

TOOV

Kal

H'Oyis erreoTrjoapiev

errayopievoov

TOOV

erreiyovTa

re lepebv

dvpoopiara

rd ev

TOV

TTJS

TOOL

Kal yvdop/qs yeyovev

TT} J8

ovp,oovLas

aldplojL

KOLTCOVOS.

6 errLTporrds

oov

€K rrpoTporrrjs piov ovpicovrjoaL 10

Bvo dvpas

Te ovpmooLov

TOV

rrpooKrjVLOov,

£evLa[s],

TTJS

Lva dftapcos

rds

Kal

TOOV

yevryraL

Kal

pur) and r)pLeprjo[L\oov pLLoddov, r[d] yap Tpdyowov Be 15

TO

rrerrp\i\OTai

rrpos ravra.

drroyeyevrjodaL

dvyarepa

TT)V

erreoyr\Ke

TOOL

drrodrJTaL TO rrevdos,

TOVTOV

epycoL,

ecos av

rrpos Kal TOV

KovLOpi6v

TOOV

rrapaKaXco

oe ovv, KvpLe, errLTpei/jaL pLOL

rrpos ras 20

re-

St[d]

SrjpiooLcov

BiaKevovs

epycov.

rjpLepas

KareX-

$etv rrpos TOV dBeXcf>6v *IepaKLOovos TOOL

TTXOLOO\L

}

d]AAo> yap

oopiaL rre^evew

TOVS

Std rrjv eKrropdrjOLV

KaLpcoL ov

TOTTOVS TOOV

[ • • • • ]

Torr\cov\

Kal TT)V orrdv\_LV

[-—]. [

]

-]

ycov UjLt6r[a]fC€/cAi7]] p,[eTaKeKXr)p,e]vcov drreXOetv els Mep,LV

rrpayp.a-

S[WT/-]

SECTION X I : NOS. 4 4 6 - 4 4 7

254

TLKtov rrpos TOV SiaXoyiopiov, KLXipiav Xaj3ojv imyvGi, 3°

KLCOV.

p,a.

Svo ydp

TO rrpoGKVvrjpLd

yeveoi\oC\s

avTrjs

oov

35

(2nd hand) eppcoao,

irrocrjcra

"IOLSOS

TT]L

Kvpie.

WKTL

rrpoarjv-

aSpoTaras

(3rd hand) A.rroXXcovicoi X 30—31. 1. S i o a r i j / i o .

*Iepa-

Sidore-

TO

KOL p,aXXov

ere Ta(s)

ev-

n rrpdaoei

rjpieptov ion

rrpos Tats dvouaus Trjs )(6p,r]v rroieiv

tva

rrpoKorraS'

©co6 a. Kvpicoi.

34. " p a p .

(Translation.) Herodes, t o Apollonios his master, greeting. Y o u know well of the urgently needed woodwork for the shrines and the guest-house, and because of this it w a s only on the second of the intercalary d a y s t h a t we set u p the doors of the bedchamber in the hall as laid down in the agreement. A t m y request your steward has agreed t o insert in the agreement the t w o doors of the banqueting-chamber and of the porch, so t h a t t h e y m a y be done w i t h o u t trouble and n o t on the daily w a g e - s h e e t s ; for the block has been sawn for this purpose. Owing t o the death of his daughter he has stopped the work until his mourning is over, and also t o lighten the burden of his public business. I therefore request y o u , master, t o allow m e t o go t o m y brother Hierakion in his boat during these idle d a y s , for at another time I will not be able t o go on foot through the country because of its devastation and the lack of . . . agents invited to Memphis for a settlement, so that I m a y take t h e opportunity t o know h o w Hierakion fares. I t is a t w o days' journey. I made the obeisance for y o u at the festival of Isis on the night of her birthday, and I also prayed for your prosperity and success. Farewell, master. T h o t h 1. To Apollonios his master. 1. Herodes is the writer b o t h of P . Giss. 67 and P . B r e m . 48. 3 sqq. For the building activities on Apollonios's estate cf. N o . 443. 6. ovp.u>vla is explained b y Wilcken, in contrast t o work t h e piece. 7.

Koircovos'.

dno

rjfiep-qotutv

uiadwv

(1. 12) as work b y

cf. P . Giss. 67. 1 1 .

8. eirirpoiros aov: t o be identified w i t h Heraklios in charge of Apollonios's estate in the H e r m o u ­ polite district; cf. N o . 439, Introduction. 1 8 - 2 1 . According to the very attractive suggestion of Wilcken, the boat belonged t o Hierakion. T h a t seems t o explain v e r y well the 'unique opportunity' (28-29 evKuplav AajScov) Herodes will not h a v e at another time (aWa> Kaipcp) as well as the genitive 'IepaKicovos instead of the n a m e of Herodes's brother in accusative t h a t we would expect. Apollonios k n e w of course v e r y well (what we gather from 11. 29-30 and from another letter of Herodes in P . B r e m . 48. 19, 35) t h a t the brother w a s Hiera­ kion. In fact, b o t h brothers were in Apollonios's service, Hierakion being possibly—on the strength of P . B r e m . 16—his business-agent in Alexandria. A. F . :

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 )

255

No. 4 4 7 . Damage to property in the Oxyrhynchite district Oxyrhynchos. Early second century A . D . P . O x y . 707 introd. Wilcken, Antisem. 793. Cf. BL i. 3 2 6 . L I T . : Wilcken, Antisem. 793. Juster, ii. 187 n. 4. L . F u c h s , 29. L o e w e , JTS x x i v , 1 9 2 2 - 3 , 1 3 9 .

On the recto of P. Oxy. 707 there are 'three columns of a survey of different pieces of land, written probably early in the second century' (edit.). Among other items farmbuildings damaged by the Jews are recorded. (The verso, a report of some legal pro­ ceedings, dated A.D. 136, has nothing to do with the Jewish revolt.) TOV(OI) iv ot[s] (Translation.)

Ke'AAcu ipLTrfarjaOeioai)

VTTO rcov

'Iovoaicov.

Open lots, in which there are buildings burnt b y the Jews.

The editors read €/j.Tr(oiov ^ e v a i ) ; the reading accepted here is that of Wilcken. I t is difficult t o under­ stand w h a t ol 'Iovoaiot, in general, n o t specific builders, or contractors, would h a v e t o d o w i t h building operations, while the connexion of the J e w s with destruction-work would be only t o o well under­ standable (cf. N o s . 443, 446, 449). ViXds roiros denotes an open lot for house building (cf. Rossi, Aegyptus, x x x , 1950, 42 sqq.). In t h e present case there were some buildings in the place (/ce'AAcu, i.e. h u t s , or store rooms or a n y other house appurtenances), which were destroyed b y the Jews. A. F.

No. 4 4 8 .

Confiscation of Jewish land in the Athribite district

Oxyrhynchos. 2 6 x 9 - 7 c m . A . D . 130. P . O x y . 500. P . O x y . v , p . 3 1 4 . Cronert, Stud. Pal. iv. 94. Cf. BL i. 324. L I T . : Juster, ii. 67 n. 4, 295 n. 2. L . Fuchs, 63. R o s t o w z e w , Kolonat, 1 7 3 . Mitteis, Grundz. 196 n. 1. Wenger, Stellvertretung, 2 3 , 2 5 5 . Kreller, Erbrechtl. Untersuch, 1 2 7 , 1 2 8 . Waszynski, Bodenpacht, 1905, 1 7 1 . Tait, JEA viii, 1 9 2 2 , 1 7 0 .

An application addressed to the strategos of the Athribite nome by a number of persons who wish to lease jointly some domain-land and offer higher rent than that paid by the former lessees. Part of this land consists of Jewish property, con­ fiscated by the government. The land, which had belonged to the Jews killed (or missing) during the revolt, is classed here with land designated as d[n 'I]ov8ala>v dvet,pr)[fi]€vwv Kal 'EAArjvcov d[KX]rjpovop-qra)v. An aK\r)pov6pr)ros is a person deceased without heirs. This kind of property was being confiscated as bona caduca by the Roman administration (cf. Gnom. Idiot. 4). There arises the question why Jewish property was not classed simply as that of aKX-qpovop^roi, i.e. what is the difference between the two categories of land mentioned together in our papyrus. The difference was, I suggest, that the land of the Jews killed during the fighting was regarded as bona caduca whether they left heirs or not, while normally land was confiscated only in the latter case. It would not be safe to draw any far-reaching conclusions on the basis of this somewhat tantalizing papyrus; it may, however, lend some support to the supposition that the property of certain classes of Jews only, not of the Jews as a whole, was confiscated after the revolt. I have omitted 11. 2 5 - 3 5 , which record the success of the application, but add no new relevant material.

SECTION X I : NOS. 448-449

256

1 7

(2nd hand) ['ie/xxj/a aTparrjyop [rrap]d "Qpov [NeK]
Wevofidodi\os

K]OI . .]e-

KOL[1

@CU(JOVTOS

[ • • • • ] ner[

[

LTOV

]s Kal

TOOV

X[O]L[TTOOV

e

M

] * <M Traces of three lines.

10

[12 letters]ou[ djV' *J]ou8ato)v dv€iprj[pi\evoov ^XXfjvoov

q[KX\rjpovopi7]T00V

Terdov $r]p,ocrL(as) (dpovpas) 15

vapoL(rjoLv) cropiev 20

ey vecov

TOV av(rov) TOV

j8

em[6]epiaTos drrrjX(idoTov)

y (apovpav)

dXAr)Xeyyvr)s

[8rj]p,6oiov

(dprd^as)

(dprajSa?) e Kal rrepl

rov ©ooarrov

yrjs dva (rrvpov)

rrepl

yrjs dva (rrvpov)

KO' Kal vrrep

roov oXoov (rrvpov)

Kal

a, as Kal

Srjpiooias p,e\rprj-

els TO

[ye]vrjpidToov

le (erovs)

Ahpiavov

Kaioap\o]s

Kvpiov.

(erovs)

te AvroKpdropos

Tpatavov

Ahpiavov &atd(f)L

4. 1. [N€K~]epa>TOS.

Kaiaapos Eefiaorov e. I I . 1.

avr)ipT)pevcov.

(Translation.) T o Hierax, strategos of t h e Athribite n o m e from Horos son of Psenobasthis a n d from Nekpheros son of Thaisous and . . . P e t . . . a n d t h e rest . . . from J e w s w h o h a v e been killed a n d Greeks w i t h o u t heirs, (we will lease) in t h e district of Tetaphos 24 arourai of public land for 2 artabai of w h e a t per aroura, w i t h a surcharge of 5 artabai of w h e a t for t h e whole, a n d around Psenarsiesis in t h e east of t h e Thostian district, 1 aroura of public land for 3 artabai of wheat, a n d w e will give our m u t u a l security t o p a y t h e rent t o t h e state from t h e n e w crop of this same 15th year of our lord Hadrianus Caesar. T h e 15th year of Imperator Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus. Phaophi 5. 1 1 - 1 2 . I restrict myself t o c o m m e n t o n this sentence. T h e c o n t e x t before is unfortunately hardly intelligible while t h e c o n t e x t after does n o t help m u c h t o elucidate t h e information implied in 1 1 . 1 1 - 1 2 . T h e editors' reading of our passage w a s a [ . i ] o v 8 a i ' w [ v ] elp-q[p.]evcov Kal 'EXkqvia .[..]r)povopiTLov. Cronert proposed in his review of P . O x y . iii (Stud. Pal. i v . 9 4 ) : d [ V TjovSalcov elpr^p\4vcov ( = 171/017p.eva>v) Kal 'EXX-qvatv q[KX]r)povoprJTtov and this w a s accepted b o t h b y t h e editors in their corrections t o P . O x y . iii (-qlp-qpevtov in H u n t ' s private c o p y of P . O x y . iii), a n d in t h e BL. Prof. Gerstinger, w h o kindly re-examined t h e papyrus for u s , points t o t h e possibility of reading aveipypeviov and h i s sug­ gestion is accepted here. Cronert's restoration of 1 . 1 0 — d w o r i j ? d v e i A ^ / x / x e V q ? r]ov [. (erovs) rov Kvpiov]— although attractive c a n n o t , of course, be accepted i n t h e t e x t .

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 ) T h e word

is t o be t a k e n here in the sense of 'killed' (cf., e.g., P . B r e m . 37. 7 ; P . O x y .

dveipr}u4voi

1885. 9; 2 1 1 1 . 4 7 ; in classical t e x t s alpio)

257

in the sense of interficere is well a t t e s t e d a n d , I think, e v e n

dvaipia*

could h a v e this sense). If t h a t is correct, J e w s killed, or missing, during the fighting in

A.D.

17 are referred t o .

115-

A. F.

N o . 4 4 9 . Damage to agricultural property caused in the course of the Jewish revolt Fayum.

15-6x15-5 cm.

27th March, A . D . 1 5 1 .

B G U 889. BL i. 7 7 . L I T . : W i l c k e n , Antisem. sq.

L . F u c h s , 34.

7 9 9 ; id., Grundz.

L e w a l d , Romisch-Agypt.

6 5 ; i d . , Arch. Grundbuchrecht.

i. 5 5 7 ; id., Hermes, 1909, 77 n. 4.

liv, 1919,

Rostowzew,

in

Kolonat,

15, 178.

This papyrus records a letting-out (ploQaxns) of plots of land and houses to some inhabitants of the village Sebennytos in the Fayum. I restrict myself to printing 11. 2 1 - 2 4 only of this badly mutilated papyrus, where the Jewish revolt is mentioned. The following history of a plot of land is here revealed. In the opodzoLa (i.e. new fixing of boundaries) in A.D. 1 4 6 , the land spoken of was recognized as: (a) belonging to the estate once in possession of Maecenas (cf. Wilcken, Hermes liv. 1 1 1 sq.); (b) as mostly waste-land (eprjpos). It had become ep-qpos in consequence of damage done in the Jewish revolt (iv T<3 IovS(a'CKa>) rapdxcp), and was still not bringing any revenue (dopos) in 1 5 1 , the date of the present papyrus, i.e. about thirty-four years after the end of the revolt. That seems to point again to a thorough devastation (cf. also Nos. >

4 4 3 , 446, 4 4 7 ) .

21

]idr]ytoy rep 6 (eret) rcov

[opoOealas]

elvai

rrjs

A[ey(6p,evos?). \Mai\K(r)variavrjs)

Kararr€rr(rcoKcos) ].G(,v[.]a(pos ,

Iov8( aiKco)

.] rjrrep

(apovpai)

£K rrjs

yevo(pLevrjs)

ovaias

eprjp,os

[e]/c rov

rrXeiorov

[.]

rt drro K (erovs) rapdxco

eyvcbodrj

Kr[rj(creojv)]

OV<JI(OLKCOV)

rov

K(OU) a (erovs).

[•••]?

v

*

T<

?

ra£(. • • )"•[•] 1

] 0 a i rj Kal p-ixP

v

v

^

dtf>opos.

(Translation.) . . . w h i c h w a s recognized in the fixing of the boundaries of the dominial properties which took place in the n i n t h year to belong t o the domain of Maecenas, for the most part waste and disused of . . . a r o u r a i . . . from the 20th year w h i c h w a s also the i s t . . . in the Jewish disturbance . . . and is still u n ­ fruitful. 21 sqq. T h e t e x t is b a d l y m u t i l a t e d ; the readings g i v e n here are those of Wilcken's revision of the papyrus (Hermes, liv. 1 1 1 sq.). On the basis of Schubart's reading in 1. 2 3 : d-no KO.1 TOV K a (erovs) KTX. Wilcken assumed t h a t a clash b e t w e e n t h e R o m a n s and t h e J e w s in the 21st year of Hadrian (136/7) is here referred t o (Arch. i. 5 5 7 ; Antisem. 799; Grundz. 65) and connected it w i t h the rising of BarK o c h e b a . H o w e v e r , according t o Wilcken's revised reading (reproduced in our t e x t ) t h e year K which is also a, i.e. the 20th year of Trajan's and the first of Hadrian's reign, is referred t o . 23. iv rep 'Iovo(a'iK
S

258

SECTION X I : NO. 450

No. 4£o. Annual festival in the Oxyrhynchite district in commemoration of victory over the Jews Oxyrhynchos. 2 1 x 4 6 c m . A . D . 199/200. P . O x y . 705, Cols. I—II, cf. P . O x y . v , p . 3 1 5 . W . Chr. 1 5 3 , 407. L I T . : Wilcken, Arch. iii. 3 1 1 ; ibid. iv. 2 1 8 , 379 sqq. Wilamowitz, GGA 1904, 660. Lumbroso, Arch. iii. 3 5 2 sq. L . F u c h s , 29. Schiirer iii. 48 sq. Wilcken, Grundz. l x v . 1 4 3 ; id., Antisem. 792 s q q . , 799. P . M. Meyer, Klio, vii, 1907, 1 3 1 sqq. Juster, ii. 1 9 5 n. 5. Hasebroek, Untersuch. zur Gesch. d. Kaisers Septim. Severus, 7 1 , 1 2 1 - 2 . Premerstein, Hermes, lvii, 1 9 2 2 , 306. Wilcken, P . Brem., Intr. p . 1 4 . Schubart, Einfu.hr. 2 4 1 . Milne, 265 sq. R e i n m u t h , Prefect, 3 8 . Wenger, 1 2 0 . Kreller, 246 n. 5 . Taubenschlag, L a w , 61 n. 1 6 , 64 n. 3 4 , 399 n. 4. MacLennan, Oxyrhynchus, 20 sq. Groningen, Le Gymnasiarque, 82. Oertel, Liturgie, 3 5 5 sq. 2

Aurelius Horion, an Alexandrine of high standing, who was a rich landowner in the Oxyrhynchite district, proposed to donate a large sum of money, the interest from which was to be expended upon maintaining the annual contests of the epheboi at Oxyrhynchos. He wrote a petition to secure the imperial guarantee that the founda­ tion would be permanently maintained. Col. I is the favourable answer of Severus and Caracalla with a copy of the original petition (Col. II) appended to it. (Col. I l l and the illegible Col. IV, which I omit here, are the imperial answer to another petition of Horion concerned with the welfare of certain villages in the Oxyrhynchite district.) Only the first petition is of interest here. Aurelius Horion enlarges in it on the claims of the Oxyrhynchites to imperial favour. One of the main points he dwells upon is the help which the people of Oxyrhynchos lent to the Romans during the Jewish war ( / c a r d rov rrpos Elovhaiovs voXepiov ovp,p,ax^o-avT€s). In this connexion he reminds the Emperors of the fact that the people of Oxyrhynchos still celebrate an annual festival in commemoration of the victory over the Jews. For the dating accepted here see the discussion by Hasebroek, I.e. Col. I [AvTOKpdrcop

Kataap

[Eeovrjpos

5

IIzpTLvat;

[ApafiiKos

AoiafirjViKos

[Meytaros

Kal AvrjoKparoop

[MdpKos

AvprjAios

2J]€7TTLP,[L]O[S

AOVKLOS

Evaeftrjs

E^efiaaros

i7a]o[#t/c]o? K[au]aap Ev[a]€ftr)s

AV\TOOVLVOS

[Eefiaaros AvprjXioj

' Qp€LOj\vL xaipeiv.

[15 letters]. rjxa[ [13 letters rdVjv 10

] irreSo'O^vpvyx^fopy[.]oa-

[16 letters]avrtju,a. . . ay. [. ]v [ 1 6 letters]a. . [ . ] e r

[,]A[. .

[ 1 5 letters]ju,a? et? r [

]y

[ 1 5 letters]rtao-t.[

]y

[15 letters], eortv [Se r) d]£t[cucri? 15

[TOLS

evpLeveardroLS [Kal

AvToovLvep

AvrjoKparopoiy TOLS]

Trdv[T\oov

[E]eo[vrf\pop [d^vdpojrrojv

T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 ) [otOTrjptTL /cat evepjyeTOLLS

AvprjXtos

[*Qp€tcov yev6p,€\vos aTparr^yos [St/cacrrr}? Trjs Xapi\rrpoTdrr)s 20

[AXe^avSpecov] [

259

Kal dp^t7r6X[€]cos

TCOV

xatpew.

co i\avdpcori\6Taroi

AvroKparopes

[14 l e t t e r s ] . t r[fj 7ro]Aet p,eydXr) [14 letters

]ei>et /cat ert

[a]cot,ovorj

[13 l e t t e r s ] . [ . ] v e q y KaT\o\iKio€y. 25

[15 letters

.y

TLj[€tav6]s

]TIT[O]S

[15 l e t t e r s ] . evcoref

]ve

[15 letters]vSeA. . . [

].v

[14 letters[Sov. [. ] .

]e[. ] . ? Col. I I

a[

]ov Kal aA[. .]craju,[. . .]Acuv[. . . . ] 7r[A]etcu cov 6 [X]6yos ipue r [ . .

•••[•]

30

,

77 p[ocre]crT[t] Se avrois

.A]qvdd[vet,

Kal r) rrpos 'Pcopuatovs

eyv[oi-

d r e KOL rrioTLS Kal (f>tXla, rjv eVeSet£ai>TO /ca[t Kara

TOV rrpos ElovSaiovs

aavres

rjpuepav e/cdoTou

35

ImveiKicov

TCOV

rravrjyvpl^ovTas.

CTOVS

€Teip/Qga,T€

puev ovv Kal vpiets avrovs

p,rjo[av]T€S

TCO ecVet rrpcorois

aicbras

p,erd

irnhrjIJrjXov-

pL€TaS6vras Trjs els TO S[tK]acrr77pto[v vp,co]v

elaoSov, 4°

rroXep,ov avpupLaxrj-

Kal ert /cat vvv rrjv

yvcopl^ec

TOS Aairos rdrovs

Se rrjv 7rdA[ti>] /cat o AajLt7r[/3ora-

irrl re rots' /caAAtcr [ t o ] ty /cat eAe[t>0epa>-

k'xovaav

evot/co[uV]T[a? /ca]t rr[pos

TOVS

ju.etp[v] errieiKeordrovs:

Std 8[e t o u t o

TO

ra-

ravrrjv

rr)v rroXuv rjdeXrjoa p/nSef/ztas" eVSeeoTepav(?) TCO[V] 4 5

r)p,€T€pcov

T

J r

v

K

P7)[']d'l ' } -

vrrvcrp,[ 13 letters

TOVS

ATTLKCOV

irr]l rep . . [ . . . a u ­ £rr\l

coptcrrat, TO[V Se] o\v\vay6p,€vov 9

[°]''[s']

K

a

T

>

e r o s dycoviovpievcov,

T[t]v[ot?] yyy dycovltpvre, Ka[l

p,vpi[cov

^cupetv et? erraOXa ic^rj^cov rcov rrap

T\O\KOV

5°

/caTaAt7re[tV 1 1 letters

Savet£ecr0at re /cat ^i>A[dcrcre]cT0at Kada

rcov rrporipcov T

L

[e]A[a]rTov

OVK

ras

a

r

x ara

T]at>r[a] rd xP )l '

av-

ec4' ois /ca[t] ot Ay~

Kal d£ico /ceAeu[crat

v\p,ds

p^rjSevl e£etv[a]t et? dA-

A[o p/nSev] 7re[p]icr7raV. 33. 1. 'Iovoaiovs. 3 5 . 1 . iravr)yvpi£,ovT€s. 38. 1. fierahovres. b y W i l a m o w i t z a n d accepted b y W i l c k e n a n d b y t h e editors.

4 1 . The reading proposed 5 1 . 1 . dya>w£ovT
26o

S E C T I O N X I : NO.

450

(Translation.) Imperator Caesar Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax Augustus Arabicus Adiabenicus Parthicus Maximus and Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius Augustus t o Aurelius Horion, greeting . . . t h e Oxyrhynchites . . . and the plea i s : T o the most gracious Emperors Severus and Antoninus, saviours and bene­ factors of all mankind, Aurelius Horion, formerly strategos and archidikastes of the most famous city of Alexandria, greeting. Most humane emperors, . . . t o a great c i t y . . . and still preserving . . . Titus Titianus . . . and more w h i c h I pass over, b u t t h e y also possess the goodwill, faithfulness, and friendship t o the R o m a n s which t h e y exhibited in the war against the Jews, giving aid then and e v e n n o w keeping the d a y of victory as a festival every year. Y o u yourselves honoured t h e m w h e n y o u came t o E g y p t , b y giving t h e m access t o your tribunal first of all after the m e n of Pelousion. The most illustrious Laetus knows t h a t t h e city possesses inhabitants of the best and m o s t generous spirit and most just in their dealings w i t h the treasury. For this reason I wished t o leave this city in n o w a y inferior t o a n y in our land . . . not less t h a n 10,000 Attic drachmai t o be lent and kept according t o the former regulations, the accumulated interest t o be applied t o the ephebic games which t h e y hold annually, in which t h e inhabitants of Antinoopolis n o w also compete. A n d I ask y o u t o forbid the use of this m o n e y also for a n y other purpose. 1 sqq. T h a t the imperial answer t o Horion's petition concerning t h e contests of t h e epheboi was favourable we m a y learn from the answer t o the second petition. Since this was certainly favourable, it follows from the words KOI ravT-qs (Col. iii, 1 . 59, cf. 61) t h a t t h e first petition also w a s favourably considered b y the emperors. 3 1 - 3 5 . T h e preceding lines are badly mutilated b u t t h e general sense of t h e lines referring t o t h e Jewish W a r seems t o be clear enough. T w o facts are induced b y Aurelius Horion t o prove the evvoia Kal iXia of t h e Oxyrhynchites towards t h e R o m a n s : firstly, t h e fact t h a t t h e y had joined the R o m a n s in t h e war against t h e J e w s , and secondly t h e fact t h a t t h e y still celebrate a festival in commemora­ tion of victory over t h e J e w s . T h e rrpos Elovoatovs noXepos referred t o here can b e , I think, o n l y the great rebellion of A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 , n o t as supposed b y Meyer, I.e., t h e fighting in J u d a e a in A.D. 195-8 (cf. Hasebroek, I.e.), o n the follow­ ing g r o u n d s : (c) t h e only military clash w i t h t h e J e w s in E g y p t which could be named ir6Xep,os was t h a t of A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 and it is actually denoted b y t h a t n a m e in some of the sources (Appian fr. 19, cf. id., bell. civ. 2.90, SEG ix. 189). (b) H a d a clash b e t w e e n t h e R o m a n s and the Jews not in E g y p t b e e n mentioned (as alleged b y Meyer), it would be rather hard t o understand w h a t the people of O x y ­ rhynchos h a d t o do w i t h it. T h e so strongly stressed avn/xaxla would be in this case meaningless. (c) On the supposition t h a t the disturbances in J u d a e a of 195-8 are m e a n t here the 'up t o this time' ( I n Kal v v v ) would be rather strange. I t seems, h o w e v e r , t o m a k e v e r y good sense if we suppose that the victory of about e i g h t y years ago is still celebrated in Oxyrhynchos. T h e word avfifiaxla is n o t t o be t a k e n , I believe, in a n y technical sense. I t means simply t h a t the Oxyrhynchites helped t h e R o m a n s in their fight against t h e J e w s . T h e Oxyrhynchites, o n whose behalf the writer of the petition speaks, are t o b e t a k e n in the first instance as the m i x e d (GraecoE g y p t i a n ) inhabitants of t h e metropolis. I t is, however, n o t impossible t h a t co-operation of the entire population of t h e n o m e w i t h t h e R o m a n s is implied. Cf. N o . 438 in which that almost certainly w a s the case. 40. F o r Q. Maecius L a e t u s cf. Stein, Prdfekten,

110 sq. A. F.

INDEX TO THE DOCUMENTS i.

E M P E R O R S

A N D

T H E I R

FAMILIES,

OF

Augustus Oeov vlos, 1\2. 6, 3 1 , 3 8 ; 143. II, 18, 24; 144. 1 2 - 1 3 ; 145. 6, 23, 3 9 ; 146. 9; 147. 1 , 1 1 ; 148. 7 ; 149. 9; 150. 2 1 ; 1 5 1 . 1 6 ; 153. 59, 60-61, 62, 87; 409. 1 ; 4 1 1 . 1 - 2 , 1 5 , 28, 3 8 ; 412. 26. 0e6s

Zefiaoros

Caesar (Gaius Julius) Kataap, I59&. Col. V, II. Julia *IovXla

THEIR

I

Tiros

J

J

Germanicus

419a.

Aop.iri.av6s

179'

*>

l8o.

3 ; l8l.

6-7;

Kvpios

AvroKpdrtap

Kataap

Ueftaards

Fepp-aviKOS, 183. 2 ; 183a. 3 ; 184. 4; 185. 4; 186. 45 187. 45 189. 3 - 4 ; 191. 2 ; 192. 2 ; I93. 3 ; 2 7 9 . 2 ; 2 8 0 . 2 ; 2 8 1 . 2 ; 2 8 2 . 2;283. 2;285. 2 ; 286. 2 ; 287. 2 ; 288. 2 ; 291. 2 ; 293. 4 - 5 ; 296. 2 ; 298. 2 - 3 ; 418i. 2 ; 424. 28-29; 430. 9.

AvroKpdrojp

Kataap

N4pova

Tpaiavos

Eefiaaros 2

Kataap

reppaviKos,

2

2

155* 4» 7 > I5°^» 55

5-6. KXavStos

Kataap

Sefiaaros

TeppLaviKOS

AvroKpdra>p Beos, 152. 3 5 - 3 6 ; 153. 9 , 1 1 - 1 2 , 1 4 ; 156a. Col. I, 2, 18, 1 9 ; Col. II, 2, 10, 1 2 , 1 6 ; 156&. 6, 8, 1 1 , 1 7 , 19, 25-26, 39, 48; 156^. 1 9 ; I5<W. 3 , 7,15.16;

157. 73.

Nero Nepa>v KXavSios K a t a a p Zefiaaros TeppiaviKOS AvroKparup, 23I. 3 ; 4*7* > 3 4 I - 2

I

- I

<

repp.avt.K6s AaKiKos Apiaros Kvpios, 157* 3"" 24; 29-30, 34, 43, 46, 5 2 ; 1580. Col. V, 1 1 ; 194. 3 ; 195. 2 ; 196. 2 ; 197. 3 ; 198. 2 ; 1 9 9 . 2 - 3 ; 200. 2 - 3 ; 201. 3 ; 202. 2 ; 203. IJ 204. 3 J 206. 2 ; 207. 4; 208. 2 ; 209. 2 - 3 ; 210. 2 - 3 J 2 1 1 . 2 ; 212. 3 ; 213. 3 ; 214. 2 ; 2IS. 2 - 3 ; 2l6. 3 - 4 ; 217. 2 ; 218. 3 - 5 ; 219. 2 - 3 ; 220. 3 - 4 ; 221. 3 - 4 ; 222. 2J 223. 2 ; 224. 2 - 3 ; 225. 2 - 3 ; 226. 2 ; 227. 2 - 3 ; 228. 2 - 3 ; 229. 2 - 3 ; 299. 2 J 300. 2 - 3 ; 301. i; 302. 2 ; 303. 2 - 3 ; 304. 3; 305. 2 ; 306. 2 ; 307. 3 - 4 ; 308. 2 ; 309. 2 ; 3 1 0 . 2 ; 3 1 1 . 2 ; 3 1 2 . 3 ; 3 1 4 . 2 ; 3 1 5 . 2 ; 316. ~ 3 5 3I7- J 3l8. 2 ; 319. 2 - 3 ; 320. 2 ; 321. 3 ; 323. 1 - 2 ; 324. 1 - 2 ; 328. 3 ; 329. 2 - 3 ; 3 3 1 . 2 j 3 3 2 - 1 ; 333- 2 - 3 ; 334. 3 - 4 ; 335- 3'> 33<*- 2 - 3 ; 337- 2 ; 338. 2 - 3 ; 339. 2 j 340. 1 ; 341. 2 ; 342. 2 ; 343. 2 - 3 ; 3 4 4 . 3 ; 345. 2 ; 346. 4 j 347. 3 - 4 ; 348. 4; 349. 4; 350. 4; 351. 3 ; 352. 2 J 353- 2 - 3 ; 354- 2 . 355- 3 J 356. 3 J 358. 3 ; 359- ; 360. 2 ; 361. 2 ; 362. 3 ; 363. 3 - 4 ; 364. 2 ; 3 6 6 . 1 - 2 ; 367. 2 - 3 ; 369. 2 - 3 ; 3 7 1 . 2 ; 372. 3 ; 427. 1 0 - 1 1 , 1 5 - 1 6 , 2 1 - 2 4 ; 4 8. Col. I, 1 - 2 ; 430. 7-8, 1 4 - 1 5 ; 432- 1 3 - 1 4 ; 435- Col. Ill, 1 6 ; Col. IV, 4. 2

Eepovios rdhfla Kvpios, 234. 3-"4> 4*8^-

2 2

e

2

> ' 9«

* 0 ^ [ v , 235. 2. Vitellius (AtyXos

Kvpios,

2

Claudius Tt.fi4pt.os

Kataap

153* 7«

Caligula

rdlos

2

182. 3 ; 275. 3 .

Tiberius Tifleptos KXavSios Kataap Eefiaoros repp.avi.K6s AvroKparmp, 413. 43~44; 414- I3- 4; 4 5- * 5 419&. 6-8; c. 5 - 7 ; d. 5 - 6 ; e. 6-8; 420a. 5, 25, 3 1 ; b. 1 0 - 1 1 .

Katgrap,

FAMILIES

2 4 5 . 1 ; 246.4; 2 4 7 . 1 ; 248. 2 ; 249. 2 ; 250. 2 ; 252. 2 ; 253. 3 ; 254. 2 ; 256. 2 ; 257. 2 ; 258. 2 ; 259. 2 ; 2 6 1 . 3 ; 262. 2;263. 2 ; 2 6 4 . 2 ; 2 6 5 . 4 ; 266.2;269. 3 ; 2 7 0 . 3 ; 2 7 1 . 2 ; 2 7 3 . 1 ; 2 7 4 . 3 ; 278. 1 ; 418a. 8, 1 1 , 1 2 , 1 5 , 16, 19, 20, 2 1 ; 421. iSSf 7°-i> ° 7 5 422. 2 - 3 ' Titus

Augusta = (Livia) 27ej3a[<mJ, /L20b. 6.

repp.aviKos

P R E F E C T S

E G Y P T

(a) E M P E R O R S A N D

Kataap

KINGS,

Oieir4XXios,

2$6.

5.

2

2

Vespasianus Oveoiraoiavos Kataap AvroKparatp Kvpios EefSaaros owrtip evepyertjs Ap.p.a>vos vlos Beds, 160. 3~4J 1 6 2 . 3 ; 163. 3 ; 1 6 4 . 3 ; 1 6 5 . 4 5166. 3 ; 1 6 7 . 3 ; 168.3;170.2;171.2;172.3;173. 4;174-35 175. 3 ; 176. 3 ; 177. 3 J 178. 45 237. 3, 4 - 5 J 238. 3? 239* 2 } 241. 4, 6; 242. 2 ; 243. 3 - 4 J

2

Plotina nXarretva,

157*

26,

32.

262

E M P E R O R S A N D T H E I R F A M I L I E S ETC.

Hadrianus AvroKpdrcop

Kaiaap

Tpaiavos

ABpiavos

EefSaoros

Kvptos, 158c. Col. I, 8 ; Col. II, 1 , 10, 14, 2 2 ; Col. Ill, 1 4 , 1 6 ; Col. IV, 1 , s; Col. V I , 6 , 8 , 2 8 ; 1586. 3 - 4 , 6; 443. Col. 1 , 1 0 - 1 1 ; 448. 20-23. Antoninus Avr
Pius xvptog

Sefiaoros,

393.

3;

394.

2 - 3 ; 395- 2 - 3 ; 396. 2 - 3 ; 397. 3 ; 398. 3 ; 399. 2 ; 400. 3 - 4 ; 401. 2 - 3 ; 402. 2 - 3 ; 403. 2 - 3 . Verus Kvpios

Ovijpos

Kaiaap,

3-4;

375.

380.

3 - 5 ; 377- 3 - 4 ; 379- 3 - 4 J 380. 3 - 5 ; 2 - 4 ; 383. 2 - 3 ; 384. 2 - 4 ; 385. 3-4; 386.

3-5;

387.

2-4;

388.

39i.

1-3;

392.

2-3.

3-4;

389-

3-5J

390. 3 - 5 J

Commodus Kaiaap AvroKpdra>p, I59 ' Col. I, 13; Col. I I , 6, 8, 1 0 ; 159&. Col. II, 2, 3 , 1 3 ; Col. Ill, 1, 2, 4, 1 3 , 1 4 ; Col. IV, 1 . 9; Col. V, 2, 4 , 8 . a

Kaiaap

Avprfhios

376. 381.

3-5;

3-5;

Zeflaoros

376.

3-5;

381.

2-4;

AvroKpdratp 377.

383.

3-4;

379.

2-3;

384.

2-4;

3-4;

389.

385.

3-4?

386.

3-5;

387.

2-4;

388.

3-5J

390.

3-5;

391.

I-3J

392.

2-3.

Marcus Aurelius AvTOKpdrtop Kaiaap AvpijXios Avrayveivos Kvpios Zepaaros 0e6s, 159b. Col. II, 7 - 8 ; 375. 3 - 5 ;

Septimius Severus AvTOKpdrojp [Kaiaap AOVKIOS 27]e7rrt/a[t]o[s [ 2 7 ] e o [ u ^ ] p o ? [Evae^s JJepriva^ 2 7 ] e j 3 a a r o s [ i l p a fiiKos Aoiafir/viKds IJa\p[diK\6$ [Meyiaros oarnjp evep]yer-qs, 450. 1 - 4 , 1 5 - 1 7 , 21. Caracalla AvroKpdrojp K f o t j a a p [MdpKOs AvprjXios AV\TO>VIvos Ev[a]e^s [ZeflaoTos a w n j p evep\yen]s, 45®* 4-6, 1 5 - 1 7 , 2 1 .

(b) K I N G S Ayp'vnttas, 156a. Col. II, 4 ; 156&. 1 8 ; 156^. 2 1 , 28. | KXeo-ndrp\a., 159&. Col. V, 1 2 .

(c) P R E F E C T S OF E G Y P T Gaius rdios

Turranius Tvppdvios,

Mettius 151* x«

Memos

Flaccus 0Xd Kos, K

Vitrasius Oveirpdaios

Aemilius Tiberius

I , 5«

Lupus 158a.

Col.

I , 5 J Col.

II,

5;

Col. IV, 3 ; 4 3 8 . 1 6 .

IJajXeitav,

153'

43'

Rammius

Rectus

AXegavopos,

418a.

b. 6; c. 1; d. 17-18; e. 28; f. 1.

Martialis

'Pdpilfiios

153' *> 7 ° »

[Mapri&Xis],

I, If 1 2 .

Alexander 'lovXios

418^.

'POU[TI']AIO? AOVTTOS,

Pollio

AlfilXXios AOVKIOS 'PTJKTOS,

Tipepios

Rutilius

2

154. 2 5 , 3 5 , 4 0 , 4 - 4 3 » 55*

Rufus 'Povos,

2,

17,

18;

Maecius

Laetus

AairoSf 4 5

0 ,

4°*

158a.

Col.

V, 3 J 443.

Col.

2. P E R S O N A L ftpdoKcav,

s. of Aischylos, 1 8 5 . 1 .

Afioovs,

Awis,

4 0 8 a . 5.

A/3trjTos,

Avrds,

f. of Dalleas, 2 8 4 . 1 .

A{Spdfi[ias,

f. of Marcus, 2 6 8 . 1 .

Avovfi&s,

f. o f Maria, 2 2 7 . 1 .

Afipd'Cfios,

NAMES

4 4 1 . Col. I I , 1 . 1 6 9 . 2.

^tvTi'oxos,

4 2 8 . Col. I I , 2.

2 0 1 . 1 - 2 ; 207. 1-2.

Appdpis,

s. of T h e g e n e s , 3 7 4 . 1 .

AvTiira.Tp[os,

&f}pap.os,

4 1 2 . 6.

-MVTOVEFT'.., 4 3 5 . Col. I , 23.

s. of Jakoubos, 3 6 5 . 1 .

A]fipapos, AfUpvTavos,

s. of Philotas, 1 4 3 . 3 - 4 , 21.

Ayxopivj>is,

1 , 3 ; 173- 2; 1 7 4 - 1 5 1 7 6 . 1 - 2 ; 178. 2 ; 2 3 9 . 1 ; 2 4 0 . 6; 2 4 3 . 1 - 2 ; 2 4 6 . 1 ; 2 4 9 . 3 ; 2 5 2 . 1 ; 2 5 3 . 1 - 2 ; 2 5 7 . 1 ; 2 5 9 . 1 ; 2 6 3 . 1, 4; 2 6 4 . 1 - 2 ; 2 6 6 . 1-2, 4 - 5 ; 2 6 9 . 2 ; 2 7 0 . 2 ; 2 7 1 . 1 - 2 ; 2 7 4 . 2 ; 2 7 5 . 2 ; 2 7 6 . 2.

147*

s. of Panther, 4 2 8 . Col. I , 5. f. of Dionysios, 4 2 5 . 2 1 .

Aoprjros, Ad-qy....,

1 5 7 . 72.

A6y)v6ha>pos, v<

1 5 7 * 9*

Aov'CoXaos,

1 5 6 a . Col. I , 8.

s

•*4«? *?> - ° f Sambathion, 2 2 2 . 1 .

Arrdvi-os

AlpiXios

A-neXXas,

46,

Col.

V I I , 3 , 5 ; Col. V I I I , 4 ; 158*- 5f. of Niger, 1 6 2 . 1 ; 1 6 4 . 1 ; 1 7 0 .

.?lya06V(./
4 0 7 * 3-

.MVTCOVEfro?, 1 5 8 a . Col. I I , 2 2 ; Col. V I , 8, 2 9 ;

142. 11.

Ayadtvos,

1 ; e. 1.

s. of Satorneinos, 419&. 1 ;

Avri-naTpos,

MdpKos,

s. of Marcus, 1 4 6 . 2, 1 2 , 1 7 , 23,

50.

BeXapos,

ATTIOJV, 4 4 ° '

^4ICTO(

206. I .

f. of N i k o n , 1 8 8 . 2. I 2

«

) , s. of A r i . . . , 1 9 1 . i . AlaxvXos, s. of Josephos, 1 8 3 . 1 ; 1 8 5 . 1 ; 2 4 0 . 1 ; 302. 1; 309. I . AKaKias, s. of Herakleides, 2 0 9 . 2. AKT\S, S . of Psenamounis, 4 2 8 . Col. I I , 8. AKIT}TOS, f. of Marous, 1 7 1 . 1 . AKITJTOS, s. of P a t e s , 2 9 2 . 1 . AKOV( ) , f. of Theuphilas, 2 2 6 . 1 . AKovolXaos, f. of Presbous, 4 2 8 . Col. I I , 5.

-M7roA5s, s. of Bokchoris, 3 0 6 . 1 . AiroXXtavia, d. of Sambathion, 1 4 4 . 3 , 8 , 1 4 - 1 5 , 2 3 , 32.

AKVXLOS

AnoXXaivios,

JJOJXIOJV, 4 4 5 - 2.

AKWT&S, S . of A k y n t a s , 2 4 5 . 1 . AKWT&S, f. of A k y n t a s , 2 4 5 . 1 . AXe£av[8pos, 4 0 8 a . 4. 2, 45 1 4 3 AXe&cov,

4,

187. 1 ; 189. 2;

Col. I , 2, 1 3 ; 4 4 4 . 1 , v . ; 4 4 6 . 1 , 36. 445* 3> ATTOXXOJVIOS, s. of Ariston, 1 5 3 . 19. ATTOXXIUVIOS, S . of Artemidoros, 1 5 3 . 16. AiroXXatvios,

'ApLgrioy,

4 3 6 . 1 ; 4 4 2 . 1, v. 28.

4*5* 8, Jl[ju.]^alvto[9, 444* Ap.p.wv<,os, s. of Dionysios, Zeneian, 1 4 2 . 2, 4, 6, 17, 20, 22, 29, 3 3 . b

) , 4 2 1 . 2o6 .

Ap...., Ap,a>v,

4 2 8 . Col. I I , 3 . f. of E i r i o n , 2 9 1 . 1 .

AvSpo..., Avopopxixos,

4 2 8 . Col. I I , 1 .

Poplius Mamilius, 419c?. 2.

Col. I I , 1 , 8, 9 , 1 3 ; 159b.

f. of P a t e s , 4 0 8 ^ . 1 .

Apt, ApiarLoiv,

f. of D a m a s , 2 0 3 . 1 ; 2 8 7 . 1 . S . of Joulios, 4 0 8 6 . I . , f. o f Aiso ( ), 191. 1. d. of Aristion, 1 4 2 . 18, 24. f. of Aristion, 1 4 2 . 1 8 .

Apt
Ap.p,a>vios,

Ap.ovnco(

159a.

ApfSwos,

3 3 6 . 1. 4II.

f. of H e r m a i s k o s , 1 5 3 . 20.

Apfie[ivos?], 192.

Apdijvaras,

Appaivios,

#

s. o f S a m b a t h i o n , 2 6 5 .

Aplarojv,

f. of Apollonios, 1 5 3 . 19.

Apiarav,

f. of D i o n y s i a , 1 4 3 . 3 , 20.

1

ApTTOKpariatv, 43 * ApiroxpdTiov, Apaovs,

1 5 2 . 34.

s. of Sostratos, 2 2 5 . 1 .

ApT€p.lba>pos,

1 4 8 . 6.

ApTep.t8a>pos,

f. of A p o l l o n i o s , 1 5 3 . 16.

1 5 8 a . Col. I I , 4.

A[pr\u>pios

AvOovoa,

4 2 4 . 20, 25.

• • • apxos,

430. I I .

. . .apxos,

f. of Sophron, 1 4 6 . 6.

212. 2; 229. I .

i.

A p i r a y o - i s , s. o f Heras, 420b. 2 1 . Apirarjats, s. of Panrymis, 4 1 4 . 1, 4.

Av0ip.os,

Avtvios,

Col. I I ,

4, 5, 6 - 7 , 1 4 - 1 5 ; Col. I l l , 2, 5 ; Col. I V , 2, 9 , 1 3 ; Col. V , 3, 5 , 1 0 .

1; 1 9 3 . 1 ; 2 3 0 . 1 ; 2 3 2 . 1 ; 2 4 4 . 1 ; 2 5 8 . 1 ; 2 8 0 . 1; 285. 1 ; 286. 1 ; 296. 1 ; 308. 1 ; 316. 1 ; AXivrj,

V

Anmavos,

5> 7 , 8 , 1 3 , 19.

s. of P s i l y c h i o n ,

4.

J W A w v i o ? , 4 3 6 . 1 , v . ; 4 3 7 . v . ; 4 3 9 . 5, v . ; 4 4 3 .

ATTOXXOJVIOS, s. of T h e o n , 1 4 8 . 3 , 5-6, 2 1 , 3 3 .

s .of N i k o d e m o s , Macedonian, 1 4 2 .

AXe$avopos,

A]TTOXXU>VIOS, l 8 l .

rJpioKiXXos,

T

444- 5 -

PERSONAL NAMES

264 . . . . a ? , s. of Nikias, 3 7 0 . 1 . I

Ao-K\r)iria.oris,

Atovvmos, Atovvaios,

AvXaios,

f. of Bokchoris, 2 9 5 . 1 .

AvXaios,

f. of Sobtais, 4 0 5 . 5s. of Heron, 4 2 8 . Col. 1 , 1 1 .

Avvrjs, AipyXios

I

['S2pelto\v,

2 4 I . 2 ; 294* I .

s. of A d m e t o s , 4 2 5 . 2 1 . J i o v t w i o s , f. of A m m o n i o s , 1 4 2 . 2. 4iovv<no?, s. of Sabbion, 1 5 3 . 18.

T

4 5 « 3> 4 '

Aiovvaios,

f. of S a m b a t h i o n , 4 1 1 . 6-7, 30.

Aiovvoios,s.

—

4 5 ° • 7> 7 * 8 «

of T h e o n (cf. 'IovXios

4 1 2 . 1. .M<£po8«i'a(YJos, 4 3 9 ' *•

Jip^dvijs,

Apo8iata,

Auras,

153.

1 5 4 ' 27—28.

A j > p o h i a i o s , f .of Orsenouphis, 4 2 0 a . 2. # X M d s 'Povos, f. of S e n p e t e s t h e u s , 3 7 5 . 2 ; 3 7 6 .

Aiovvaios,rdTos),

76.

s. of N i k o n , 2 3 4 . 1 . s. of D i d y m o s , 3 4 0 . 1 .

AgXx°vs,

f. of E u n o u s , 1 6 7 . 5.

AoXxovs,

s. of J e s o u s , 2 8 9 . 1 .

l

2; 3 7 7 - 2 ; 3 7 8 . 2 - 3 ; 3 7 9 . 2 ; 3 8 0 . 2 ; 3 8 1 . 1-2; 382. 2; 383. 2; 384. 1-2; 385. 2; 386. 2; 387. 1 ; 388. 2; 389. 2; 390. 2; 3 9 1 . 1 ; 392. 2

1; 3 9 3 - 1 ; 394- 1 ; 395- i ; 3 9 6 . 1 ; 397- ; 3 9 8 . 2 ; 3 9 9 . 1 ; 4 0 0 . 2; 4 0 1 . 2 ; 4 0 2 . 1 - 2 ; 403. 1-2. .MxiAAeifc, s. of Proitos, 4 1 4 . 14. BdXfiiXXos

(cf.

KXavoios

Tifiipios

BdpfiiXXos),

156.

AgaOcav,

420b. 14.

Apofievs, Avodiatv, Acopicov, Jcop[.

Bapfilpios,

422.

Bdpvafiis,

10.

f. of P a m p h i l o s , 3 3 1 . 2.

BeXXyvos

ZafSeivos,

4 3 1 . 1-2, 13-14, V .

BOKXWPIS,

s. of Aulaios, 2 9 5 . 1 .

BoKxo>pis,

s. of Josepos, 1 9 6 . 1 ; 3 0 1 . 1 ; 3 0 6 . 1 ;

409.

4 1 7 - 54 2 1 . 183.

Awadpiov,

d. of J a k o u b o s , 4 2 1 . 166, 185, 201. 3 3 4 ' 2.

Auioaptuiv,

s. of J e s o u s , 1 9 4 . 2 ; 4 0 5 . 4.

Aco[aas?],

224.

s. of Pesouris, 2 1 5 . I J 2 1 7 . I J 3 1 5 . 1 ; 3 4 7 . 2 ; 3 5 2 . 1 ; 3 5 4 . 1 ; 3 6 0 . 1 ; 3 6 1 . 1 ; 3 6 3 . 5; 364. 4; 3 6 7 . 1.

Aataas,

418&. 3 .

s. of P e t a u s , 2 4 2 . I .

s. of S a m b a t h i o n , 3 1 3 . 2.

Acoadijs, AwaiOeos,

157' *4'

4 1 2 . 9.

f. of Ptolemaios, 4 2 8 . Col. I I , 7. f. of T h e o d o t e , 1 4 6 . 3 , 54. s. of Zopyros, 4 2 8 . Col. I , 9.

Awaldeos,

s. of Abraimos, 2 8 4 . 1 .

JaAAeo?, Aap.ds, Aapxtav, Aap.ltav, AeK&s,

Ai\p.{

Aa>oWeos,

s. of Harbinos, 2 0 3 . 1 ; 2 8 7 . 1 . 404.

1.

) , s . of L i c i n i u s , 3 9 8 . 4.

Ar)p,ds,

428.

At]p,S.s,

s. of D i d y m i o n , 1 6 6 . 1 . f. of Maria (cf. 27<£x«os), 2 2 3 . 1 , 4. s. of Psaesis, 420&. 1 1 . s. of S i m o n , 2 7 3 . 1 .

A-qp.&s, A-rjp.ds, Arip.&'s,

A7)p.rJTpios, Aioas,

Aiovp.iu>v, Ai8vp.os,

Col. I I , 1 3 .

4 3 2 . 1.

s. of Phibion, 4 2 8 . Col.

II,

6.

f. of D e m a s , 1 6 6 . 1 . 404.

f. Al8vp.os, f. A'Su/ios, f. Alovpos, f. Ai8vp.os,

2.

of D i p a s , 3 4 0 . 1 . of Herenios, 1 6 0 . 1 . of Kleparous, 2 0 4 . 2. of Mysthas, 4 3 2 . 6.

J t o y a ? , 202.

2.

AdStopos, 1 5 2 . 28, 3 3 . Aiovvs, Aiowala, Aiovtoios, Aiov\vaios,

Au>olcp[v,

6.

s. of Philemon, 3 1 2 . 1 ; 3 3 7 . 1 . 206.

5.

J w a a s , 278. I .

Aayads,

rXavKcov,

2.

f. of Kephalion, 4 2 8 . Col. I , 3 . .Jtfoa?, s. of P e t o s , Persian of the Epigone

AatodpLOv,

309- 3 ; 3 4 2 . 1. Jep/LuVio? AlXiavos,

3-

f. of J o s e s , 4 2 8 . Col. I , 4.

Aa»aapia>v,

19^31-

J

4 - 4 1 5 -

f. of S i m o n , 2 3 1 . 1 ; 2 3 3 . 1 . d. of Ariston, 1 4 3 . 3 , 5, 8, 1 5 , 20. 1 5 4 . 28, 30, 3 2 , 3 3 , 38, 49. 1 5 7 ' 3'

Elprjvaios,

4 1 7 . 3. I

Elp-qvj],

144. 8 -

Elplcpv,

s. of A m o n , 2 9 1 . 1 .

'i?Aea[£a/>os, s. of Ptolemaios, 4 2 8 . Col. I , 8. s. of T r y p h o n , 1 5 1 . 2. "Euayos, f. of Selemon, 1 9 8 . 1 .

"EXevos,

'Endyados,

424.

I , 12, 31.

s. of D i d y m o s , 1 6 0 . 1 .

'Epevios, 'Epp.ataKos,

1 5 7 . 4 1 , 44, 45> 47> S°-

'EppaioKos,

s. of Apollonios, 1 5 3 . 19.

'Eppdas,

419a. I .

s. of H e r m o g e n e s , Archistrateian, 1 4 4 . 6, 8, 1 5 , 25, 3 3 . ' £ p / t o y e [ v ] i j s , f. of H e r m o g e n e s , 1 4 4 . 6-7. 'Eppioyevrjs,

f

Ep]p,oKXijs,

444'

'Epwriov,

427. 4-

'Epwrtov,

d. of

. . . o n , 4 2 1 . 164, 189, 193.

' • E f f / a f c a A a / a ? ? ] , 4 0 8 a . 6.

s. of Ptolemaios, 4 2 0 a . 9 , 1 0 .

EvavSpos,

Ev8[ai]p,ovls, EVSTJUOS,

Ewovs,

2

4 4 « !• 4 4 2 . 33.

s. of D o l c h o u s , 1 6 7 . 5 .

PERSONAL 219.

s. of Josepos,

Evvovs, Eireprrr],

421.

432.

6.

Zwirvp[o]s,

f. of D o s i o n , 428.

Col, I , 9.

Zd)ir\v\pos,

s. of L e . . . , 428.

Col. I I , 4.

Z
2l8.

0epp.ovOia>v, 4 0 6 . 7«

I.

407.

s. of J o a n n e s ,

Zwoos,

265

2 6 4 . 1 ; 266.4 J 269.1J 270.1 J 2 7 4 . 1 J 2 7 5 . 1 J 2 7 6 . 1. © e d o W o j , S . of Ptollis (cf. Niyep), 2 6 1 . I . 0eop,vas, f. of Josepos, 4 2 7 . 4. 0epp.av0os, 229. I . 0epp.ovd[dpiov, d. of Isakis, 4 2 6 . 1 .

189.

f. of S o t a s ,

Z]
1.

NAMES

©evS-qs, 1 5 7 . 1 4 .

4.

© e v S o u s , 4 2 1 . 188.

0eviXas, S . of A k o u ( 'HXioBojpos,

159b.

Col. I , 7, 8, 9.

440.

s. of Sarapion, Col. I l l , 1 .

'HXiooatpos,

1;

'Hpaioovs,

1;

d. of A p o l l o n i o s , 437.

'Hpats,

421.

'Hpa*c[A]o?,

441.

Col. I I ,

0ea>v, 1 5 8 a . Col. I , 3 , 1 3 ; Col. I V , 2. 0eojv, 159b. Col. I V , 6. @e'a»v, f. of Apollonios, 1 4 8 . 3 . 0eo)v, f. of D i o n y s i o s , 1 5 3 . 76. Qr\yevr\s, 4 0 6 . 4. Orjyevr/s, 4 2 1 . 187. 0riyev[ri\s, f. of Abramis, 3 7 4 . I . 0t]8eois, 4 0 5 . 6.

6-7.

187.

s. of Merses,

'HpaxXeiavos,

159a.

Col. 1 , 1 3 .

Col. I I , 1 5 .

'HpaKXeiSrjs,

152.

I , 40.

'Hpai<Xei8rj[s,

/[iSd.

4.

'HpaxXeioris,

428.

421. 1 5 3 .

209.

'HpaKXeiS-qs,

f. of Akakias,

'HpaicXelSijs,

s. of H e r a k l e i d e s , 144.

2.

©ijoeros, 5.

439.

'HpaKXeios,

s. of H o r o s , 414.

1, v.

'HpaKXrjs, 'HpaKXrjs, 'HpaKXrjs,

285. I J 2 8 6 . 1 ; 296. 1 ;308. I J3 1 6 . 1 ; 3 3 6 . I J 3 6 2 . I J 3 7 I - i0rj8eros, s . of J a k o b o s , 4 2 5 . 2 1 , 3 2 . 8r}8eros, S . of J a k o u b o s , 2 5 1 . I J 2 5 5 . I J 2 7 7 . I J 2 9 0 . 2. . . . .diuiv, 1 9 9 . I .

22, 25, 3 1 , v . 'HpaKXrjs,

f. of H e r a k l e i d e s , 411.

'Hpa]KXloi)s,

'Hp&s,

f. of H e r a k l e i d e s , 148.

f. of H a r p a e s i s , 420b.

'Hpa>[8r)s,

446.

0OWVIS, 4 1 2 . 2. 6, 3 1 .

s. of H e r a k l e i d e s , 148.

'HpaKXlo-qs,

4-5.

'IaKofios, f. of J o u d a s , 2 3 5 . 1 . 'IdKofSos, s. of Thaumasios, 3 2 5 . 1 . 'IdKofios, f. of T h e d e t o s , 4 2 5 . 2 1 , 3 2 .

5.

22.

1.

*Hpu>v,

145.

"Hpatv,

f. of A u n e s ,

IJ

n.

f. of Phribis, 422. 10. s. o f Herakles, 428. Col. 1 , 1 0 . f. of Herakles, 428. Col. I , 10. Persian of the E p i g o n e , 411. 6 , 1 3 , 1 7 ,

'HpaKXeios,

s. of A l e x i o n , 1 8 6 . 1 ; 1 8 7 . 1 ; 1 8 9 .

1 9 2 . 1 ; 1 9 3 . I J 2 0 8 . 1 ; 2 1 9 . 4; 2 2 8 . I J 2 3 0 . IJ 244. 1 ; 258. 1 ; 280. I J 282. 1 ; 283. 1 ;

'•H/??<4«8[i??, f. of Herakleides, 144. 5 - 6 . 'Hpa.KXei.os,

), 226. I .

© e W , 1 5 6 a . Col. I I , 1 9 ; 156&. 1 3 , 40. 0ea>v, 1 5 7 . 8.

'IJAKOVFIOS,

16.

428.

S . of Jakoubos, 4 2 1 . 185.

'IaKovfios, f. of J a k o u b o s , 4 2 1 . 185. 'IaKovflos, s. of N i k i a s , 2 1 1 . 1 .

Col. 1 , 1 1 .

'IaKOvfios, f. of . . . S , 4 2 2 . 5. Gaiaovs,

f. of N e k p h e r o s , 448.

Qdrprjs,

s. of P e t . . . , 407.

Qavp.dai.os,

'IaKovfios, f. of S a m b a t h i o n , 4 2 8 . Col. I I , 1 1 . 'IaKovfios, f. of T h e d e t o s , 2 5 1 . 1 ; 2 5 5 . 1 .

4.

4.

f. of P e t a y s , 322.

1 J 325.

1 ; 326.

1;

3 3 0 . 1 ; 368. 1 . 0e8iaa[os,

293.

I

6.

0e8p.va[s,

224.

I.

0eoyevr)s,

142.

8, 3 3 .

&eo86rr],

d. of D o s i t h e o s , Persian,

146.

3 , 7-8,

1 6 - 1 7 , 2 1 - 2 2 , 50, 54. ©6O8OTO?, f. of L y s i m a c h o s , 149. 0€O8OTOS, 0e68ojpos,

1;

248.

©edSwpos,

f. of T r y p h o n , 149.

3, 21.

1. s. of N i k o d e m o s ,

143.

142.

s. of A n t o n i u s R u f u s (cf.

178.

IJ

240.

341.

1 ; 3 4 3 . 1-2 J 3 4 6 . 2 - 3 ( ? ) J 3 4 8 . 2-3 J 349-

2-3; 3 5 o . 2-3; 355- 1-2; 357359363. 2 - 3 ; 3 6 4 - 1 ; 366. 1 ; 3 7 2 . 2 j 405. 3. 'IepaKiatv, 4 4 ° ^ 20, 29-30.

0e68ojros,

I ;

170".

7.

s. of P t o l e m a i o s , 421.

176.

Idoa>v &lXa>v, f. of Pesouris, 2 8 8 . 1 J 3 3 5 . 1 - 2 J

Niyep),

5,7,9,17,20,23,

0e68
IJ

*IdKOvp,flos, 1 5 7 - I4~ S'IdoiKOs, f. of Merin, 1 6 3 . 1 . 'Idowv, 4 0 6 . 5. 'Idaa>v, s. of Josepos, 3 2 9 . 2. 'Idacjv, f. of Josepos, 1 6 5 . I ; 2 5 0 . 1 . 'Idaa>v, s. of M . . . , 3 2 8 a . 1 . 'Ido]a>v, S . of Philon, 2 5 6 . 1 . y

5, 23.

s. of A n t o n i u s Rufus (cf.

26, 28, 32, 3 6 ;

'IaKovfios, s. of T h e d e t o s , 2 7 7 . 1 ; 2 9 0 . 1 J 3 6 5 . 1 .

7j

173,186,195. Niyep),

249.

IJ

173. 263. 4 ;

•Upat,

3 7 3 - 4-

'Iipa]Z, 4 4 8 . 2. 'Il]Q-[0VS?],

406.

I.

I>

PERSONAL

2 6 6

NAMES

Ke.Xxio.s,

f. of Dosarion, 1 9 4 . 2 ; 4 0 5 . 4. f. of Josepos, 2 6 2 . 1 ; 2 8 9 . 1 . s. of Papeios (cf. 2 7 a p ; j 3 a 0 i a > v ) , 2 2 0 . 2 ;

'Itjaovs, 'Iyo-ovs, '/•JJCTOUS,

I

2

2 9 8 . 1 5 3 0 4 - i ; 3 " « 5 3 2 i . i ; 4 < > 5 - » 4'I-qaovs,

f. Of . . . t O S , 4 3 O . 2.

'/ouSa?,

s. of J a k o b o s , 2 3 5 . 1 .

rdios, 4 2 0 a . 6;ft.7~8-

'/ovAios .#Ae£av8pos, 'IovXios

AXe£av8pos,

1, 3-4, 75 'IovXios

MdpKos,

3-45

e.

419a.

4.

KedXu)y,

4 1 2 . 5-

KXavdiavos,

1 5 8 a . Col. I V , 1 3 .

KXavSios

Apxifoos,

KXavoios

BdpfiiXXos,

KeXep,

KXavSios

<Pavias,

KXeondrpios,

2

I,

30.

Ko. . .?,

43

' T b u A i o s ^7roAA<6vto?, P a i o s , 1 5 3 - *9-

KoAcov, 1 5 7 . 14.

Hoi<Xr)mdor)s,

Koirpevs,

'IovXios

Aiovvaios,

rdios (cf. J i o r u a i o j ) , 1 5 3 - *7-

' i o u [ A i ] o ? EaXovios,

1 5 7 - 5-

' J W A i o s <Pavia?, 'IaaKis

I 0

i

o

^ -

> 36, 105.

4 2 2 . 15.

4 2 2 . 8. Tifiepios, 2

153-

•44-

201. I J 207. I .

KpioiTOs

(cf. Sapamuiv),

Kpovios,

1 5 2 . 5-

4 3 2 . 3.

4 2 8 . Col. I , 7.

/leu

, 4 0 8 a . 7.

f. of Marion, 1 4 9 . 4, 22. ylata'avi?,

'IaaKis,

f. Of . . . S , 4 2 8 . Col. I I , 9.

'IaaKis,

f. of T h e r m o u t h a r i o n , 4 2 6 . 1 .

IoiSaypos,

1 5 4 . 27, 29, 4 3 , 49, 54, 59, 6 2 - 6 3 ; 1 5 5 .

3 3 - 3 4 ; 1 5 6 a . Col. 1 , 1 ; Col. I I , 2 , 9 , 1 5 ; ft. 4, 5 , 1 1 , 1 7 , 22, 29, 39-40, 42, 49; c. 1 8 ; d. 2, 4, 5 , 8, 1 4 , 1 7 ; 159ft. Col. I V , 6. Iol8ui[pOS,

4 1 3 . 40.

SKwnavevs),

2, 1 3 , 1 7 ; 159ft. Col. I V , 6 - 7 .

f. of Zopyros, 4 2 8 . Col. I I , 4.

A e . . . ,

f. of Chairemon, 1 5 3 . 1 7 .

Aeovl8as, AIKIVIOS,

f. of D e m (

) , 3 9 8 . 4.

T

4 71 6 8 . 5Overrios,

4 * 7 - 7-

ylvKo?, 4 3 1 . 26.

'/a>^[w]7j, 4 2 4 •

yfi)[ff]i/ta[xo?, s. of L y s i m a c h o s , 4 1 3 . 44.

f. of Z o s o s , 4 0 7 . 4-

s. of D o s t h o n (cf.

'Icbarjiros,

i$6d.

AOVKIOS

( ? ) , 4 2 9 . 19.

'Ia>[dwqs,

f. of Lakianis (cf.

AdpiiTOJv,

Aorrfts,

T

f. of . . . S , 4 0 -

'IwdvTjs

Aa.Kia.vis,

Aoyyivos,

427•

'IaiBcopos,

s. of Lakianis, Persian of the E p i g o n e ,

4 1 3 . 4°-

'/oa?, 4 3 1 . 1 2 .

'Icjoijs,

153-

157-6.

(cf. Urpdraiv),

'IaaKis,

1 5 3 - *7-

1 5 3 - 9>

Tifiepios,

s. of D i d y m o s , 2 0 4 . 1. 4 1 9 c . 7.

'IovXios

MdpKos,

r

Tifiepios,

'Hpdi<Xe[io\s,

KXavSios

KXeirapovs,

rdios, 4 0 f l .

^1/xapavro?,

I , 3 ; ft. 4 - 5 ;

3 3 7 . 1.

s. of D o r i o n , 4 2 8 . Col. I , 3 .

KXav8[ios]

f. of Arthenatas, 408ft. 2.

'IovXios,

s . of D a m i o n (cf. XCXKICLS),

KeaXic*v,

Teu^iAo?),

4 2 8 . Col.

1,4.

I

'Id>O7]TT0S, 4*4-

A]vaip.axos,

» 9-

f. of L y s i m a c h o s , 4 1 3 . 44.

s. of T h e o d o t o s , Persian, 1 4 9 . 3 , 21.

Avaip.axos,

4 0 6 . 2.

Avais,

4 2 4 . 24.

M M

, 4 0 8 a . 8. , 419ft. 1 .

M

, f. of J a s o n , 3 2 8 a . 1.

'/wcnjwos, 433. I . I

'IWOTJTTOS, 4 3 4 -

'Idtorjiros,

-

s. of Aischylos, 1 8 3 . 1 ; 1 9 6 . 1 ; 3 0 1 . 1 ;

3 0 2 . 1 ; 3 0 9 . 1 ; 3 4 2 . 1. 'Id>o~T)iros,

s. of J a s o n , 1 6 5 . 1 ; 1 9 7 -

J

> 219.

250. 1 ; 329. 2; 339. 1.

1;

Mdp8a>v, Mapeivos,

4 3 1 . 5.

s. of Josepos, 4 3 2 . 199.

s. of J e s o u s , 2 6 2 . 1 .

Mdpda,

*Id>o7)iros, f. of Mareinos, 4 3 2 . 199. *Id>oT)[iros, f. of N e . . . e i o n , 4 1 6 . 1 2 . 'I[d>o]r)[Tros, f. o f . . .psais, 4 1 6 . 1 3 . 'I[d\o\rjTTos, s. of Soteles, 4 2 7 . 6. ^IWOTJTTOS, s. of T h e o m n a s , 4 2 7 . 3 , 1 8 - 1 9 .

Mdpda,

*Ios, f. of A i s c h y l o s , 2 4 0 . 1 .

Mapiov,

d. of Isakis, Persian, 1 4 9 . 4 ,

IMdpios

Ov[i\v8i£,

*Id>ar)iros,

1 4 8 . 4, 9, 1 3 , 1 8 , 25.

Mapia,

d. of A b i e t o s , 2 2 7 .

Mapia,

d. of D e m a s , 2 2 3 . 1.

Mapiapos, Mapiov,

I.

s. of S i m o n , 1 9 5 . 1. 1 4 7 . 6. 6,

Mapiwv,

1 4 2 . 8, 3 3 .

MdpKos,

s. of P a p i o s , 3 0 7 . 1 .

MdpKos,

s. of A n n i s , 2 6 8 . 1. f. of Marcus Aemilius, 1 4 6 . 2.

KaXXevs, KOXXIKXTJS,

3 ; 179- I » 1 8 0 . I .

4 1 2 . 23.

KaXXlorpargs, KaXXiarpaTos,

MdpKos

Oveppios,

f. of KastOr, 4 I I . 40.

Mapovs,

430. I I .

f. of . . . n a i o s , 1 8 1 . I .

Mapovs,

d. of A k i e t o s , 1 7 1 . 1.

I

KdoToyp,

145-

9-

Kdarayp,

s. of KallistratOS, 4 1 1 . 40.

MeOvaiwv, MetoOs,

22.

4 2 2 . 16.

f. of . . . s p a s , 4 2 1 . 183.

K a i / « A A i a ? AKVVTO.S, KaXijs,

1 4 7 . 2, 6.

241. 1-2.

4 0 6 . 3.

s. of T h e d e t o s , 2 0 8 . 1 ; 2 1 9 . 4 ; 2 2 8 . 1 .

L NAMES MeXxicw,

s. of P e s o u r i s , 2 0 0 .

1 ; 2 1 4 . 1 ; 2 1 6 . 2;

2 1 8 . 2 ; 2 2 1 . 2 ; 299. 1 ; 3 0 0 . 1 ; 3 0 3 . 1 ; 3 0 5 . 1; 310. 1 ; 317. 1 ; 318. 1 ; 319. 1 ; 320. 1 ; 323. I J 324. I J 328. 2; 332. I J 3 3 3 . I J 338. 1; 3 4 5 - 1 ; 3 5 1 . 2 ; 3 5 3 . 1 ; 3 5 6 . 2 ; 358.2. s. o f Iasikos, 1 6 3 . 1 .

Mepw,

Meporjs,

f. of H e r a k l a s , 4 2 8 . Col. I , 1 3 .

Mvadas,

s. of D i d y m o s , 4 3 2 . 5. s. of Ptolemaios (cf. IIroXep,[ai]os),

Mvadas,

432.

4Mvo]das,

s. of S a m b a t h i o n , 4 1 6 . 10.

LJaavs,

267

S . of S . . .

(cf.

ZoKOv[i\a>v),

428.

Col.

I,

14. ria[i]8epQ)s, 1 4 2 . I O - I I . IJaKvois, s. of Pnepheros, 4 2 8 . Col. I , 6. ndp.iXos, s. of Barnabis, 3 3 1 . 1 . TlavTJs, f. of Nikanor, 4 1 9 a . 2; c. 2; d. 2; e. 2. Ilavdrjp, f. of Anchorimphis, 4 2 8 . Col. I , 5. TlavifiriKis Zevnea.op.vs, s. of Achillas R u f u s , 3 7 6 . 1; 377. 1-2; 380. 1-2j 382. 1-2j 383. I J 386. 1-2j 388. 1-2j 389. 1-2j 3 9 1 . I J 4 0 1 . I J 402. IJ

403-

I-

f. of Harpaesis, 4 1 4 . 4. f. of Jesous-Sambathion, 2 2 0 . 2 ; 2 9 8 . 2; 304. 2;3 0 7 . 1 ; 3 1 1 . 1 5 3 1 4 . 1 j 3 2 1 . 2 j 344. 2 j 4 0 5 . 2. Tlaaiaiv, s. of P o t a m o n , 1 5 3 . 18. ndoTwp, 1 5 7 * 6 . Tlavpvp.vs,

. . .vaioj, Nalvios,

s. of Kallistratos, 1 8 1 . 1 .

IJaireios,

1 5 6 a . Col. I I , 1 9 ; 1 5 6 & . 1 4 .

Nap(x>(...),

I 4 5 . 14.

Ne[.

, ] a W , S . of Josepos, 4 1 6 . 1 2 . NelXtov, s. of Ptollis, 4 2 8 . Col. I I , 10. NeKep6is, s. of Thaisous, 4 4 8 . 4.

Ilarrjs,

Nrj8vp.os,

Ilarrjs,

f. of O m a z a s , 2 6 7 . 1 .

Ilarrjs,

s. of S a . . . , 2 1 0 . 1 .

narrjs,

f. of Sambathion, 2 7 9 . 1 ; 2 9 2 . 1.

IJavXos

(cf. TlavXos,

1 5 2 . 4.

s. of A n t o n i u s Rufus (cf.

Niyep,

and

0e68(opos

6e68u>Tos), 1 6 2 . 1 ; 1 6 4 . 1 ; 1 7 8 . 1 ; 2 4 3 . 1 ; 248. 2J 249. IJ 276. I . Niyep,

I J

269.

I J

270.

I J

274.

I J

275.

Nucaia

S . of P t o l l i s (cf. 0e68a)ros),

254. I J 257. 3;

27iA[j3a]vd? ( ? ) , d. of P s o u b i o s , 4 2 3 .

s. of P a n e s , 4 1 9 a . 2 ; b. 2 ; c. 1 - 2 ;

d.

2;

e. 2. NiKias, 1 6 8 . 1 . NIKIOLS, f. of . . . a s , 3 7 0 . 1 .

f. of J a k o u b o s , 2 1 1 . 1 .

Nixlas,

Nu<68et,p.os,

f. of A l e x a n d r e s , 1 4 2 . 2 j 1 4 3 . 4, 19.

f. of Ptollas, 4 2 2 . 6. NIKO>V, s. of A ntonius Rufus, 1 7 0 . 3 , 5 ; 1 7 2 . i j NiKoarparos,

173- 5; 1 7 4 . 1 ; 1 7 5 - 1 ; i 7 7 - 1 ; 1 8 1 . 3 ; 182. 1; 2 3 4 . 1 - 2 ; 236. 2j 2 3 7 . 1 - 2 j 2 3 8 . 1 ; 2 3 9 . 1 ; 2 4 0 . 2, 5 ; 2 4 6 . 1 ; 2 4 7 . 1 ; 2 4 9 . 3 ; 2 5 2 . I J 2 5 3 . 1 ; 2 5 7 - ; 2 5 9 - 1 ; 2 6 0 . 1 j 2 6 3 . 1 j266. i; 2 7 1 . 1 ; 2 7 2 . 1 j 3 7 3 . 1 . 1

NUOJV,

s. o f A p e l l a s , 1 8 8 . i.

'Op.a(,as, 'Ovias,

s. of P a t e s , 2 6 7 . 1 . 1 5 7 . 14.

IJavXos,

423.

IJavXos,

T y r i a n , 1 5 7 . 9.

IJaxovp.ios,

S . of P . . . , 4 0 8 ^ . I .

IJaxovp.i[s,

408a. 3.

nep[i]yevns, f. of Ptollis, 4 1 2 . 19-20. IJeaovpis, s. of Jason-Philon, 2 0 0 . 1 ; 2 1 4 . 1 j 2 1 5 . I J 2 1 6 . 2 ; 2 1 7 . I J 2 1 8 . 2, 3 ; 2 2 1 . 2 j 2 8 8 . I J 299. 1 j 3 0 0 . 1 j 3 0 3 . 1 j 3 0 5 . 1 j 3 1 0 . 1 ; 3 1 5 . 1; 3 1 7 . 1 ; 3 1 8 . 1 ; 3 1 9 . 1 ; 320. 1 ; 323. 1 ; 3 2 4 . 1 ; 328. 2;3 3 2 . 1j 3 3 3 . 1 ; 3 3 5 . 1 ; 3 3 8 . 1 j 3 4 1 . I J 3 4 3 . I J 3 4 5 . I J 3 4 6 . 2(?)j 3 4 7 . 2J 348.2;349. 2;350.2j351. 2 ; 3 5 2 . 1 ; 3 5 3 . 1 j 354. 1 ; 355- 1 ; 356. 2 ; 3 5 7 . I ( ? ) J 358. 2; 359. I J 3 6 0 . I J 3 6 1 . I J 3 6 3 . 2 j 3 6 4 . 1, 4; 366. I J 367. 1 ; 3 7 2 . 2; 405. 3. 7 7 T . . . , 4 4 8 . 5. Tier , f. of Thatres, 4 0 7 . 4. C

Ileravs,

f. of D o s a s , 2 4 2 . I .

Ileravs,

s. of T h a u m a s i o s , 3 2 2 . 1 j 3 2 6 . I J 3 3 0 .

I J 3 6 8 . 1.

'Owaxppis,

s. of C h a i r e m . . . , 4 2 8 . Col. I , 1 2 .

IJereaprrgxpdr-qs,

'Owa>pis,

s. of S i s o i s , 4 2 8 . Col. I I , 1 3 .

IIer[e]x...,

'Ow(opis,

s. of . . . t o s , 42o^. 3 , 27.

TIeroatpi\s,

'Oyiopargs,

f. of T e r i o n , 1 8 3 a . 1 .

IJerios,

'Orrtppa,

1 5 7 . 9), 1 5 8 a . Col. I , I , i o ;

Col. V I , 1 , 28 j Col. V I I I , 3 .

2 5 9 . 4; 2 6 l . 1. Nu«Lvo>p,

s. of H a r b e i n o s ( ? ) , 408^. 1 .

1 4 5 - 4-

S.

of Nikanor, 419&. 2.

s. of S a m p s a i o s , 4 3 3 . 2. 4 1 2 . 3.

s. of Helkias, Persian of the E p i g o n e , 4 1 7 .

4, 24.

*OpaevovLs, s. of Aphrodisios, 4 2 0 a . 2. . . . o s , f. of Philous, 4 2 1 . 186.

nKij&vs,

. . . o s , f. of S . . . , 4 2 1 . 188.

IIoXep.u>v,

373.5. f. of P a k y s i s , 4 2 8 . Col. I , 6. f. of Protarchos, 1 4 8 . 14.

Oveppios,

IJorrXtos

Map.iXios,

2 4 1 . 1 j 2 9 3 . 6.

. . .pu?, 4 1 9 ^ !•

IIve^ep[u)]s,

IIordp.ojv, Tlpeafiovs,

7 7 . . . , 199. 1. 7 7 . . . , f. of P a c h o u m i o s , 408^. 1 .

Ilpolrgs,

s. of A n d r o m a c h o s , 4 1 9 ^ . 1 - 2 .

f. of P a s i o n , 1 5 3 . 1 8 . S . of Akousilaos, 4 2 8 . Col. I I , 5. f. of Achilles, 4 1 4 . 14.

TIpoaZoKip-os,

424*

2

2

•

PERSONAL NAMES

268

IIpa>Tapxos, 142. i j 1 4 3 . 2 ; 1 4 4 . 2 ; 1 4 5 . 2 j 146. 1 ; 148. 2; 149. 1 .

Zap.flaOia>v,

Tlpcjrapxos, 1 4 5 . 3 , 4, 6, 10, 18, 24, 27.

Zanfiaditov,

rjpwrapxos, s. of P o l e m o n , 1 4 8 . 4, 10, 1 3 , 1 6 - 1 7 , 23-24. TJpwrapxos, s. of Protarchos, 1 4 8 . 9-10, 14, 3 3 . JlpcoroCs, d. of S i m o n , 4 2 1 . 165, 201.

Zap,j3adiaiv,

/ZTOACJUOIO?, 4 1 2 .

10.

IlroXepiaTos,

s. of D o s i t h e o s , 428. Col. I I , 7.

IIr[oXep]aios,

f. of E l e a z a r o s , 428. Col. I , 8.

f. of Euandros, 420a. 9. f. of M y s t h a s , 4 3 2 . 5.

TJroXep,aios, nroXepiaios,

77 oAe/x[ai]o?,

s.

T

of

Ptolemaios

s. of J a k o u b o s , 428. Col. I I , I I . s. of Josepos, 197. i ; 3 1 3 . 2 ; 339. L of Mysthas, 4 1 6 . 10.

Zapfiadiuv,

s. of P a p e i o s

Zap.f}arai[o]s, Saftfiovs,

412. 421.

432. 4.

7.

(cf.

2apairl(ov

I. 2

43 «

Kpia-rros),

3-

444* ^*

TlroXep-aios,

f. of S i m o n , 4 2 1 . 165, 201.

Eapamoiv,

f. of Heliodoros, 440. 1 , v .

riroXepaios,

f. of T h e o d o r o s , 4 2 1 . 1 7 3 , 195.

Eapamcov,

S . of

TlroXepLalos,

f. of T r y p h o n , 149. 2.

?aRPa,

152.

Zappa,

nroXXapluiv,

IO-II.

s. of N i k o s t r a t o s , 4 2 2 . 5 - 6 .

TlroXXas,

s. of P a p i o s , 3 1 4 . 1 ; 344. 2.

IlroXXis,

s. of A n t o n i u s R u f u s , 254. 1 j 257. 3 - 4 ; 259. 4 ; 2 6 1 . 2.

IlroXXis,

f. of N e i l o n , 428. Col. I I , 10.

s. of Perigenes, 4 1 2 . 1 1 , 1 9 . IlroXXis, S . of T h e d e t o s , 186. 1 . TlToXXiuiv, s. of P h i l o n , 2 8 1 . 1 .

'Povos,

421.

378.

427.

7.

. . .on,

152.

I , 40.

,

f. of Antiochos 1. Zdxeios, f. of Maria (cf. A-qp.as), 27aTopviAos,

(cf.

Zaropveivos),

4igd.

ZeXep.v,

IlroXXis,

TITOXXOVS,

I-

419ft. 1 , 2 ; e . 1 , 2.

412. 1 1 .

IlroXXis,

378.

d. of S a k a x , 1 7 1 . 4; 179. 1 ; 180. 2. 27aTaj8ovj, f. of Stotoetis, 428. Col. I I , 1 2 . Zaropveivos, f. of Antiochos (cf. ZaropviXos), Zappa

s. of Philiskos, 4 2 1 . 164, 189, 193.

TlroXXas,

2 2 3 . 2.

s. of E m a u o s , 198. 1.

s. of Achillas Rufus, 379. 1 ; 3 8 1 . 1 ; 385. 1 ; 390. 1 ; 397. 1 ; 398. 1 ; 400. 1 . Zevnereadevs, s. of Achillas Rufus, 3 7 5 . 1 ; 378. 2 ; 384. 1 ; 387. 1 ; 392. i ; 393. 1 ; 394. 1 ; 395. 1 ; 396. 1 ; 399- i-

Zevneap.Cs,

186.

I.

2

Zevrjpiavos,

43 '

3°> 4°^

. . . . s , s. of Isakis, 428. Col. I I , 9. s , s. of Isidoros, 4 1 0 . s , s. of J a k o u b o s , 4 2 2 . 5. 27 , d. of . . . o s , 4 2 1 . 188. 2 7 . . . , f. of P a a u s , 428. Col. I I , 14. 27o , f. of P a t e s , 2 1 0 . 1 . 27aj9j?io>j>, f. of D i o n y s i o s , 1 5 3 . 18.

Zevd-qs,

Zip.a>v,

s. of P t o l e m a i o s , 4 2 1 . 165, 185, 201.

Zafleivos,

Zlp.a>v,

f. of S a m b a t h a i o s , 405.

Zlp]a>v,

s. of T r y p h o n , 422. 6. f. of T r y p h o n , 1 4 5 . 3 . f. of Onnophris, 428. Col. I I , 1 3 .

445.

ZaX
7.

2

2 7 a / i / 3 a 0 a f o s , f. of 27a/tj3a0af?, Zapifiadeios, 2ap.f}[d]d[iov, [Zap.fi]adi[a>v, Zap.pa9(i
. . .on, 327.

1 ; 369.

1.

2.

416, 421.

f. of Mariamos, 195. 1 .

(cf.

Zovepovs,

. . .anas,

AaKiavis),

6.

4*2.

40.

s. of Aulaios, 405. 5.

ZOKOV[1]O)V,

Zovepovs,

d. of Sabinos, 4 2 1 . 187.

S . of S . . . (cf. Tlaavs), 147'

4» 8 -

442.

18.

428.

Col.

s. of K a l e s , 4 2 1 . 183,

24.

Znopos,

188.

ZTOTOTJTI.S, s. of Satabous, 428. Col. I I , 1 2 .

f. of Aienas, 222. 1 . f. of Apollonia, 144. 3 - 4 , 1 7 .

Zap.fiaOiv,

f. of A r i s t o m e n e s , 265. 1 - 2 .

s. of D i o n y s i o s , Persian of t h e Epi­ gone, 4 1 1 . 6, 30, v .

Zap.fiadia>v,

s. of D i o n y s , 1 6 1 . 1 ; 1 6 7 . 1 ; 2 3 1 . 1 ; 2 3 3 .

273. 1.

Zo^Tais,

s. of S i m o n , 405. 6.

409.

13.

ZK\a\rravevs

*

Zap-fiadicav,

27a/v,

Zfacov,

Ziaols,

II.

, 4°7'

s. of D e m a s , 2 2 3 . 4.

Ztp.u>v,

157- 5 '

I$6d.

157.

ZLp.
Ztpatv,

f. of S a m b a t h i o n , 4 2 1 . 187. 2 7 d / c a £ ( ? ) , f. of Sarra, 179. 1 .

Zap.a

s. of T h e o d o r o s , 4 2 1 . 1 7 3 , 195.

Zlpuv,

IJ

27]a/?fvos,

ZaXovios,

1;

185.

293.

Eapaitioiv,

IlroXXds,

220.

f. of P e t e c h . . . , 433. 2.

2[a]ipl>aios,

Mvadas),

'I-qaovs),

298. 1 ; 304. 1 ; 3 1 1 . 1 ; 3 2 1 . 1. 2 7 a j u j 8 a 0 i W , s. of P a t e s , 279. 1 . 27a/*/?a0i'a>v, s, of Sambathion, 4 1 3 . 39. 27a/njSa0ia>v, f. of Sambathion, 4 1 3 . 39.

Zapairio>v,

(cf.

(cf.

I.

212.

2.

Zrpdrtov

(cf. 'IaaKis),

ZvXaif.(

) , 430.

Zwnarpos, Zwainarpos,

ZwoTparos,

428.

Col. I , 7.

12.

Antiochian, 1 5 7 . 1 5 . 152.

41.

f. of A r s o u s , 2 2 5 . I .

1,14.

PERSONAL Zwras,

s. of Zoilos, 432.

s. of Josepos,

EioreXrjs,

27am'a>v, 157'

&iXrjp.
archos, Persian of the Epigone,

146. 5, 6 , 1 7 , 36, 55.


Taijois,

&iXo€s,

TapKvvios, Teevs,

I I , 1 7 , 2 1 , 24.

156a. 442.

Col. I , I .

19.

Teip.ayevris,

I5J.

5-

s. of S i m o n , 161.

TevfaXos,

431.

TevfaXos,

s. of D o s t h o n (cf. 'Iwoijs),

Tir[o]s

1 ; 167.

1 ; 297.

Ttr[eiav6\s,

428.

Col.

1,4.

450.

166.

281. 1 . 4.

f. of Agathinos, 143. 4, 2 1 . s. of H e r a k l e i o s , 422.

Nikon,

170.

Xaipias,

406.

Xaiprjp.v, XeXfcias,

25.

d. of . . . s p a s , 421. s. of

f. of Ptollion,

10.

4;

6.

X a i p r i p . . . . , f. of Onnophris, 428. Col. I , 12. s. of L e o n i d a s , 153. I

145*

17.

6*

s. of Damion (cf. KeXxias), 337. I . XeA/a'a?, s. of P e t o s , Persian of t h e Epigone,

. . .TO?, d. of Jesous, 430. 2. . . .TO?, f. of Onnophris, 420b. 4. Tpvtpas,

0lXa>v,

1 7 3 , 186, 195. 1.

15-16.

s. of Teuphilos, 297. 1 . s. of Onoratos, 183a. 1.

Tpv(j>ai[va,

f. of J a s o n , 256.

Qptflis,

1.

2.

7.


0tXa)Tas,

Tev(f>iXos,

Tijpttuv,

157.

d. of . . . o s , 421.


Tcv^iAfos, 406. 2.

TeviXos,

f. of D a m i o n , 312.

<£iAi7T7ros, s. of Thedetos, 192. 3 ; 282. 1 ; 283. 1 ; 286. 4; 296. 3 ; 362. 1 ; 371. 1 . &IXIOKOS, s. of Ptollas, 421. 164, 193. QiXLoKos, f. of Ptollas, 421. 164, 193.

T o . . . , 430. 2. 424.

269

0iAa8eA^o?, 424. 26.

6.

427. 3, 18.

8.

s. of

Zuj^puiv,

NAMES

XeXidas,

417- 5, 25.

183. 172.

1 ; 173.

5;

XeXKias,

f. of P e t o s , 417. 4.

J

175-1J 7 7 - 1 ; 1 8 1 . 2 ; 1 8 2 . 1 ; 2 3 6 . 1 ; 2 3 7 . 1 ; 2 3 8 . 1 ; 240. 2 ; 2 4 7 . 1 ; 2 6 0 . 1 ; 2 7 2 . 1 ; 373.1. Tpva>v, f. of Helenos, Alexandrian, 151. 2.

fa^i[j,

Tpv(f>aiv,

s. of P t o l e m a i o s , 149.

Wcvap-ovvis,

Tpv(f>a>v,

s. of S i m o n , 145.

Tpvv, f. of S i m o n , 422. Tpva>y, Tfyq,

tfijSiW,

Wevopdo6i[s,

6.

WiXvxlipv,

Col. I , 1 2 .

424. 441.

149. 4, 23.

Wovflios,

f. of A k e s , 428.

Col. I I , 8.

f. of H o r o s , 448.

3.

f. of Alexion, 232. 2. f. of Nikaia Silbanos (?),

1 3 , 55.

428.

Qepdyados, Oifias,

3 , 7, 9, 1 3 , 1 8 , 20, 2 1 .

s. of Theodotos, Persian,

146.

Qavods,

2 , 18.

f. of D e m a s , 4206. 1 1 . . . .i/rai's, s. of Josepos, 416. 1 3 .

. . . c o v , f. of Erotion, 421. 189. . . . cov, s. of Sambathaios, 369. 1 .

1 3 , 24.

*Qpos,

151.

Col. I l l , I .

*Qpos,

f. of H e r a k l e i o s , 414. 1 1 .

*Qpos,

s. of Psenobasthis,

f. of Didas,

428. Col. I I , 6.

9.

448. 3.

423.

3. A6p(.fie\irr]s\

(vop.6s),

Alyvrrrtos,

l$6c.

Aiyvnos,

G E O G R A P H I C A L

4 4 8 . 2.

Qep.Carov

26, 29.

1 5 3 . 42, 48, 96; 156b.

AXe$dv8peia,

14.

1 5 0 . 2 3 ; 1 5 1 . 2 ; 1 5 2 . 3 8 ; 1 5 3 . 47,

60; 156ft. 34, 4 1 , 4 3 ; I56<2. 1 0 - 1 1 ; 1 5 8 a . Col. 1 1 1 , 4 ; Col. V I , 1 ; 158ft. 1 1 . AXe$av8pels,

1 4 2 . 1 0 ; I45.

AXe£av8pevs,

1 5 1 . 2, 3 ; 159ft. Col. I V , I .

AXe£avSpeojv

iroXis,

1 5 3 . 1 5 - 1 6 ; 1 5 5 . 27-28; 156a.

Col. I I , 3 . 194. I; 200. 1 ; 202. i ; 209. 1 ; 2 1 2 . 1 ;

213. 1 ; 216. 1 ; 221. 1 ; 328. 1; 329. 1; 3 3 1 . 1; 3 3 4 - 1 ; 344-1; 3 4 6 . 1 ; 3 4 7 - * ; 3 4 8 . 1 ; 3 4 9 . 1; 35o- 1 ; 3 5 i - 1 ; 356- 1 ; 358. 1 ; 363. 1 ; 3 7 1 . 1 ; 3 7 2 . 1. dp,o8ov

AnoXXoivtov

[' lepaKciov,

dp.<j>o8ov

'Epp.ovdia.Krjs,

dp.o8ov

'IovSatKov,

d]p.o8ov

Tap.elojv,

A N D

iBvi d K

2

p,ep(s,

4 2 0 a . 3 ; ft. 5> 4 7 « 2.

QrfflaToi

('IovSaioi),

Q-qfiats,

4 2 2 . 4.

0p.ovos,

2 3 7 . 2 ; 2 3 8 . 2 ; 2 4 7 . 2.

<9ovo$
I

4 3 2 . 57.

0

*

©cop-To?, 4 4 8 . 16.

14; 1 5 0 . 5; 1 5 3 . 15,

54, 8 2 ; 1 5 5 . 2 7 - 2 8 ; 1 5 6 a . Col. I , 1 7 ; Col. I I , 3 ; 1 5 6 c 14, 2 5 ; 1 5 7 . 1 0 - 1 1 , 18, 24-25, 27, 3 3 ; 1 5 8 a . Col. I I , 1 1 , 22, 25, 2 7 ; Col. I l l , 18, 1 9 ; Col. V I I , 1 5 ; 158ft. 4, 6, 7, 8 ; 159ft. Col. I l l , 1 1 ; 4 5 0 . 20.

dp4ooov,

N A M E S

'^icov, 4 3 9 . 3.

Y o u 8 a [ i a , 156a". 1 2 . 'Iov8aios,

1 5 1 . 2 ; 1 5 2 . 2 5 - 2 6 ; 1 5 3 . 7 3 , 83, 88, 9 7 ;

156ft. 1 8 ; 1 5 6 c . 2 1 - 2 2 ; 1 5 7 . I I , 16, 24, 28, 29, 37, 39, 43, 47, 48, 5 ° ; *58a. Col. I I , 1 , 8, 1 3 ; Col. I l l , 14, 1 6 ; Col. V I , 1 4 ; Col. V I I , 8, 1 4 ; 158ft. 2 ; 4 1 5 . 1 3 ; 4 1 7 . 6; 4 2 1 . 1 5 7 5 4 2 3 ; 4 3 1 1 6 ; 4 3 2 . 5 7 ; 4 3 5 . Col. I V , 1 ; 4 3 8 . 4 5 4 4 3 - Col. I I , 4 - 5 ; 4 4 4 . 26; 4 4 5 . 9 - 1 0 ; 4 4 7 . 1 ; 4 4 8 . 1 1 ; 4 5 0 . 33. Kdvonos,

1 5 3 ' 61.

KvvonoXeiTrjs

4 3 °* 5 , 8 - 9 .

-

2 1 ; 445* 8> I4 I5*

(vop.6s)

4 3 ^ > 4' 423*

Aifivr),

1 5 3 . 46.

4 3 O . 16.

AyT[i]y[oL,

4 5 0 . 50-51.

Avnoxevs,

1 5 7 . 15.

AvKOTroXeirrjs

(vop.6s),

444* 8, 38*

2

.M]7roAAa>vids, 4 7 * 5* AiroXXoivonoXlrris

MaKe8u>v,

'EnraKtopiias

(vop,6s),

4 4 3 - Col. I ,

2 - 3 , 1 3 ; 444- v . Apa>fi,

4 1 5 . 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, I I , 1 2 , 1 5 .

Apaivotrris

(vop.6s),

ApxioTpdreios, ATTIKTJ,

4 I I . 5 ; 420ft. 2 ; 4 2 7 . 2.

,

Mvos

"Opp.os,

N]ea

TJoXis,

419ft. 4 ; d. 3 ; e. 3 . 418ft. 4.

BovaeipiTrjs

(yop.6s),

439*

I

2

-

'Ogvpvyxetrai,

4 5 ° * 9-

' Oivpvyxeirrjs

(vop.6s),

OVOKOVVTIOI,

4 1 9 L 2—3. 145*

I

0

4 1 2 . 1 7 ; 4 4 5 . 4, V.

4*7* 7*

* Tlapep-fSoXr)

AnoXXcovtov,

77a/3[6/Lt]j3oAjj ij rrpos Aeppeidai,

4 2 2 . 12.

fIr)Xovai.ov,

4 2 1 . 153. BaflvXdiyi,

4 1 7 * 3~4*

1 5 3 * 47* —

'EXXTJV, 156ft. 3 5 ; 1 5 8 a . Col. I l l , 26; 4 4 8 . 1 2 . 'Evreus,

4 2 5 . 20.

'Epp.oTroXiTr)s

(vop.6s),

443*

Col.

19, 2 1 . Evrip.4p€ia,

Col.

'O^'puyxo?, 4 2 2 . 4 ; 4 2 3 .

4 1 7 . 3-4.

BepeveiKT],

2 ; 4 3 2 . 9; 4 4 3 .

7

"Oaais,

4^-

(TOTTOS), 1 4 2 . 9.

BafivXwy,

2 4 1 . 3 ; 294.

II, .

1 4 4 ' 7* 0

45

AvpivelrrjS

4 3 8 . 1 7 ; 4 3 9 * 5 - 6 ; 4 4 6 . 27.

p.rjTponoXis,

1 5 2 . 7.

ApaivoeiriKOS,

1 4 2 . 3 ; 4 3 2 . 40.

M4p.cj>ts,

4 0 9 . 3 ; 4 2 0 a . 3 ; ft. 4.

'HXioiroXelrrjs 'HpaKXel8r)s 'HpaKXeonoXCrris

(vopos), (p,epis),

4 * 7 * 4*

II,

6-7;

444*

TT^AouaitoTai, 45^* 37 38* wdAts (Alexandreia) 1 4 6 . 1 0 , 5 7 ; 1 5 3 . 3 , 1 0 , 1 6 , 2 1 , 5 5 , 7o, 84, 90, 95, 1 0 3 ; 1 5 5 . 26, 2 7 ; 1 5 6 0 . Col. I I , 3 ; c. 1 0 ; 1 5 7 . 1 7 ; 1 5 8 a . Col. V I , 1 8 ; 4 1 8 a , 9 5 4 3 5 * Col. I I , 2 0 - 2 1 ; Col. I l l , 6; 4 5 0 . 19, 2 2 ; (Hermoupolis) 4 4 2 . 1 6 ; (Oxyrhynchos) 4 2 2 . 454235450. TlroXepiats

'Epp.e[lov,

424* 3 ° - 39, 43-

4 H * 4»

(vop.6s),

4 4 5 ' 3*

'P
159ft. Col. I l l , 9, 1 3 - 1 4 ; 4 5 0 . 3 1 .

GEOGRAPHICAL •PAW,

153- 37 J

1 5 , 4 1 ; 157- 23, 5 4 ; I59&.

Col. Ill, 1 3 . Eeftaorri Ayopd, Eivapv,

4'4*

I

Teraos, 44&* 3 ' Tt/pios, 157- 9.

# a p o , 153. S

414. 1 5 '

ZlVVpaiTlKOSf

Svpia,

152. 39.

NAMES

6.

153. 96.

47.

$0evpi7) ( r o w a p x i o ) , #04>X«, 4 2- 15-

IO

145' -

T

0 i A a 8 e ' A # « a , 411.

4, 29,

34.

Evpatv Katpvt], 142. 10 , 1 8 ; 417* 6~7« ^Pfcjvopat^o-ts, 448. 1 5 - 1 6 . Tanompis,

I$3> 4^-

4. T E C H N I C A L dyopq.v6p.gs,

4* 7-

TERMS

yecjpyCa,

3'

418e.

29; 4 3 1 .

17.

ay^v, 1 5 3 . 93, 107.

y e a > p ] y o s , 420ft. 5 - 6 .

a[KX]rjpovofirjTQs,

y p a p . p . a . r e v s , 1 5 0 . 1 7 ; 4*4- * 5 ; 4

448. 12.

r

&V> 4 7 - 7-

ypaetov,

aAArjAeyyuij, 448-

5; 383.

VWlHl]

8rjp.oala,

150.

yvp,va
1 5 6 a . Col. I I , 3 ; 156ft. 34, 4 2 - 4 3 ;

I $ 6 d . 1 1 ; 1 5 7 - 8 ; 159ft. Col. I l l , 1 0 ; Col. V , 3 - 4 .

2.

yvp.vaaiapxos

dtrapxax, 1 6 7 . 4 , 6 ; 1 6 8 . 4 , 6 ; 1 6 9 . 3 ; 1 7 0 . 3 , 4 , 6 ; 1 7 1 . 2 , 4 ; 1 7 2 . 3 ; 1 7 3 . 4, 5 ; 1 7 4 . 4 ; 1 7 5 . 3 ;

Savaov, 1 4 2 . 3 0 ; 4 1 1 . I I , 3 1 .

1 7 6 . 4; 1 7 7 . 4 ; 1 7 8 . 5 5 I 7 9 - 2 J 1 8 0 . 4 ; I 8 l . 7 ; 1 8 2 . 3, 5 ; 1 8 3 a . 3 ; 1 8 4 . 3 ; 1 8 5 . 4; 1 8 6 . 3 ; 1 8 7 . 3 ; 1 8 8 . 3 ; 2 5 9 . 3 , 6; 4 2 1 . 206. dneXevdepos, 1 7 1 . 3 ; 1 7 9 . i ; 180. 2; 199. 1 ;

^aa/xdj, 4 4 4 - *8Sefy/ia 'Epp,odvrov, 4 I I . 8, 16, 3 2 . Se/cavds, 4 ° 5 84[apuos, 1 5 8 a . Col. V I I , 5. Sco-rrorrjs, 4 3 5 . Col. I l l , 8 ; 4 3 9 . 1 2 . 8 t ) p . o a i a , 4 2 0 a . 10, I I .

3

7

8

,

4 3 ° - 8, 10, 14. 1 5 8 a . Col. I I , 75 443* Col. I I , 2. I 0

dpyvptov dpyvpiov

TlrgXepiaiKov, 417- 27ej8aoTdv, 4 * 7 - dpx^iov TCOV ' / p y § a i t o i > , 1 4 3 - 8. I 0

d[ir\o8€8eiyp.€vos,

Bavicrrrjs,

157-

8-qp.oola yi\, 448* 1 3 , 1 6 - 1 7 . Syflfioaiov, 448* 198i)p.6aios

d-qaavpos,

8rjp.6aios

wpos,

Bidypapina,

422. 444-

143-

I

II—12.

4-

5-

§iaypari

daTTJ,

SiKao-Tift?, 4 3 5 . Col. I l l , 1 5 .

droKOS,

5.

(8id

rpane^qs),

142.

8.

BiaOriKr), 1 4 3 - 7, 22. SiaAoyiff/tids, 4 4 6 . 28. &aVay/*a, 1 5 8 a . Col. I , 4 ; Col. I l l , 2 1 - 2 2 ; 1 7 ; e. 28. 8[iK]aoTypio[v,

450.

4 2 7 . 7.

SOUATJ, 2 l 8 . SOVXIKOV

183. 2; 203. 2; 235. 2; 239. 3;

2 4 3 . 5 ; 244. 2 ; 2 4 6 . 2 ; 249. 4; 2 5 2 . 3 ; 2 5 3 . 5 ; 2 5 4 - 3 ; 2 5 9 - 3 , 5 ; 2 6 3 . 3 , 5 ; 2 6 6 . 3, 5 ; 2 7 1 . 4 ;

39.

I.

iraiStov,

146.

T

1 3 , 55 j 4 7 -

J

> 8.

8ovXucov gcp/x.aTiov, 1 4 7 - 8. SouAoj, 1 5 3 . 5 6 ; 1 5 6 ^ . 9; 1 5 8 a . Col. I I , 26, 2 7 ; 158ft. 8 ; 2 0 6 . 1 ; 2 0 7 . 1 ; 2 1 2 . 2 ; 2 2 9 . 1 ; 4 3 5 . Col. I l l , 7.

274. 4 ; 2 8 1 . 3 ; 283. 3 ; 287.3 ; 289. 2; 2 9 1 . 1 ; 2 9 2 . 2 ; 2 9 6 . 3, 4; 2 9 9 . 3 ; 3 0 1 . 2 ; 3 0 3 . 3 ;

eyyvos,

305.3; 307-5; 3 " . 3;3 1 8 . 3 ; 3 1 9 . 3 ; 3 3 2 . 1 ;

iKOTOvrapxio,,

333-4 5 3 4 0 . 2 ; 3 4 5 . 3 ; 3 5 3 . 4 ; 3 5 4 . 3 ; 3 5 5 . 4 ;

eiaoSos, 4 5 ° - 39e/cre/xa, 4 1 S c . 1 . i x ^ o p i o v , 4 2 0 a . 1 2 , 20.

3 5 7 - 2 ; 3 6 3 . 5, 6; 4 0 9 . 3(iaoi[Xeia, 159ft. Col. V , 1 3 . j3aaiA€v's, 1 5 3 . 59, 67; 1 5 6 a . Col. I I , 45 1 5 6 ^ . 5, 1 5 ; 1 5 8 a . Col. I , 1 , 7 ; Col. I V , 1 2 ; 159ft. Col.

PaoiXixos ypanp-arevs,

1 2

I46.

4, 1 7 . 422.

ivKeXevois,

418/.

evi<Xr)p.a,

4 3 5 • Col.

9—1°-

1. Ill,

6.

evAei/i/ia, 3 7 9 . 2 ; 3 9 4 . 1 - 2 . ivoiKiov, 4 I L 20, 36.

I I , 6. j9ao-iAiKO? y[ea>py6s, 4 4 ° -

4l8d.

?M«J. 4 3 5 - Col. I l l , 18.

I 4 3 . I I , 2 5 ; 4 1 7 . 14.

d7jXi£, 4 2 I . 160, 167, 168, 1 7 1 , 176, 178, 1 9 1 ;

fiaXavevriKov,

7~8.

1 5 2 . 19.

<WC?, 1 5 3 . 63, 66, 7 1 ; 1 5 8 a . Col. V I I , 4. dpx^iKaar-qs, I 4 8 . 6 - 7 ; 4 5 0 - 1 8 - 1 9 . dpxtepevs, 1 5 3 . 48. dpx<-epevs p-eyioros, 1 5 3 . 14-15a ^ v , 1 5 3 . 64; 156c. 29; 4 3 2 . 5 7 ; 4 3 5 . Col. I I , 1 0 - 1 1 ; 4 3 6 . 17-18. 145.

II.

4.

dvriypa<j>ov, 4 1 4 . 4, 1 3 ; 4 1 8 c . I ; 4 4 3 . Col. I , 5. dirair^aip.[ov, 4 2 1 . 154.

, diroypafirf, dnoorjp.la,

206ft.

29.

y p a ^ , 4 2 8 . Col. I , 1 ; 4 4 4 . 24; 4 4 5 . 9,

13-

d]p[o8dpxri]s, 4 2 1 . 1 5 3 . dvdfiacns, 440* 10—II. aVo>as, 377.

411-

2 1 ,

• I

4 2 1 . 206ft; 427* -

/ S / A i 1 5 0 - 8 - 9 , 1 5 , i 7 ; 1 5 3 - 66.

evnopos, evToXtj,

4 1 1 . 1 7 , 34. 442.

21.

ot

i^eraor-qs,

yepois, 4 0 5 . 6. y€p.€Tpia, 2$J. 2 ; 2 3 8 . 2 ; 2 4 7 . I J 2 6 0 . 2.

2

43 -

2.

ef^yijIVifc, 1 5 6 a . Col. I I , 1 9 ; 156ft. 14. egovala,

418^.

19; 435.

Col.

I , 18.

TECHNICAL TERMS igovola orjftapxiKy, 1 5 3 - 5 ' erradXa, 4 5 O. 49. eirapxos, 1 5 3 . 59; 1 5 6 a . Col. I I , 1 9 ; 156ft. 1 4 ; 1 5 8 a . Col. I l l , 2 1 . eirapxos 7rpai[ra>piov, 418ft. 7—8. ine^oSos, 420ft. 25. imo[r)p.L]a, 4 4 4 . 38-39. imKpio[is\, 4 2 I . 162. imaroXf], 1 5 2 . 3 , 8; 1 5 3 . 4, 7 ; 1 5 5 . 2 5 - 2 6 ; 1 5 8 a . Col. V I , 1 2 , 1 9 ; 4 2 2 . 1 5 ; 4 4 0 . 3 ; 4 4 1 . Col. I I , 5 - 6 ; Col. I l l , 5 ; 4 4 3 . Col. I , 4 - 5 ; 4 4 4 . 7 ;

KpiTTJpiOV, 1 4 2 . 3 ; I 4 4 . 1 2 ; 1 4 5 . 5 ; I 4 6 . I J 4 3 5 . Col. I V , 2. KvfiepvTjTrjs, 4 2 2 . 6-7. Kvpiaicds p.epiop.ds dvSpidvros, 3 7 5 - 2—3/cupio?, 1 4 3 . 3 , 2 1 ; 1 4 4 . 4; 1 4 5 . 5 ; 1 4 6 . 3 ; 1 4 8 .

445-6. emorpartly o s , 444- 37iiriTipuov, 4 * 7 - 9 imrpoiTf), 1 5 7 - 4irrirpoTros, 1 5 0 . 9; 1 5 3 . 44; 418ft. 4; 4 3 9 . V . ; 4 4 6 . 8. epavos, 1 4 9 . 3 , 7, 24. e u f l u v e u , 1 5 0 . 1 6 ; 1 5 3 - 64. eyx^iov, 4 3 2 . 60. irjPevKa>s, 1 5 3 . 53W « s , 1 5 0 . 3 ; 4 5 0 . 49. ejjooos, 4 4 3 . Col. I I , 5. ;

J

4, 55 5 4 - 48; 1 5 6 a . Col. I I , 1 0 ; ft. 6 , 1 7 ; 19 1 5 8 a . Col. I I , 5 , 2 2 ; Col. I l l , 1 0 , 1 4 ; Col. V I , 8 159ft. Col. I l l , 1 , 1 3 ; 1 6 0 . 4; 1 8 1 . 7 ; 1 8 3 . 2 188.5; 189.4; 193.3; I 9 4 - 3 J I 9 5 - 2 J 196.2 197-35198.2;199.3; 200.3;201.3;203.1 2 0 4 . 3 ; 2 0 6 . 2 ; 2 0 7 . 4; 2 0 8 . 2 ; 2 0 9 . 3 ; 2 1 0 3; 2 1 1 . 2; 2 1 2 . 3 ; 2 1 3 . 3 ; 2 1 4 . 2; 2 1 5 . 3 ; 2 1 6 4; 2 1 7 . 2 ; 2 1 8 . 4 - 5 ; 2 1 9 . 3 ; 2 2 0 . 4; 2 2 1 . 4 223. 2; 224. 3 ; 225. 3 ; 2 2 7 . 3 ; 2 2 8 . 3 ; 2 2 9 . 3 2 3 4 . 4 ; 2 4 3 . 4 ; 293. 5; 2 9 8 . 3 ; 299. 2 5 3 0 0 . 3 3 0 1 . 1 ; 302. 2; 3 0 3 . 3 ; 3 0 4 . 3 ; 305. 2;306. 2 307.4; 3 0 9 . 2 ; 3 1 1 . 2 ; 3 1 4 . 2 ; 3 1 5 . 2 ; 3 1 6 . 3 3 1 8 . 2 ; 3 1 9 . 3 ; 320. 2; 3 2 1 . 3 ; 3 2 3 . 2; 3 2 4 . 1 2; 328. 3 ; 329- 3 ; 3 3 1 . 2; 3 3 2 . 1 ; 3 3 3 - 3 3 3 4 - 4 5 3 3 5 . 3 ; 3 3 6 . 3 ; 3 3 8 . 3 ; 339- 2 ; 3 4 0 . 1

I

%-qp.ia, 4l8
1

£uT07-Cl)AefoJ>, 4 3 - 5 -

3 4 1 . 2 ; 3 4 2 . 2 ; 3 4 3 . 3 ; 3 4 4 . 3 ; 345. 2; 346. 4 3 4 7 . 4 ; 3 4 8 . 4 ; 3 4 9 - 4; 3 5 0 - 4; 3 5 2 - 2 ; 3 5 3 . 3 3 5 4 - 2 ; 3 5 5 - 3 ; 3 5 6 - 3 ; 3 5 9 - 2; 3 6 0 . 3 ; 3 6 1 . 2 362. 3 ; 3 6 3 . 4 ; 3 6 4 . 2 ; 3 6 6 . 2 ; 3 6 7 . 3 ; 3 6 9 . 3 3 7 1 . 2 ; 3 7 2 . 3 ; 3 7 5 . 5;376.4; 377. 3; 379. 4 380.4;381.4;382. 4;383.3;384.4;385. 3 3 8 6 . 4 ; 3 8 7 - 4; 3 8 8 . 3 ; 3 8 9 . 5 ; 3 9 0 . 5 ; 3 9 1 . 3 3 9 2 . 3 ; 3 9 3 - 3 5 394- 3 ; 3 9 5 - 3 ; 3 9 6 . 3 5 3 9 7 - 3 3 9 8 . 3 ; 399- 2; 4 0 0 . 4 ; 401 - 3 ; 4 0 2 . 3 ; 4 0 4 . 3 4 1 8 a . I I , 1 5 , 2 1 ; 4180". 2 ; 4 1 9 c . 4; 4 2 7 . I I 4 2 8 . Col. 1 , 2 ; 4 3 0 . 3 , 1 5 ; 4 3 2 . 1 4 ; 4 3 9 . 5 ; 4 4 3 Col. 1 , 4 , 9 , 1 4 ; 4 4 4 . 4 1 ; 4 4 6 . 2 , 1 8 , 3 6 ; 4 4 8 . 21 Ka>p,riTt)s, 4 3 8 . 3 .

r)fio[KaTo]s, 159ft. Col. I l l , 1 1 - 1 2 . •qyep-ovia, 1 5 3 . 54. ^ye/xwv, 1 5 1 . 3 , 24; 1 5 2 . 3 0 - 3 1 ; 1 5 3 . 58, 8 1 ; 4 3 5 . Col. I l l , 1 7 ; 4 4 3 . Col. I , 1 , 4, 9, 1 2 , 1 3 . i)p.ioXia, 1 4 3 . 1 4 ; 1 4 6 . 3 8 ; 1 4 9 . 1 6 ; 4 1 1 . 9, 23. 6 a \ \ 6 s , 4 2 0 a . 18. dearpov, 4 3 5 . Col. I I , 25. dr/oavpos, 4 1 1 - 19, 20, 35, 36. dopvfioi, 444- 26. d]plap.flos, 4 3 5 . Col. I , 16. " 7 8 i [ o ] s Aoyos, 1 5 0 . 7. 'IovSaiKov reXeap-a, l 8 l . 2 ; 1 8 3 . 35 1 8 9 . 2 - 3 190. 1 - 2 ; 1 9 1 . 2; 192. 1 - 2 ; 1 9 3 . 2; 194. 3 195. 2; 196. 1 - 2 ; 197. 2; 198. 2; 199. 2 200. 2; 2 0 1 . 2; 202. 2; 203. 2; 204. 3 ; 206 1; 207. 2-3; 208. 2; 209. 2; 2 I O . 2; 2 1 1 . 2 212. 2 - 3 ; 2 1 3 . 3 ; 2 1 5 . 2; 2 l 6 . 3 ; 2 l 7 . 2J2I8. 3 2 1 9 . 2, 4; 2 2 0 . 3 ; 2 2 1 . 3 ; 2 2 3 . 2, 5 ; 2 2 4 . 2 225. 2; 226. 2; 227. 2; 228. 2; 229. 2; 4 2 1 . 154, 172. 'IovSa'CKOS rdpaxos,

2

B 5185

I

2

Ka>p,oypap.p.aTevs, 4 7 - 3 5 4 8 . Col. I I , 14. KoJ\p.o(j>vXa$, 424* 3 Kayaroioia, 1 5 8 a . Col. I I , 8; 158ft. 3 . 1

Xaoypala, 1 5 1 . 17, 21, 22; 2 3 0 . 2 ; 2 3 1 . 2; 2 3 3 . 2 ; 2 3 9 . 2 ; 2 4 5 . 1 ; 2 4 6 . 2, 3 ; 2 4 9 . 2 ; 2 5 0 . 2 ; 251. 2;253. 2;254. 2;255. 2 ; 2 5 7 . 2 ; 2 5 8 . 1 ; 2 6 2 . 2 ; 2 6 3 . 2, 5 ; 2 6 4 . 2 ; 2 6 6 . 2; 2 6 9 . 3 2 7 0 . 3; 2 7 1 . 2; 274. 3; 279. 2 ; 2 8 0 . 2 ; 28l. 2 ,283. 2 ; 2 8 5 . 2 ; 2 9 0 . 3 ; 2 9 5 . 2 ; 2 9 7 . 2; 2 9 8 . 2 , 3 0 0 . 2 ; 3 0 4 . 2 ; 3 0 8 . 2 ; 3 0 9 . 2 ; 3 1 0 . 2; 3 1 2 . 2 5 3 1 3 2 ; 3 i 4 . i ; 3 I 5 . 2 ; 3 l 6 . 2 ; 3 l 7 . ; 3 2 1 . 2 322. 25323-1;324- i;325-15327-2: 329.2 331. 2; 335- 2; 3 3 6 . 2 ; 3 3 7 . 1 ; 3 3 8 . 2 j 3 3 9 - 1 342. 2; 3 4 3 - 2; 344- 3 ; 347- 3 ; 3 4 8 . 3 ; 3 4 9 - 3 ; 3 5 0 . 3 ; 3 5 2 . 2 ; 3 5 8 . 3 ; 3 5 9 . 2 ; 3 6 0 . 2: 3 6 1 . 1 365.

2

449- 3>

imrevs, 4 * 7 - 7IrrTrob'pop.os, 4 1 8 a . 10. LTT7T0K0P.0S, 4 1 6 . 10. Kaddrrep €K hlicqs, 26; 4 1 4 . 2.

273

Koroycoyif, 444- 4 KOT^yopos, 1 5 5 . 23, 24-25. KaroiKtKr) yrj, 1 4 5 Kevrovpicjv, 2 2 9 . 2. K [ A ] ^ O S , 4 2 0 a . 8, 27. Kparrjacs, 4 H - 2. Kplois, 4 3 5 . Col. I l l , 18.

I

2

1 4 3 - 1 6 ; I 4 6 . 4 3 ; 1 4 9 . 20; 4 1 1 .

T

TECHNICAL

274

TERMS

2; 3 6 6 . 1 ; 368. 2 ; 369. 2; 3 7 0 . 2 ; 3 7 1 . 2 ; 3 7 4 .

npeoPela,

2; 379- 35 38o. 2, 6; 3 8 1 . 2 ; 384. 2 ; 3 8 5 . 2 ;

rrpeofievTris,

390. 2; 3 9 3 . 2; 394. 1 ; 396. 3 ; 3 9 7 . 2; 398. 2 ;

•npeapvs, 1 5 3 . ° , 75 J I 5 ° « - Col. I , 175 I5°<** I ', 1 5 7 . 1 3 , 2 4 , 3 3 , 5 1 - 5 2 ; 158a. Col. V I I , 10.

400. 2; 4 0 1 . 2; 4 2 1 . 180, 203; 4 2 7 . 8 ; 4 2 8 . Col. I I , 14. Xeyeciv, Xlvt
159^. Col. I V , 8.

4*4* 4* 1

159°' Col. I l l , I I . 2

TrpoofioXr), 1 4 2 . 1 7 , 23. irpooypafiov, 4 2 1 . 1 6 1 . T r p o a e u ^ , 4 3 2 . 57. irpooohos, 1 5 0 . 4. TrpooTdrrjs epdvatv, 149* TT OTop.rj, 1 5 7 . 5 1 .

4 2 2 . 9; 438. 1 5 .

Xrjo-Tapxos,

1

1 5 0 . I I 5 153* 9 *

2

fidprvpes, 4 1 • 7 * p.axaipo>f>6pos, 1 5 2 . 5. 435- Col. I V , 1. fiepi.ap.6s, 286. 2; 288. 2; 3 3 4 . 3 ; 3 4 1 . 1 ; 3 4 5 . 3 ; 356- 3 J 3 7 7 - 4 J 3 8 6 . 2 ; 3 8 8 . 2 ; 3 8 9 . 6 ; 3 9 1 . 1 ; 4 0 1 . 4 ; 402. 2; 403. 2. jx.epiap.6s eraipiKOS, 3 8 7 . 2. p.epiap.6s S i ( ) , 364. 2. fteroxgi, 4 1 2 . 23. puerprjais, 4 I I . 1 8 ; 420fl. 22. p.erpov reraprov, 4 I I . 17, 34. /*hxa"i 4 3 2 . 199p.lp.os, 158a. Col. I , 7 ; Col. I V , 12. Iwvoiktj, 156^. 8, 9.

3*

p-qrtop, 156ft. 36. Zepaaros, 1 5 3 . 23, 68; 156ft. 33. aiToAdyoj, 4 2 2 . I I ; 428, Col. I , I . aK-qv-r), 158a. Col. I , 7 ; Col. I V , I I . OKOrreXoi, 293. 2 J 3 0 I . 2 ; 3 0 2 . 3 ; 3 4 6 . 3 ; 3 5 1 . 4 ; 3 6 3 . 5. d eirl tcov OKOireXayv, 293. 1—2. ffK[i>Ta]A>7, 4 1 1 * 18. arreKOvXarmp, I 5 9 * Col. I I , 1 2 . ardais, 1 5 3 . 73 5 4 44* 3°* areavr\opia, 439* 3 4 * ff]rpaTijy[ia, 443* Col. I I , 1 3 . a

I

arpar-qyos, vavjSiov, 265. 2. veoKopos, I S3' ^ o . vo/xev?, 4 1 2 . 18. vop.01, 1 5 0 . 20. v d a o j , 1 5 3 . 100.

- I

420ft. I ; 4 2 2 . 1 4 - 1 5 ; 4 3 0 . I ; 436. 1 7 ;

443. Col. I , 2, 1 3 ; 444. 8, v . ; 4 4 5 . 2, 4, 8, v . ; 448. 2 ; 4 5 0 . 18. OTpa[nd, 440* I I OTpaTicoT-qs, 4 2 2 . 9. avyypacf>rj, avyypacfrr/

oiKOv6p.os, 1 5 1 • 10; 418ft. 2. [ d p o f e a i a ] , 449* * oiaia 'IovXias £efi\aoTqs, 420ft. 6—7. oiaia \Mai\Ki)variavrf, 449* 22. oviHa/f*) /a-f^ais, 449* 21. di/lcoi/iov cf>vXai
4 1 1 . 10, 2 7 ; 4 1 4 . 3 . —

p.vrjp.ovcKi],

ovy c6priais,

1 4 2 . 7 8.

1 4 2 . 5, 30, 32, 36, 37, 3 8 ; 1 4 4 . I I , 19,

X

2 2

2 1 - 2 2 ; 1 4 5 . 4, 5, 9, 26; 1 4 6 . 4 ; I 4 7 . 5 ; I 4 8 . 1 7 . avKoy>avrla,

158a. Col. I l l , 8 ; 158ft. 1 3 .

ovpfiovXeiov,

156a. Col. I , 1 5 .

av(j,(f>a)via, 44^* 6 . 2

avvehpiov, 157* 4 > 47I 0

x

ovvqyopos, I 5 7 * > 6 ffw^A^ri/cd?, 156a. Col. I , 2, 8 - 9 ; Col. I I , 6 , 1 4 ;

7raioapiov, 1 5 2 . 1 5 ; 2 0 1 . I ; 439. 4 - 5 , 1 1 - 1 2 . •naiSeia,

2 —

P

151* 6 .

156ft. 2, 1 0 ; 1 5 7 . 26-27.

•n-cuStoe, 1 4 6 . 2 1 , 22, 28, 3 0 - 3 1 , 48, 5 1 .

ovvkXtjtos,

TraiSlaKr), 442. IO.

avvray-q, 4 4« 3 .

•napadrjKT], 417* O-IO, 1 7 , 23.

apayis, I 4 5 . 1 2 , 1 5 .

159ft. Col. I V , 8. 2

7rapep.fioX.r1, 156ft. 16. rajSAa, 1 5 2 . 29.

I

7rapox[i?, 444* 5 Trdrpoyv, 1 4 8 . 1 3 , 2 3 ; 1 5 0 . 8 ; 1 5 2 . 18. IJeparjs

rapax^', 1 5 3 - 73. T

Trjs e-myovfjs,

1 4 6 . 6 - 7 ; 4 1 1 . 7, 3 0 ; 4 3 *

40; 4 1 7 . 6. m o r n ? , 1 4 3 . 1 7 ; 146. 44; 424. 6; 450. 32. iroXepios,

1 5 3 . 7 4 ; 158a. Col. I , 1 3 ; Col. I I , 3 , 6;

450. 33* TcoXtreLa,

1 5 3 . 5 5 ; 1 5 5 . 22.

Tr(oyXlrevp.a,

1 5 0 . 5.

Te'Aeioi d V S p e ? , 4 2 I . 158, 167, 176, 180. reXeiai yvvaiKes, 4 2 1 . 158, 168, 182ft. TfAps, 4 1 2 . 22. TeXos S(.7rAt6p,aTOs ova>v, 3 6 2 . 2. reAos av-qXaTiKov, 2&2. 2. « W , 145* 8 ; 4 1 1 . 23, 24; 4 1 4 . 5 ; 4 3 9 . 1 4 . TipJj o-qvapicov hvo 'IovSaiatv,

1 6 0 . 2—3; l 6 l . 2 ;

Trorap.ovXa£, 444* 3 3 3 -

1 6 2 . 2 - 3 ; 1 6 3 . 1 - 2 ; 164. 2 - 3 ; 1 6 5 . 2 - 3 ; 1 6 6 .

7rpair\
2-3; 167.2-3; 168.2; 170.2; 1 7 1 . 1 - 2 ; 172.

2 _

158a. Col. I V , 9.

wpaKTtop, 1 4 2 . 8, 1 7 ; l 8 l . I . •npafrs,

1 4 3 . 1 5 ; 1 4 6 . 4 0 ; 1 4 9 . 1 7 J 4 I I . 245417. 20.

2

2

2 5 1 7 3 . 3 ; 1 7 4 * ; 175* ~ 3 ; 1 7 6 . 2 - 3 ; 1 7 7 . 2 - 3 ; 178* 3 - 4 5 1 7 9 * 1 - 2 ; 1 8 0 . 2 - 3 ; 1 8 1 . 4 - 5 ;

TECHNICAL 1 8 2 . 1 - 2 j 183a. 2; 184. 2-3; 1 8 5 . 2-3; 1 8 7 . 2 - 3 ; 1 8 8 . 2 - 3 ; 2 1 4 . 2. rip.r)

oivov,

378. 3; 392. 1-2.

TL(17) TTVpOV, 2 3 4 . 2 J 2 4 1 . 3 J 2 9 4 . 2 ; 3 7 3 . 2.

1 4 2 . 8 , 2 1 ; 1 4 3 . 1 5 ; 148. 2,26,41; 1 4 9 . 1 7 ; 1 5 4 . 60; 4 1 3 . 4 2 ; 4 1 7 . 1 8 ; 4 2 4 . 5 , 1 0 ; 4 5 0 . 49.

TO'/COS,

rpdrr^a,

1 4 2 . 8, 28, 3 3 ; 1 4 5 . 1 9 .

rpicafioXeios,

156ft. 1 8 .

Tvpawla,

159°'

rvpavvos,

159ft. Col. I I , 5 .

rvppvq,

Col. I I , 1 2 - 1 3 .

4 1 7 . 8.

1 5 6 a . Col. I I , 7 ; 156ft. 2 - 3 . VTraros,

I59&. Col. I l l , 1 5 .

cwroSeSiyiBej'os, 1 5 3 ' 5 v-rep TOV TOTtoVf 2 3 6 . 2 J 2 7 2 . 2. J

viraros

VTreperrjs,

4 2 I . 159, 184.

j5]7roypa^eus, 4*3« 44* VTr6p.vrjp.af

1 4 8 . 8.

I58#. Col. I V , 3 .

v7Top.vr]p.ari]cep.6s,

TERMS

<£dpo? irpofidroiv,

iX6oo^>os,

144*

I

9 '

2

povnarf)s,

432.

7.

ciuAaKTJ, 377. s; 383. 4; 391. 4. vXaKiTiKov,

2 4 2 . 2 ; 246.

3 ; 2 5 2 . 3 ; 2 5 3 . 6;

2 3 6 . 3 ; 2 7 2 . 3.

254.

5 ; 259. 3 , 5 ; 2 6 1 . 2 ; 266. 3 , 6 ; 2 7 1 . 4; 2 7 5 . 3 ; 2 7 8 . 1 ; 2 9 9 . 2 ; 3 0 1 . 1 j 3 0 2 . 1 ; 3 0 3 . 2 ; 307. 2 ; 320. 2 ; 3 2 8 . 3 ; 3 4 0 . 2 ; 3 4 6 . 5 ; 3 5 3 . 4; 3 5 4 . 3 ; 3 5 5 . 4 ; 3 6 3 . 5 , 6 ; 3 7 2 . 4M i 153- 41. X€ipoypaia, Xcop-ariKov,

427.

T

4«

183. I ; 203.

I ; 217. 3 ; 232.

2;

239.

3 ; 2 4 3 . 3 ; 244. 2 ; 246. 2 ; 2 4 9 . 4 ; 2 5 2 . 2 ; 2 5 3 . 5 ; 254. 3 ; 259. 2 ; 263. 3 , 5 ; 266. 2 , 5 ; 274. 4; 281.3;287.2;289.2;292.2;296. 2;305.1; 306. 2 - 3 1 1 . 2 ; 3 1 8 . 1 ; 3 1 9 . 2 ; 3 2 6 . 2 ; 3 3 0 . 2 ; 3 3 i • 3 5 3 3 3 - 2 ; 3 4 0 . 1 5 345- 2 ; 3 5 3 - 2 ; 3 5 4 - 2 ; 355- 2 ; 3 5 7 . 2 ; 3 6 3 . 3 , 6 ; 3 7 6 . 2 ; 3 7 7 . 3 ; 389. 31 4 2 . 10.

6 '

1 5 9 k Col. I I , 1 0 .

opt,KOS rrvpos,

268. 2 ; 284. 2 J 377* 5 ; 383. 4 ;

391.3-4-

X c o p a AXe£av8p4a)V, epvdpiov,

275

6pos, 156^. 2 7 , 29.

ifif)iap.a,

1 5 3 . 2 0 ; 158a.

i/itAo? T07T0?, 1 4 2 . 1 9 ;

Col. V I I , 1 3 .

447*

INDEX OF SOURCES

C.P.Jud. 321

Berlin P . 1 2 5 3 7 BGU BGU BGU BGU BGU BGU BGU BGU

341 511 715 776 889 1068 1079 1102

1586 156a 428 434 449 427 152 144 146

BGU 1106 BGU 1129 BGU 1132

145 142 149

BGU 1134 BGU 1140 BGU

1151,1V

BGU 1 1 5 3 , 1 BGU 1155 BGU 1563 BGU 1635 Bull, de la faculte des lettres de Strasbourg, x x x i i i , 1 9 5 5 , n o . 266 Cazzaniga, 'Torbidi giudaici', Melanges Boisacq, i, 1 5 9 s q q Lietzmann , no. 7 L i e t z m a n n , n o . 20 L i e t z m a n n , n o . 20 Lietzmann , no. 21 M. Chr. 67 M. Chr. 108 M. Chr. 257 Meyer, Jur. Pap. 30 . Milligan 1 5 Musurillo I Musurillo I I Musurillo I V , Recension A , Cols. I - I I . Musurillo I V , Recension A , Cols. I l l . Musurillo I V , Recension B . Musurillo I V , Recension C . Musurillo V B 2

2

2

2

Musurillo Musurillo Musurillo Musurillo Musurillo

VIII IX I X B I X c (Cols. I I I - I V ) XI

Norsa, Scritture documentarie, 11a . . . 0 . Briiss.-Berl. 69 . 0 . D e i s s m . 30 .

iSi 143 147 148 418*: 433 4i8i 435 43i 156a 156^ 1596 148 146 145 417 152 150 154 1560 i$6d

1566 156c 418a 157 158a 1586 435 1596

. .

1933, tav. . . .

150 265 297

0 . Deissm. 33

.

.

.

.

OE 12 0

E

l

C. P. Jud. . 227 231

3

233

OE

14

II6I

0

5 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

235 239 253 252 257 259 263

E

i OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE O

.

.

.

.

.

I

.

.

.

.

.

E

3 6 OE37 OE38 OE 39 O E 40 OE 41 O E 42 OE 43 O E 44 OE 45 O E 46 O E 47 O E 48 OE49 O E 50 OE 51 O E 52 O E 53 O E 54 OE 55 O E 56 O E 57 OE58

7

4

266 271 246 234 236 237 238 240 247 260 272 I

7

5

I

7

7

373 l

8

l

l

8

2

243 J6

4

^ 249 I

?

3

264 269 6 270 I 7

.

.

.

.

.

274 i g 275 276 248 7

I 7

o

254 261 232 230 244

INDEX C. P. OE59 O E 60 O E 61 O E 62 O E 63 O E 64 O E 65 O E 66 O E 67 O E 68 O E 69 O E 70 OE 71 O E 72 O E 73 O E 74 O E 75 O E 76 O E 77

.

.

.

.

.

OF S O U R C E S

Jud. 258 280 187 286 296 308 316 336 186 208 228 371 251 255 290 277 288 343 341

OE78 OE79 O E 80 OE81 OE82 OE83 O E 84 OE85 O E 86 OE87 O E 88 O E 89 O E 90 O E 91 O E 92 O E 93

349 355 364 359 363 346 348 366 372 347 352 215 217 354 361 367

O E 94 O E 95 O E 96 O E 97 OE98 O E 99 O E 100 O E 101 O E 102 O E 103 O E 104 O E 105 O E 106 O E 107 O E 108 O E 109 OE n o OE i n OE 1 1 2 OE 113

3°5 303 300 310 317 319 320 323 324 318 328 200 332 333 338 205 351 216 214 353

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

277 C. P.

OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE OE

[15 [16 [17 EI8 119

. . . . .

•

.

•

•

Jud.

• •

356 358

•

345

•

165

.

197

123

.

•

339

125 126 127

. . .

.

171

130 132

. .

.

279

.

191

• .

3°7 404

•

337

• •

33° 325

• • •

33i 357 365

.

368

.

295

.

408&

• . .

375 378 392

• . • • •

3»7 384 393 394 395

136 137 138

. • .

141

.

143

•

145 146 147 148 149 150

. . . . . .

151 152

• .

i53 154 156

• .

157 158 159 160 161

• • . . .

163 164 165 166

.

•

.

. .

. .

.

. •

. .

.

167 168

. .

.

.

169 170 171 172

. . . .

.

.

173 174

• .

175

•

278

INDEX C. P.

OF S O U R C E S

OE 176 OE 177 OE 178 OE179 O E 180 OE 181 O E 182 O E 183 O E 184 OE 185 O E 186 O E 187 O E 188

Jud. 399 396 379 381 385 390 400 397 376 380 377 389 382

OE189 O E 190 OE 191 O E 192 OE 193 O E 194 O E 195 O E 257 O E 258 O E 259 O E 260 O E 261 O E 262 O E 263 O E 264 O E 265 O E 266 O E 267 O E 268 O E 269 O E 270 O E 271 O E 272 OE 273 O E 274 O E 275 O E 276 O E 277 O E 278 O E 279 O E 280 O E 281 O E 282 O E 283 O E 284 O E 285 O E 286 O E 287 O E 288 O E 289 OE373 O E 374

383 386 388 403 401 402 391 241 293 294 268 167 172 262 289 219 285 189 192 193 282 283 362 335 299 315 360 278 314 344 281 199 334 222 225 184 313 327 369 398 168 183

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

c. OE 375 OE 376 OE OE OE OE OE OE

377 378 379 380 381 382

OE OE OE OE

383 384 385 386

O E 387 O I F A O , 40 (unpublished) . O I F A O , 1 6 5 (unpublished) . O I F A O , 230 (unpublished) . O I F A O , 232 (unpublished) . Olsson 30 . Olsson 5 1 . Olsson 65 . 0 . Petrie 2 5 2 0 . Petrie 266 0 . Petrie 267 0 . Petrie 2 7 1 0 . Petrie 282 P. Bad. 35 P . B a d . 36 P . B a d . 39 P . Ber. i n v . 8877 ( = U x k u l l - G y l l e n b a n d , Stzb. preuss. Ak., ph.-hist. KL, 1930, xxviii) . . . . . P . Berl. Moller 4 . P . Berl. Moller 7 P . bibl. u n i v . Giss. 46 ( = Premerstein, Alexandrinische Geronten vor Kaiser Gaius, 1 9 3 9 , p p . 4 - 1 1 ) P. Brem. 1 P. Brem. 1 1 P. Brem. 15 P . B r e m . 63 P . C a i r o 10448 ( = T h . R e i n a c h , REJ x x x i , 1 8 9 5 , 1 6 1 s q q . ; i b . x x x i i , 1896, 160) P. Fay. 1 2 3 P . F a y . 0 . 3 (p. 3 2 1 ) . . . . P. Fouad 8 P . Giss. 1 9 P . Giss. 24 P . Giss. 27 P . Giss. 4 1 P . H a m b . 2 (Tafel I) . P . H a w a r a 208 . . . . . P . H i b . 2 1 5 (Plate I I I ) P . L o n d . ii, p p . 28 s q q . , n o . 258 . P . L o n d . iii. p . 2 5 , n o . 1 1 1 9 a

P.

Jud.

3°9 301 196 342 306 287 203 206 34o 210 4o8<: 37o 188 256 35o 183a 328a 152 424 43i 419a 419ft 419c 419a" 419c 424 440 441

1566411 412

155 438 444 446 442

iS6d

43i 409 418a 436 437 439 443 417 415 418ft 426 430

I N D E X OF C. P. Jud. P . L o n d . iii, p p . 181 sqq., n o . 1 1 7 7 43 P . Lond. 1 9 1 2 . . . . 153 P . L o n d . i n v . 2785 ( = Bell, Arch. X , 1 9 3 2 , 5 sqq.) . . . . 1566 P . Mich. v . 2 4 1 , 1 1 . 39-45 . 413 P . O x y . 3 3 verso 1596 422 P . O x y . 276 . . . . P. Oxy. 335 . . . . 423 P . O x y . 500 . . . . 448 P . O x y . 705, Cols. I - I I 45° P . O x y . 707, introd. . 447 410 P . O x y . 816 . . . . P . O x y . 899,11. 2 7 - 2 8 4182 P . O x y . 1089 . . . . 154 P. Oxy. 1189 . . . 445 P . Oxy. 1242 . . . . 157 P. Oxy. 1281 . . . . 414 158a P . Par. 6 8 + P . L o n d . i. 227 s q q . . Premerstein, AAM 8 s q q . . 154 P . Princet. i. 2 , Col. I l l , 10 s q q . . 416 P . Princet. ii. 42 (Plate V I ) 425 420ft P. Ryl. 126 . . . P . R y l . 166 . . . 420a PSI1160 150 P . V i n d o b . Boswinkel i. 1. 19 418/ P . Wisconsin 1 6 ( = Clauson, Aeg. i x , 1928, 2 4 0 - 8 0 ) . . . . 429 P . Y a l e i n v . 1 5 3 6 ( = Welles, TAP A lxvii, 1 9 3 6 , 7 sqq.) . 159a R o t h 10 143 Roth 11 . . . . 151 Roth 12 152 Roth 14 422 Roth 15 43i Roth 16 427 Roth 17 432 R o t h 18 157 R o t h 23 . 445 S B 4429 . . . . . 212 S B 4430 207 S B 4431 211 S B 4432 209 S B 4433 213 S B 4 5 1 5 , H. 2 5 - 2 8 . 442 284 SB 5811 SB 5812 405 SB 5813 374 166 S B 5814 SB 5815 273 S B 5816 185 SB 5817 298 302 SB 5818 2

SOURCES C. P. S B 5819 . S B 5820 . S B 5821 . S B 5822 . S B 5823 . S B 5824 . SB 7341 . S B 7344 . S B 7365 . S B 7400 . S B 7448 . Schubart, Griech. S P 107 . SP n o . SP 212 . S P 298 . Stud. Pal. i v , 7 1 . Stud. Pal. i v , 94. Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . Stud. Pal. xiii, p . W . Chr. 1 4 W . Chr. 1 5 W . Chr. 1 6 W . Chr. 17 W . Chr. 1 8 W . Chr. 2 o a + b . W . Chr. 58 W . Chr. 60 W . Chr. 61 W . Chr. 62 W . Chr. 1 5 3 , 407 W . Chr. 1 9 3 W . Chr. 295 W . Chr. 3 6 1

Pap. 30

8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 9> 9, 9> 9> 9, 9> 9> 9>

.

no. 1 . . no. 2 . no. 3 . no. 4 . no. 5 . no. 6 . no. 7 . no. 8 . no. 9 . no. 10 . no.11 . no. 12 . n o . 13a. n o . 13b n o . 14 . n o . 15 . no. 16 . n o . 17 . n o . 18 . n o . 20 .

Jud

• . . . . . . . .

195 311 329 220 226 194 411 412 429

• . . .

321 150 436 152

• • • .

43i 153 443 421

. .

448 284

• • . •

405 374 166 273

• .

185 298

• .

3° 304

• .

195 311

• . . . . . .

329 220 226 212 207 211 209 213

• .

194 156a

• .

437 438

• • . . . . .

439 443 159ft 151 152 421 427

• • . .

45° 432 160 418*?

2

INDEX

OF

BGU 1132 B G U 1 1 5 1 . R o t h 10 BGU 1102 B G U 1 1 2 9 . M. Chr. 257 B G U 1 1 0 6 . M. Chr. 108 BGU 1 1 5 3 , 1 B G U 1 1 5 5 . M. Chr. 67 BGU 1134 S B 7448. Norsa, Scritture documentarie, 1 9 3 3 , t a v . 1 1 a. P S I 1 1 6 0 . Musurillo I B G U 1 1 4 0 . W . Chr. 58. R o t h 1 1 B G U 1079. W . Chr. 60. Olsson 30. S P 1 0 7 . Milligan 1 5 . R o t h 1 2 P . Lond. 1 9 1 2 . S P 2 1 2 . P . O x y . 1089. Premerstein, AAM 8 sqq. Musurillo I I P . bibl. u n i v . Giss. 46 ( = Premerstein, Alexandrinische Geronten vor Kaiser Gaius, 1 9 3 9 , p p . 4 - 1 1 ) . Musurillo I I I B G U 5 1 1 . W . Chr. 1 4 . Musurillo I V , R e c e n s i o n A , Cols. I—II. L i e t z m a n n , n o . 20 P . L o n d . i n v . 2785 ( = B e l l , Arch, x , 1 9 3 2 , 5 sqq.). Musurillo I V , Recen­ sion B P . Berl. i n v . 8877 ( = U x k u l l - G y l l e n b a n d , Stzb. preuss. Ak., ph.-hist. KL, 1930, x x v i i i ) . Musurillo I V , R e c e n ­ sion C P . Cairo 10448 ( = T h . R e i n a c h , REJ x x x i , 1 8 9 5 , 1 6 1 s q q . ; i b . x x x i i , 1896. 160). W . Chr. 1 4 . Musurillo I V , Recension A , Col. I I I . L i e t z m a n n , n o . 20 P . O x y . 1 2 4 2 . Musurillo V I I I . R o t h 1 8 P . Par. 68 + P . L o n d . i. 227 sqq. Musurillo I X B G U 3 4 1 . Musurillo I X B P . Y a l e inv. 1 9 3 6 = Welles, TAP A lxvii, 1 9 3 6 , 7 sqq. P . O x y . 3 3 verso. W . Chr. 20. a - f b . Musurillo X I . L i e t z m a n n , n o . 21 W . Chr. 29$ OE 14 OE41 OE 124 O E 40 O E 120 2

2

2

Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 4. S B 5 8 1 4 O E 261 OE 373 OE 126

SOURCES

No. 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 183a 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 i93 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220

OE 53 OE 127 O E 262 OE43 O E 22 O E 34 OE46 OE 35 OE49 OE 128 O E 129 O E 37 O E 38 OE 374 O I F A O 230 (unpublished) O E 285 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 6. S B 5 8 1 6 O E 67 O E 61 O E 387 O E 267 OE 161 OE 138 OE268 O E 269 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 20. S B 5824 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 10. S B 5 8 1 9 O E 377 OE 122 OE 145 O E 281 O E 105 OE 150 OE151 OE 381 OE 143 O E 109 O E 382 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 1 5 . S B 4430 O E 68 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 1 7 . S B 4432 O E 384 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 1 6 . S B 4431 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 1 4 . S B 4429 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 1 8 . S B 4433 OE 1 1 2 O E 89 OE i n O E 90 OE 114 O E 265 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 1 3 a . S B 5822

I N D E X OF S O U R C E S No. 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275

OE 117 O E 283 OE 156 OE 157 O E 284 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 1 3 b . S B 5823 0 . Deissm. 33 O E 69 OE159 O E 57 OE 12 O E 56 OE 13 O E 26 OE 15 O E 27 O E 28 O E 29 OE 16 O E 30 OE257 OE 119 OE39 O E 58 OE 125 O E 25 OE31 O E 52 O E 42 OE 121 OE 71 OE 18 OE 17 O E 54 O E 72 O I F A O , 40 (unpublished) O E 19 O E 59 O E 20 OE 32 O E 55 O E 263 OE 21 OE44 0 . Briiss.-Berl. 69 O E 23 OE 130 O E 260 O E 45 O E 47 O E 24 OE33 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 5. S B 5 8 1 5 OE48 O E 50

No. 276 277 278

k

279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 3°4 305 306 307 308 3°9 310 3ii 312 313 314 3i5 316 317 3i8 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 327 328 328a 2

3 9

281

OE 51 O E 74 O E 277 OE 132 O E 60 O E 280 O E 270 OE 271 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 1 . S B 5 8 1 1 O E 266 O E 62 O E 380 OE75 O E 264 OE73 OE 136 OE 137 O E 258 O E 259 O E 160 O E 63 0 . D e i s s m . 30 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 7. S B 5 8 1 7 O E 274 O E 96 O E 376 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 8. S B 5 8 1 8 O E 95 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 9 O E 94 O E 379 O E 140 OE64 OE 375 O E 97 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 1 1 . S B 5820 OE 142 O E 286 O E 278 O E 275 O E 65 O E 98 O E 103 O E 99 O E 100 Berlin P . 1 2 5 3 7 . S B 7400 O E 146 OE 101 O E 102 O E 149 O E 147 O E 287 O E 104 O I F A O 232 (unpublished) Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 1 2 . S B 5821

282

INDEX

No.

33° 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 34o 34i 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 35° 35i 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369 37° 37i 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 38i 382 383 384

OF

SOURCES No.

OE 148 OE 152 O E 106 O E 107 O E 282 OE 273 O E 66 O E 144 O E 108 OE 123 O E 383 O E 77 OE 378 O E 76 O E 279 OE 118 O E 83 O E 87 O E 84 O E 78 O I F A O 165 (unpublished) OE n o O E 88 OE 1 1 3 O E 91 O E 79 OE115 OE 153 OE 116 O E 81 O E 276 O E 92 O E 272 O E 82 O E 80 OE 154 O E 85 O E 93 OE 158 O E 288 O E 386 O E 70 O E 86 O E 36 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 3 . S B 5 8 1 3 O E 168 O E 184 O E 186 O E 169 OE 178 OE 185 O E 179 O E 188 O E 189 OE 172

385 386 387 388 389 39° 39i 392 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405 406 407 408a 408ft 4o8f 4080" 409 410 411 412 413 414 415 416 417 418a 418ft 418c 4i8d 418e 418/ 419a 4196 419c 4igd 419e

420a 420ft 421 422 423 424

O E 180 O E 190 OE 171 OE 191 O E 187 OE 181 OE 195 O E 170 OE173 OE 174 OE 175 OE 177 O E 183 O E 289 OE 176 O E 182 O E 193 O E 194 O E 192 OE 141 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 2. S B 5 8 1 2 O E 166 O E 165 O E 167 O E 164 O E 385 OE 163 P . F a y . 0 . 3 (p. 3 2 1 ) P. Oxy. 816 P . Berl. Moller 4. S B 7 3 4 1 P . Berl. Moller 7. S B 7344 P. P. P. P. P.

Mich. v. 2 4 1 , 1 1 . 3 9 - 4 5 Oxy. 1281 Hawara 208 Princet. i. 2, Col. I l l , 10 sqq. H a m b . 2 (Tafel I ) . P . Meyer, Pap. 30

Jur.

P . F o u a d 8. Musurillo VB P . H i b . 2 1 5 (Plate I I I ) B G U 1563 Bull, de la Faculte des lettres de Stras­ bourg, xxxiii, n o . 226 P . O x y . 899,11. 2 7 - 2 8 . W . Chr. 3 6 1 P . V i n d o b . Boswinkel i, 1. 19 0 . Petrie 252 0 . Petrie 266 0 . Petrie 267 0 . Petrie 2 7 1 0 . Petrie 282 P . R y l . 166 P . R y l . 126 Stud. Pal. iv, 7 1 . W . Chr. 61 P . O x y . 276. R o t h , 1 4 P. Oxy. 335 P . B a d . 3 5 . Olsson 5 1

INDEX

OF SOURCES

No. 425 426 427 428 429 43° 43i

P . Princet. ii. 42 (Plate VI) P . L o n d . ii, p p . 28 sqq., n o . 258 B G U 1068. W . Chr. 62. R o t h , 1 6 BGU 715 P . Wisconsin 1 6 ( = Clauson, Aeg. i x , 1928, 240-80) P . Lond. iii, p . 2 5 , n o . 1 1 1 9 a P . F a y . 1 2 3 . Olsson, 65. S P . n o . L i e t z m a n n , n o . 7. R o t h 1 5 P . L o n d . iii, p p . 1 8 1 sqq., n o . 1 1 7 7 . W . Chr. 1 9 3 . R o t h 1 7 B G U 1635 B G U 776 Cazzaniga, T o r b i d i giudaici', Melanges Boisacq, i, 1 5 9 sqq. Musurillo I X c (Cols. I I I - I V ) 2

432 433 434 435

283

No. 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 446 447 448 449 45°

P . Giss. 1 9 . Schubart, Griech. Pap. 30 P . Giss. 24. W . Chr. 1 5 W . Chr. 1 6 . P . Brem. 1 P . Giss. 27. W . Chr. 1 7 P . B a d . 36 P . B a d . 39 P . B r e m . 63. S B 4 5 1 5 , 1 1 . 2 5 - 2 8 P . Giss. 4 1 . W . Chr. 1 8 . S p . 298 P. Brem. 1 1 P . O x y . 1 1 8 9 . R o t h 23 P. Brem. 15 P . O x y . 707 introd. P . O x y . 500. Stud. Pal. i v , 94 B G U 889 P . O x y . 705, Cols. I - I I . W . Chr. 1 5 3 , 407