PAKISTAN PART-TWO
Parmil Mittal
Pragun Publication
WORLD Infopaedia
PAKISTAN PART-TWO
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ISBN : 978-81-89-645-62-5
First Published 2007 ISBN 81-89-645-46-3 (Set) 81-89-645-54-4 (Book) 81-89-645-62-5 (Part-2)
© Publishers
Published in India and Printed at: liP Printers, New Delhi-110015 Mobile: 9810271526
Parmil Mittal (Publisher) M.H. Syed (Editorial Coordinator)
Board of Editors
A.K. Saxena
A.M. Bagulia
A.Z. Bukhari
Arif Ali Khan
Ashok Pachauri
B.O. Usmani
B.M. Lal
Gian Chand
Jagmohan Negi
Kamlesh Gupta
Kapil Oev
M.A. Khan
M.M. Sury
Madhurendra Kumar
Manohar Puri
Muhammad Ilyas
Naseem Ahmed
P.K. Joshi
S.K. Chaturvedi Seema Sharma
S.K. Sharma Sumit Sethi
Sundeep Sury
Usha Chaturvedi
Usha Puri
Vishal Sethi
"This page is Intentionally Left Blank"
Contents Preface
ix
Pakistan at a Glance
xi
PART-ONE 1. Introduction
3
History • Geography • People • Economy
2. Salient Features Physical Features • Population • Women • Handicrafts • Tourism • National Language • Religious Institutions
3. History Early History • Dawn of Islam • Mughal Period • Company Rule • British Raj • Forward Policy • Khilafat Movement • Simon Commission • Pakistan Resolution • Cripps Mission • Pakistan Movement • Cabinet Plan • Partition Scheme • Emergence of Pakistan • Beginning of Self-government • Two Nation Theory • Jinnah's Vision of Pakistan • Ulema and Pakistan Movement • Towards Partition • Independence • Problems at Independence • Constitutional Beginnings • First Islamic Republic • Making of the Constitution • Post-Liaquat Era ..• First Martial Law • Basic Democracies • Second Constitution • Rise of Bhutto • Second Martial Law • Bhutto Era • New Constitutional System • Military
9
39
(ui)
Rule • Zia ul-Haq and Military Domination • Third Martial Law • Pakistan during Zia Regime • Trial of Bhutto • New Political Order • Non-Party Elections • Constitutional Amendment • Legislation through Ordinance • Shariah Ordinance • Zia's Legacy • End of Military Rule • First Government of Benazir Bhutto • Caretaker Government of Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi • Government of Nawaz Sharif • President Ghulam Ishaq Khan as Power Broker • Year of Political Struggle • Caretaker Government of Moeen Qureshi • Benazir Bhutto's Return • Recent History • Musharraf's Achievements • Rise of Pervez Musharraf • History in Nutshell
4. Geography General Aspects • Topography • Forestry • Wildlife • Climate • Pollution
201
5. Society Cultural Groups • Population· People· Men and Women, Gender Relations • Eating Habits • Dress • Traditional Kinship • Caste Structure • Social Change
217
6. Religion Islam • Christianity • Hinduism • Buddhism • Sikhism • Status of Minorities • Religious Demography
293
7. Heritage and Culture
303
Strategic Culture • Fairs and Festivals • Tribal Culture
8. Art and Architecture Mongol Miniatures • Buddhi~t Art of Northwest • Art on Wheels.· Traditional Islamic Art • Recent Developments in Art • Contemporary Art • The Modernists • The Crafts • Architecture • Islamic Architecture
327
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PART-TWO
9. Education
371
Education System • Structure of the System • Primary Education • Secondary Education • Higher Secondary Education • University Education • Female Education • Reform Efforts • Public Expenditure on Education • Modern Tradition
10. Language and Literature
389
Early Era • Linguistics in Pakistan • Prescriptive Tradition in Urdu • Orientalist Philological Tradition • Language and Literature • Using Literature to Teach Language • linguistiC and Ethnic Groups • The Media
11. Economy
447
General Aspects • Structure of the Economy • Role of Government • Anance • Foreign Trade • Agriculture • Livestock • Ashing • Transportation • Industry • Labour • Energy • Mining • Development and Planning • Pursuit of Development • Decade of Development • Continuity in Change • New Prospects
12. Polity
523
Political Regions • Political System • Government and Politics • The Constitution • National Assembly • Government Structure • Legislative Procedure • President • Parliament and Federal Government • Provincial Governments • Judiciary • Civil Services • The Military • The Governance • Governance and Democracy • Foreign Policy • Political Parties
13. Science and Technology On High Priority Now • Science and Technical Education • Prioritising Science and Technology • Virtual Information Technology • Funding for Science and Technology • Islamic IT Capability • Training of Scientists and Engineers
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14. Sports Popular Games • Sports Policy • Sports Legends
613
15. Tourism Tourist Destinations • Historical and Archaeological Sites
671
Bibliography
707
Index
725
Pre face The world which we all live in came into existence some eighteen thousan d million years ago. As for the birth of this universe, there are various theories. Of them, theory of the Big Bang is regarded to be the most authentic one. According to it, a big single explosion took place, which produced condensed material, and that has been expanding continuously. This material is called galaxy/galaxies. Precisely, these galaxies are the huge congregation of stars, which are held together by the gravitational force. Of these stars, our Sun is one and our Earth is one of its nine planets. For the purpose of ease, the earth has been divided into several parts-e ither dry or wet. The dry ones are known as continents. These are seven in number. All but one (Antarctica) are inhabited and have charming flora and fauna. A continent consists of different countries. For instance, India lies in Asia, Egypt in Africa, France in Europe and US is in North America. Total number of countries, in the world, today oceans. five into divided nearly 200. Similarly, the waters have been The 20th century world witnessed a score of events; and some major events in the last century were determining factors for a number of people to let themselves off the fetters of slavery of centuries long colonialism and enable themselves to declare their status as free nations of the world. Colonial forces were shown doors by their inferior subjects in the third world. In the running up process of imperialist expansion and exploitation, the nations such as Germany, Italy and Japan were left bereft of what they actually deserved and demanded. These disgruntled nations steered the world to the two world wars, which took toll of crores of lives and properties worth billions. Hiroshima and Nagasaki tasted the wrath of atom bombs ever dropped in the world history. After the wars, a new world order emerged. Britain's importance in this new world order almost ceased to exist. The cold war between US and USSR reigned over the world, till the beginning of 1990s, when the Soviet Union finally got disintegrated.
{xl The collapse of Soviet Union as a nation resulted in the world coming under a unipolar world, with US ruling the roost. Earlier, wars were fought in Sout~ Asia, South East Asia and Middle Eastern Asia. United States proved to be a failure in its Vietnam ambitions. India and China are on the path to add up to other superpowers of the world. Most of the African countries remain to be in pathetic condition in respect of economic, political and social status. However, some Pacific and some Latin American countries are emerging as new econom ic powers. Today, the world has evolved a new economic and cultural order. The whole world has turned into a global village. Hence, every nation and every country has attained its own significance and importance. Each country has its own laws of governance and enjoys full autonomy. But, they have varying capacities in terms of econom y, defence, education, etc. That's why 'Conflicts over diverse issues keep surfacing day in and day out. Taking into consideration all these crucial points, some initiatives were taken in order to control any unjust and untoward situation on the basis of mutual cooperation. With this backdrop, a dire need for a comprehensive, authentic, research-based and informative work, covering the whole world, was seriously felt. This endeav our is meant to fill this vacuum 'Only. In this Encyclopaedia of a unique nature, all the important nations of the world are described about. The main themes characterising this Encycl opaedi a are; general inform ation and factual data. This Encyclopaedic work reflects the history, politics, and cultural affairs of all nations. All information is given in an interesting and intellige nt manner. Every volume is devoted to one nation. This volume, an independent book, in itself, is on: Pakistan. These introductory titbits apart, this vast World Infopa edia is a priceless gem in the series of its ilk. Comprehensively and exclusively tailored, this modest work would certainly prove to be a win-win venture . Certainly, this novel work can be made use of by scholars, students, teachers, journalists and general readers, barring all national boundaries. All genuine suggestions and enlightening remarks will be highly appreciated by the undersigned, who would solicit your sincere respons e and wise comments.
-Edito rs
PART-TWO
"This page is Intentionally Left Blank"
9 Education At independence, Pakistan had a poorly educated population and few schools or universities. Although, the education system has expanded greatly since then, debate continues about the curriculum, and, except in a few elite institutions, quality remained a crucial concern of educators in the early 1990s. Adult literacy is low, but improving. In 1992, more than 36 per cent of adults over fifteen were literate, compared with 21 per cent in 1970. The rate of improvement is highlighted by the 50 per cent literacy achieved among those aged fifteen to nineteen in 1990. School enrolment also increased, from 19 per cent of those aged six to twenty-three in 1980 to 24 per cent in 1990. However, by 1992 the population over twenty-five had a mean of only 1.9 years of schooling. This fact explains the minimal criteria for being considered literate: having the ability to both read and write (with understanding) a short, simple statement on everyday life. Relatively, limited resources have been allocated to education, although, there has been improvement in recent decades. In 1960, public expenditure on education was only 1.1 per cent of the gross national product (GNP); by 1990 the figure had risen to 3.4 per cent. This amount compared poorly with the 33.9 per cent being spent on defence in 1993. In 1990, Pakistan was tied for fourth place in the world in its ratio of military expenditures to health and education expenditures. Although the government enlisted the assistance of various international donors in the education efforts outlined in its
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Seventh Five-Year Plan (1988-93), the results did not measure up to expectations.
Education System There are four distinct tiers within the education system in Pakistan. The four levels of education are: primary (grades 1-5); secondary (grades 6-1O); higher secondary or intermediate (grades 11-12); and graduate and postgraduate or higher (grades 13-16).
Structure of the System Education is organised into five levels: primary (grades one through five); middle (grades six through eight); high (grades nine and ten, culminating in matriculation); intermediate (grades eleven and twelve, leading to an EA. diploma in arts or ESc.; and university programmes leading to undergraduate and advanced degrees. Preparatory classes (kachi, or nursery) were formally incorporated into the system in 1988 with the Seventh Five~ear Plan. Academic and technical education institutions are the responsibility of the federal Ministry of Education, which coordinates instruction through the intermediate level. Above that level, a designated university in each province is responsible for coordination of instruction and examinations. In certain cases, a different ministry may oversee specialised programmes. Universities enjoy limited autonomy; their finances are overseen by a University Grants Commission, as in Britain. Teacher-training workshops are overseen by the respective provincial education ministries in order to improve teaching skills. However, incentives are severely lacking, and, perhaps because of the shortage of financial support to education, few teachers participate. Rates of absenteeism among teachers are high in general, inducing support for community-coordinated efforts promoted in the Eighth Five-Year Plan (1993-98). In 1991, there were 87,545 primary schools, 189,200 primary school teachers, and 7,768,000 students enrolled at the primary level, with a student-to-teacher ratio of forty-one to one. Just over one-third of all children of primary school age were enrolled in a school in 1989. There were 11,978 secondary schools, 154,802 secondary school teachers, and 2,995,000 students enrolled at the secondary level, with a student-to-teacher ratio of nineteen to one.
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Primary school dropout rates remained fairly consistent in the 1970s and 1980s, at just over 50 per cent for boys and 60 per cent for girls. The middle school dropout rates for boys and girls rose from 22 per cent in 1976 to about 33 per cent in 1983. However, a noticeable shift occurred in the beginning of the 1980s regarding the post primary dropout rate: whereas boys and girls had relatively equal rates (14 per cent) in 1975, by 1979-just as Zia initiated his government's Islamisation programme-the dropout rate for boys was 25 per cent while for girls it was only 16 per cent. By 1993 this trend had dramatically reversed, and boys had a dropout rate of only 7 per cent compared with the girls' rate of 15 per cent. The Seventh Five Year Plan envisioned that every child five years and above would have access to either a primary school or a comparable, but less comprehensive, mosque school. However, because of financial constraints, this goal was not achieved. In drafting the Eighth Five Year Plan in 1992, the government therefore reiterated the need to mobilise a large share of national resources to finance education. To improve access to schools, especially at the primary level, the government sought to decentralise and democratise the design and implementation of its education strategy. To give parents a greater voice in running schools. it planned to transfer control of primary and secondary schools to NGOs. The government also intended to gradually make all high schools, colleges, and universities autonomous, although, no schedule was specified for achieving this' ambitious goal.
Primary Education Primary education in Pakistan ranges from grades 1-5. Under the current education policy 1998-2010, there is a big effort to universalise education at this level. It is envisioned that all children throughout the countrY aged 5-10 will receive at least a basic primary education. One effort in achieving this goal is through enforcing co-education, thereby alleviating some of the strain on the system. This is the only stage of education that males and females are educated together until university. The language of instruction is Urdu or the regional language of the area. There are some "English" schools but the5e are mostly in the private sector. The primary level curriculum is primarily uniform throughout the country. Promotion from one grade to the other depends on in-house annual examinations.
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Secondary Education Secondary schooling consists of two well-defined stages: middle school (grades 6-8) and high school (grades 9-10). The age group covered by this stage is 11-18-year-olds. There is a matriculation or Secondary School Certificate (SSC) exam at the end of the 10th grade. The medium of instruction is Urdu except in "English" schools. The curriculum at this stage begins to be specialised. Four compulsory subjects are taught at this level: Urdu, English, Pakistan Studies and Islamic Studies with an additional four subjects as chosen by the student. Two distinguishing features of the secondary school curriculum are: (1) there is a strong re-orientation towards the sciences; (2) there is a diversification of the programme so as to offer a large number of technical and vocational subjects. Higher Secondary Education Higher Secondary education comprises grades 11-12 and is also known as intermediate college level. This level leads to the intermediate exam or higher secondary certificate (H.S.C. formerly FNFSC), which is the prerequisite for entrance to university or an institution of higher education. English is the medium of instruction at this level, which has been problematic since most education to this point has either been conducted in Urdu or a regional language. This causes a great disparity between students coming from private English high schools and those coming from government schools. This disparity has solicited a change in most intermediate colleges, which now have switched to Urdu as the medium of instruction. The Board of Intermediate and Secondary Education at the end of grades 10 and 12 conduct public exams for the secondary school and higher secondary school certificates re~pectively. University Education Universities in Pakistan offer higher-level degrees in general and professional education. Undergraduate studies for Bachelors degrees in arts and sciences require two years of study for completion. An honours bachelor degree takes three years. This distinction makes the difference in the length of time it takes to complete a Masters programme. Model University Ordinance Enactment: The government's decision to finally promulgate the controversial Model University
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ordinance is baffling for especially since every day for the past few weeks there have been countrywide protests against its draft proposals. The first thing that comes to mind that what was the great hurry in enacting this law on November 13 when Parliament was about to convene anyway in a few days time. The immediate response, as expected, has been a hardening of the position taken by the opponents to this law. Their immediate response was that students and participating faculty members were told by leaders of various teachers associations to get ready for a long-term protest against the government's decision. The other important point that needs to be taken up with the decision to implement the ordinance is that it reflects a mindset on the part of policy-makers that ignores the interests of all (pardon the jargon here) stake-holders involved especially the teachers and the students. This is not to say at all that those who teach in our public sector institutions are angels who do their job efficiently and diligently but rather that this reality should not deflect from the argument that the government's action is quite one-sided and unilateral. In fact, the government and its education minister has repeatedly said in the press (including on this page) that the ordinance has been formulated keeping in mind the views and opinions of all the parties involved in education. They have also said that much of the criticism against the ordinance in unjustified because fees won't rise and education will not be privatised. However, one can easily respond to this by saying that had the government been more forthcoming about releasing the draft for public debate, prior to its enactment, perhaps their wouldn't be so many misunderstandings-as the ordinance's supporters insist there are. In addition to that, from what one can gauge by following the debate in the media and based on the statements of both sides, the issue has to deal with making higher education 'market-based'. Now, this is simply a euphemism for saying that our universities and colleges should teach those course for which there is a lot of demand according to market dictates. So, the critics say, and rightly so that courses like humanities and the arts are bound to suffer if this happens since the market. as we all know, doesn't seem to place too much of a premium on literature, painting or becoming a writer.
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The government then says that the manner in which the ordinance was drawn up was indeed consultative in that a committee was set up and it drew upon people from the education sector in important positions, and led by the President of Aga Khan University, Shams Qasim Lakha. To this, however, the teachers say that Mr. Lakha and others on the committee who helped formulate the proposals are not in any way representative of the education sector in Pakistan. In fact, if memory serves one correctly, one of the meetings that the committee had was with Pakistani expatriates in Boston in America. The opponents have also time and again accused the government of taking these reforms at the behest of the World Bank and the IMF. The reason, they say, is that these organisations want the government to reduce its subsidy on education. And going by the policy recommendations that international lending institutions have placed on Pakistan-asking it to gradually remove subsidies in the agriculture, power and gas sectors-it's quite likely that now they would be telling Islamabad to gradually phase out subsidies for higher education. The government has then responded by saying that its reforms are not IMF or World Bank driven but rather an attempt to improve higher education standards. Now, it doesn't mean that either of these points are necessarily mutually exclusive, i.e. that the government might be using the World Bank's assistance in trying to improve educational standards. Having said that, the critics of the government's approach seem to have a valid point. The very day that newspapers carried the report that the ordinance had been promulgated (the story was carried only by the state-run news wire, APp, and was a couple of paragraphs long), Dawn carried a report that the education minister had met two World Bank officials from its Technical Mission on Higher Education. The report said that the minister had detailed discussions with the Bank officials "about the changes and reforms required to be introduced in the higher education sector in Pakistan to improve educational standards and to make it internationally compatible and need-oriented" . It further said-and this seems quite a revelation: "It has been agreed between the HEC [Higher Education Commission, of which the education minister is the head] and the World Bank delegation that the report on higher education prepared by the Steering Committee
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headed by Dr. Shams Qasim Lakha will be used as a baseline by the bank to get guidelines while preparing its recommendations." This, as they would say in America, is the 'smoking gun', or damning indictment if you will, because it necessarily implies that the Lakha report is to be used by the World Bank is making its recommendations to the Pakistan government on higher education reform. And the Lakha report is also apparently the basis of the Model University ordinance that the government promulgated in such undue haste. So, the government's position that it has not taken any directions from the World Bank in formulating and enacting this new law is indefensible. Now, to the other side. Yes, there has always been a criticism against teachers and professors in our public sector universities. Much of it is justified and very valid because it comes from students themselves. Teachers don't teach well, they use notes sometimes half a century old, and in most cases they don't even bother showing up for class. In fact, several teachers actively involved in the protests at the University of Karachi have been accused by their students of not showing up for class. The head of the Karachi University Teachers' Society, Sarwar Nasim, was also asked in an interview he gave to Dawn whether all the teaching staff was against the agreement, since not all of them seemed to take part in the protests. His reply was that some of the teachers did not take part because they were not used to taking part in protests as such and any conclusion that the teaching community was divided in its opposition to the ordinance was wrong. However, this argument makes little sense for the simple reason that just like many students are more bothered about the damage being done to their academic year by the delays and the protests, many teachers too have other, more pressing worries (especially if they are doing a good job at teaching). In fact, the logical conclusion that one could draw-and this strikes at the heart of the argument of the protesters and is implicit in the government's standpoint-is that those who have the most to lose once the ordinance is implemented are in the forefront of the opposition. And why will they lose their jobs? Because they are inefficient and shouldn't be teaching in the first place. Hence, if the ordinance helps in purging our universities of these kinds of 'teachers' then the entire better.
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Taking all things into consideration, though, it would be safe to assume that the protests that we have been seeing happening every day in campus all across the country are not likely to die down, not at least in the foreseeable future. And that's why the government must take the blame because it simply does not make sense to enact a law in such a hurry in a matter as important-and in this case controversial too-as higher education reform.
Female Education Comparison of data for men and women reveals significant disparity in educational attainment. By 1992, among people older than fifteen years of age, 22 per cent of women were literate, compared with 49 per cent of men. The comparatively slow rate of improvement for women is reflected in the fact that between 1980 and 1989, among women aged fifteen to twenty-four, 25 per cent were literate. United Nations sources say that in 1990 for every 100 girls of primary school age there were only thirty in school; among girls of secondary school age, only thirteen out of 100 were in school; and among girls of the third level, grades nine and ten, only 1.5 out of 100 were in school. Slightly higher estimates by the National Education Council for 1990 stated that 2.5 per cent of students-3 per cent of men and 2 per cent of women between the ages of seventeen and twenty-one were enrolled at the degree level. Among all people over twenty-five in 1992, women averaged a mere 0.7 year of schooling compared with an average of 2.9 years for men. The discrepancy between rural and urban areas is even more marked. In 1981, only 7 per cent of women in rural areas were literate, compared with 35 per cent in urban areas. Among men, these rates were 27 and 57 per cent, respectively. Pakistan's low female literacy rates are particularly confounding because these rates are analogous to those of some of the poorest countries in the world. Pakistan has never had a systematic, nationally coordinated effort to improve female primary education, despite its poor standing. It was once assumed that the reasons behind low female school enrolments were cultural, but research conducted by the Ministry for Women's Development and a number of international donor agencies in the 1980s revealed tha~ danger to a woman's honour was parents' most crucial concern. hideed, reluctance to accept schooling for
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women turned to enthusiasm when parents in rural Punjab and rural Balochistan could be guaranteed their daughters' safety and, hence, their honour. Reform Efforts
Three initiatives characteri:;ed reform efforts in education in the late 1980s and early 1990s: privatisation of schools that had been nationalised in the 1970s; a return to English as the medium of instruction in the more elite of these privatised schools, reversing the imposition of Urdu in the 1970s; and continuing emphasis on Pakistan studies and Islamic studies in the curriculum. Until the late 1970s, a disproportionate amount of educational spending went to the middle and higher levels. Education in the colonial era had been geared to staffing the civil service and producing an educated elite that shared the values of and was loyal to the British. It was unabashedly elitist, and contemporary educationreforms and commissions on reform notwithstanding-has retained the same quality. This fact is evident in the glaring gap in educational attainment between the country's public schools and the private schools, which were nationalised in the late 1970s in a move intended to facilitate equal access. Whereas, students from lower-class backgrounds did gain increased access to these private schools in the 1980s and 1990s, teachers and school principals alike bemoaned the decline in the quality of education. Meanwhile, it appears that a greater proportion of children of the elites are travelling abroad not only for university education but also for their high school diplomas. The extension of literacy to greater numbers of people has spurred the working class to aspire to middle-class goals such as owning an automobile, taking summer vacations, and providing a daughter with a once-inconceivable dowry at the time of marriage. In the past, Pakistan was a country that the landlords owned, the army ruled, and the bureaucrats governed, and it drew most of its elite from these three groups. In the 1990s, however, the army and the civil service were drawing a greater proportion of educated members from poor backgrounds than ever before. One of the education reforms of the 1980s was an increase in the number of technical schools throughout the country. Those schools that were designated for females included hostels nearby to provide
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secure housing for female students. Increasing the number of technical schools was a response to the high rate of underemployment that had been evident since the early 1970s. The Seventh Five-Year Plan aimed to increase the share of students going to technical and vocational institutions to over 33 per cent by increasing the number of polytechnics, commercial colleges, and vocational training centres. Although, the numbers of such institutions did increase, a compelling need to expand vocational training further persisted in early 1994.
Public Expenditure on Education Based on the 2003-2004 Federal Government Budget, allocations for education was targeted at 9.6 Billion Rupees (US$ 193 million), which comprises only 1.4 per cent of the overall budget. It should be noted however that the Zakat Ordinance mandates that 2.5 per cent of all declared the Government at the beginning of the month of Ramadan extracts fixed financial assets. Zakat funds are distributed through local committees, which are used to fund (among various other social services) religious schools. Figures for education allocation from Zakat funds were not readily available for this report.
Modern Tradition The linguistics is not taught as an autonomous discipline in Pakistan. Among those who tried to establish it as a university subject is Anwar Oil, presently living in the United States. Oil could not establish either a department or an institute· of linguistics but he did manage to establish the Linguistic Research Group of Pakistan in 1961, which published a number of monographs containing scholarly articles, and papers read out at linguistic conferences in Pakistan. Some of the articles in the series are of a high standard but there are shoddy, ideologically inspired pieces too, which are most Pakistani publications. Such writings are published because there is neither anonymous reviewing nor,_indeed, the means to do good research. Moreover, most publications are supported by the state, which influences the ideological contents of the publications. Oil, who later settled down in America, contributed to the field of socio-linguistics by editing a large, and highly significant, collection of the works of distinguished scholars. He is active in editing, compiling, and generally trying to get linguistics recognised as an autonomous discipline in Pakistan. His wife Afia Oil, although, she is counted among Bangladeshi
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linguists, has contributed earlier to Pakistani linguistics too. Her book on the Muslim variety of Bengali is highly relevant for Pakistanis, who used to think that Bengali was only a 'Hindu' language (DiI 1993). The latest achievement of the wife-and-husband team is the monumental The Bengali Language Movement (2000) which is more about the history of the Bengali language movement-the movement by nationalist East Bengali people to make their language a national language of Pakistan in the 1950s-than about linguistics or even language policy. English Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics. In the seventies and eighties the British Council and the educational agencies of the United States started emphasising the teaching of English as a second or other language-TESOLlfESUELT were among the acronyms to describe the phenomenon. Up to this time the departments of English focused almost exclusively on English (which generally meant only British) literature upto T.S Eliot. However, when the University Grants Commission (now the Higher Education Commission) and the Allama Iqbal Open University started offering diploma courses in TESOL in 1985, a number of young lecturers with vested interest and knowledge of English language teaching formed a pressure group, which brought about changes in the English departments. Apart from the efforts of the British Council, etc., ELT also got a boost from the activities of the Society of Pakistani English Language Teachers (SPELT), which was established in 1984 by Zakia Sarwar (Interview 25 September 1994 and subsequent updating in 2003 April). SPELT holds lectures, workshops, and conferences on a regular basis-the last conference was held in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad in October 2002-which increase awareness about the teaching of English. Although, SPELT and other ELT programmes do not focus on linguistics as such, they do contribute indirectly to the teaching of the rudiments of phonetics, varieties of language, and stylistics. However, their concern is the teaching of English and not theoretical analysis. Books produced by SPELT (such as Sarwar 1991) or by those involved in ELT are concerned with English, and that too with its teaching. A survey of English language teaching, for instance, has recently been produced by Farida Malik (Malik 1996).
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However, it is because of this increased concern with English as a language that some scholars have written about its role in Pakistan (Abbas 1993; Rahman 1990). There is, however, a Pakistani academic in the United States, who has written his doctoral thesis on the status of the non-native speakers of English as teachers of the language in America. (Mahb~ob 2003). People like Ahmar Mahboob question the exonerative ideology, i.e. that only native speakers can teach English. Ahmar is a product of the linguistic iconoclasm, which set in into the field of English language teaching as a consequence of the new ideas disseminated by the applied linguists who taught ELT. Even more significant is the questioning of the traditional prescriptive notion that only British Standard English and Pronunciation should be considered 'correct' and should be the pedagogical norm. The notion that there could be a non-native variety of English called Pakistani English was first introduced in Pakistan by Robert J. Baumgardner (1987) who later explored the grammatical and lexical features of Pakistani English (PE) in more detail 1993 ). The first detailed deSCription of PE-including its phonetic and phonological features and subvarieties, which Baumgardner had not touched upon-was published by the present author (Rahman 1990). The notion of 'Pakistani Urdu', advanced by the present author in a newspaper article, has still not been described in detail (Rabman 1995). In Pakistan, however, there is not much advance upon this earlier work while elsewhere in the world there is much debate about the concept and features of non-native varieties of a language. To this debate only one Pakistani linguist, Anjum Saleemi, has contributed (Saleemi 1995a: 311). Ahmar Mahboob tells the present author that he too is working in this field and will publish his results soon. But Ahmar Mahboob, like Saleemi, lives abroad and works in the mainstream tradition of sociolinguistics. Saleemi works in the Chomskyan theoretical linguistic tradition, which is hardly understood in Pakistan. That is why his study of language learnability (1992), which should have been discussed by linguists as well as English language teachers, has gone unnoticed. In the only review of the book in Pakistan, the present writer confessed his own ignorance of some of the theories used by Saleemi
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because research journals and books are not available in such a highly technical subject (Rahman 1996b). Perhaps, however, Dr. Raja Naseem Ahmad or may be Dr. Arif Shahbaz, both trained in syntax in British universities, may be able to understand this book fully. Unfortunately, the latter is now teaching English literature at the Punjab University though, the former is trying to keep up with his research. Similarly, the work of Ruqaiya Hasan, who collaborated with Halliday-and was married to him-in a well known book Cohesion in English (Halliday and Hasan 1976) is unknown in Pakistan. Indeed, discourse analysis and systemic grammar-the linguistic tradition associated with Halliday in which Raqaiya Hasan worked (Hasan 1964), is even less known in Pakistan than the Chomskyan one. Indeed, it is in the Chomskyan tradition that some studies on Urdu by Baber S. Khan (Khan 1987; 1989) and, once again, Saleemi (1994, 1995b) have been written. There are dissertations by Raja Naseem on Punjabi morphology and subsequent articles on the syntax and tones of Punjabi in this tradition (Raja 1992). However, a study of 'word form' in Urdu (Moisuddin 1989) and the phonology of the verbal phrase in Hindko are not in this tradition (Awan 1974). However, most of the works in modem linguistics were completed in Western universities and the authors confess that they find it difficult to be as productive in this field of research than they were when they were living abroad. As mentioned earlier, there is very little work on linguistics in Pakistani languages. There is not even a study of Urdu on modem lines in Pakistan though, there is one written in India in Urdu (Javed 1981). Only a few experts know this because the technical vocabulary used in it is not taught in Pakistan. It must, however, be mentioned that the students of FAST in Lahore, under the guidance of Dr. Sarmad Hussain, are producing work which has the potential of becoming the first linguistic study of Urdu along modem lines (Muqtadra 2002 and 2003). In India there are also studies of Sindhi (Khubchandani 1961; Rohra 1971); Punjabi (Bhatia 1993), and other languages in English. But, since the focus is on Pakistan, these works cannot be explored here. In Pakistan there are only a few recent works written in Pakistani languages, which show some awareness of contemporary terminology
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and concepts. Most of these works are written in Urdu and Sindhi. There is, for instance, GA Allana's (1967) book on the phonetics of Sindhi and his study of the dialects and spread of the language (Allana 1979). Also worth mentioning are Nabi Buksh Baloch's historical studies of Sindhi (Baloch 1962) and Hidayat Ullah Akhund's thesis on the same subject (Akhund 1994). NA Baloch is active even now having produced a book on Jatki (2003) as well as occasional papers. He is highly respected in Pakistan in general and Sind in particular. His contribution to the history of Sind is enormous. However, his methodology is historical and philological and not that which contemporary linguists use in the West. Qasim Bughio, however, is aware of contemporary methods and his study of the dialects of Sindhi is in the tradition of modern socio-linguists (Bughio 2001). In the M.A course in Sindhi some general linguistics, phonetics and the history of the Sindhi langua3e is taught. However, as Sindhi is taught at all levels in Sind there is much more linguistiC writing on Sindhi than on any Pakistani language except Urdu. In Urdu, apart from the work of the FAST students mentioned above, there are studies by Suhail Bukhari (1991) and Abdul Salam's Urdu book on general linguistics (Salam 1993). Although, of a rudimentary level, Abdul Salam provides technical terms in Urdu, which can help linguists, describe modern linguistic concepts. After Mohiuddin Qadri Zor's similar introductory work entitled Hindustani Usaniyat (1932), this is the most adequate attempt to provide an introductory book giving equivalents of the terminology of basic linguistics in Urdu. The FAST students, however, introduce us to the terminology of advanced phonetics and phonology. A brief study of Pushto where the terminology of linguistiCS is introduced in that language is by Khial Bukhari (1964-5). Bukhari touches upon dialectology and phonetics, which are generally ignored by Pakistani linguiSts. His grammar of Push to, also written in Pushto, is also worth mentioning though, it does not touch upon recent grammatical theories (Bukhari 1983) (There are such works in Afghanistan, of course, but they fall outside our purview). Indeed, for Pakistani linguists it is difficult not to ignore theoretical complexities, because the sources and the level of training available, is not conducive to study of the more technical aspects of contemporary phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics. What
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then is left for a Pakistani linguist is language planning and lexicology of which examples have been given earlier (Rahman 1999: Chapter 12) or some aspects of socio-Iinguistics. There are, for instance, studies of politeness in Shina (Shah 1994) and Urdu (Rahman 1999: Chapter 10) and so on. The former work describes verbal politeness patterns in Shina while the latter argues that the norms of verbal politeness in English speaking cultures-such as the use of the first name without honorifics irrespective of the age differentials of the interlocutors-are influencing English-using Pakistanis. Another kind of work is that of surveying the attitude of people towards different languages. This has been done in great detail by the authors of the Socio-Iinguistic Survey of Northern Pakistan (1992), which has already been mentioned. Even more relevant from the point of view of education is the survey of student's attitudes towards Urdu, English, and Punjabi by Sabiha Mansoor in Lahore (Mansoor 1993; 2002 and Rahman 2002). The point made in Sabiha Mansoor's survey is that students respond pragmatically to the apparent social prestige of a language and evaluate it positively if it increases chances of upward social mobility. Recently, in 2002, Sabiha Mansoor has also completed her doctoral thesis on the role of English in the education system of Pakistan and confirmed the finding that students and others do consider English necessary for social mobility. The present writer also found this in his survey but, along with this, he also found an aspiration for the use of the mother tongue in Sind, the Frontier and among madrasa students who were not positive towards English (Rahman 2002: Appendix 14). Sabiha Mansoor's thesis, like her previous work, is in the domain of language policy, especially as it pertains to education (Mansoor 2002). This brings one to the relationship between language and politics; the way language policy can make one language more pragmatically useful, and therefore of higher status, than another language. An example of this is the increase in the social status of English with the corresponding decrease in that of Persian because of British language policies (Rahman 2002: Chapter 4). Another aspect of this relationship is the way language becomes a symbol of ethnicity and may be used to mobilise people against the ruling elite. This has been investigated by the present author in a book-length study (Rahman, 1996a),
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which has chapters on the Hindi-Urdu controversy in which Urdu became an identity symbol of the Muslims of South Asia. This type of identity-formation went on after the creation of Pakistan. The ethnic movements based on Sindhi, Pushto, Bengali, BalochilBrahui, Siraiki and Hindko are described in this book. The present writer has recently written a book on the history of language teaching among the Muslims of Pakistan and North India. This book investigates the relationship between the power-distribution in a society with language policy. It also looks at the worldview, which language texts produce, and privilege (Rahman 2002). Other Pakistanis interested in linguistiC matters also focus on history. The investigations on the history of Urdu and other languages have been mentioned. Among the more scholarly works in other fields are the proto-historical works of A.H. Dani on the Kharoshthi script (1979), the languages of 'Sind and Sauvira' (1981: 35-42) and archaeological research shedding light on the undeciphered script of the Indus Valley Civilization (Dani 1971: 1-77). F.A. Durrani, for instance, suggests that the symbols on Kot Dijian artifacts may be the beginning of writing in the Indus Valley (Durrani 1981). But on this subject too Western scholars, with their immense resources, have written more detailed studies (Parpola 1994; Southworth 1984; Fairservis 1992) while Rashid Akhtar Nadwi, the only Pakistani writer who has written a book on this subject in Urdu (Nadwi 1995), shows neither any awareness of the state of contemporary research in the subject nor of modem techniques in this field of research. In short, then, most linguists working in Pakistan actually work on the peripheries of the field of linguistics. Since they do not find material on linguistic theory they wander off into history, political science, and sociology or stop producing research work altogether. Thus, there is very little theoretical (or micro) linguistic work going on in Pakistan. Some of the best linguists from Pakistan-such as Anjum Saleemi, Raqaiya Hasan and Miriam Butt (1993)-<10 not live and work in Pakistan. There are, however, two exceptions that have been mentioned already but need somewhat more specific mention. These are Sarmad Hussain and Raja Naseem Akhtar. The former is Associate Professor and Head, Centre for Research in Urdu Language Processing
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(CRULP), FAST at Lahore. He conducts research on computer speech processing, Computational linguistics and Computer Script Processing (Hussain 1998). Among his achievements are creating a software development programme for Urdu. During the process he has enabled his students to produce two excellent collections of research articles on Urdu phonetics and phonology published by the National Language Authority. Raja Naseem Ahmed's work is mainly on Punjabi, though, he has published a couple of papers on Urdu as well. The most important part of his work is related to Aspectual Complex Predicates of Punjabi. This is a complex subject, which is also the focus of research of Miriam Butt who was brought up in Pakistan being the daughter of a Pakistani father and a German mother (Butt 1993). However, as mentioned earlier, Miriam lives and works in Western Universities and, though, she works on Urdu, she falls in list of Pakistanis living abroad. Pakistan is perhaps the most backward country of South Asia in the field of linguistics. This is not because there is a dearth of talent but because the subject is not taught adequately along modern lines. The few courses, which departments of English do offer are meant to help in teaching English and not to equip the student to undertake research in linguistics proper. In any case they do not touch upon Pakistani languages. Worse of all, very few books and even f~wer journals of linguistics are available in the country so that it is only when one goes abroad that one learns what is happening in the field. Those who are interested in languages either write in the nineteenth century philolOgical tradition ignoring all recent advances in linguistics or produce prescriptive manuals of 'good usage'. Activists of language movements also write works of an amateur and tendentious quality either to air their views or to promote their languages. There are no academic journals of linguistics in the neither country nor professional groups holding conferences and responding to research. Those who write in this field are virtually isolated. That is why, as in the case of the present writer, linguists turn away from linguistics proper to interdisciplinary areas in which the resources ~f the established social sciences-such as politics, history, or sociologyare available.
"This page is Intentionally Left Blank"
10 Language and Literature What was the language of the Indus Valley, present-day Pakistan, in the pre-Islamic period? Did this region have one language or many? Did it have one language family or many? In which script, or scripts, were they written? The linguists alone cannot answer these questions. To answer them one needs the help of the archaeologist, the historian and the anthropologist. Let us then begin with the evidence about the Indus Valley Civilization brought to light by the archaeologists first. The Indus Valley, or Harappan, Civilization was discovered in 1920-21 when engraved seals were discovered near present-day Sahiwal in Pakistani Punjab at a place called Harappa. Later Rakhal Das Banerjee, John Marshall, E.J.H Mackay and M.S. Vats carried out excavations at Mohenjodaro in Sind and discovered the buried remains of a civilization with a pictographic script. Many archaeologists, including the celebrated Sir Mortimer Wheeler, added to our knowledge of this civilization. We now know that it extended to the Yamuna along the bed of the river Ghaggar in Rajasthan, Gujarat and upto the mouths of the rivers Narmada and Tapati. It does appear, however, that the major sites of this civilization are in Pakistan. In fact it is in Pakistan that an earlier phase of it has also been unearthed. This happened between 1955-57 when a Pakistani archaeologist, F.A. Khan, discovered a town of the pre-Indus period (c. 3300-2800 B.C.) at Kot Diji in Khairpur, Sind. Such sites were also discovered by Rafique Mughal in Bahawalpur, especially
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in the Cholistan desert, extending the area of this culture to the whole of southern Pakistan. Professor Ahmad Hasan Dani, the famous Pakistani archaeologist and Sanskritologist, further extended the area when he discovered the sites of this civilization at Gumla, seven miles from Dera Ismail Khan. In fact Dani identified six cultural periods and Professor Farzand Ali Durrani, who excavated Rahman Dheri which is fourteen miles north of Dera Ismail Khan city, provided more details about the extension of this civilization in the North West Frontier Province. Archaeologists disagree whether the Kot Diji type of cultural artifacts constitute a separate civilization or an early phase of the same civilization. Rafique Mughal, citing evidence from the excavations at Bahawalpur and Cholistan, concluded that 'all Kot Diji-related sites together constitute an Early Harappan or early urban, formative phase of the Indus Civilisation'. However, Parpola argues that the term is misleading because it 'suggests discontinuity, like pre-Aryan vs. Aryan'. In fact, many scholars treat the latter culture as a changed form of the earlier one. This is significant because, if the dates of the Indus Valley Culture are approximately 2300-2000 B.C, and the dates of the kot Diji one are c. 3300-2800, then the length of the period of urban civilization in South Asia have been pushed back a thousand years. Mughal gives the area of the early culture as follows: ... the central-northern areas of Balochistan, the greater portion of Sind and the Punjab, Kalibangan on the Indian side, and the southwestern part of the Frontier Province are the regions which are likely to have been comprised within the limits of the Kot Dijian culture. Thus, one may suggest that the area now called Pakistan had some sort of cultural similarity as early as three thousand years before the birth of Christ. Whether it also had linguistic similarity is a question, which needs to be answered. Unfortunately the few symbols on the ceramics of the Kot Dijian culture have not been deciphered. F.A Durrani, .following B.B. Lal and B.K. Thapar, suggests that these symbols may be the beginning of writing in the Indus Valley. There are, however, nearly 4,000 specimens of a script from the Indus Valley Civilization carved on stone, fragments of pottery and other objects. They have not been
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deciphered satisfactorily but a history of the attempts at such decipherment is available in Asko Parpola's most recent book on the subject. The script, or at least the pictographs, appear to have been uniform but that is not proof that the language too was one. In fact, as in all parts of the world, the language must have been divided in dialects or area-bound varieties. It is possible, however, that these were varieties of a language belonging to one language family. The question then is what that language family was? Beginning from Sir John Marshall, who was the first to suggest that the language of the Indus Civilization was Dravidian, most scholars have taken the 'Dravidian hypothesis' seriously. Piero Meriggi, a scholar who contributed towards the decipherment of the Hittite hieroglyphs, opined that Brahui, the Dravidian language spoken even now in part of Balochistan, must be the original Harapp an language. However, Brahui has changed so much and become so Balochified, as Elfenbein points out, that it cannot give clear evidence of any sort in this case. Another scholar, the Spanish Jesuit Henry Heras, 'turned more than 1,800 Indus texts into "Proto-Dravidian" sentences' but his decipherment and linguistic theories were not accepted. Later Soviet scholars headed by Yurij V. Knorozov, carried on a very rigorous computer analysis of sign distribution in the Indus texts coming to the conclusion that it belonged to the Dravidian language family. However, Kamil Zvelebil, also a Russian scholar came to the conclusion that 'the Dravidian affinity of the Proto-Indian language remains only a very attractive and quite plausible hypothesis. Indeed, the plausibility of the hypothesis is such that many people, such as Iravatham Mahadevan, a scholar of old Tamil epigraphy, have used it to offer readings of the Indus script. F.e. Southworth and D.Mc Alpin used the Dravidian roots to reconstruct the language of the Indus Valley. Waiter A. Fairservis, another specialist in this area, stated with considerable certainty that 'the Harapp an language was baSically an early Dravidian language'. Even Parpola, after much careful and detailed sifting of the evidence, opines 'that the Harapp an language is most likely to have belonged to the Dravidian family'. If the Harapp an language family was Dravidian, then the first languages of the area of present-day Pakistan were not Indo-Aryan but Dravidian. Such a claim has been made in an extreme and
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unsubstantiated form by a Pakistani Ainul Haq Faridkoti, philologist, in his several publications. Other scholars have used the theory of linguistic 'transfer' or 'interference' to explain the presence of Dravidian elements in the languages of present-day Pakistan which are generally said to be the daughters of Sanskrit, an Indo-Aryan language. 'Transfer' or 'interference' refers to the influence of the rules of one's first language on another language one learns later. Thus, if Pakistanis learn English, they speak it more or less according to the rules of their first language. As they get more and more exposed to the rules of English, they will speak like native speakers. However, some characteristics of the mother tongue of the speaker will remain, which is what we call a Punjabi, Pushto, Sindhi or Urdu accent. Sometimes an old language dies out and all its speakers learn a new language. But the way they use this language is influenced by the rules of their old language. The new language, then, has a 'substratum' of the old language. If we apply this theory to old IndoAryan we can hypothesise that the Harapp an language, which was probably Dravidian, influenced old Aryan. Thus Pakistani languages have a Dravidian substratum. The evidence for the presence of this substratum, according to Bertil Tikkanen, is the presence of retroflex consonants, which do not exist, in Iranian or European members of the Indo-European family of languages. Another clue may be the existence of consonantal clusters in the beginning and end of words in Iranian, European, Dardic languages and even Sanskrit. Thus Sanskrit has /prem/ which means love. But Hindi-Urdu speakers call it /pirem/. They insert the vowel/V between the two word-initial cQnsonants /p/ and /r/ because their own rules of pronunciation (called phonological rules) do not allow word-initial consonantal clusters. Similarly, speakers of Urdu, Punjabi and Sindhi separate consonants in word such as 'school', 'stool' and 'small', etc. It may be that this splitting of consonantal clusters comes into some of the languages of South Asia from languages older than Sanskrit. Contrary to the popular myth in Pakistan, the Aryans did not roll down the northern mountains like a tidal wave carrying all the Dravidians before them. According to some scholars they came in at least two major waves in Pakistan as well as small trickles. The first wave came 'around 2000 B. c., and the second some six centuries
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later'. After the second wave, when they became dominant, their language too spread over northern India. It is this language, or rather a number of dialects, which we call 'Old Indo Aryan' for convenience. The language of the first wave, which remained confined to the Pamir Mountains of Pakistan, is identified as Dardic, while the second one may be called Indic. The Urdu word for Greek is Yunani (Yunani Tib = Greek medicine). This is 'derived from the Persian Yauna, meaning Ionian'. As the Lonian Greeks-the Greeks settled in Lonia which is present-day Turkey-were the first to be encountered by the Persians, they called them, and by extension all Greeks, Lonian or Yunani. From this root comes the Sanskrit: word Yavana which one encounters in ancient Sanskrit sources including Panini's grammar. Thus, according to Agrawala, 'the yavanani lipi was known only in Gandhara and the northwest at Panini's time' [/ipi=edict]. This is not surprising because there were Greek settlements in the Hindu Kush even when Alexander entered that area in 327 B.C. Although Alexander did not stay long in India, he left his representatives and the Greeks established their rule in Bacteria. By the third century B.C. the Mauryan kings (ruled c. 317-180 B.C.), of whom Ashoka was so illustrious an example, were losing their grip over the northern part of the subcontinent. The Greek kings of Bacteria now seized the Western provinces of the Mauryas and by 180 B.C. the Greek language came to be used in some domains such as coins. King Menander (d. 130 B.c.) inherited 'western Punjab and Gandhara up to the Indus, with its capital at Taxila'. Under him 'Pushkalawati-present-day Charsadda near Peshawar-began its period of prominence as a Greek centre'. Since the coins of these Greek kings bear Kharoshthi and sometimes Brahmi-inscriptions, it is evident that this script was never suppressed. Similarly, the local languages continued to be used. However, Greek too found a place of prominence and came to be used at least in the elitist domains. According to Woodcock: For at least a century and a half, in fact, Greek remained not only the commercial but also the patrician lingua franca of the Kabul valley and of Gandhara at least as far as Taxila. Merchants and kings learnt it as a matter of course, as is shown by the experiences of Appolonius of Tyana when he journeyed to Taxila in 44 A.D.
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By the middle of the first century B.C., Greek rule in Gandhara had come to an end except for an enclave around Peshawar. The Sakas, who were from Central Asia and spoke an Iranian tongue, came to rule Gandhara by 32 B.C. Later they left their Original language and became strong supporters of Sanskrit. They did not, however, stop the use of Kharoshthi or the Greek language altogether. In fact 'the local Saka ruler of Ujjain' sent a letter to Augqstus Ceasar in 24 B.C. in Greek. The Saka kings also inscribed Greek legends, as well as Kharoshthi ones, on their coins. It is also reported that 'the women of Saurashtra continued to use the Greek form of greetings' for quite some time. The Sakas did, however, become Indianised and language reflects this. According to Chattopadhyaya: The inscriptions of the successors of Rudradaman are also mostly written in Sanskrit. On the contrary, the inscriptions of the contemporary Satavahanas are written in Prakrit, which seems to have been the language of the common folk. The later coins of Damaghasada, son of Rudradaman, are in pure Sanskrit, and the use of Sanskrit legends on the coins was continued by his son Satyadaman also. Rudradaman ruled about 130 AD. and it was during his reign that the 'Sindhu-Sauvira region', has been identified with modern Sind and the lower Pakistani Punjab, was conquered from the Kushans who had been ruling it earlier. In short, around 200 AD. Sanskritisation was being encouraged at the highest level and classical Sanskrit drama was developing. By 295 AD. the Sakas were subordinates of the Iranian Sassanid kings and by 400 AD. they had been replaced by the Gupta kings who also patronised Sanskrit. According to AH. Dani, three families ruled Gandhara and the Punjab by the third and the early part of the fourth century AD. The Kidara Kushans too penetrated up to the Hindu Kush and may have acknowledged the suzerainty of the Sassanians or Chandragupta Vikramaditya (ruled c. 375-413 AD). The point, which is relevant for us, is the increasing Indianisation as Brahmi replaces Kharoshthi on coins and non-Buddhist Indian religions replace Buddhism, which had favoured the Prakrits initially. The White Huns even destroyed Gandhara, a centre of Buddhist Civilization, in 450 AD. and SungYun, the Chinese traveller who visited this area in 520 AD., found Taxila bei1:g ruled by Mihirakula (d. circa 532 AD.) who worshipped
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the Hindu deity Shiva and used the Brahmi script. In the 8-lOth centuries, opines Dani, 'Taxila went into the hands of the Shahis'. The Hindu Shahis, who also ruled part of Afghanistan, probably spoke the prevalent Prakrit of the northwestern part of the subcontinent. This could be a descendant of the language of Gandh ara which Ashoka used about 250 B.C. Let us now come to the language of Sind which will lead us on to the languages of Pakistan at about 1000 AD. when Muslim rule was established in this area. Although the Arabs attacked Sind earlier, it was Muhammad bin Qasim who conque red it and ruled it for about three years (712-715 AD) before being recalled and killed. The north was conquered by the Turks, beginning a little before 1000 AD. when Mahmud Ghaznavi first entered northern India. However, for many centuries before the Muslim conquest, the cultural development of the northern and southern parts of Pakistan would appear to be different. However, it is not easy to assert that Sind has had a different development from the Punjab and the Frontier, because it is not always easy to determine the meaning of Sind. The countries of Sindhu and Sauvira are mentioned in the Mahabharata and have been taken to be roughly the present province of Sind and lower (i.e. Siraiki) Punjab. Some scholars, however, consider them 'neighbouring countries of the Punjab' with Sindhu on the west and Sauvira on the east of the Indus. AH. Dani, however, locates Sindhu roughly in the province of Sind and Sauvira, in his opinion, 'definitely lay to the east of the river Indus much higher up.' This leads to interesting linguistic hypotheses which are best given in Dani's own words as follows: "If we accept this suggestion, it is not difficult to understand why the Sindhi language is confined to the lower Indus while Saraiki is now spoken in much the same area where Sauvira is located by A1beruni. With this understanding of the Saraiki-speaking area, we can now say that the very name Saraiki is probably a corruption of the original term Sauviraki." At different periods in history, however, the boundaries of Sind have been shifting. The Achaeminian kings 'of 2500 years ago provide us, in their rock inscriptions, with some thirty names of sixteen Aryan provinces. Among them, we have Hindu (Sindhu) and its adjective
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Hinduya (Sindhi)'. The Muslim historians, however, differentiate between Sind and Hind but their Sind extends up to northern Pakistan. For instance Ibn Khurdadba and AI-Masudi count Qandhar, Multan and Kanauj among the countries of Sind. Rashid ud Din, whose work is based upon Al-Beruni, says: Hind is surrounded on the east by China and Machin, on the west by Sind and Kabul, and on the south by the sea, and on the north lie Kashmir, the country of the Turks, and mountain of Meru. But Kashmir, according to the evidence of Huen Tsang, appears to have been larger than it is now. Around AD. 640, even the Punja b-or some part of it-was a dependency of that kingdom as king Kanishka ruled there and Taxila (Ta cha shi 10) was a 'tributary to kia-shi-mi-lo (Kashmir),. This evidence suggests that, for some centuries before the Arab conquest of Sind and Multan and about three centuries after it, we should look for one kind of cultural development in Sind and another kind in Kashmir, parts of Punjab and the North West Frontier Province. In Sind the Rai dynasty and then the Brahmin Chach's line held sway till the eighth century. In Afghanistan and part of Punjab, the Hindu Shah is ruled till the Turk Subuktagin defeated Jayapa la around 992 AD. and wrested away all the territory west of the Indus including Peshawar. In Kashmir a certain Muslim Rajput adventurer called Shah Mir (also called Shams ud Din) ascended the throne around 1339 AD. By this period the indigenous languages of Pakistan were emerging.
Early Era Langu ages of Pakistan on the Eve of the Muslim Conqu est: One of the factors, which make it difficult to ascertain- the names of the languages of the subcontinent, is that the Muslims used to refer to all these languages as Hindi, Hindui or Hindawi. For instance, according to Al-Badauni, the Commander of the fort of Kalinjar 'composed a poem in Hindi in praise of the Sultan [Mahmud], and sent it to him'. Later, in the reign of Mahmud's grandson, the poets Masud Saad Salman and Ustad Abul Faraz Runi both had poetic collections of verse (diwans) in Hindi as well as Persian and Arabic. Both these poets lived, at least for some period of their lives, in Lahore around 1114 AD. and if they wrote in the language of Lahore it could hardly have been what we now understand as Hindi. Badauni also tells us that Shamsuddin Iltutmish 'with the assistance
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of Hindu pandits translated 32 stories about him which are a wonder of relation and strange circumstance, from the Hindui into the Persian tongue and called it Nama-e-Khirad Afza.' As this book has not been discovered so far, it is impossible to say whether the original was from Kalidasa's Sanskrit as George Ranking, the translator of Badauni's history suggests or some Prakrit work. Another work called the Mujmalu-t Tawarikh was, however, translated by Abu Salih bin Shuaib bin Jami 'into Arabic from the Hindwani language' in 1026 AD. Here by 'Hindwani' it is probably Sanskrit which is meant. The Muslims did, however, know the differences between some of the Indian languages and despite the generic use of the term Hindi, referred to these differences in some writings. Al-Masudi tells us, for instance, that 'the language of Sind is different from that of India', while Ibn Haikal tells us that after the Islamic conquest 'the language of Mansura, Multan, and those parts is Arabic and Sindian. In Makran they use Persian and Makranic.' In short, the Sindhi language had been identified as a distinct language a little after the Muslim conquest of Southern Pakistan. According to Grierson the mother of Sindhi was Vrachda. It was the spoken language, or Apabhransha, 'of the country round the lower Indus.' It was also the mother of what Grierson calls Lahnda and what are now known as Siraiki and Hind Ko. According to the same author 'India had left the Prakrit stage, and had reached the stage of the tertiary Prakrits, i. e. of the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars, by the year 1000 AD.'. It is possible then, as AL. Turner opines, that Sindhi must have separated from the mass of related languages sometime between 250 B.C. and the first century AD. John Bordie, using linguistic evidence of loss of certain words per thousand years, suggests that Sindhi and Punjabi separated between AD. 750 to 1400 and that the implosives of the Sindhi language 'came into existence prior to AD. 1400 and subsequent to the separation of Sindhi from the mass of related languages.' Since Siraiki too has implosive sounds, it too may have become a separate language around this period. But Siraiki shares its vocabulary, or at least a major part of the core vocabulary with Punjabi so that the present writer is unsure whether Siraiki is a sister of Punjabi, which picked up some features of the Sindhi sound-system (phonology) or a sister of Sindhi, which picked up Punjabi words as Grierson suggests.
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In Grierson's opinion Punjabi is the descendant of the Takka Apbhramsa of the North Central Punjab and the Upanagara Apbhramsa of the Southern Punjab. However, the language is not mentioned by this name till after the Muslim conquest. In fact the very term Punjab is from Persian (Punj = five and ab = water or river). Since five rivers flow in this region the Persian chroniclers called it 'Punjab' and the name replaced the earlier names of the region. However, Amir Khusrau, writing in 1317, calls the language of Lahore not Punjabi but 'Lahori'. Khusrau also mentions Sindhi and Kashmiri but not Pushto or Balochi. It is Abul Fazal who mentions Wghan' (Pushto) in the Ain-e-Akbari in the sixteenth century. In short, Sindhi, Punjabi, Siraiki and some form of Hind Ko as well as the Dardic languages were spoken in some form or the other in the area now comprising Pakistan. Pushto and Balochi are not part of this chapter since they were only on the fringes of the boundaries of present-day Pakistan in the tenth century when the Muslim conquests took place. However, they will be mentioned in passing here. According to Gankovsky the Pukhtuns moved in the plains of Peshawar, Kohat and Bannu in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, to Swat, Kurram and Panjkora as well as to Zhob, Loralai and Quetta in the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries. The Balochi language, which too is descended from the Iranian branch of the Indo-European languages, is a latecomer in its present location. However, in the tenth century when the Arabs ruled parts of Balochistan, they occupied Kalat, which was probably Brahui-speaking even then. Balochi too may have been present on the peripheries but it spread all over Pakistani Balochistan and elsewhere with the raids of the Ghaznavids and the Ghorids. Pakistan is heir to some of the most ancient civilisations of the world. Its languages, which were part of the culture of the people of this region, too have ancient roots. These languages have not generally been used in the domains of power because the rulers of this region were generally foreigners. But the foreigners-whether Achaeminian Iranians, Greeks or Muslim Arabs, Turks and Pathans as well as the British-have also enriched the indigenous languages so that their vocabulary is multilingual and varied. As the people of this area converted to Islam, the Arabic and Persian words became part of their Islamic identity and remain so. In a sense it is their very
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presence as well as the Arabic-based scripts of all Pakistani languages, which give them a kind of cultural unity. Linguistically, then. Pakistan faces two directions: India-because the roots of its languages are Dravidian as well as Indo-Aryan; and the Middle East-because its scripts and vocabulary owe much to Arabic and Persian. To deny any of these directions out of ideological zeal is historically incorrect to say the least. Philological Tradition In Pakistani Languages: One major theme of the people writing in this tradition is discovering the origin, the language family, and the roots of a language. In the case of Urdu, this is an obsession. Almost everyone of note has devoted considerable time on the origin and development of Urdu. Opinions on this subject are many and diverse: that Urdu was born out of Brij Bhasha (Azad 1880: 1); Hariani (Hussain 1966: 183); the indigenous language (Prakrit) of Maharashtra (Bukhari 1975; 156-7; 1991: 349); Khari Boli (Sabzwari 1966: 38) and so on. Probably the best-known works of Pakistani origin on this subject are Hafiz Mahmood Shirani's thesis that Urdu was born in the Punjab and travelled to northern India (Shirani 1928). Another interesting thesis, and one, which seriously challenges Grierson's assumption that all the Indo-Aryan languages are the daughters of Sanskrit, is that Urdu is the descendant of the languages of the Dravidian and Munda tribes of this region and is, in essence, a pre-Sanskritic language. In fact Grierson himself acknowledged that the Indo-Aryan languages borrowed words from the Dravidian ones and that 'the borrowings have been much more considerable than has been admitted by many scholars of late years' but he also added 'that they were nothing like so universal as was once contended'. Emeneau and others have given lists of such borrowings as well as Dravidian influences on the phonology of the languages in question (Burrow 1973: 378-88); Emeneau 1954. 1956). But influence is one thing, origin quite another. If Faridkoti's work is substantiated-and it might well be true (Rahman 1999: Chapter 2 )-it will be a significant piece of new research. That the question of the roots of Urdu still absorbs the minds of Pakistanis writing in the philological-comparativist tradition is evident from the large number of studies still being undertaken in it. Moreover, as university teachers of Urdu assure the present author, it is taught in the M.A. course of Urdu and is often
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the only question about 'linguistics', which is asked. It is also in this tradition that other well-known studies-Mehr Abdul Haq's thesis (1967) on Multani (now called Siraiki), Yusuf Bukhari's comparative Study of Urdu and Kashmiri (1986)-and Razzak Sabir's thesis on the relationship between Balochi and Brahui (1994) have been written. Basically all these writers compare words of one language with another without taking into account contemporary theories, especially those dealing with phonology. However, Sabir has made efforts to refer to morphology, grammar, and phonology though his sources are dated and inadequate. Some identity-conscious local linguists, especially from remote areas with small languages, have been writing primers and scripts for their languages. These are too numerous to describe and the reader is referred to chapters on minor languages in previous books (Rahman 1996a and 2002). Most of these people are inspired by ideological concerns-which their language should not die. In this they have the sympathy of believers in linguistic diversity and the right of people to maintain their languages (Skutnabb-Kangas 2000). But let us go on to other ideologically inspired linguists. Mehr Abdul Haq's major concern is ideological-to prove that Siraiki and Punjabi are different languages. It is this difference, which enables Siraiki to function as an identity symbol of the people of the southern Punjab. Other Siraiki linguiSts, such as Ahsan Wagha (1990), have also tried to advance similar arguments. Similar to this is Ali Nawaz Jatoi's claim that Sindhi is a Semitic language (Jatoi 1983). Indeed, there are some people in Pakistan who argue that all languages came out of Arabic but their arguments are almost always based on comparisons of a few words. In fact, since language is an important symbol of ethnic nationalism in Pakistan (Rahman, 1996a) such theses appear to be based upon arguments, which the writers are emotionally committed to on non-linguistic grounds. For the same reason most of the interest in the old indigenous languages of the country has come from the activists of the language movements. They have been active in corpus planning both in the official language academies and in their individual capacities. In the official institutions for language planning the standardisation of the script, modernisation of the vocabulary by the creation of new technical terms (neolOgism), and research on languages and literature
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is undertaken. But orthography and neologism are both related with identity and thus with ethnic politics. Thus, those who emphasise the Pakistani-Islamic identity insist upon the use of Arabic-based scripts and the creation of new terms based upon Perso-Arabic roots whereas, ethnic nationalists sometimes reject this script and coin words from the roots of their own languages. Unfortunately, these language planners too are mostly unaware of the contemporary developments in the theories of language planning. The only exception is Atash Durrani whose book on neologism called Urdu Istilahat Sazi (1993) shows awareness of some of the developments in this field. Works by Raj Wali Khattak on Pushto orthography (Khattak 1991), by Syed Hashimi on Balochi technical terms (Hashimi 1962); by Khair Muhammad Baluch (1993) on the parts of a vehicle in Sindhi and by Qais Faridi in Siraiki do not refer to the theoretical basis of similar work elsewhere in the world. However, G.A. Allana's book on Sindhi orthography (1993) is an exception since the author is quite aware of the concepts of modern linguistics and has created terms which can be used to describe Sindhi in the light of modern concepts. But, Allana's work falls in the modern linguistic tradition to which we turn now.
Linguistics in Pakistan Pakistan does not have a university department or institute of higher education and research in linguistics. Now, after years, the country still does not have departments of linguistics of the kind, which exist, in the major universities of the world. However, we do have many more courses in linguistics and applied linguistics in several departments of English and other languages than before. The language academies-National Language Authority for Urdu; Sindhi Language Authority; Pushto Academy; Balochi Academy; Brahui Academy; Punjabi Adabi Board-focus on that aspect of Language Planning (LP) which is defined as corpus planning. They write dictionaries, standardise spellings and orthography, and create technical terms (neologism) to express new concepts. But their language planning efforts are guided by political imperatives as we shall see later and experts in literature whose knowledge of modern linguistics is very inadequate generally run them. This being the scenario, there is little wonder that serious research in linguistics is not being produced by Pakistanis-at least not by
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those who live in Pakistan. Western scholars have done most serious work and it is to this work that we shall turn presently. Before doing so, however, let us divide the tradition of linguistic research into two major streams: the prescriptive and the descriptive traditions. The latter can then be further divided into the philological-comparatives tradition which came from the nineteenth century and the modern one which came into the wake of insights following the work of Ferdinand de Saussure, Halliday, Pike, and Chomsky. The indigenous tradition, being a prescriptive one, continues as the major driving force of language teaching in the country though it has no major exponents anymore. Let us, however, start with it because it is still a living force in the lives of students.
Prescriptive Tradition in Urdu Thus it is not surprising to find that the first concern of the people who wrote about the languages now used in Pakistan was about norms of 'correctness'. Most of these people were poets of Urdu who wrote in India much before Pakistan was created. However, if we want to understand the force of pro.scriptivism in the public mind we must refer to their attitudes, however summarily. Such attitudes became really noticeable between the period beginning in 1702 and continuing for the most part of the early nineteenth century. Among the prescriptive linguists, who carried out the purge of Sanskritic or other indigenous words and replaced them with Persian and Arabic ones, were Sirajuddin Ali Khan (KhaneArzu), Shah Hatim, Mirza Mazhar, and Nasikh. As mentioned earlier, this attempt at renovation serves non-linguistic functions although, it is seen as a purely linguistic phenomenon by the renovators and their supporters. The purpose Persianised Urdu served was that it became a marker of elitist identity for upper class (sharif) Muslims who felt politically impotent and threatened by the overwhelming majority of Hindus around them, from which the Muslims sought to be different and considered themselves superior. The new Urdu was, therefore, an identity marker, a badge of distinction, for the impoverished shurafa (gentlemen) of north India who had little more than culture to fall back upon. Altll0ugh, in his grammar of Urdu Abdul Haq pointed out that 'Urdu is a purely Indian language of the Indo-Aryan family. Arabic, on the other hand, is from the Semitic family. Thus it is not at all
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appropriate for the grammarians of Urdu to follow the rules of '\ Arabic' . Even so, this prescriptive tradition influences Pakistani teachers of languages even today. School grammars, based upon medieval Persian models, specialise in taxonomy. Parts of speech are divided into subclasses, which have Persian and Arabic names, which must be memorised. Pluralisation follows Arabic or Persian rules leading to absurdities. While this is an irritant for school children, the urge for prescriptivism in Urdu and English can sometimes be offensive. The Urdu-speaking people from Uttar Pradesh even now pride themselves upon their linguistic refinement. The older generation sometimes, though, to a much lesser extent now than before, calls itself ahlezaban (the custodians of the language) and uses their pronunciation and usage as symbols of elitism, refinement and past glory. Thus Syed Abul Ala Maudoodi, whose family prided itself for being from Delhi, wrote about the family'S attitude towards Urdu.
Orientalist Philological Tradition Whatever, the support Orientalism-the scholarly study of the East-might have given to nineteenth century European domination of India (Said 1978), individual Orientalists have left behind invaluable studies of the languages of South Asia. In India the work of Sir William Jones (1746-94) laid the foundations for the comparativesphilological tradition, which dominates the work of many Pakistani linguists even now (Jones 1788). The vernacular languages were studied by the missionary William Carey who, with Ward and Marshman, surveyed 33 of them in 1816. Among the languages used in Pakistan they translated the 'Lord's Prayer' in Sindhi, Gujrati, Punjabi, Balochi, and Pushto among other language. Apart from British linguists, there were many German speaking scholars who also helped to describe Pakistani languages in philological term. The achievements of these scholars have been given in detail by Anne Marie Schimmel (1981). Among the best known names are: Aloys Sprenger (1813-93); Ernest Trumpp (1828-85); William Greiger (1856-1943) and Max Mueller (1823-1900) among others. Sprenger's major contribution is to Urdu literature and bibliography but he did produce both an English-Hindustani Grammar (1845) and a Dictionary of the Technical Terms in the Science of the Musalmans (1854) Trumpp, however, wrote detailed grammars of Sindhi (1872), Pushto (1873) and Punjabi (Schimmel
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1981: 135-6; 155; 169). He even wrote an article on the languages of the Kalasha people (called Kafirs) of Chitral (Trumpp 1862). Greiger, who also wrote on Pushto and Balochi, firmly placed them in the Indo-Iranian language family (Schimmel 1981: 151-5). Max Mueller, who, in the words of Schimmel 'has become an institution in India' (ibid. 1), is the doyen of Sanskritic studies but has contributed less to the languages now used in Pakistan. However, his essay on the sounds and alphabet of Arabic-based scripts, though, obviously dated, is very insightful (Mueller 1855). Unfortunately, despite Schimmel's book, the works of Germanspeaking linguists-even those that are written in English-are not well known in Pakistan. Apart from isolated scholars like Ikram Chughtai (1973), they have been unjustly ignored. The works of English philologists, especially Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India (1901-21), has dominated, and still dominates, the philological tradition in Pakistan. It as been reprinted in five volumes as the Linguistic Survey of Pakistan (n.d.) in Lahore and has been referred to by everyone working in the comparativist-philological tradition-and most people still work in it-in Pakistan. Grierson's survey is, indeed, a landmark in the study of the languages of South Asia. It was the work of a lifetime 'extending over thirty years' from 1891 to 1921 and covering 290 million people speaking '872 different language and dialects' . Grierson gives an introductory section on every language followed by a vocabulary and a grammar. Contemporary Western Studies of Pakistani Language: Even now, fifty-five years after the establishment of Pakistan, most of the best descriptions of Pakistani languages-in the light of contemporary linguistic theories--continue to be written by Western linguiSts. The most illuminating works of foreigners are about the lesser-known languages of Pakistan. The complete bibliography is given in Baart and Baart-Bremer (2001) but one may mention the languages of Chitral; the Northern Areas; Baltistan and little known languages of the NWFP and Balochistan. Among Western linguists who are still working on Pakistani languages is Elena Bashir. She is presently compiling a dictionary of Khowar for a project of the University of Chicago. But the culmination of the work of decades of Western scholars has appeared only towards the end of the last century. It is a socio-linguistic survey of
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these lesser-known languages-the languages of Northern Pakistan. So far, this survey is the best source about the languages of northern Pakistan though, as the present writer has pointed out, there is much room for research in these languages, such as aspects of pragmatics, phonology, and grammar (possibly along Chomskyan lines) as well as other schools of linguistics. This survey is not the last accomplishment of the SIL. Members of the team emerged as authorities on the languages of northern Pakistan. Joan Baart, for instance, wrote extensively on Kalam Kohistani and Indus Kohistani. R.L. Trail and G.R. Cooper wrote a Kalasha dictionary (Trail and Cooper 1999) and Carla Radloff wrote on the Shina of Gilgit (1998; 1999). Indeed, the Bibliography of the Languages of Northern Pakistan (Baart and Baart-Bremer 2001) shows how much has been written on the languages of this remote yet linguistically rich part of Pakistan and to what extent the SIL dominates this field of linguistic research at present.
Language and Literature Urdu Language and Literature: Urdu is an Indo-European language, which originated in South Asia. Most probably in the neighbourhood of Delhi from where it spread to the rest of South Asia. It developed from the interaction between local South Asian languages and the languages of the Middle East. This process took place mostly in the military camps and the word Urdu itself means army, horde or tent in Turkish.
It soon became the prized language of the Mughals, distinguished linguistically from local languages by its large and extensive ArabicPersian vocabulary superimposed on a native Hindi base of grammar, usages and vocabulary. The result was what has been termed by many as one of the world's most beautiful languages, the "Kohinoor" ("Mountain of Light," a famed native, large and brilliant diamond) of India. It is widely spoken today in both India and Pakistan and all countries have a sizeable South Asian diaspora. Although it is seen that there is continuous progression in linguistic development from Sanskrit down to the modern languages of Northern India. Similarly there is a very strong link between the language 'Hindavi' of the middle ages and Urdu of today. The works of Amir Khuslau are intelligible to the speakers of Urdu/Hindi despite their
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having been written in the 14th century. It is hypothesised that Urdu is the language developed when a regular and slow stream of Arabic, Persian and Turkish words got infused into the language Hindavi. This is a plausible explanation since Urdu is grammatically very similar to the local languages while at the same time it used a very Persianised vocabulary. Urdu has been called a host of names during this seven century long interval. Hindavi, Hindi (not to be confused with the modern language), Rekhta, Shahjahani, Deccani, Urdu-e Mualla and Urdu. The language originated in the neighbourhood of Delhi but it was in the Deccan, that it first got its acceptance. The rulers of the Deccan were much more supportive to the development of local languages as opposed to the Persian influence in northern South Asia. In the Deccan the court became the centre for the development of Urdu and the initial Poetry and Literature in Urdu is usually from the Deccan from where the idea of using Urdu rather than Persian as the media of poetry and literature spread to the northern parts of South Asia. After the mainstream acceptance of Urdu as a poetic language in North India a very large number of poets started using this language. Great poets such as Mir, Sauda, Ghalib and Zauq made the language acceptable as the medium of thought. The increasing quantity of poetry and literature caused the language to become more uniform and less changeable as it had been in the past. Urdu is a member of the Hindustani group of languages which is a subgroup of the Indo-Aryan group of languages which is in turn part of the Indo-European family of languages. Urdu is related to most of the languages of northern South Asia. This is due to the fact that they all have similar sentence structures and grammatical structures. They even have a certain common vocabulary which makes them similar in many cases. The language Punjabi is very similar to Urdu. Written Punjabi can be understood by speakers of Urdu albeit with a little difficulty but spoken Punjabi has a very different pronunciation system and cannot be understood that easily by speakers of Urdu. Urdu, Hindi and Hindustani have a very strange and complex relationship with each other. Urdu and Hindi have been called different languages on the one hand and dialects of the same language on
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the other. Hindustani is generally thought of as the language that encompasses both Urdu and Hindi and forms the mother language of these two languages. The most major difference between Urdu and Hindi is that Urdu is written in the Nastaliq font of the modified Arabic script while Hindi is written in the Devanagari script. Urdu, Hindi and Hindustani are all segments on a long linguistic chain. At one end is a heavily Persianised language which is written in the Nastaliq font and in a modified Arabic script. At the other end is a heavily Sanskritised language which is written in the Devanagari form. The progression from one to the other is continuous and slow. The basic grammatic structure is the same. The words are replaced either by more Sanskritised or more Persianised forms. Urdu forms the segment of the chain more towards the Persian side, and Hindi forms the segment of the chain more towards the Sanskrit side. The language generally spoken in northern South Asia is basically half way between the two extremes and represents Hindustani. Despite this the casual spoken language is similar an in some cases not distinguishable. For example it is said that Indian movies are made in Hindi. But the language used in many of these movies is exactly the language used by Urdu speakers in Pakistan. On the other hand Pakistani 1V Dramas are said to be made in Urdu. But the language used in many of these dramas is exactly the language used by Hindi speakers in India. As the language gets more formal the difference between these two languages starts to become clearer. In more serious speech and writing the Sanskritisation or Persianisation will become more pronounced. The languages used in newscasts, encyclopaedia articles and courtrooms become very heavily Sanskritised or Persianised and may be nearly unintelligible to speakers from the other languages. So Urdu speakers will find their own language in the Hindi cinema but they will not be able to understand newscasts from Hindi channels. On the other hand Indian Hindi speakers will find their own language in Urdu 1V dramas but will not be able to understand newscasts from Urdu channels. As Mother Tongue: In Pakistan Urdu is spoken as a mother tongue by a majority of the people in the cities of Karachi and
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Hydera bad in the southern province of Sind. Apart from this most cities in Sind and most large cities in the rest of Pakistan have a large numbe r of people whose mother tongue is Urdu. In India Urdu is spoken as a mother tongue by Muslims in the northern and central states but not in the south, east, far west and far north of the country. As Spoke n Language: Urdu is the lingua franca of Pakistan. Nearly all the Pakistanis except some people living in rural or remote areas speak it. In India (except in the south) Hindi is the lingua franca. Due to the similarity between Hindi and Urdu it can be said that Urdu is spoken in nearly all of India as well. Apart from South Asia Urdu is also spoken in urban Afghanistan. It is also spoken to some extent in the major urban centres in the Persian Gulf countries and in Saudi Arabia. Urdu is the sole official language of Pakistan. Although English is used in most official circles but Urdu is the official language and English is used as an intermediate language until Urdu replaces it. Urdu is one of the official languages of India where it is the official language of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. A host of words are used to show respect and politeness. These words are generally used with people who are older in age or with whom you are not acquainted. For example the English word 'you' can be translated into three words in Urdu 'tu' (informal and at times derogatory) 'turn' (informal) and 'aap' (formal and respectful). Urdu has a vocabulary very rich in words from a South Asian root and a Middle Eastern Root. Urdu language is dominated by words from Hindi or Persian. Except for these there is a very large numbe r of words from Arabic, Turkish, Sanskrit and other north Indian languages. Urdu is written in a derivative of the Persian alphabet, which is itself derivative of the Arabic alphabet. It is read from right to left. Urdu is similar in appear ance and letters to Arabic, Farsi, and Pushto. Urdu differs in appear ance from Arabic in that it uses the more complex and sinuous nastaliq script whereas Arabic tends to the more modern naskh. Although the styles are different, people who can read Urdu can read Arabic, as Arabic uses the same alphab et but with fewer letters. There are efforts underway to develop more practical Urdu suppor t on computers.
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Usually, bare transliterations of Urdu into Roman letters omit many subtle pronunciations which have no equivalent in English or other languages which are written with the Roman alphabet, such as a sharp exhale at the end of certain words (known as aspirations). It should be noted that a reasonable and scientific system has emerged with specific notations to signify non-English sounds, but it is only 'properly read by someon e already familiar with Urdu or Hindi; ( , phoneticising script, however, does serve a valid purpose as it would allow Indians, who usually write Hindi and even Urdu in Devanagari script, to communicate with Pakistanis only familiar with Nastaliq. Urdu has been used as a language for literature for a short period of time. Persian being the language of choice until recently. But even so a varied and extensive literature of the language has come up. A large numbe r of volumes of Islamic words are present in Urdu. Currently the most important and widely read of these are ascribed to Maulana Syed Abul Ala Maududi. Two genres have seen a lot of development in Urdu as compared to other languages. The Daastaan is a long story which might include multiple story lines, plots and may not have any particular focus, but it had the usage of beautiful linguistic structures, it is not used any more. The Afsana is a short story. It has come to become the primary genre of Urdu literature. The most well known Afsana writers or Afsana Nigaar in Urdu are Saadat Hasan Manto, Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi, Munshi Premchand and Krishan Chander. Urdu is very well known for its beautiful Urdu poetry. Urdu was the premiere language of poetry in South Asia for two centuries and has a large and rich collection of poetry in a host of different poetic forms. The Ghazal is a form of poetry that was used extensively by poets all over South Asia. Generally by Muslim poets. But its beauty and grace has made it well liked by people from all faiths all over the region. Mir, Ghalib and Faiz are some of the premiere poets in the genre of Ghazal. Except for Ghazal the poetic forms of Rubai, Masnavi, Qaseeda, Geet, Marsia, Shehr aashob, Doha, Urdu and Nauha are yery well developed in Urdu. Foreign forms such as Sonnet and Haiku have also been used by Urdu poets, mainly in the modern era. Urdu also
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gave birth to a new genre of poetry, the Noha. It usually describes the circumstances of the Martyrdom of Hadrat Imam Hussain in the form of an elegy occasionally accompanied by lamentation. It's a commo n assumption that Urdu was born in the Mughal camps of Shahje han sometime during the first half of the seventeenth century. It's hardly surprising that this is so widespread becaus e the proponents of the theory are such stalwarts as Maulana Muham mad Hussain Azad, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Mir Aman Dehlvi. These lines are written to keep the record straight and give the reader a general idea about this highly debatable, contentious and interestingissue. It's not an easy job to dig out the roots any langua ge-it can be likened to pinpointing the origin of a river: you can get entirely different results from following different courses. But the case of Urdu is a little different, which makes the job doubly difficu lt-as we shall explore in the following lines. Like most other languages of the world, Urdu too started its literature through poetry. Now if we pin down the first Urdu poet, we should be able to trace down the origins of the language to a fair degree. So the million dollar question: Who was the first Urdu poet? Various answers have been given to this question: Muham mad Hussain Azad wrote in the monumental Aab-e Hayaat asserts that Wali Deccani (1644-1707) is the "Baavaa Aadam" (founding father) of Urdu poetry. The line was stretched further back by subsequent research and the honour was handed over to Quli Qutub Shah (1565-1610), a king of Golconda. Modern research, however, has dug even deeper and now Khwaja Masood Saad Salma n-a celebrated Persian poet whose era spans the 12th century AD.-i s generally acknowledged as the first Urdu poet. The predicament here is that we don't have any written kalaam of Khwaja sahib with us-no t even a single sheer! All we know of his writing in Urdu (the language was certainly not known by this name in those times) is a statement by Amir Khusro, who reports in the preface of his famous book Ghuratul Kamal that Saad Salman had three poetry collections (dawaaween): in Persian, Turkish and Urdu.
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Masud was a resident of Lahore, which was the capital of Mehmood Ghaznavi and his predecessors from 413 H to 583 H. The first active interaction of Indian languages with Persian must have started during this period because large number of Persian-speaking Muslims flocked to Punjab. The army comprised of both the local and migrant soldiers. A fair number of preachers and Sufis (for example Data Ganj Bakhsh, died 465 and Shah Yousuf, died 550) started spreading the message of Islam to the local population. A lot of intermarriages must have taken place. The lively interaction between the cultures must have necessitated a common language. It's thought that even Mehmood Ghaznavi may have some acquaintance with the local languages because his royal stamp bore an inscription in Sanskrit on one side. Some Hindu poets had also Qaseedas (eulogies) for Mehmood in Sanskrit. Professor Hafiz Mehmood Shirani in his historic book "Punjab Mein Urdu" stresses that this interaction between the local languages of Punjab with Persian of the settlers gave birth to a proto-Ianguage. When Qutb-ud-Din Aibak shifted capital from Lahore to Delhi in 1193, hundreds of thousands of people-soldiers, scholars, writers, tribes, merchants, government employees and others-migrated with him and took this proto language with them. This language when interacted with the local dialects of Delhi and surrounding areas gradually developed into modern Urdu. Like Muslim invasion of the Punjab plains at the turn of the millennium, a similar invasion of India had taken place around 3500 years ago: the invasion of the fair, tall, horse-wielding warriors, the Aryans. The Aryans came in several waves, over a period of several hundred years. Upon their entry in India the Aryans encountered the Dravidian languages. Aryans spoke Sanskrit, the pure language. Naturally, over time, language of the rulers got mixed up with the local languages-the scenario being not very different from what happened with the invasion of Muslim millennia later. The languages produced after this interaction are called Prakrits. Since different Dravidian languages were spoken in different part of the country, many kinds of Prakrits came into existence. These Prakrits became the standard literary languages and the elite started exploiting them for religious and political purposes. At the same time, another type of languages, called the Apbhramsa,
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were slowly emerging. While the Prakrits were greatly influenced by Sanskrit, the Apbhramsa, being the vernacular, stood widely apart from Sanskrit. The Apbhramsa languages have three major groups: 1. The Dravidian group, with contained Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu, Brahui, etc. 2. The Paishachi group, encompassing Khari Boli, Sindhi, Punjabi, Siraeki, Hindko, Kashmiri, Hariyanvi, etc. 3. The Darda group, which contains Pushtu and Balochi. The Paishachi group had a language called Khari Boli which originated from a kind of Prakrit, called the Shorseni Prakrit (the name Khari Boli means "the standing language", which denotes that most verbs end at an "a", like khaayaa, aayaa, etc. at which differentiates it from other languages, which are called Pari Bolis, where the verbs usually end at "0", like khaaio, aaio, etc.). Most linguists think that this Khari Boli, rather than Brij Bhasha, was the language that was spoken in Delhi when Muslim entered it. Now Khari Boli was an isolated, limited language, compared to other languages in nearby areas. Because both languages belonged to the Paishachi group, the Khari Boli and Punjabi were very similar. When the Punjabi speaking Muslims entered Delhi, they found Khari Boli very similar to Punjabi, which they had learned during their stay of near two-century-old sojourn in Punjab. They could relate to it easily and managed to learn it very qUickly. They gave the language a new life by adopting it and introduced new vocabulary and idiom. Being the language of the ruling class, the language soon evolved to be the forerunner of modern Urdu. In those early times, it had a strong influence of Punjabi, but as time passed, it starting developing its own character. More than any other sector of a society, the religious scholars and preachers need to be in touch with the masses. The Islamic Sufis also did the same thing; they addressed common folk in their own language. The first incidence of usage of Urdu as we know it came from a well-known Sufi, Baba Fareed Ganj Shakar. The first recorded Urdu sentence that we know of came in the form of a dialogue between
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Baba Fareed (died 1264) and the maid of another famous Sufi, Khwaja Burhan-ud Din. Baba Fareed has also the distinction of writing the first piece of Urdu poetry. Baba sahib was quickly succeeded by an imposing figure, Khwaja Amir Khusro (1253-1325). He was a multidimensional personality in the true sense of the word. Besides being a great Islamic Sufi, a splendid Persian poet and probably the greatest maesrro in the history of India, Khusro stands tall in the world of Urdu as well. Although doubts persist over the authorship of several of his Urdu works, he undoubtedly played an important role in bridging the gap between the language of the elite and the folks. Many of his geet, paheliyaan and keh-mukarniyaan still prevail. Some people think that Mairajul Aashiqeen by Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gaisu Draz (died, 1421), is the first Urdu prose book. This book was written sometime in early fifteenth century. There is evidence that the Behmani rulers used Urdu as a state language, a factor that greatly contributed to its growth. In fact, the first sahib-e deevan Urdu poet, Quli Qutub Shah (1565-1610), was a king of the Deccanian state Golconda. Quli Qutub was a prolific poet and has left more than 50,000 couplets in Deccani, Telugu and Persian. Quli Qutub's contemporary and his courtier Mullah Wajhi is a landmark figure in the history of Urdu prose. Considered as the first important Urdu prose work, his immortal book Sab Ras is still taught in MA Urdu courses in some universities of both Pakistan and India. Although translated from a Persian book, Sab Ras tells an allegorical tale with consummate fluency and is considered a literary marvel across the board. All these advances paved the way for Wali Deccani, the first poet of Urdu. He visited Delhi some time in early eighteenth century and created quite a stir in the stagnant water of Northern Indian Urdu literature, which had deteriorated under the influence of the statesponsored Persian. As mentioned earlier, Wali is often called the Adam of Urdu poetry! Wali's stopover in Delhi was so inspirational that it immediately bore fruit in the form of the so called Golden Period of Urdu poetry. Such giants as Mir, Sauda, Dard and Mir Hasan-among a galaxy of other names-lived in that period. Each of these is still to be
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surpassed in their respective genres: Mir in Ghazal, Sauda in Qaseeda, Dard in Sufi poetry and Mir Hassan in Masnavi. When the Persian king Nadir Shah attacked Delhi, many people, including Urdu writers, left Delhi and settled in Lucknow, which soon developed as the new hub of Urdu literature. In the peaceful environment of Lucknow, not only poetry but prose also thrived. Insha Allah Khan Insha wrote a magnificent tale, Rani Ketki Ki Kahani, in a language deliberately devoid of even a single word of Persian and Arabic. Some people opine that Rani Ketki in fact the first Urdu short story. In the first half of the nineteenth century, drama started appearing at Urdu scene. The first dramatist is believed to be Amant Lucknowi, and his drama Inder Sabha is considered as the first Urdu drama. Brief History of Urdu Poetry: Poetry is a personal and emotional genre making it difficult to truly explain what constitutes poetry; however, we can summarise it in the following definitions of poetry: • The expression of the heart, human experience, feelings and thoughts. • Expressing facts in appropriate words. • A description of life written with imagination and emotion. • The most popular genre of literature. • The fountain to civilization, Constitution and different arts and crafts. • The concoction of all knowledge and craft. • An element of surprise to us. • An art through which a poet can excite the emotions and feelings of others. • Expressing an ordinary event in an effective, heart-stealing style of writing that creates a sharp reaction in the heart and mind of the reader. Poetry is universal as every language spoken by mankind has in it some poetic elements. Interestingly, though languages differ significantly in the manner of expression, the nature of poetic expression remains common indicating that poetry is more of a human phenomenon rather than syntactical expression. From expression of love for a woman to revolt against a regime, poetry carries in it an element of subtlety and spontaneity-something created by the
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environs of the poet. To understand a great poet, therefore, we must first look into his mind and his awareness of the milieu exterior. Since Ghalib, undoubtedly the greatest poet of Urdu language, expressed himself mainly through his writings of love sonnets, it is imperative that we examine the art of love sonnets, the language they are written in, and the environs that prompted these writings to understand how Ghalib became a master of this genre. Urdu poetry of the Indian subcontinent as we know it today did not take its final shape until the 17th century when it was declared the official language of the court. The 18th century saw a phenomenal rise in Urdu poetry when Urdu replaced Persian as the lingua franca of the region. Urdu poetry, as it is derived from Persian, Turkish and Arabic, acquired many conventions in its poetry that came from these languages. Just as Elizabethan English is full of social and regional realities, Urdu holds a remarkable wealth of the conventions of many cultures and languages. This element got a great boost in the 18th century when there weren't many newspapers or media of information available to the public. Urdu poetry became a more intimate form of communication regarding the social and political tribulations of the time. The commonest form of communication, in tradition with the Arabic culture, was to read poetry in gatherings, called mushaera, where poets would gather to read poems crafted in accordance with a metrical pattern, which was often prescribed beforehand. Not only did the poetry have to meet the choice of word, and the loftiness of thought but also strict metrical patterns. There were competitions like those held in ancient Greek, Roman and pre-Islamic Arabic cultures. However, the intensity and warmth of the mushaeras that developed in Delhi were indeed unique and helped popularise Urdu as the language of poetry in the Mughal Empire. A culture built around taking lessons in writing Urdu poetry became the in-thing for the royalty, and the masters of poetry were given reverence worthy of kings. In all mushaeras, the most honoured of the poets would preside and the candle that was passed around to poets in the order of their ~nkings reached the presiding poet in the end. This impact on the tradition of respect and new cultural traits took root since the poets were held in high-esteem in those times.
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The royalty sought their company and poetry was sent as gift to their friends. Whereas the 18th century produced remarkable literature in Urdu, it was often lost, since only when the poets reached fame were their writings collected and published. The writings of one of the greatest poet, Nazir, were collected 80 years after his death and even the works of Zauq, the teacher of King Bahadur Shah Zafar, were destroyed during the mutiny of 1857. Some of the poems written by the King, Bahadur Shah Zafar, in exile were also lost. Urdu poetry is based on a system of measure-it is a quantitative expression and its form is very rigid. The usual measures are nine, or more commonly eighteen, but by various permutation and combinations, the number over 800. The several forms of Urdu poetry include: • • • • • •
Qaseeda or ode of praise Masnavi or long reflective poem and tale in verse Marsia or elegy Qata or fragment, a four line quatrain Rubai or a quatrain with specific rhyme and topic Ghazal, a lyrical poem of six to 26 lines, often longer; the word Ghazal is derived from, Arabic word, "taghazzui," or conversation with ladies or expression of love for women. The word Ghazal also means the agonised cry of the gazelle. The literal meaning of Ghazal is to talk to women or to talk about them or to express love to them through the deSCription of the condition of heart. Whereas many poets have specialised in the specific art of writing one of the above types, most have attempted Ghazal, the most popular form and those whose fame reached the greatest heights have been poets of Ghazal. Since each verse of a Ghazal is an independent segment and a complete description of the topic (though there may be a chain of verses with the same theme), it requires a great deal of ability to express in the fewest words the most complex emctions. Also, since the topic of Ghazal is not new and just about everyone in his or her lifetime experiences affection towards the opposite sex. the style of expression for the Ghazal has to be unique to make any impact. As a result, it is easy to write a common verse but almost a monumental task to create a unique one.
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Ghazal became the most popular form of Persian and Urdu poetry while Qaseeda was popular in Arabic poetry. Qaseeda finds its roots in tribal sentiments. The rise of Islam saw a decline in the tribal structure of the communities and more sophisticated, livelier expressions of society, the lover and the beloved~ecame the accepted themes of poetry. That remains true today, though in its transition many thoughts of mysticism have also surfaced. The Ghazal also maintains a rather platonic sense as well; juxtaposed to corporeal love, the spiritual love expressed in Urdu Ghazal coexists with the mundane. Understanding an Urdu Ghazal can be a daunting task for many, particularly those who are removed from the Indo-Persian and Arabic scene. The forces of images, the dreams and the strength of analogies combined with subtleties of the words as used colloquially, create the mood of the Ghazal, making it almost impossible to translate the thoughts into another language, particularly the English language, which though extremely rich in vocabulary and thought, remains inadequate in expressing the nuances of a distant culture and language. [Converse will be true if one were to translate Shakespeare in Urdu.] All of this combined with extreme breVity, as a two line verse, makes it that much more difficult to understand and interpret. The poetry of Ghalib, the topic of this book, is a classical example. Understanding Ghalib can well be an oxymoron. A good Ghazal has to be lived through allowing it to sink in and it cannot be read only once. The Ghazal is made up of shers (verses), which consists of two hemistiches each, and may be called couplets with the difference that the two lines rhyme only in the opening verse or where they form a qata or a continuous Ghazal. (The word sher is derived from the Arabic meaning "of wisdom and hence the sher, shaeri and mushaera all representing intelligence, reasoning, knowledge, and consciousness.) A verse has qafia and radif, the rhyming and repeating words, except in the first verse, matla, where the qafia and radif are the same. The last verse is called maqta, wherein the poet normally uses his pseudonym (takhallus), often to create a meaning out of it or to construct a clever thought. The metre is also very specific for Ghazals. A difference from Western poetry arises here as the shers do not bear any relationship to each other and are often complete in the thought, theme or feeling they portray. Though the Ghazals may
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often carry a theme, there are such drastic changes in expression that it often throws the Western reader totally off-guard? The measure of
a Ghazal remains the same and the rhyming scheme is aa, ba, ca, and so on. The popularity of Urdu Ghazal comes from its varied themes. The high etiquette required in writing Ghazal and the limits the themes place on the poet. The most common subjects of the Ghazal are the love of the poet for his beloved, her (his) indifference, the broken heart, the cruelty of fate, the difficulties in passing the night of separation; the impermanence of human glory, the instability of life, the meaning of God and so on. Many similes are used to describe the varied images and themes that form the core of Urdu Ghazal. The nest is the lover's heart, wherein the lightning (cruelty of fate) strikes, the nightingale (bulbul) loving the rose, the moth burning itself on the candle, the snare and the hunted bird, the dagger of the beloved's eyelashes are common. Also intertwined in the varied descriptions of feelings are references to biblical Prophets: Jacob's patience and his suffering for Joseph; the beauty of Joseph; Zuleikha, the wife of Potiphar, Solomon the wise, Jesus the giver of life, Moses' challenge to God to show himself. Also, many anecdotal stories and themes are often repeated: Qaroon, the rich man who was hanged for not paying taxes, the discovery and taste for good wine of the Persian Kings Jamshed, Kaikobad and Kaikhusro of Zoroastrian days, Alexander of Macedonia. Shireen and Farhad, the legendary lovers of Persia, and their Arabic counterparts, Laila and Majnoon; the warrior Sultan Mahmood Ghazni and his beloved slave, Ayaz, are some of the themes that must be well understood by the reader of Urdu poetry. In addition, the poet has many personalities, some figurative, to deal with; there is this pir who serves as a guide or mediator, trying to dissuade the lover from his insanity; the prayer cloth and the black string worn by religious men; the wine, the tavern, the goblet, the decanter appear all over. Despite the great diversity in the topics of the Ghazal, the most significant mood remains melancholy and lovesick; a heart full of sadness is the prevailing theme, and rules for this were actually laid down by Arab critics Ibn-e-Rasheeq and Ibn-e Quddama in the 10th and 11th century; Persian poetry, which has the greatest influence
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on Urdu Ghazal reinforced this theme. Held in supreme regard is the beloved and no expression could belittle the beloved. The Ghazal, carries a sense of nobility, idealism, sensuousness (not necessarily a sensual aura) wherein the lover is inseparable from the loved. It is more like the 16th and 17th century English lyrical poetry, wherein metaphors play a significant role. Take for example T. S. Eliot's "Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock." Love adduce d in Urdu Ghazal is always one-sided, unrequited love, idoliSing and idealising at the same time. Urdu Ghazal poet is not merely creating a Ghazal from its many blocks (shers), but representing the times he or she is living in. The vision of the poet as affected by the surroundings is very much reflected in the Ghazal, a concept that is closer to Shelley's concept wherein the poet is the "unacknowledged legislator of mankind." Ghalib's Ghazals have also been compared to the devastating couplets of Alexander Pope. Before Amir Khusro (1253-1325), the language of poetry was primarily the vernacular Brij Bhasha. Amir Khusro interspersed it with Persian as the first school of Ghazal poets emerged in the Deccan during the 15th and 16th centuries. Early Ghazal was somew hat free of structure and made rather simple and blunt expressions as we see in the works of the Qutub Shahi poets of the Deccan. Wali (16681744) contributed much to the structure of Ghazal. When the works of Wali reache d Delhi in 1720, the town was in an uproar and, within a decade, Urdu becam e a language of poetry. The works of many minor poets like Hatim, Naji, Mazmoon and Abru actually formed the groundwork that cemented the structure of Urdu poetry in the 18th century in Northern India, particularly Delhi. Urdu Ghazal becam e heavily Persianised and led in the golden age of Urdu Ghazal beginning with Mir Taqi Mir. The simpliCity of emotions expressed in earlier Ghazals went through a metamorphosis, leading to the works of Ghalib, perhaps the most difficult Urdu Ghazal poet. This transition from the 15th to 18th century was due not only to the maturity of technique, but to changes in the social order as well. For India, the 18th century was an age of transition. The last of the strong Mughal Emperors was Aurangzeb (1707), after whom there was dismemberment of the empire. The capital was invaded and destroyed by Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah Abdali, followed by others. Finally, the British crept in with their deceptive
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plans. All of this changed the aura of the empire, which had stifled human thought. The uncertainties of the time caused many to raise questions and a revival of the arts and literature, a sort of renaissance period, ensued for India in the 18th century. Urdu poetry benefited most from this revolution of thoughts. The doubts and the uncertainties of the 18th century continued into the 19th century, and the mutiny of 1857 against the British left many indelible marks on the social and cultural scene of Northern India, all reflected melancholiacally by many poets, Ghalib included. Many new constructions of language ensued using old similes. The executioner and the rival were now the British. Christ became a symbol of the ruling elite and new meaning was given to the kalisa (church). The dWindling light from the candle of the dying empire was called a candle ready to be extinguished as the weak, symbolic emperor, Bahadu r Shah Zafar, who himself was an elite poet, tried desperately to preserve the traditions of the Mughal Empire. Mourning over lost glory became an oft-repeated topic for Urdu poetry. In brief, Urdu Ghazal finds its roots in the melancholic romantic era of the Mughal period. It was through the rise of Urdu Ghazal as a medium of expression that Urdu language rose to the height of popularity and evolution in a very short time in its lifecycle. Punjab l Langu age and Literat ure: Punjabi (sometimes spelled Panjabi) is the language of the Punjab regions of India and Pakistan. It is an Indo-European language of the Indo-Iranian subfamily. Punjabi is the official language of the Indian state of Punjab, and is also spoken in neighbouring areas such as Haryan a and Delhi. In Pakistan, however, it is not an official language and has no official status in educat ion. In formal contexts, such as government, newspapers, and education, as well as in most writing, Pakistani Punjabi speakers tend to use Urdu and English, which are the nation's official tongues. This has led to resentment from many Punjabi speakers, who form the largest single linguistic group in Pakistan. Punjabi is the sacred language of the Sikhs, in which the religious literature is written. It is the usual language of Bhangra music, which has recently gained wide popularity both in South Asia and abroad. Punjabi culture, much like its Bengali counterpart, suffered a split between India and Pakistan during the Partition of 1947. As such,
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Punjabi language and culture tend to be uniting factors in spite of national and religious affiliations. Modern Punjabi has borrowed extensively from other languages, including Hindi, Urdu, Persian and English. Uke other North Indian languages, it is derived from Sanskrit and is therefore Indo-European. In addition, like Hindi and Urdu, it has a substantial number of loanwords from Arabic, Persian, and even a few from Turkish. Many sources subdivide the Punjabi language into Western Punjabi (Lahnda) and Eastern Punjabi. There are several different scripts used for writing the Punjabi language, depending on the region and the dialect spoken, as well as the religion of the speaker. Sikhs and others in the Indian state of Punjab tend to use the Gurumukhi or Gurmukhi (from the mouth of the Gurus) script. Hindus, and those living in neighbouring states such as Haryana and Himachal Pradesh often use the Devanagari script. Finally, Muslims, and in general Pakistani Punjab is, use a modified Arabic script called Shahmukhi. Much like English, Punjabi has moved around the world and developed local forms by integrating local vocabulary. While most loan-words come from English, Hindi and Urdu (and indirectly, from Persian and Arabic), Punjabi emigrants around the world have integrated terms from such languages as Spanish and Dutch. A distinctive "Diaspora Punjabi" is thus emerging. As there is no formal consensus over vocabulary and spelling in Punjabi, it is likely that Diaspora Punjabi will increasingly deviate from the forms found on the Indian Subcontinent in the future. The folk heritage of the Punjab is the traditional urge of thousands of years of its history. While Urdu is the official language of the Province, there are a number of local dialects through which the people communicate. These include Punjabi, Pothohari, Seraiki, Jatki and Jangli. The songs, ballads, epics and romances are generally written and sung in these dialects. Sindhi Language and Literature: Sindhi is one of the major languages of Pakistan, spoken in the province of Sind by approximately twenty million people. It is one of the oldest languages of the subcontinent, with a rich culture, vast folklore and extensive literature. Sindhi has extended its isoglosses beyond the geographical boundaries of the province of Sind. In Northern Sind it flows over
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the northwest into Balochistan province, to the North and northwest into the Punjab and the former Bahawalpur State; on the west it is bounded by the mountain range separating Sind from Balochistan. This boundary has not been crossed by Sindhi, except in the southern part of the hilly area of Kohistan. Here in general, the language spoken is Balochi but Sindhi is also found being spoken by a good number of population in the former lasbella State, now a part of Balochistan Province. It is spoken as mother tongue. It has spread its influence still further a field towards the Persian Gulf in the Markran area of Balochistan and is spoken as a first language along with Balochi (Markrani) by a large number of people in Jadgal, Guwadar, Ormara and Pasni, and has crossed the Gulf and is spoken in Muscat, Abu Dhabi and generally in the coastal region. In the east and southeast, Sindhi has crossed the Rann of Katch and is spoken by a large number of people in Katch, Gujarat and the peninsula of Kathiawar and Saurashtra in India. In the east, it has influenced the speech of the neighbouring part of former Marwar and JaisalmetJ!tates of Rajputana in India. After the partition of India, numerous Sindhi Hindus migrated from Sind and settled in Central, Western and Northern part of India. Sindhi is not only spoken in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent, but it is also spoken by approximately 4,00,000 peoples, as their first languages, in Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, Congo, South Africa, Madagascar, East Africa & in UK, USA, and Canada by those who have migrated to UK, USA, and Canada from Uganda and other countries of the world. It is also spoken in Hong Kong, Singapore, Thailand, Sri Lanka, and in some other countries in Far East and South East Asia by some traders who have settled there in the first quarter of the nineteenth century or even earlier than that by their fathers & forefathers. Sindhi language has gone through transitions with the history of Sind. Original script was descendant of Prakrit, and Sanskrit. Devanagari Script was used before Britishers took over the rule of Sind in 1843. Perso-Arabic Script was developed by Britishers for Sindhis and imposed as official script in 1853. Today the Sindhi population living in minority status in various parts of India Sub continent and else where in the world, lacks the availability of Sindhi language education in the main stream curriculum of the local schools and colleges. Naturally the new Sindhi generation
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has neither the opportunity nor the incentive to learn their own language. Currently even in Pakistan the official language in Sind is not Sindhi but Urdu. This alone could be the single biggest blow to the survival of Sindhi community. Devanagari script has received success in small number of schools located in the pockets where Sindhis started their new life as refugees. Sindhis have since scattered all over India and other continents of the world where Sindhi is not taught in either Perso-Arabic or Devanagari script. The question therefore arises, will Sindhi language survive as a viable language in Arabic or Devanagari script excepting Sind and some parts of India? What will happen to Sindhis who are spread all over the world? Is there an easy solution? Can Sindhi be saved from extinction by introducing once again a new script. For a change could we consider adopting Roman Script. Our new generation learns Roman Script all over the world. The computer knowledge is fast becoming inseparable part of future education and daily life. This field too is dominated by English Language. Should we not therefore adopt Roman Script to teach Sindhi to our youth? Transcription in Roman script using Sindhi phonics could be a matter of research and development by expert educationalists. The Britishers devised present Perso-Arabic script for us in 1853. Why should we not evolve a Roman Script for our dear Sindhi? It may be the only logical and practical solution for a Border less Sindhi Nation of tomorrow. Survival of language is fundamental requirement for identity and success of a community. Parents must cultivate the habit of speaking with each other in Sindhi so as to create a healthy example for younger generations. Sindhi families should proudly speak and greet each other in Sindhi at parties and all social functions. In the global society of 21st century, Sindhi should not become a naturalised second class citizen without language, culture and identity of his own. There are five different opinions about the origin and ancestry of Sindhi language. The first group believes that Sindhi is derived from Sanskrit through Vrachada Apbhramsa. Dr. Ernest Trump was the pioneer of this theory. He (Dr. Trump) seemed to be doubtful, 'afterwards', about his theory. In the same book he considers it as an independent language. He states:
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Dr. Trump's theory was first challenged by Dr. N.A. Baluch and then by Mr. Sirajul Haque Memon. Dr. Baluch states: "Sindhi is ancients Indo-Aryan language, probably having its origin in a pre-Sanskrit Indo-Aryan Indus-Valley language. The lahnda and Kashmiri appear to be its cognate sister with a common Dardic element in them all" . Mr. Sirajul Haque Memon does not agree either with Dr. Trump or with Dr. N.A. Baluch. According: "Sindhi is one of the Dravidian language, and has its roots in the civilization of Mohenjodaro." The excavations of Mohenjodaro have opened a new chapter for the study of the origin and ancestry of Sindhi language. It has been agreed upon by all the scholars, archaeologists, historians and anthropologists that Indus Valley was occupied by a non-Aryan (Dravidian) people before the Aryan settlement in the Indus Valley. They had a very rich culture and a language of their own. The Scan din avian scholars, having tried to decipher the script of Mohanjodaro seals, consider it a proto-Dravidian language, and state: "The language (that of Mohanjodaro) is a nearly form of Dravidian, called by us proto-Dravidian'. It appears to be very close to the south-Dravidian, especially Tamil, and decidedly younger than the parent language of all Dravidian tongues."
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After deep study of Sindhi phonetics, phonology, morphology and syntax, the peculiarities of non-Aryan origin have been observed in Sindhi, and these non-Aryan peculiarities are similar to those of Dravidian languages. It can, therefore, be said that Sindhi has retained the characteristics of indigenous tongue which W4\S in use in ancient Sind before Aryan settlements in the area. The name of that language was perhaps 'Saindui'. This theory finds support in Dr. Trump's book, ''A grammar of Sindhi language", in which he wrote: "We shall on the other hand be able to trace out a certain residuum of vocables, which we must allot to an old aboriginal language, of which neither name nor extent is now known to us. But which, in all probability was of the Tatar Stock of languages and spread throughout the length and breadth of India before the irruption of the Aryan race, as all other vernaculars contain a similar non-Aryan residuum of words, which have been already designed as 'provincial' by the old prakrit grammarians." The report of the Scandinavian, American & Russian scholars have greatly helped the scholars of linguistics in the study of the structure of Sindhi language. Their reports also assist the scholars in establishing that Sindhi is a non-Aryan & pre-Aryan language, having its roots in the civilization of Mohanjodaro, and the dialects of Dravidian languages, it has been found that phonetically, phonologically, morphologically and syntactically, Sindhi and Dravidian languages are very close to each other, and have lot of similarities. Many examples in this regard can be given. This is, however, a subject still under research and for the final conclusion by the scholars. After Aryans had occupied the Indus Valley, their culture, language and religion came into contact with the culture, language and religion of the Indus Valley people, and the amalgam produced a fine blend of culture and language for the people of Sind. Many phonetic sounds, phonemes, morphemes, words and phrases were borrowed by the Aryans from the rich language of the people of Mohanjodaro and vice versa.
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During the long period of history, Sindhi language has absorbed influence of the old Iranian language during Achaemenian and Sassanian rule. This influence was followed by prakrit and pali during Buddhist and Brahman period. After the Arab conquest in eighth century AD., Sindhi borrowed plenty of words from the Arabic language, which became the official as well as the religious language of Sind for nearly three hundred years. Thus during this long period of history, Sindhi borrowed thousands of word and phrases from Persian language. But the existence of words and phrases of the borrowed stock did not or could not influence much the indigenous structure (phonological, morphological and syntactical) of Sindhi. It has thus retained the peculiarities of indigenous language even today, and draws attention of scholars to its origin and old ancestry. Sindhi language is not only very old but it is also very rich in literature. It is a living and thriving language. Its writers have contributed extensively in every field and in every form of literature. It has, therefore, never lagged behind any developed language of the subcontinent in the field of literature. The earliest reference to Sindhi literature is contained in the writings of Arab historians. It is established that Sindhi was the first and the earliest language of the East in which the Holy Quran was translated in the eighth or ninth century AD. There is evidence of Sindhi poets reciting their verses before the Arab Caliphs at Baghdad. It is also recorded that treatises were written in Sindhi on astronomy, medicine and history during the eighth and ninth centuries. Shortly afterwards, Pir Nooruddin, an Ismaili Missionary, wrote Sufistic poetry in Sindhi language. His verses, known as "ginans", can be taken as the specimen of early Sindhi poetry. He came to Sind during the year 1079 AD. His poetry is an interesting record of the language which was spoken commonly at that time. He was a sufi and a preacher of Islam. His verses are, therefore, full of mysticism and religion. After him, Pir Shams Sabzwari Multani, Pir Shahabuddin and Pir Sadruddin are recognised as poets of Sindhi language. We even find some verses composed by Baba Farid Ganj Shakar, in Sindhi language. Pir Sadruddin (1290-1409 AD.), was a great poet, saint and sufi of his time. He composed his verses (ginans) in Lari and Katchi dialects of Sindhi. He also composed the "ginans" in Punjabi,
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Seraiki, Hindi and Gujrati languages. He modified the old script of Sindhi language, which was commonly used by the luhana caste of Hindus of Sind who embraced Islam under his teaching and were called by him 'Khwajas' or 'Khojas'. During the same period (1010-1351 AD.) who took over after Soomras, and afterwards in the days of Arghuns, Tarkhans, Mughal Governors (1521-1700 AD.), Sind produced many scholars and poets of Sindhi, Arabic and Persian languages. Qazi Qadan, Shah Karim of Bhulri, Shah Lutfullah Qadri, Shah Inayat Sufi Nasarpoori, Mir Masoom Shah, Makhdoom Nooh of Hala, lakho lutfullah, Mahamati Pirannath and many other are the renowned literary personalities of this period. Bhagu Bhan, Sumang Charan, Shah Abdul Karim, Shah Inayat and many other poets of this period have enriched the language with mystic, romantic and epic poetry. Many centres of learning (Madarsas) flourished during tenth to fifteenth centuries where celebrated scholars of Sind used to teach religion, philosophy and rhetoric. The great scholars among them who earned high reputation even in the Muslim centres of Mecca and Medina were Makhdoom Abdul Hasan, Makhdoom Ziauddin, Makhdoom Muhammad Hashim Thattavi and Makhdoom Muhammad Muin Tatavi. Their works are mostly in Arabic, Persian and Sindhi languages. Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit (1690-1573 AD.) is the greatest thinker and poet of ail times, produced by Sind. According to Dr. Sorely, who compared the poetry of the great poets of all major languages of the world, including Greek, Latin and Arabic, in his book 'Musa Pravaganus', gives first place to Shah Latif on his language and thought. Shah Latif gave a new life, though and content to the language and literature of Sind. He travelled far and wide in the remotest corners, Sind and saw for himself the simple and rustic people of his soil in love with life and its mysteries. He understood the ethos of the people and their deep attachment to the land. the culture, the music, the fine arts and crafts. He described Sind and its people in the finest language, human mind can conceive of. Thought simple folk tales, Latif has expressed profound ideas about universal brotherhood of mankind, patriotism, war against all kind of injustice
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and tyrannies, and above all the romance of human existence. He is in fact a pace maker and a catalyst for every generation and genre of Sindhi literature. He was a great musician also & he evolved fifteen new melodies (Surs). The great beauty of his poetry is that his every single line or verse is sung till this day with a specific note or melody. His shadow is everlasting and all pervading he is sung not by the literature alone but even by the common people in the villages and towns of Sind. Sachal Sarmast, Sami and Khalifo Nabi Bukhsh Laghari are celebrate poets of the Talpur period in Sind (1783-1843 AD.). Sachal Sarmast comes a galaxy of great names in literature. Khalifo Nabi Bukhsh is by far the greatest epic poet of Sind. His description of patriotic pathos and the art of war defies words. Rohal, Sami, Bedil, Bekas, Misri Shah, Hammal Faqir, Dalpat Sufi, Sabit Ali Shah, Khair Shah, Fateh Faqir and Manthar Faqir Rajar are some of the more noteworthy poets of pre & early British era. Like all language of the subcontinent, modem literature begin with the conquest of Sind by the British in 1843 AD. With them came the modem world to these shores. Printing press was introduced. Magazine and newspapers were brought about a revolution in Sindhi literature. Books were translated from various European languages and specially from English. People were hungry for knowledge and new forms of writing. The pace of literature can be judged from one single instance of Mirza Qaleech Beg, who in the last two decades of the last century and the first two decades of the twentieth century, wrote more than 400 books-poetry, novels, short stories & essays, etc. He also wrote on science, history, economics and politics. Thousands of books indeed were turned out at that time on all forms and facets of literature. Hakim Fateh Muhammad Sewhani, Kauromal Khilnani, Dayaram Gidumal, Parmanand Mewaram, Lalchand Amardinomal, Bheruamal Advani, Dr. Gurbuxani, Jhetrnal Parsram, Syed Miran Muhammad Shah, Shamsuddin 'Bulbul' and Maulana Din Muhammad Wafai are some of the pioneers of modem literature in Sindhi language. After the first world war, the social and economic scene of the world underwent a tremendous change. The aftermath of the war and the socialist revolution of Russia affected the literature of every country. Sindhi literature too was influenced by these trends. Creating
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new awakening in the minds of the people working in the field of literature. They began to translate the new social consciousness into artistic forms of literature. They were now more objective and less Romanists. Progressive thoughts opened the door for new trends in Sindhi literature. Soon the struggle for freedom from the British also gathered momentum. This gave further momentum to literature. Consciousness about history and cultural heritage of Sind served as a catalyst for research and intellectual upsurge. Great scholars like Allama I.I. Qazi, Dr. Daudpota, Pir Ali Muhammad Shah Rashidi, Pir Hushamuddin Shah Rashidi, Maulana Din Muhammad Wafai, Chetan Mariwala, Jairamdas Daulatram, Bherumal, Mehar Chand Advani, Muhammad Ibrahim Joyo, Tirath Wasant and many others were producing learned treatises on various aspects of history, culture and other social subjects. Mir Hasan Ali and Mir Abdul Hussain sangi, Khalifo Gul, Fazil Shah, Qasim, Hafiz Hamid, Muhammad Hashim, Mukhlis, Abojho, Surat Singh, Khaki, Qaleech Beg, Zia and Aziz were the pioneers of poetry in persian metre. But the modern form and content of Sindhi poetry were given a new impetus by 'Bewas', Hyder Bukhsh Jatoi and Dukhayal. There have been innumerable poets who have composed verses in the same vein. Novel and short story became the main forms for prose. Hundreds of novel and short stories were translated from the European and modern Indian languages. The second world war saw the emergence of novelists like Narain Das Bhambhani, Gobind 'Malhi', M. Usman Deplai Khaliq Morai and many others. Through out the thirties and the forties, the young writers experimented with new forms of prose as well as poetry. Free verses, Sonnets & ballets have been written side with the classical forms of poetry like Kafi, Vaee, Bait, Geet and Dohira, etc.
Balochi Language and Literature: Balochi is spoken in Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, India and the Arab Gulf States, Turkmenistan and East Africa. It is classified as a member of the Iranian group of the Indo-European language family, which includes Kurdish, Persian (Farsi), Pushto, Dari, Tajik, Ossetian. Balochi is closely related to Kurdish and Persian.
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Balochi is the principal language of Balochistan. There are several other minor languages, which are spoken at the ethnic borders of united or Greater Balochistan. The speakers of minor languages (Brahui, Saraiki, Sindhi, and Dehwari-Persian) are bilingual. Persian and English were used as official languages in western Balochistan (Iran-Afghanistan), the Khanate of Balochistan, and British Balochistan. In 1947 the independent Khanate of Balochistan announced Balochi as an official and national language, a policy that was continued until March, 1948. In 1948, with the incorporation of Balochistan into Pakistan, Balochi was replaced as the official language and Urdu as the national language. The official language in the areas of Gwadar (occupied by Sultanate of Oman until 1958) was Arabic. Balochi has several dialects. Linguists agree on the following two major dialects: Eastern Balochi and Western Balochi. Eastern Balochi: The eastern Balochi dialect is spoken from Karachi northwards up to Dera Ismail Khan and to the Suleman Mountains, including the Marri Bugti areas and amongst the Baloch of Sind, Derajat and Punjab, and the northwest frontier province of Pakistan. This dialect has borrowed several Sindhi (including Saraiki) and Pushto words and has also contributed to the vocabulary of the said languages.
Balochi: The western Balochi dialect is spoken between Karachi (Pakistan) and Kirman (Iran), among the Baloch of Turkmenistan, the Sultanate of Oman, the Khorasan province of Iran and Seistan (Iran-Afghanistan). The dialect has borrowed several words from neighbouring languages such as Turkmen, Persian, Pustho and Arabic. History: Balochi has a different historical background and has no affinity with any Indian language. The memorandum of independent Khanate of Balochistan submitted by M. A. Jinnah to the Cabinet mission in 1946 declares: On the point of view of language, there is very little affinity between India and Kalat. The Balochi language belongs to the Iranian branch of the Indo-European family. The Brahui language was said in the same memorandum, to be a Dravidian language having no affinity with any Indian language except the Gond dialects in central India. Discussing the relation of the Balochi language with Persian or Pushto (the national language of Iran and Afghanistan), Harrison writes: 'Balochi is a distinct language Western
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and is closely related only to one of the members of Iranian language, Kurdish, but it retains striking peculiarities of its own.' Origin: The Balochi language originated in a lost language. related to those of the Parthian and Median civilisations. It is classified as a branch of the Iranian group of the Indo-European language family like Kurdish, Persian, Pushto, and Ossetic. Historically, Balochi was believed to have originated between 200 BCE and 700 CE J. Elfenbein, a scholar of Balochi, compared Balochi with Parthian and Persian of middle stage and concluded that ancestor of Balochi was neither Parthian nor middle Persian but a lost language, which, sharing a number of characteristic features with either, and some with both, had pronounced (characteristics) of its own. Referring to the affinity of Balochi language with Kurdish, having an ancient Medean background, this author has stressed that Balochi has its own unique features. The same view presented by L. Dames in his book Baloch Race, in which author reported that Balochi resembles the Zand or old Bactrian rather than old Persian. This special position of the Balochi language, having no real affinity with the Indian subcontinent and being a distinctive language along the Iranian group of IndoEuropean language family, has strengthened the consciousness of the Baloch people in their demand for the right of self-determination. Script and Ethnic Borders: Before the 19th century Balochi was a unwritten language, used in conversation in the Baloch courts. The official written language was Persian, as in India and central Asian kingdoms. It was British linguists and political historians who introduced Balochi in a written form with Roman script. In the late 19th century and later, the Baloch scholars who were influenced either by their geographical or historical environments or by their political thoughts, adopted Nastaaliq (Persian script) and Naskh (Arabic script). The Naskh script became popular among the Baloch scholar, intel\ectual, and journalists. A smaller group of Baloch linguists and scholars favoured the Roman script, but they didn't have a popular and powerful voice until 1948. But it is good neither for the Baloch people nor the long-term health of their language. In situations of contact with major trades and official languages, people will tend towards bilingualism. In the religious domain, Balochi is used for devotional exposition in many communities, but the language of sacred text and worship is Arabic.
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Woodard observes that studies of minority languages have shown that for bilingual speakers where topic/domain determines which language they talk, the minority language is showing signs of weakness and decline, but where the language to speak on a particular occasion is chosen according to the participants in the exchange the minority language is not showing signs of shift to the other language. So, for example, if a Baloch feels compelled to write letters in Persian to other Baloch's, this is a sign of retrenchment of Balochi. But if a Baloch writes letters in Persian to non-Baloch, but in Balochi to Balochs, this is a type of bilingual performance that is not a sign of language weakening. This presents a challenge to the Baloch community, since trade, television, newspapers. and education will increasingly be a factor in the lives of more and more Baloch, bringing ever more domains in which they function in languages other than Balochi. The way to meet this challenge is clearly to extend the use of Balochi to as many of these domains as possible, and perhaps the single most powerful instrument in achieving this is mother tongue edu-:::ation, since mother tongue education would be a means of extending Balochi usage to many academic domains. Even if mother tongue education did not extend through the entire school curriculum, the effect of literacy and use of mother tongue in formal situations would increase greatly its domain of use. Mother tongue education has traditionally been seen as the great hope for reversing language shift. so much so that Rshman has warned against seeing it "as a way of reviving a language unless active home use of the language is also established". So, for example, in Ireland Gaelic is taught at school and used in many government contexts, but it is still not widely used in the home or community. As a result mother tongue education cannot be expected to revive the language on its own. But Balochi is very widely spoken in the home and society. What is needed for Balochi is not so much increased use in the home, but increased use out of the home, especially in formal situations. Thus, it is hoped that with mother tongue education and literacy. Baloch will increasingly write letters, post signs, notices and bulletins, read newspapers and magazines in Balochi, as well as doing business and government administration in it.
Language Domains: The Balochi language, which is spoken over such a vast territory, has different levels of use. In central
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Balochistan, it is used in almost all domains, whereas in the cities a second language-Persian-is used in a lot of areas, educational and media domains, and Balochi exists mainly as the language of home and local community. At present, it is partly lack of education that is ensuring the strength of Balochi because there are a large number of Baloch who are uneducated and have little to do with business, offices or literary activities, and thus have few domains where second language would be used. Pushto Language and Literature: Pushto is one of the national languages of Afghanistan (Dari Persian is the other). Major Pushto speaking cities in Afghanistan are Kandhar (Qandahar), Kabul. There are over 9 million speakers of Pushto in Afghanistan. Pushto is one of the East Iranian group of languages, which includes, for example, Ossete (North Ossetian, South Ossetian, Caucasus Soviet Socialist Republic) and Yaghnobi (Tajikistan). East Iranian and West Iranian (which includes Persian) are major subgroups of the Iranian group of the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family of languages. Indo-Iranian languages are spoken in a wide area stretching from portions of eastern Turkey and eastern Iraq to western India. The other main division of Indo-Iranian, in addition to Iranian, is the IndoAryan languages, a group comprised of many languages of the Indian subcontinent. There are two major dialects of Pushto: Western Pushto spoken in Afghanistan and in the capital, Kabul, and Eastern Pushto spoken in northeastern Pakistan. Most speakers of Pushto speak these two dialects. Two other dialects are also distinguished: Southern Pushto, spoken in Balochistan (western Pakistan and eastern Iran) and in Qandahar, Afghanistan. The variation in spelling of the language's name (Pushto, Pukhto, etc.) stems from the different pronunciations in the various dialects of the second consonant in the word; for example, it is a retroflex [sh] in the Qandahari dialect, and a palatal fricative in the Kabuli dialect. The major dialect divisions themselves have numerous variants. In general, however, one speaker of Pushto readily understands another. The Central and Southern dialects are more divergent. The Qandahari dialect is reflected in the spelling system, and is considered by some to be the "standard" for that reason.
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Pushto has been written in a variant of the Persian script (which in turn is a variant of Arabic script) since the late sixteenth century. Certain letters were modified to account for sounds specific to Pushto. Until the spelling system was standardised in the late eighteenth century, the representation of these consonants varied greatly. The Pushto alphabet, which has more vowel sounds than either Persian or Arabic, represents the vowels more extensively than either the Persian or the Arabic alphabets. With the adoption of Pushto as a national language of Afghanistan, some revisions of the spelling system have been made in the interest of clarity. Pushto has a seven vowel system. There are retroflex consonants sounds pronou nced with the tongue tip curled back-w hich were presumably borrowed from nearby Indo-Aryan languages. Unlike other Iranian languages, such as Persian, Pushto allows conson ant clusters of two or three sounds at the beginning of a syllable. Pushto distinguishes two grammatical genders as well as singular and plural. There are generally two nominal cases in Pushto, although the vocative case is still used with Singular nouns. Case is marked both with suffixes and with changes in the vowel of the noun stem and stress. Verbs agree with their subjects in person, number, and grammatical gender as well as being marked for tense/aspect. Past tense transitive sentences are formed as ergative: in these, the object rather than the subject agrees with the verb, and weak pronou n objects rather than subjects are omitted if they are not emphatic. Word order, which is very rigid, is subject-object-verb. As the language of an Islamic people, Pushto also contains a high numbe r of borrowings from Arabic; among educated speakers, the Arabic plurals of borrowed nouns are frequently maintained. In Pakistan and Afghanistan, Pushto is second in prestige to Dari, the Persian dialect spoken natively in the north and west. Because of the political power of the Pashtuns, however, Pushto has been a required subject in Dari medium schools, and as an official language has been one of the languages of the Government. For practical purposes, however, Dari is the language of business and higher education, and so Pashtuns learn Dari. Pushto has an extensive written tradition. There are a numbe r of classic Pashtun poets, most notably Khushhal Khan Khattak. Modern Pashtun written literature has adapte d those modern western
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literary forms, like the short story, that match forms from traditional Pushto oral literature. Pushtun folk literature is the most extensively developed in the region. Besides stories set to music, Pashtun has thousands of two and four line folk poems, traditionally composed by women. These reflect the day to day life and views of Pashtun women. The first written records of Pushto are believed to date from the sixteenth century and consist of an account of Sheikh Mali's conquest of Swat. In the seventeenth century, Khushhal Khan Khattak, considered the national poet of Afghanistan, was writing in Pushto. In this century, there has been a rapid expansion of writing in journalism and other modern genres which has forced innovation of the language and the creation of many new words. Traces of the history of Pushto are present in its vocabulary. While the majority of words can be traced to Pushto's roots as member of the Eastern Iranian language branch, it has also borrowed words from adjacent languages for over two thousand years. The oldest borrowed words are from Greek, and date from the Greek occupation of Bacteria in third century B.C. There are also a few traces of contact with Zoroastrians and Buddhists. Starting in the Islamic period, Pushto borrowed many words from Arabic and Persian. Due to its close geographic proximity to languages of the Indian subcontinent, Pushto has borrowed words from Indian languages for centuries. Pushto has long been recognised as an important language in Afghanistan. Classical Pushto was the object of study by British soldiers and administrators in the nineteenth century and the classical grammar in use today dates from that period. In 1936, Pushto was made the national language of Afghanistan by royal decree. Today, Dari, Persian and Pushto both are official national languages. Slralkl Language and Literature: Siraiki is an Indo-Hittite, and therefore an Indo-European language, with its original preIslamic word-hoard deriving largely from the three stages of Vedic Sanskrit and Prakrit (the word for 'broken' in Vedic is 'bhajyate' and in Siraiki 'bhajjya) it also retains a puzzling and fascinating smaller hoard of words and formations that have no analogues in Aryan speech and are in all probability carry over from the older Indus
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Valley forms of speech. Siraiki in its present geographical setting in the Indus valley had begun to evolve as a language of common discourse, distinct from the Magadhan Prakrit as early as the 5th century B.C. In all probability it was well established when in 325 B.C. Alexander of Macedon besieged the ancient fort of Multan and received the wound from which he was never to recover'. References to a local speech, which is neither Prakrit or Sanskrit nor the more recent imports of Farsi and Arabic, but is Hindavi, and is spoken in the Indus Valley speech area begin to appear in the accounts of the Central Asian historians of the 10th and the 11th centuries. By the time we come to the middle sections of the Sikh Scripture, the Adi Granth we come across a substantial body of verse in Siraiki. In these sections dating back to late 15th early 16th century. a clear evidence of the Siraiki poetical imagination begins to surface. Written references to Multani as a distinct speech community are found in an authoritative Farsi text of Emperor Akbar's period (1542-1606 A.D.), according to which the province of Lahore is also placed in the 'Multani' speaking belt. Despite the ancient roots of the Siraiki language and it's oral literary tradition, rather a small body of 'written' literature in the language has survived. At the core of the Siraiki literary imagination lies, the fundamental oral imperative which, paradoxically is also the secret of its vitality and survival. It is this imperative which explains the extraordinary urgency and emotive drive as well as the unusual syncretic capacity that are the characteristic marks of the Siraiki poetics and Siraiki imagination. For a variety of reasons, Siraiki has never been the language of the literate, political, and religious elite and priesthood who, since they were often foreigners, at various times, chose the so called classical languages such as Sanskrit, Arabic, Farsi. and later on, English and Urdu as their mode of written communication. As emperors, monarchs and sundry adventurers of Hellenic, Central Asian, Iranian, Turkish, Arab and British origin contended for power in the plains of the Indus Valley, turning them into bloody battlefields, the Siraiki speech community resisted domination, fiercely at times, guarding the integrity of the mother tongue by refusing to succumb to the allure of the latest variety of the 'imperial' speech. As a consequence, the Siraiki speech community failed to develop a political, and therefore linguistic power base of its own.
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For those who did establish themselves as rulers, it was not advantageous to adopt the language of the ruled as the written medium of formal education, religious ritual and discourse, state administration, business and commerce. To do that would demystify their claims to superiority, wisdom and divine rights to rule. It is interesting to note as a significant aside, that when Sikhs ruled Punjab in the first half of the 19th century, they too retained Persian as the court language, despite the fact that their mother tongue was Punjabi, sister language of Siraiki, with script of its own. Thus Siraiki never got the chance to grow within the formal precincts of the academy, the temple, the mosque, the court or the monastery. To this day, each generation of Siraiki speakers has learned the language by hearing the lullabies of mothers at home, speaking to playmates in yards and alleys and by listening to the elders, story tellers and folk singers. It has pre-eminently been the tongue of the truly creative living the language of essential human affections (in the Wordsworthian sense). This free and open environment of growth makes Siraiki a natural language endowed with its characteristic qualities which have fascinated many an outside observer. It has been called a 'sweet' language which objectively means that it has a mix of acoustic phonemes that strike the ear of the listener with soothing and rhythmic sounds with no sharp breaks. The 'd' and 't' sounds are uttered softly as in French. Its syntax is simple and flexible which makes it an excellent medium for composing metered and rhymed poetry. Its vocabulary is rich and self-sufficient in giving expression to the range of wants and experiences of ordinary workers, craftsmen, traders, farmers pastoralists, caravan travellers boatmen and women. Siraiki vocabulary and imagery is also a profuse reflection of the surrounding natural environment. The heart and of this natural environment constitutes the arid plains of southern Punjab overlapping with northern Sind. Large tracts of these plains are now irrigated mainly by the Indus and' Chenab river and yield rich crops of wheat, cotton and rice. A considerable part of Siraiki heartland is dominated by the Thar desert with its silvery sands and scorching daytime sun, unique flora and fauna, camel caravans, mysteries and optical illusi,ons. Together these stretches of desert, cultivated fields, mighty rivers with their seasonal
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floods long summers and scanty rainfalls form the natural surroundings which cradle the numerous Siraiki legends and folk tales celebrating love, beauty and self-sacrifice. These legends and folk tales continue to enrich the imaginations of contemporary Siraiki poets and artists as they have done in the past. finally, the Siraiki language has a profoundly distinctive symbolism which gives its speech community a unified world view and perception of the cosmic order. This symbolism has its roots in the beliefs and teachings of the Hindu Bhakti saints and Muslim saints, who freely intermingled with the common people since medieval times conveying their message through song and poetry composed in the folk languages. The content of this message is well articulated in the Siraiki poetry to which we now turn. As is the case with the language itself, much of Siraiki poetry also belongs to an oral tradition and has never been put into writing. It is therefore not quite feasible to reconstruct a history of Siraiki Poetry and its thematic content from its very origins, although the imprints of the obscure past can readily be discerned in more recent and written literature. In what has been preserved orally, one comes, across diverse cultural ideas and beliefs, portrayals of nature and seasons, accounts of battles and conquests, odes and elegies, legends of love and passion, each written in different verse forms. By the 15th century AD. however, most of these diverse strands seem to have undergone a striking thematic synthesis into a rich tradition of Sufi poetry. Since this synthesis has left its indelible mark on subsequent Siraiki poetry, it would be in order to recapitulate its salient features, with some introduction to its Poetic exponents.
Although many of the Sufi poets came from a background of formal learning in orthodox Islamic theology and were well-versed in Arabic and Persian, they chose the languages and symbolism of the masses of peasants and workers for their poetic expression. In Siraiki verse, as in Sindhi and Punjabi, they conveyed their message of human fraternity, universal love and respect for all creation. The centrepiece of this message is the concept of 'wahdat-ul-wajud', or oneness of all being. God is the primordial manifestation of this oneness, the eternal truth, visualised in Sufi poetry is the Divine Beloved or simply the Beloved. He is the cosmic reality from which emanates all creation, from lowliest beings to the most elevated
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saints, Prophets, and gods of all religions, just as light radiates from the sun. By cultivating the love of God or the Divine Beloved one can see His reflection in all forms of existence. Including one's own self. Obversely, it is the destiny of all creation to reunite and be one with the Divine Beloved. The Sufi God is, thus, not the personalised God of institutional religions, feared more by humans for their sins than loved. Sufi poetry, in particular, dwells extensively on this theme of romance and passionate love with the Beloved as the most exalting spiritual experience. The Beloved is, however, not envisioned as a metaphorical abstraction but as a sensuous, this worldly being full of life and beauty. The vicissitudes of love are also expressed in the common human emotions of joy and delight at the prospect of union with the Beloved, and distress and sorrow on being separated from the Beloved. However, to be close to the Beloved one must renounce arrogance, egotistic conceit, desire to dominate others and feeling of superiority on the basis of rank, creed, caste or colour. Sufi poets also stress that without the spark of love no true knowledge of oneself or of external reality can be achieved. Knowledge devoid of love remains only partial leading to the baser motivation of control and destruction of other human beings as well as nature in general. The objective of the Sufi poets is to articulate this entire philosophy and worldview not in scholastic jargon but in the idiom of common understanding. Siraiki, with all its popularly developed linguistic resource, natural imagery, Symbolism, folk tales, and legends has provided an excellent medium through which to reach the hearts and minds of a wide audience. The rich symbolic content of the age-old heroic folk tales lends itself eminently to imparting colour, and credibility to the Sufi poets' beliefs and cosmology. 'Their poems celebrate the lives of legendary lovers such as Sassi Punnu (Punnal) Sohni, Marvi and many others. Although the tradition of Sufi poetry in Siraiki begins to take definite shape in the 14th century AD. in the verse of Baba Farid Shakargang, the first great Siraiki poet widely known for his Sufi poems is Sultan Bahu (c. 1631-1691AD.) who lived in Shorkat, north of Multan. He was an eminent Arabic and Persian scholar, but is best known for his Siraiki verse which was compiled for publication
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long after his death in the early 20th century. All his poems are composed in the same verse form known as 'siharfi', which is an acrostic on the alphabet. Words beginning with each letter of the alphabet are selected in sequence to start the first metrical line of the poem. Normally each 'siharfi' consists of four lines, each divided into two 'tukks' or rhythms. The style of Bahu's 'siherfis' is simple and unpretentious, and he relies almost entirely on the popular imagery, similes and metaphors of Siraiki to convey his message.
Brahui Language and Literature: The Brahui language is mainly spoken in Balochistan, Pakistan, although also in Afghanistan and Iran. It has about 2,000,000 speakers in Pakistan (1998), or 2,210,000 in the world. In Pakistan it is mainly spoken in the Kalat region of Balochistan. Most speakers cannot read or write the language. Many are bilingual in the Balochi language. Although it is a Dravidian language, it has been heavily influenced by other languages spoken in the area and shares few words with the Dravidian languages . spoken in southern India and Sri Lanka. It is sometimes speculated that the use of the Brahui language in Pakistan is a legacy of the Indus Valley Civilization, and that its separation from the other Dravidian languages indicates: they were formerly much more widely spread. This relates to the controversial Aryan invasion theory of ancient Indian history.
Using Literature to Teach Language In Pakistan most of the schools and colleges are following literaturebased textbooks at different levels. Students are required to study almost all genres of literature including short stories, poems, essays, plays and novels. This extra emphasis on literature has invited a lot of criticism from a group of practising teachers and linguists. They consider literature as a luxury which students in Pakistan can ill afford since they are not equipped with the basic language skills needed to use language as tool of communication. Before discussing the legitimacy of this objection, it seems appropriate to have a look at the basic objectives of those studying English in Pakistan. The learners, beyond the school level, study English mainly for two reasons: (a) to acquire higher education in different fields; (b) to get good jobs.
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Linguistic and Ethnic Groups Language is an important marker of ethnic identity. Among the more than twenty spoken languages in Pakistan. the most common ones-Punjabi, Saraiki, Sindhi, and Urdu as well as Pakhtu or Pushto, Balochi, and others, belong to the Indo-Aryan branch of the IndoEuropean language family. Additional languages, such as Shina and other northern-area languages, are related to the Dardic branch of Indo-European and the early Dravidian language family. Brahui is one such language; a group in Balochistan speaks it. The Indo-Aryan vernaculars stretch across the northern half of the Indian subcontinent in a vast range of related local dialects that change slightly from one village to the next. Residents of fairly distant communities typically cannot understand one another. Superimposed on this continuum are several types of more standardised literary or commercial languages. Although based on the vernaculars of their representative regions, these standardised languages are nonetheless distinct. Nearly half of all Pakistanis (48 per cent) speak Punjabi. The next most commonly spoken language is Sindhi (12 per cent), followed by the Punjabi variant Siraiki (10 per cent), Pakhtu or Pushto (8 per cent), Balochi (3 per cent), Hindko (2 per cent), and Brahui (1 per cent). Native speakers of other languages, including English, Burushaski, and various other tongues account for 8 per cent. Although Urdu is the official national language, it is spoken as a native tongue by only 8 per cent of the population. People who speak Urdu as their native language generally identify themselves as muhajirs. A large number of people from educated backgrounds (and those who aspire to upward mobility) speak Urdu, as opposed to their natal languages, in their homes, usually to help their children master it. The Urdu language originated during the Mughal period (1526-1858). It literally means "a camp language," for it was spoken by the imperial Mughal troops from Central Asia as they mixed with speakers of local dialects of northern India. Increasingly, elements of Persian, the official language of the Mughal administration, were incorporated until Urdu attained its stylised, literary form in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Devanagari script (used for Sanskrit and contemporary Hindi) was never adopted; instead, Urdu has always been written using the Persian script.
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These two literary languages, Urdu and Hindi, arose from colloquial Hindustani, the lingua franca of modern India before partition. South Asian Muslims have long felt that Urdu symbolises their shared identity. It has served as a link among educated Muslims and was stressed in the Pakistan independence movement. Christopher Schackle writes, "Urdu was the main literary vehicle of the Muslim elite of India." At independence, the Muslim League (as the All India Muslim League was usually referred to) promoted Urdu as the national language to help the new Pakistani state develop an identity, even though few people actually spoke it. Mastery of English was highly desirable because it facilitated admission to good universities in Britain, the United States, and Australia. Then, in a move to promote nationalism, the government of Zia ul-Haq declared Urdu to be the medium of instruction in government schools. Urdu was aggressively promoted via television, radio, and the education system. Private schools in urban centres (attended by children of the elite) were allowed to retain English, while smaller rural schools could continue to teach in the provincial languages. Punjabi, spoken by nearly half of the population, is an old, literary language whose early writings consist chiefly of folk tales and romances, the most famous being the eighteenth-century Punjabi poet Waris Shah's version of Heer-Ranjha (the love story of Heer and Ranjha). Although Punjabi was originally written in the Gurumukhi script, in the twentieth century it has been written in the Urdu script. Punjabi has a long history of being mixed with Urdu among Muslims, especially in urban areas. Numerous dialects exist, some associated with the Sikhs in India and others associated with regions in Pakistan. An example of the latter is the variant of Punjabi spoken in Sargodha in central Punjab. The ethnic composition of Pakistan in the mid-1990s roughly corresponds to the linguistic distribution of the population, at least among the largest groups: 59.1 per cent of Pakistanis identify themselves as punjabis 13.8 per cent as Pukhtuns, 12.1 per cent as Sindhis. 7.7 per cent as muhajirs, 4.3 per cent as Baloch, and 3 per cent as members of other ethnic groups. Each group is primarily concentrated in its home province, with most muhajirs residing in urban Sind.
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The Media Pakistan inherited a press with a tradition of defiance. Several newspapers which commenced publication in the 40's played a historic role in mobilising support for the independence movement, in the face of persecution and repression. Most important, among them, were the "Dawn", '~ang", "Pakistan Times", "Nawa-e-Waqt", and "Morning News". The press has been categorised into two: (i) metropolitan and (ii) regional newspapers with a view to regulating the terms of employment and wages for newspaper's workers and for the share government-sponsored advertisements. The English language newspaper Simultaneously published from two or more centres in the country are the "Daily Dawn", "The Daily Nation", "Daily News International" and "Daily Frontier Post". Besides, a number of electronic TV channels are operating from different parts of the country. Notably among them are GEO, ARY, INDUS and KTN which are gaining popularity day in and day out. In terms of programming, a relatively liberal policy had evolved for entertainment programmes and talk shows. However, PTV news bulletins are still official in content and tone fOCUSing on the activities of government functionaries rather then on events evaluated for their news value.
Role of Media: The press, television, and radio are vital forces in Pakistan's political life. The importance of the press was evident even before independence. In pre-partition India, Muslim journalism flourished until the Sepoy Rebellion of 1857-58, when many Muslim newspapers were shut down. Between 1857 and the Government of India Act of 1935, which gave a large measure of self-government to Indians, none of the major newspapers were owned or edited by Muslims. However, when Indian Muslims began to organise and rally to the political platform of the All India Muslim League, concerted efforts were made to develop a strong press to support the Muslim national cause. A number of Muslim-owned newspapers were established, including Azad, a Bengali-language daily founded in Calcutta in 1936. Two English-language newspapers, Morning News in Calcutta and Dawn in Delhi, began publishing in 1942. In the late 1930s, the first Indian Muslim news agency, the Orient Press of India, was founded.
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On the eve of independence, however, only four major Muslim owned newspapers existed in the area constituting the new state of Pakistan: Pakistan Times, Zamindar, Nawa-e-Waqt, and Civil and Military Gazette, all located in Lahore. A number of Muslim newspapers moved to Pakistan. Dawn began publication as a daily in Karachi, then the federal capital, on the day of independence in 1947. Other publications were also shifted to Pakistan including the Morning News and the Urdu-language dailies Jang and Anjam. In the early 1990s, there are over 1,500 newspapers and journals in the country, including publications in Urdu, English, and in regional languages. The major national daily newspapers in Urdu are Jang, Nawa-e-Waqt, Jasarat, Masawat, Mashriq, and Hurriyat. The major national dailies in English are Dawn, Pakistan Times, Muslim, Morning News, Nation, Frontier Post, and News. Herald is an important English-language magazine. Newspapers and periodicals are owned by either private individuals, joint-stock companies, or trusts. The National Press Trust, a non-profit organisation that is a major newspaper publisher, was established by businessmen in 1964 and taken over by the government in 1972. There are several other large newspaper and journal publishers. The two major news agencies in Pakistan are the Associated Press of Pakistan and Pakistan Press International. The Associated Press of Pakistan was taken over by the government in 1960. Pakistan Press International is a private joint-stock company. Radio also has been an effective method of communication because the literacy rate is low and other methods of communication are sometimes not available. The Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation has played a key role in disseminating information and transmitting government policies as well as promoting Islamic principles and their application. Another state-run organisation, Azad Kashmir Radio, broadcasts in Azad Kashmir. Television, although newer, has also been effective, with coverage in the mid-1990s reaching more than 80 per cent of the population. Until August 1990, the only television channel was the government-owned Pakistan Television Corporation (PTV). At that time, however, another television channel, People's Television Network was established. People's Television Network brought Cable News Network (CNN) to Pakistan. The media played an active role in all three national elections from the late 1980s to
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the mid-1990s. Although the government-owned radio and PTV presented a pro-government line, the establishment of People's Television Network ended government monopoly of television news. In the case of the print media, government-controlled newspapers tended to express the government's viewpoint, but the large private sector of print journalism furnished a much greater variety of opinion. The imposition of regulations based on the Shariah was also reflected in the media. For example, the government required all women to wear dupattas, or scarfs, over their heads on newscasts and other PTV programmes. Such restrictions, for instance, prevented the women's swimming events of the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games from being telecast to Pakistan because the swimsuits were regarded as immodest. Radio censors also ordered a number of controversial songs dropped from broadcasting.
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Economy Pakistan is a poor, heavily populated country, suffering from internal political disputes, lack of foreign investment, and a costly confrontation with neighbouring India. Pakistan's economic outlook continues to be marked by its weak foreign exchange position, notably its continued reliance on international creditors for hard currency inflows. The Musharraf government faces $32 billion in external debt and has nearly completed rescheduling with Paris Club members and other bilateral creditors. Foreign loans and grants provide approximately 25 per cent of government revenue, but debt service obligations total nearly 50 per cent of government expenditure. The IMF has remained silent on future disbursements from its $1.56 billion bailout package initiated in 1999, and other international financial institutions are gauging the current administration's resolve to implement necessary fiscal reforms. Musharraf's ambitious economic agenda includes measures to widen the tax net, privatise public sector assets, and improve its balance of trade position. Pakistan has made privatisation a cornerstone of economic revival, but may have difficulty attracting new investors until it receives positive endorsement from the World Bank. The Bank has withheld its approval pending resolution of the pricing dispute between the government and independent power producers. Pakistan, an impoverished and underdeveloped country, has suffered from decades of internal political disputes, low levels of foreign investment. and a costly, ongoing confrontation with
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neighbouring India. However, IMF approved government policies, bolstered by generous foreign assistance and renewed access to global markets since late 2001, have generated solid macroeconomic recovery the last two years. The government has made substantial inroads in macroeconomic reform since 2000, although progress on more politically sensitive reforms has slowed. For example, in the third and final year of its $1.3 billion IMF Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility, Islamabad has continued to require waivers for energy sector reforms. While long-term prospects remain uncertain, given Pakistan's low level of development, medium-term prospects for job creation and poverty reduction are the best in nearly a decade. Islamabad has raised development spending from about 2 per cent of GDP in the 1990s to 4 per cent in 2003, a necessary step towards reversing the broad underdevelopment of its social sector. GDP growth is heavily dependent on rainfed crops, and last year's end to a four-year drought should support moderate agricultural growth for the next few years. Foreign exchange reserves continued to reach new levels in 2003, supported by robust export growth and steady worker remittances. In 2004, Pakistan's economy had reached a stage where it enjoyed self-sufficiency in food, an unprecedented stock of foreign exchange reserves, declining budget deficits, increasing industrial production, and was approaching an overall growth of over 5 per cent per annum. The economy had achieved fundamental macroeconomic stability amid general improvement in economic indicators. On the other hand, Pakistan is still faced with challenges like boosting investment, eliminating public sector deficits, creating new infrastructure and expanding social sector development. The tasks of poverty alleviation and employment generation remain formidable, requiring both direct and indirect initiatives. While macroeconomic stability has been achieved, the economy is still at the takeoff stage, with much room for improvement. In the last decade, Pakistan has faced a number of challenges in order to achieve macroeconomic stability, due to variety of factors. To begin with, Pakistan has been struggling to achieve internal political stability, which has a direct bearing upon economic stability. A country cannot achieve macroeconomic stability unless it has a strong political system. Pakistan's checkered and uneven record on political stability
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and democracy has deprived the country of a long-term VISIon, direction and continuity of economic policy. The rapid turnover of governments, and actual and imminent threat of the dismissal of the governments through extraconstitutional means, has certainly proved to be an inhibitor to investment, innovation and institutional development. To a considerable extent, politics was responsible for the wide fluctuations in the performance of the main sectors of the economy. Second, the diverse ethnic composition of the country has not only affected resource distribution, but also affects policy continuity. Pakistan is composed of various ethnic groups, like Punjabis, Sindhis, Pashtuns, Muhajirs, etc.-a fact that creates certain problems. For example, when there was a government from Punjab or from Sind, the other provinces voiced feelings of resentment at perceived exclusion and deprivation. The friction between Punjabis, Sindhis and Balochis, and the vociferous dismissal of dissenting opinions and viewpoints even by educat ed Pakistanis are manifestations of intolerance. Economic development requires free mobility of labour and capital throughout the nation-state. But, if the Sindhis are scared to move and work outside their own district, or tehsil, for fear of discrimination; or the Muhajirs would like to confine themselves to activities within Karachi, Hydera bad and Sukkur; or certain tribes in North West Frontier Province {NWFP} and Balochistan would like that only their areas should be given the monetary benefits accruing from exploitation of minerals, gas and hydroelectric power; or if the Punjabis keep on insisting on popUlation as the sole basis for the distribution of fiscal revenues, then the country suffers from huge inefficiencies in the allocation and utilisation of resources. Furthermore, every time a new government took office, it change d the policies of the previous government, which not only affected the economic environment, but also increased the cost of most projects. Externally, the changing geo-strategic environment and Pakistan's evolving relationships with International Financial Institutions (IFIs) have affected the country's macroeconomic stability. The war on terror in Afghanistan and Pakistan's status in that conflict as a "front line-state" has greatly affected the country in many ways. First, the slower pace of economic activity in Pakistan's major trading partner countries {the United States and European Union, in particular}
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reduced their demands for Pakistani products, and as a result, Pakistan's exports remained lower than targeted. Furthermore, increases in freight rates and imposition of war risk insurance increased the cost of imports and made Pakistani exports more expensive. Second, cancellation of air cargo flights by foreign airlines disrupted the trade flows. Third, manufacturing units had to maintain higher inventories because of the risk of instability. Fourth, the departure of expatriates from the country and the suspension of visits by foreign buyers did not allow the country to maintain normal trade relations. Furthermore, revenue collection also suffered due to lower imports, while the continuous influx of Afghan refugees placed further pressure on Pakistan's already limited resources and infrastructure. According to the Finance Ministry, the cost incurred by the econom y due to these factors was on the order of $2 billion. Furthermore, the terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament in December 2001 and subsequent troop deployments on the international border between India and Pakistan has affected foreign investment and the trade balance of Pakistan. In recent years, the role of international financial institutions has also been very crucial to the economic stability of Pakistan. The assistance from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB) merits special mention in this regard. During 1997-2003, relations were improved with the IMF and Pakistan successfully completed most of its agreements. Furthermore, Pakistan also received suppor t from the IMF for the purpose of improving its Balance of Payments (BOPs) deficits. The World Bank assisted Pakistan in introducing major changes in the structure of the economy, as well as helping Pakistan address the areas of poverty alleviation, improving governance, and reforming the social security sector. There have been many ups and downs in the economy of Pakistan during the 1990s, with numerous fluctuations in the basic macroeconomic indicators. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate has been under 4 per cent dUring the second half of the 1990s, which is lower than the growth rate in earlier decades. The incidence of poverty remained high and affected large segments of society. The poor quality of governance aggravated the problems, as most of the reforms were hindered by bureaucratic rigmarole. The worsening law and order situation in the country further compo unded the problems. The current account balance remained in deficit most of the time due
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to decreases in the country's export levels. Successive governments in Pakistan allocated major chunks of the budget for non-development purposes, which resulted in budget deficits. Debt servicing and defence expenditures have consumed a major part of the resources, affecting social sector development. There has been an increase in the debt of the country, with a major part of the GDP being consumed by debt servicing. Governments in Pakistan have frequently acquired foreign aid and debt to meet their current expenditures. The balance of trade throughout the period remained in deficit due to decreases in exports. The main sector of exports (i.e. agriculture, including rice and cotton) decreased because of the long drought in the country. However, in recent years, this balance has been improved due to heavy rains that helped increase agricultural production. Developing countries like Pakistan need foreign direct investment to aid in that development. But Pakistan has not been fortunate enough to attract much foreign direct investment due to a variety of factors. These include the worsening law and order situation in the country, the unfriendly attitude of the Nawaz Sharief government towards foreign investors in 1998, complications to foreign relations due to Pakistan's acknowledged nuclear tests, and a lack of incentives provided to foreign investors. Pakistan's cultivation of the rich alluvial soil of the Indus River basin is its single most important economic activity. Because of extensions and improvements to the irrigation system, waters of the Indus River and its tributaries flow to the fields, a necessity because of scant rainfall. The Indus irrigation system is the world's largest, but there are many problems because of inadequate water management and use. Farmers continue to employ traditional cultivation practices and support services, such as research and development, are inadequate, although high-yield seeds and fertilisers are fairly widely used. Yields of most crops, with the significant exception of cotton, are low by international standards and substantially below the area's potential. Many farms are too small to support a family using existing agricultural practices. The landless often sharecrop or work as agricultural labourers. A flood in September 1992 temporarily displaced as many as 3 million people and destroyed many irrigation networks. Its effects are expected to limit agricultural production, particularly cotton, in the 1990s.
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Since Pakistan became independent in 1947, its leaders have generally sought to increase the role of industry in the nation's economy. They achieved a remarkable degree of success toward this end. A broad industrial base is now in place, producing a wide range of products for both consumer and industrial use. Industrialisation, however, has failed to create sufficient jobs for the rapidly expanding urban population. Construction and service sector activities, especially in trade, transportation and government, have expanded and now provide more employment than industry. Nonetheless, underemployment remains prevalent throughout the economy. An outdated infrastructure is another problem facing the economy. Frequent electricity shortages, for example, hamper industrial development and production. Most central government administrations have sought to raise the majority of the population's low standard of living through economic growth rather than through the redistribution of wealth. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in constant prices increased an average of 5.3 per cent per year between 1950 and 1993, roughly 2 per cent per year faster than population growth. In fiscal year 1993, GDP amounted to the equivalent of US$ 50.8 billion, or roughly US$ 408 on a per capita basis. Income, however, has never been evenly distributed. Furthermore, the unequal income distribution pattern has been a political issue since the late 1960s and is expected to remain controversial throughout the 1990s. Social development indicators reflect long-standing problems in providing basic health and education services. Only just over one third of all children of primary school age attended school in 1989, a rate well below the average for low-income countries. It was estimated in 1992 that 28 per cent of the population lived below the official poverty line, which is based on the government's estimate of an income sufficient to provide basic minimum needs. A pressing problem facing the economy is the government's chronically high budget deficit, which has adverse implications for the nation's balance of payments, inflation and exchange rates, capital formation and overall financial stability. The government has been .attempting to restore fiscal balance through a multi-year structural adjustment programme designed to increase revenues, control spending and stabilise monetary growth. In addition, the government
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has privatised public sector industrial enterprises, financial institutions, and utilities; eliminated state monopolies in banking, insurance, shipping, telecommunications, airlines, and power generation; and liberalised investment and foreign exchange regulations. As of early 1994, not all, these programmes had been implemented as quickly as planned, however, and the deficit and the associated structural problems persisted. Pakistan survived the experience of the sanctions imposed on it in 1998 surprisingly well. Economic growth remained positive, in a year when many other Asian countries were recording negative growth. Inflation did not accelerate significantly, as was anticipated by most external forecasters. The current account deficit declined further, so that Pakistan's short-run balance of payments position remained viable once lending by the IMF and World Bank was resumed and debt had been rescheduled by the London and Paris Clubs (something that was about to happen at the time of the conference where this paper was presented). Complacency would nonetheless be out of place. Exports have been declining throughout the fiscal year 1998-99, normal capital inflows have almost dried up, and the country's weak credibility and policy uncertainties have discouraged foreign direct investment in particular and productive investment in general. Pakistan is the only country in South Asia that has recorded a lower rate of growth in the 1990s than in the preceding decades. Suspension of the convertibility of the foreign currency deposits, and the London and Paris Club rescheduling, were essential in the short run, but they will tend nevertheless to compromise Pakistan's ability to borrow internationally for years to come. The social indicators-literacy, mortality, fertility and poverty-rem am poor, even for a country with Pakistan's per capita income, and the squeeze on the budgets of the provincial governments suggests that this is unlikely to improve much in the short run. The country clearly faces a difficult challenge in reviving its economy and in achieving a level of social standards in which it can begin to take pride. The chapter aims to explore what options exist, and which of them look to have more potential, in this difficult situation. The focus is on Pakistan's relations with the rest of the world, in the tradition of a series of studies on Country X in the World Economy that have
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been produced during recent years by the Institute for International Economics. These studies have sought to identify the strategic options and principal issues confronting various countries, and where their national interests lie, in relating to the world economy. This focus on external issues should not be construed as casting doubt on the proposition that profound domestic reforms are essential, if Pakistan is to restore the economic progress that it recorded in the first decades after independence, and begin to realise the social gains that have so far eluded it, let alone, if it is to realise its potential of becoming a miracle economy. That is conceivable only, if universal education is at last achieved, if population growth is rapidly brought down, if the rural oligarchy can be persuaded to forego its privilege of not paying taxes, if the encouraging reports of less corruption are confirmed and prove to be the first step in a thoroughgoing transformation of the standards of public life.
General Aspects Pakistan is a low-income developing country with GDP per capita US$ 2400. Pakistan boasts of millions of the workforce. Pakistan is one of the world's largest producer of wheat. Other crops include cotton, fruits, rice and sugarcane. Pakistan produces natural gas and coal, as well as iron ore, chromite, and stone. Major products include clothing and textiles. Small scale craft industries, such as carpets, are also important. Pakistan has also made its first indigenous car 'Revo'. A developing country of the Third World, Pakistan has been under serious setbacks from political-internal and external-disputes. Consequently, it has low shares of foreign investment. However, with the assistance of IMF, it has improved a little. Government policies approved by IMF have generated solid macroeconomic recovery in the last few years. Yet, there seems to be no big improvement in matters related to politically sensitive issues. For example, Pakistan due to political pressure, did not impose taxes on the agriculture or real estate sectors in the budget for fiscal year 2006-2007. Though the long-term prospects remain uncertain, medium term prospects for job creation and poverty reduction are perhaps, the best in more than a decade. Islamabad has raised the budget for development from about 2 per cent in the 1990's and 4 per cent in 2003, a must for reversing the broad underdevelopment of the
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social sector. GDP growth spurred by double-digits benefits in industrial field in a year has become less dependent on Agriculture. It remained about 7 per cent in 2004-05. For these very reasons, inflation remains the biggest threat to the economy, jumping to more than 9 per cent in 2005. In the wake of devastating earthquake, the World Bank and Asian Development Bank have announced that they would provide a huge assistance to Pakistan in order to enable it rebuild areas hit by the October 2005 earthquake. Consequently, foreign exchange reserves touched new heights in 2005 supported by steady worker remittances, of course. Structure of the Economy
Pakistan attained nationhood under difficult circumstances. At the partition of British India in 1947 resulting in the creation of the independent nations of India and Pakistan, Pakistan was an agrarian economy in which a small number of powerful landowners with large holdings dominated the countryside. The majority of the population consisted of tenant farmers who cultivated small plots for a meagre existence. Scant rainfall in West Pakistan (present-day Pakistan) forced farmers to rely on the extensive irrigation system developed by the British. The headwaters of the Indus River and its main tributaries, however, were under Indian control. Disputes arose between the two nations and were not settled until the Indus Waters Treaty of 1960 was signed. Pakistan had almost no industry in 1947. Under British rule, the area that became Pakistan supplied agricultural products for processing to the territory that became the independent India. Energy sources were rudimentary, with wood and animal dung furnishing the bulk of the energy consumed. Ports, transportation and other services, such as banking and government, were underdeveloped. More than 1,600 kms of Indian territory separated the East Wing and West Wing of Pakistan until the former became independent Bangladesh in 1971. In 1949, a dispute over exchange rates halted the flow of goods between Pakistan and India, disrupting the complementary nature of their economies that had developed under British colonial rule. Despite formidable problems, Pakistan achieved rapid economic expansion. From FY 1951 to FY 1986, the GDP growth rate measured at a constant FY 1960 factor averaged 5.2 per cent. Rates of growth
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averaged 3.1 per cent in the 1950s-when agriculture stagnatedbut rose to 6.8 per cent in the 1960s. They fell to 3.8 per cent between FY 1971 and FY 1977 but rebounded to 6.8 per cent between FY 1978 and FY 1986. From FY 1987 to FY 1991, growth averaged 5.8 per cent, and a rate of 7.8 per cent was achieved in FY 1992. Provisional data indicate that GDP grew only 2.6 per cent in FY 1993. This decline is mainly a result of the floods in September 1992, which reduced agricultural output. Rapid growth substantially altered the structure of the economy. Agriculture's share (including forestry and fishing) declined from 53 per cent of GDP in FY 1950 to 25 per cent in FY 1993. A substantial industrial base was added as industry (including mining, manufacturing and utilities) became the fastest growing sector of the economy. Industry's share of GDP rose from 8 per cent in FY 1950 to 21.7 per cent in FY 1993. Various services (including construction, trade, transportation and communications, and other services) accounted for the rest of GDP. Pakistan has an important "parallel," or "alternative," economic sector, but it is not well documented in official reports or most academic studies. This sector includes a thriving black market, a large illicit drug industry, and illegal payments to politicians and government officials to ensure state contracts. Corruption rose in the 1980s, partly as a result of the massive infusion of United States aid, some of which went to the Pakistani government to pay the cost of supporting Afghan refugees fleeing after the 1979 Soviet invasion and to enhance Pakistani military capability, and some of which was funnelled directly to Afghan resistance movements based in Pakistan. Much of this money reportedly was diverted illegally and invested in arms and drug enterprises. General allegations of corruption are routinely made in the Pakistani press, and politicians often accuse their opponents of corrupt practices. Asif Ali Zardari, the husband of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, was accused of corruption after the fall of Benazir's first government in 1990, and former President Ghulam Ishaq Khan accused the government of former Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharief and especially its privatisation programme of corruption when dismissing his government in April 1993. In 1994, allegations of corruption were routinely traded between Benazir's government and
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the opposition headed by Nawaz Sharief. Political manoeuvring aside, corruption has an altogether real and pervasive effect on Pakistani society. Industrialists consider bribery and other handouts a routine cost of production, and contractors and businessmen interviewed on television openly state that a significant percentage of their revenue is paid to government officers who allocate their contracts. Corruption is alleged to be prevalent in almost all official institutions, including the police, the judiciary, the revenue department, the passport office, customs and excise offices, telecommunication organisations, and electricity and gas boards. In each of these departments, the personnel involved range from low-level employees to top management. Some scholars believe that the low salaries of civil servants, compared with earnings from jobs of similar status in business and industry, explain the magnitude of corruption. In the mid-1980s, Mahbubul Haq, a former minister of finance, estimated that illegal payments to government officials were equivalent to about 60 per cent of the total taxes collected by the government. An Upgradation Fund was managed under public-private partnership. This Fund will finances the initiatives for Technological Upgradation, Social, Environmental and Security compliance, setting up combined effluent and waste water treatment plants, hiring consultants, professional marketing companies abroad, upgrading Industrial Clusters, warehousing Pakistani products abroad, Agriculture Export Processing Zones, Special Export Zones, Garments Cities and Brand Acquisition. Mechanism for the operations of the Fund was developed by the Ministry of Commerce. The estimated financial requirement for the Upgradation Fund from the Government of Pakistan is Rs. 3.74 Billion. For technical management and export marketing, consultancy services are provided at the enterprise level on 50:50 cost sharing basis from the Upgradation Fund. In the case of declining sectors, like leather and carpets, contribution from Fund may go up to 75 per cent. EPB engage consultants to identify, advise and assist export enterprises for entering into joint ventures with compatible JV partners in foreign countries on 50:50 cost sharing of consultancy services out of the Upgradation Fund. For a number of export products, in which Pakistan has or can create a competitive edge, the scheme of industrial clusters has been
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eminently successful in cities where the production of these goods is traditionally concentrated. In collaboration with UNIDO, such clusters are already in operation, or being developed, in Gujarat for electric Fans, in Wazirabad for cutlery, in Lahore for woven garments, in Korangi (Karachi) for leather and in Karachi for gems and jewellery. Five more clusters are organised for sports goods in Sialkot, for surgical goods also in Sialkot, for auto parts in Karachi, for electrical appliances in Karachi and Lahore, and for knitwear also in Karachi and Lahore. Infrastructure facilities are provided for these cluster cities and cluster products. These include training facilities, testing facilities, including laboratories, common bonded warehouses for raw materials, accessories and components and combined marketing support where feasible. A Cluster Development Directorate was established in £PB, headed by D.G (Supply) in the Head Office and two Directors (South and North) with sectoral cluster development agents for purposes of coordination with local and international stake holders. These agents from EPB work in offices located centrally in each cluster area with representatives of SMEDA, SSIC, internationally a credited testing agencies, SME Bank and, where available, donor agency sponsored technical resource persons, to provide one window service to enterprises for all infrastructure facilities, including Banking, Communications, Water, Power and Gas. Contamination-free cotton is vital for quality production and cost effectiveness in the Textile Sector. For this purpose not only the training of the growers and ginners is essential but also procurement of contamination-free cotton needs to be ensured. A Training Institute has been established out of EDF for training the farmers and the ginners to ensure supply of contamination-free cotton to the textile industry. Financial support to ginners is provided out of Technology Upgradation Fund for improvement of ginning. TCP continues to intervene and procure contamination-free cotton at a premium as and when needed. Quality control standard was developed for cotton. A research centre was established at Rahim Yar Khan for development of quality cotton. In the post-quota environment from 1st Jan. 2005, the textile and clothing industries in USA, EU and Canada are expected to opt for relocation to the developing countries for lower production costs. Financial assistance provided from the Upgradation
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Fund for such relocation of textile and clothing industries, also of industries in other sectors with export potential, for the following types of transfer expenditure, on 50:50 cost sharing basis: • Freight Expenditure: machinery/equipment transfer cost. • Statutory ReqUirements: wharfage and handling • Local Expenditure: inland transport, offloading, insurance and agency charges. The construction companies are not in a position to furnish bid bonds and performance bonds to get the contracts as it requires large capital outlays. A fund for the purpose was created which acts as a collateral for commercial banks to issue the bid and performance bonds. Country Business image has a strong impact on buyers in sourcing products and services. A start has been made already in this direction with aT. V. campaign last year on BBC and CNN to improve Pakistan's commercial image. This was well received, the effort continues with promotional initiatives on a sectoral basis, through sector specialist journalists and opinion leading image building media. A scheme is being offered under which EPB hires through professional companies, specialised in the business of warehousing and marketing, in selected foreign countries and offer such space to exporters free of cost for the first year, extendable on a case-to-case basis for the second year, according to eligibility criteria for exporters and for products. Arrangements have been taken in hand for starting up the warehousing operations in Kenya, Poland and Sharjah. Arrangements was made for warehOUSing in more selected countries. To promote export products, EPB arranges to hire through professional companies retail space in high-traffic shopping malls in major commercial capitals of the world. Such space is available to exporters, selected on a predetermined criteria agreed between the EPB and stockholders of different products on a 50:50 charge basis. Management of such space and retail sales are outsourced to reputed well established Retail Chain Store companies. Brand name is an important component in export marketing and carries the respective image of product, quality and business-related services. Branded products usually attract higher price advantage. Established brand names in foreign markets are often available for
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purchase or franchising. A new scheme was launched to enable exporters to acquire/franchise brand names. Support is provided to exporting companies for obtaining bank loans at 6 months Treasury Bills auction rate plus 2 per cent under the prudential regulations of SBP. An annual Mega Event was held in Karachi Expo Centre and Lahore Expo Centre (when complete), that was called, EXPO PAKISTAN. In this exposition, all products of Pakistan with an export potential were put on display and export-related seminars were held. This event was widely publicised. Selected foreign buyers, buying houses and trade specialist media were invited to the EXPO as guests. At present State Bank of Pakistan allows retention by the exporters to the extent of 5 per cent of their export earnings for international advertisements, commission, etc. To allow greater facility to exporters for marketing and promotions, it has been decided to enhance such retention to 10 per cent. An Export Facilitation Inter-Ministerial Committee was established, comprising the Ministers of Finance, Commerce, Industries and Production, Investment and Privatisation, the Governor State Bank of Pakistan, Secretary Commerce and Chairman EPB. Secretary Commerce also acts as the Secretary of the Committee. The Committee meets at least once in a quarter and oversee the progress and also the implementation of trade policy. It also responsible to resolve all irritants faced by the business and export community. At present, concessional rate of income tax at 0.75 per cent is applicable to export of branded rice in packs of 5 kg only. The facility will be extended to all branded packs of rice up to 50 kg. In this context, a brand definition and procedure were developed. Two Special Export Zones were established, one at Karachi and the other in one of the industrial cities of Punjab. These zones are owned and operated by corporate entities, in which GOP, multilateral institutions and the stockholders would be equity partners. The Commercial banks arrange financing under the SBP prudential regulations at 6 months Treasure auction rate plus 2 per cent. These zones would have modern infrastructure like water supply, severage, self-power generation and effluent treatment plants. These zones focus on textile sector particularly in dyeing, processing and finishing sectors. To meet the challenges of WTO rules based
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trade regime, particularly the elimination of quantitative restrictions on international trade in textile and clothing following the abolition of textile quotas from 1st January 2005, there is an urgent need to enter into joint ventures with reputed foreign companies, especially in the garments sector. Three Garment Cities in Karachi, Lahore and Faisalabad were established. These Garment Cities are owned and operated by corporate entities in which GOp, multilateral institutions and the stockholders would be equity partners. The Commercial Banks arrange financing under the SBP prudential regulations at 6 months treasury bills rate plus 2 per cent. These cities have infrastructure including sheds and provide one window facility for the SMEs. The SMEs for value added finished textile products. These cities serve as the trend setters. Import of used machinery is allowed, irrespective of import status on completion of overseas project by Pakistani companies (excluding super saloon cars, luxury vehicles and station wagons, etc.,) provided such machinery has actually been purchased from their own foreign exchange earnings abroad, used on the foreign project and profit earned from the project repatriated to Pakistan through official channels. A certificate from the concerned Pakistan Mission confirming the actual use of such machinery on the project is submitted to the Customs Authorities at the time of import. Presently, Export Promotion Bureau is designed to provide services to the exporters for promotion of exports, while there are no specific services to cater the needs of importers. There is an urgent need to create an organisation/cell, which would provide guidelines/services to the importers to effect cost effective imports. On the other hand, increase of I per cent in exports requires lot of efforts involving monetary and non-monetary efforts. It has been decided to introduce import Management Service in EPB for guiding importers in effecting cost-effective imports. Exemption from Sales Tax Registration to Consignee of Goods sent By Overseas Pakistanis. Overseas Pakistani are allowed to send goods which are permitted for import from their own foreign exchange earnings abroad without involvement of Letters of Credits. In order to facilitate the clearance of above goods in Pakistan, the consignees are given Exemption from Sales Tax Registration. The clearance of these goods is however allowed subject to the production of an earning certificate from the
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Trade Officer of the respective Pakistan Mission. In case, there is no Trade Officer in the foreign Mission, any designated officer of the Mission may issue such a certificate.
Role of Government Since 1947, Pakistani officials have sought a high rate of economic growth in an effort to lift the population out of poverty. Rapid industrialisation was viewed as a basic necessity and as a vehicle for economic growth. For more than two decades, economic expansion was substantial, and growth of industrial output was striking. In the 1960s, the country was considered a model for other developing countries. Rapid expansion of the economy, however, did not alleviate widespread poverty. In the 1970s and 1980s, although a high rate of growth was sought, greater attention was given to income distribution. In the early 1990s, a more equitable distribution of income remained an important but elusive goal of government policy. At partition in 1947, the new government lacked the personnel, institutions, and resources to play a large role in developing the economy. Exclusive public ownership was reserved only for military armaments, generation of hydroeleCtric power, and manufacture and operation of railroad. telephone. telegraph and wireless equipment-fields that were unattractive, at least in the early years of independence, to private investors. The rest of the economy was open to private sector development, although the government used many direct and indirect measures to stimulate, guide, or retard private sector activities. The disruptions caused by partition, the cessation of trade with India, the strict control of imports, and the overvalued exchange rate necessitated the stimulation of private industry. Government policies afforded liberal incentives to industrialisation, while public development of the infrastructure complemented private investment. Some public manufacturing plants were established by government holding companies. Manufacturing proved highly profitable, attracting increasing private investments and reinvestment of profits. Except for large government investments in the Indus irrigation system, agriculture was left largely alone, and output stagnated in the 1950s. The broad outline of government policy in the 1950s and early 1960s involved squeezing the peasants and workers to finance industrial development.
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Much of the economy, and particularly industry, was eventually dominated by a small group of people, the Muhajirs, who were largely traders who migrated to Pakistan's cities, especially Karachi, at partition. These refugees brought modest capital, which they initially used to start trading firms. Many of these firms moved into industry in the 1950s as a response to government policies. Largely using their own resources, they accounted for the major part of investment and ownership in manufacturing during the first two decades after independence. By the late 1960s, there was growing popular dissatisfaction with economic conditions and considerable debate about the inequitable distribution of income, wealth and economic power-problems that had always plagued the country. Studies by economists in the 1960s indicated that the forty big industrial groups owned around 42 per cent of the nation's industrial assets and more than 50 per cent of private domestic assets. Eight of the nine major commercial banks were also controlled by these same industrial groups. Mahbubul Haq, then chief economist of the Planning Commission, dramatically articulated concern over the concentration of wealth in a 1968 speech. Mahbubul Haq claimed that Pakistan's economic growth had done little to improve the standard of living of the common person and that the "trickle-down approach to development" had only concentrated wealth in the hands of "twenty-two industrial families." He argued that the government needed to intervene in the economy to correct the natural tendency of free markets to concentrate wealth in the hands of those who already possessed substantial assets. Although Mahbubul Haq exaggerated the extent of the concentration of wealth, his speech struck a chord with public opinion. In response, the government enacted piecemeal measures between 1968 and 1971 to set minimum wages, promote collective bargaining for labour, reform the tax structure toward greater equity, and rationalise salary structures. However, implementation was weak or non-existent, and it was only when the government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (father of Benazir) came to power in 1971 that there was a major shift in government policy. Bhutto promised a new development strategy more eqUitable than previous policies. Yet he downplayed economic analysis and planning and relied instead on ad hoc decisions that created many
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inconsistencies. In May 1972, he promulgated a major act that devalued the rupee by 57 per cent and abolished the mUltipleexchange-rate system. This act greatly stimulated exports and indicated that the removal of price distortions could spur the economy. But devaluation also completely altered the cost and price structure for industry and affected the level and composition of industrial investment and the terms of trade between the industrial and agricultural sectors. Devaluation helped agriculture, particularly larger farms that had marketable surpluses. Mechanisation increased but had the adverse side effect of displacing farm labourers and tenants, many of whom migrated to cities seeking industrial jobs. In 1972, Bhutio's government nationalised thirty-two large manufacturing plants in eight major industries. The industries affected included iron and steel, basic metals, heavy engineering, motor vehicle and tractor assembly and manufacture, chemicals, petrochemicals, cement and public utilities. Subsequently, domestically owned life insurance companies, privately owned banks, domestic shipping companies, and firms engaged in oil distribution, vegetable oil processing, grain milling, and cotion ginning were nationalised. The result was a drop of nearly 50 per cent in private investment in large scale manufacturing between FY 1970 and FY 1973. By FY 1978, such investments were little more than one-third (in constant prices) of those in FY 1970. Private capital fled the country or went into small scale manufacturing and real estate. Between 1970 and 1977, industrial output slowed considerably. The public sector expanded greatly under the Bhutio government. In addition to the nationalisation of companies, plants were built by the government and additional public companies were created for various functions, such as the export of cotion and rice. Able managers and technicians were scarce, a situation that became worse after 1974, when many persons left to seek higher salaries in Middle East oil-prodUcing states. Labour legislation set high minimum wages and fringe benefits, which boosted payroll costs for both public and private firms. Efficiency and profits in public sector enterprises fell. Public industrial investment rose, surpassing private industrial investment in FY 1976. Many of the other economic measures undertaken by the Bhutio government were largely ineffective because of the power of vested
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interests and the inefficiency of the civil administration. Ceilings on the size of landholdings were lowered, tenants were given greater security of tenure, and measures were enacted to tax farm income. Bhutto also supported large, but inadequately planned, long-term projects that tied up the country's development resources for long periods. The largest projects were an integrated iron and steel plant, a major highway on the west bank of the Indus River, and a highway tunnel in the mountainous north. After 1977, the government of Muhammad Zia ul-Haq (1977-88) began a policy of greater reliance on private enterprise to achieve economic goals, and successive governments continued this policy throughout the late 1980s and early 1990s. Soon after Zia came to power, the government instituted constitutional measures to assure private investors that nationalisation would occur only under limited and exceptional circumstances and with fair compensation. A demarcation of exclusive public ownership was made that excluded the private sector from only a few activities. Yet government continued to play a large economic role in the 1980s. Public sector enterprises accounted for a significant portion of large scale manufacturing. In FY 1991, it was estimated that these enterprises produced about 40 per cent of industrial output. Islamisation of the economy was another policy innovation of the Zia government. In 1977, Zia asked a group of Islamic scholars to recommend measures for an Islamic economic system. In June 1980, the Zakat and Ushr Ordinance was promulgated. Zakat is a traditional annual levy, usually 2.5 per cent, on wealth to help the needy. Ushr is a 5 per cent tax on the produce of land, allowing some deductions for the costs of production, to be paid in cash by the landowner or leaseholder. Ushr replaced the former land tax levied by the provinces. Self-assessment by farmers is checked by local groups if a farmer fails to file or makes a very low estimate. Proceeds of ushr go to zakat committees to help local needy people. The government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharief (1990-93) introduced a programme of privatisation, deregulation, and economic reform aimed at reducing structural impediments to sound economic development. Top priority was given to denationalising some 115 public industrial enterprises, abolishing the government's monopoly in the financial sector, and selling utilities to private interests. Despite
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resistance from officials and labour unions and criticism that the government was moving too quickly, by March 1992, control of twenty industrial units and two banks had been sold to private investors, and plans were under way to begin denationalising several utilities. As of early 1994, proposals to end state monopolies in insurance, telecommunications, shipping, port operations, airlines, power generation, and road construction were also in various stages of implementation. Private investment no longer requires government authorisation, except in sensitive industries. Investment reforms eliminated government sanction requirements, eased restrictions on repatriable direct and portfolio investment from abroad, enabled foreign firms to issue shares in enterprises in Pakistan, and authorised foreign banks to underwrite securities on the same basis as Pakistani banks. Although the Nawaz Sharief government made considerable progress in liberalising the economy, it failed to address the problem of a growing budget deficit, which in turn led to a loss of confidence in the government on the part of foreign aid donors. The caretaker government of July-October 1993 led by Moeen Qureshi, a former World Bank vice President, asserted that the nation was near insolvency and would require a number of measures to impose fiscal discipline. The government, thus, included sharp increases in utility prices, new taxes, stiffer enforcement of existing taxes, and reductions in government spending. In early 1994, the government of Benazir Bhutto, elected in October 1993, announced its intention to continue the policies of both deregulation and liberalisation carried out by Nawaz Sharief and the tighter fiscal policies put in place by Qureshi. The government also said it intended to devote a greater proportion of the nation's resources to health and education, especially for women.
Finance The federal budget has two main parts: the ordinary budget, which covers current expenditures, and the development budget (Public Sector Development Programme), which covers capital investment and development programmes. Current expenditures accounted for 78 per cent of planned spending in the FY 1994 budget. Defence accounted for 26 per cent of all expenditures, and debt service took up another 36 per cent. About 25 per cent of federal
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income was earmarked to be transferred to the provinces as statutory and discretionary grants. The provinces have their own budgets and limited powers to impose taxes. In 1991, the National Finance Commission, which includes the Prime Minister and the four provincial Chief Ministers, agreed to raise the proportion of funds going to the provinces. In return, the federal government is no longer responsible for financing provincial budget deficits. Tax collections historically have constituted a smaller proportion of GDP than that of many other countries-between FY 1984 and FY 1992, they averaged 13.8 per cent. The 1993 budget estimates called for an increase to 15.1 per cent, up from 13.9 per cent in FY 1992. Income and corporation taxes provided 12.9 per cent of tax revenues in FY 1993. Tax evasion, however, is thought to be widespread. The agricultural sector was exempt from income tax until 1993, when the Qureshi government introduced a temporary levy on large landowners. In early 1994, it appeared unlikely that this tax would be reimposed by the new government led by Benazir, herself a large landowner in Sind. Indirect taxes are the main source of revenue. They provided 84 per cent of tax revenues in FY 1991 and an estimated 83 per cent in FY 1992 and FY 1993. Customs duties were expected to account for 35.0 per cent of all government taxes in FY 1993. Excise duties made up 17 per cent of revenues, and sales taxes made up 10 per cent. Potential foreign aid donors consider the heavy reliance on indirect taxes regressive and inflationary and an impediment to the general policy of trade liberalisation. Under pressure from the International Monetary Fund, the government reduced import duty rates in the FY 1992 and FY 1993 budgets. In a three-year (FY 1992-94) policy statement made in agreement with the World Bank and IMF in December 1991, the government committed itself to important changes in the fiscal system. New measures extended the narrow base of both direct and indirect taxes, and administrative steps were taken to increase receipts of income and wealth taxes as well as general sales and federal excise taxes as a proportion of GOP. In FY 1993, however, the Nawaz Sharief government' failed to meet its fiscal targets, and relations with the World Bank and IMF became strained. After the Qureshi caretaker government came to power in July 1993, fiscal discipline was restored,
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and in November 1993, the World Bank and IMF made substantial aid commitments to the new government of Benazir Bhutto.
Budget: Faced with the problem of defence against a much larger enemy from a relatively weak resource base, the military must lay claim to a disproportionate share of the nation's resources even to maintain a minimally effective defensive capability. The military was fortunate in that successive governments-with the exception of the early Bhutto years-believed it necessary to support the armed services as much as possible. This attitude also persisted among the public at large, who accepted the danger from India as real and present. From 1958 until 1973, the published defence budget accounted for between 50 and 60 per cent of total government expenditures. After that time, the proportions were much lower, falling to 40 and even 30 per cent levels and ranging between 5 and 7 per cent of GNP. At the same time, however, because of an expanding economy, actual expenditures-even allowing for inflation-showed considerable increases. The defence budget for fiscal year 1993 was set at Rs 94 billion, or US$ 3.3 billion, which represented 27 per cent of government spending and almost 9 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product. The published budget understated expenditures by excluding procurement and defence-related research and development as well as funds spent on such activities as intelligence and the nuclear programme. Fiscal Administration: Government tax and non-tax receipts fell far short of total expenditures in the 1980s and early 1990s. Many economists believe that the increasing government debt is a growing threat to Pakistan's future economic growth. The overall deficit, as a percentage of GDp, was around 5.3 per cent in the early 1980s and averaged 7.5 per cent between FY 1984 and FY 1990. It reached 8.8 per cent in FY 1991, but the provisional figure for FY 1992 was 6.5 per cent. The FY 1993 budget forecast a deficit of 4.8 per cent of GDp, but spending was higher and revenues lower than anticipated, and provisional data indicate that the deficit exceeded 9 per cent. The continued gap between government revenues and spending is a major concern to potential donors of foreign aid, and in 1993 Qureshi's caretaker government raised taxes and cut spending. In 1994, the Benazir Bhutto government aimed to reduce the budget deficit to 4.5 per cent of GDP by FY 1996. The government relies
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on bond sales and on borrowing from the banking system to finance its deficit. Internal public debt was estimated at 49.9 per cent of GDP in FY 1992. By contrast, in FY 1981 internal public debt had constituted 20.9 per cent of GDP. Monetary Process: The State Bank of Pakistan was established in 1948 and remains the country's central bank and financial adviser to the government. It is the sole bank of issue, holder of gold and currency reserves, banker to the government, lender of last resort to other banks, supervisor of other banks, and overseer of national credit policy. In October 1993, legislation reduced government control of the bank, but without giving it complete autonomy. From 1974, when all Pakistani banks were nationalised, until 1991, all local banks were in the state sector. In 1991, as part of the government's general programme of economic liberalisation and the privatisation of state enterprises, two small banks-the Muslim Commercial Bank and the Allied Bank-were privatised. In 1991, the government also instructed the State Bank of Pakistan to approve proposals for new private commercial banks. In early 1994, there were twenty-four commercial banks, including ten private banks that had opened since 1991, two privatised banks, and twelve banks that remained in the state sector. One of the new private banks, Mehran Bank, was closed down in early 1994 amidst allegations of massive fraud. The number of new private banks was expected to increase in 1994. In March 1993, the total assets of all Pakistani banks amounted to Rs 1,090 billion. Pakistani banks had 119 foreign branches and operated joint banking ventures in Malaysia, Oman, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. Twenty-one foreign banks operated in Pakistan in 1994. They had sixty-one branches, most of which were located in Karachi. United States banks with branches in Pakistan included Citibank, Chase Manhattan Bank, American Express Bank and Bank of America. In the 1970s and 1980s, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) was an important foreign bank in Pakistan. The bank had many close links with the Pakistani political and commercial elite. Agha Hasan Abedi, a leading Pakistani banker, founded it in 1972. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharief's family company, Ittefaq Industries, was a major borrower. BCCI's international operations were run from London, but there were three important branches in
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Pakistan. Abedi resigned as President of BCCI in 1990, when the ruling Al Nuhayyan family of Abu Dhabi obtained a majority share in the company. BCCI collapsed in July 1991, when the Bank of England closed BCCI's operations amid allegations of massive losses, fraud, racketeering and laundering of drug money. The Pakistani branches continued to operate for some time after BCCI had been closed elsewhere, and there were many allegations that Pakistani businessmen and politicians had profited from the bank's illegal activities. Abedi was later indicted in the United States for fraud and racketeering. In 1992, Pakistani operations of BCCI were amalgamated with Habib Bank. In 1991, four Punjab-based financial cooperatives, together known as the Pakistan Cooperative Societies, failed amidst allegations of misappropriation of public funds. Estimates of money lost by depositors ranged from Rs 10 billion to Rs 23 billion, with up to 2.6 million accounts affected. Relatives of then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharief owned two of the four cooperatives, but an official inquiry cleared him and his family of any wrongdoing. From independence until the mid-1970s, the commercial banks were poor providers of long-term capital because the interest rate structure favoured short-term over long-term financing and long-term deposits over long-term loans. As a result, the government encouraged the growth of non-banking financial institutions to act as sources of long-term credit and equity finance. These institutions continued to play an important role in the early 1990s. The Industrial Development Bank, established in 1961, provides medium and long-term credit primarily to small and medium-sized firms in the private sector, while the Pakistan Industrial Credit and Investment Corporation provides long-term assistance in local or foreign currency to private companies in the industrial sector, arranging foreign loans for large projects. The National Development Finance Corporation, founded in 1973, provides similar services for the public sector and in the early 1990s also began to provide financing for the private sector. The Agricultural Development Bank gives credit to agriculture and to cottage industries, while the House Building Finance Corporation provides interest-free housing finance, taking a percentage of the property's rental income. Other specialised financial institutions
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include the Investment Corporation of Pakistan, the Small Business Finance Corporation, the National Investment Trust, and the Bankers Equity. All these organisations, with the exception of the Pakistan Industrial Credit Corporation, which is 35 per cent foreign owned, are government owned, although they often act as channels for foreign aid. In the 1980s, three new financing corporations-Pakistan-Libya Holding, Pakistan-Kuwait Investment, and Saudi-Pak Industrial and Agricultural Investment-were established. The Pakistan government and the respective foreign governments jointly own these three institutions; most of theirfunding comes from the foreign governments. The adoption of Zia's policy of Islamisation led to changes in the practices of financial institutions because of the Islamic prohibition against usury. In July 1979, the Investment Corporation of Pakistan, the National Investment Trust, and the House Building Finance Corporation opened interest-free accounts that operate on a profit and loss-sharing basis. In 1981, the commercial banks followed suit. Under this system, profits and losses on projects financed with deposit sums are shared in an agreed on proportion between lender and borrower. In 1985, regulations prohibited new interest-bearing loans and interest-bearing rupee deposits. These regulations cover rupee deposits in foreign banks but not deposits made in foreign currencies. In 1990 more than 63 per cent of funds on deposit were held in profit and loss-sharing schemes. In addition to the profit and loss-sharing system, lending takes two other forms: interest-free loans on which .banks make service charges at rates determined by the State Bank of Pakistan, and approving finance for purchasing goods or real estate under which the bank purchases the item and agrees to resell it to the client at an in~reased price. All these modes of finance are subject to criticism by some advocates of Islamisation on the grounds that they contain a provision for a guaranteed rate of return that can be construed as the equivalent of interest. In November 1991, the Federal Shariat Court declared all laws pertaining to the payment or receipt of interest and mark-up contrary to Islam. It also ruled against the indexation of financial assets for inflation. The federal and provincial governments were ordered to amend all relevant laws by June 30,1992, but appeals by banks and
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the central government rendered the deadline inoperative. As of early 1994, no higher court decision had been announced. The National Credit Consultative Council formulates annual credit plans. The council includes members from government, financial institutions, and the private sector. The credit plan sets a limit on the expansion of the money supply, taking into account the targets of the development plan and the government's fiscal objectives, as well as prevailing rates of growth and projections for GO? In the late 1980s and early 1990s, money growth tended to run well ahead of plan targets. (OTR; EIU 1992-93, 41) Rapid expansion of the money supply, coupled with the impact of the 1991 Persian Gulf War on domestic energy prices, pushed up the consumer price index by 13 per cent during FY 1991. Although energy prices fell in FY 1992, heavy government borrowing from the central bank kept inflation relatively high in FY 1992 and FY 1993, at around 9 per cent. Some independent observers, including the World Bank, believed that the official inflation statistics understated the real rate in FY 1993, which they put at about 13 per cent. The principal stock market is the Karachi Stock Exchange, although there are also small stock markets in Lahore and Islamabad. The stock market expanded greatly during the 1980s. In 1991, there were almost 550 companies listed, with a market capitalisation of US$ 4.3 billion. The turnover ratio was 12.6 per cent, which represented a traded value of US$ 542 million. In 1991, as part of the government's deregulation policies, restrictions on foreign investment in shares of listed Pakistani companies were lifted, as were constraints on the repatriation of investment proceeds, gains and dividends. Initially, most foreign investment was carried out by portfolio managers and institutional investors based in Hong Kong and Singapore.
Foreign Trade Foreign trade is important to the economy because of the country's need to import a variety of products. Imports have exceeded exports in almost every year since 1950, and Pakistan had a deficit on its balance of trade each year from FY 1973 through FY 1992. In FY 1991, exports were US$ 5.9 billion, compared with imports of US$ 8.4 billion, which resulted in a deficit of US$ 2.5 billion. In
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FY 1992, exports rose to an estimated US$ 6.9 billion, but imports reached an estimated US$ 9.3 billion, resulting in a trade deficit of US$ 2.4 billion. Economists forecast a trade deficit of around US$ 2.5 billion for FY 1993. Pakistan's terms of trade, expressed in an index set at 100 in FY 1981, were 78.0 in FY 1991 and 82.7 in FY 1992. Crude oil and refined products are significant imports. Their value varies with internal demand and changes in the world oil price. In FY 1982, oil products accounted for around 30 per cent of Pakistan's imports, falling to an annual average of 15 per cent in FY 1987 to FY 1990, rising to over 21 per cent in FY 1991, but dropping back to 15 per cent in FY 1992. Other important categories of imports in FY 1992 included non-electrical machinery (24 per cent), chemicals (10 per cent), transportation equipment (9 per cent) and edible oils (4 per cent). Although import-substitution industrialisation policies favoured domestic manufacturing of substitutes for imports, officials also encouraged manufactured exports in the 1950s and 1960s. In the early 1980s, incentives were again provided to industrialists to increase manufactured exports. Nonetheless, in the early 1990s, the export base remained primarily dependent on two agricultural products, cotton and rice, which are subject to great variations in output and demand. In FY 1992, raw cotton, cotton yam, cotton cloth, and cotton waste accounted for 37 per cent of all exports. Other important exports were readymade garments (15 per cent), synthetic textiles (6 per cent), and rice (6 per cent). There was some diversification during the late 1980s as the share of manufactured goods rose. The share of primary goods fell from 35 per cent to 16 per cent between FY 1986 and FY 1993. During the same period, the share of semi manufactures rose from 16 per cent to 20 per cent, and that of manufactured goods rose from 49 per cent to 64 per cent. In the early 1990s, Pakistan's balance of trade remained particularly vulnerable to changes in the world economy and bad weather. Sharp increases in crude oil prices, such as those of 1979-81 and 1990, raised the nation's import bill Significantly. Total exports, on the other hand, are more sensitive to agricultural production. The decline in cotton production in FY 1993, for instance, seriously affected the export level.
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Sources for imports and markets for exports are widely scattered, and they fluctuate from year to year. In the early 1990s, the United States and Japan were Pakistan's most important trading partners. In FY 1993, the United States accounted for 13.7 per cent of Pakistan's exports and 11.2 per cent of its imports. Japan accounted for 6.6 per cent of exports and 14.2 per cent of imports. Germany, Britain and Saudi Arabia are also important trading partners. Hong Kong is an important export market and China a significant supplier of imports. Trade with the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and Malaysia is small but not unimportant. Trade with India is negligible. Because of Pakistani fears of protectionism in developed countries and the increasing importance of regional blocs in international trade, the government in the 1980s and early 1990s placed new importance on developing trade links with nearby nations. In the early 1990s, new trading initiatives were being pursued through membership in two regional organisations, the Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO) and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation. The ECO was formed in 1985 with Pakistan, Iran, and Turkey as its only members, but Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan. Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan joined in 1992. Some politicians in the member nations see the ECO as a potential Muslim common market, but political rivalries, especially between Iran and Turkey, limit its effectiveness. In 1994, most of the concrete measures being taken by the ECO concerned the improvement of transportation and communications among the member nations, including the construction of a highway from Turkey to Pakistan through Iran. SMRC was founded in the mid-1980s primarily as a vehicle to increase trade within South Asia by de linking the region's political conflicts from economic cooperation. Its seven member statesBangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lankaadopted the principle of unanimity in selecting multilateral questions for debate. Despite frequent consultative committee meetings, progress toward increased trade remained limited in 1994. Pakistan's trade with India, for instance, is extremely limited. At the annual SAARC summit in April 1993, members agreed to negotiate a South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement by 1996 that would lower or abolish tariffs among members.
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During the first four decades after independence, controls on imports were used to ensure priority use of foreign exchange and to assist industrialisation. In the 1980s, the government maintained lists of permissible imports and also used quantitative restrictions and regulations on foreign exchange to control imports. The most extensive list covers consumer goods as well as raw materials and capitrll goods that can be imported by commercial and industrial users. Industrial users can only import a second list, mostly of raw materials. A third list covers commodities only the public sector can import. In 1991 and 1992, the government announced various measures to liberalise trade. Import licensing was ended for most goods, many products were removed from the lists of restricted imports, and import duties were cut. In addition, foreign companies were allowed into the export trade. The government also promised to convert the remaining non-tariff barriers into tariffs, incorporate various ad hoc import taxes into customs duties, and reduce the numerous exemptions and concessions on duties. Foreign Economic Relations: Since independence Pakistan has had to depend on foreign assistance in its development efforts and to balance its international debt payments. In 1960, the World Bank organised the Aid to Pakistan Consortium to facilitate coordination among the major providers of international assistance. The consortium held 92 per cent of Pakistan's outstanding disbursed debt at the end of June 1991. The consortium's members include the United States, Canada, Japan, Britain, Germany, France, and international organisations such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The World Bank accounted for 26 per cent of the outstanding debt, and the ADB, which was the largest lender in the early 1990s. accounted for 15 per cent. Most nonconsortium funding comes from Saudi Arabia and other oil-producing Middle Eastern countries. Most aid is in the form of loans, although the proportion of grants increased from around 12 per cent in the late 1970s to around 25 per cent in the 1980s, mainly because of food aid and other funds directed toward Afghan refugees. With the decline in this aid after 1988, the proportion of grants decreased to 16 per cent in FY 1992. The United States has been a major provider of aid since independence and was the largest donor in the 1980s. All United
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States military aid and all new civilian commitments, however, ended in October 1990 after the United States Congress failed to receive certification that Pakistan was not developing a nuclear bomb. As of early 1994, United States aid had not resumed, but Agency for International Development projects already under way in October 1990 continued to receive funds. Export and Import: Imports allowed into Pakistan under Government of Pakistan (GoP) specified rules include three types of items. A list of such items is covered under the Tariff-based list published by the Central Board of Revenue. A list of restricted items (hazardous material, medical equipment using radioactive material, etc.) is also published, and government permission is required to import under a strict regime. A list of negative items is published in the Import Export Policy including hazardous waste (as described in Basle convention) and other items not allowed to be imported for religious, health or security reasons. Pakistan is a member of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Although the country is not a member of any free trade arrangement, it is a party to arrangements designed to achieve progress toward regional liberalisation of trade under the following organisations: The Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO), whose membership includes Pakistan, Turkey and Iran, has now expanded to include Afghanistan, Azerbaijan and five Central Asian states which were under Russian occupation until the early 1990s. The ECO grants 10 per cent tariff preference on statutory rates for some goods. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is comprised of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and the Maldives. SAARC is operating under a South Asian Preferential Trading Agreement (SAPTA), which became effective in 1994. However, this has not translated into increased regional trade, since the trade volume between countries is limited due to the simmering dispute between India and Pakistan. The Afghan Transit Trade Agreement governs all transit goods to Afghanistan. Pakistan is also a member (with India and Nepal) of the Asian Clearing Union, founded with the aim at facilitating multilateral payments through the use of local currencies of participating countries in regional transactions, in order to expand intra-regional trade and save convertible foreign exchange.
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Pakistan uses the Harmonised System to classify and describe goods, while customs duties are levied on an ad valorem basis. The import tariff bands have been reduced to five with the maximum band at 35 per cent. The GoP also charges sales tax at 12.5 per cent on the duty-paid value of a variety of goods produced in the country. Until the late 1990s, the GoP maintained a complex system of indirect taxes in the trade sector, including a high basic tariff, additional surcharges, a variety of excise taxes and sales tax with a different applicability on domestic markets. The tariffs, which were established for both protectionist motives and revenue raising, had become generally counterproductive. Many tariff rates were too high and stimulated smuggling and corruption. Revenue collections were also undermined by many exemptions and concessions. The Gop, encouraged by the IMF and the WB, has initiated a process of trade liberalisation and has reduced tariffs, streamlined procedures and deregulated import restrictions on industrial raw material to stimulate increased manufacturing activity.
Customs Valuation • The GoP uses an Import Trade Price (ITP) based valuation system. The Import Trade Price manual is updated periodically to facilitate the valuation process. • Custom clearance and warehousing: there are ample public and bonded warehouse facilities, most of which are owned by the Port Trust organisations. Pakistan has no free port facilities, but regulations permit similar privileges while goods are warehoused. • Goods must be landed within the period specified on the bill of landing or within 15 days after entry of the vessel into port. Once the goods have entered and duties have been assessed, the importer must clear them for consumption (by paying the duties) or warehouse them. Import Licences: As of the current fiscal year, the GoP has removed the requirement for all importing firms in the private sector to register as importers. The GoP permits imports from all countries except Israel. However, in the case of loans, credits or specified revolving credits (like US PL480), imports are subject to availability from the specified source only. A few of the special conditions which apply to importers are:
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• Importers are required to obtain special authorisation from the Ministry of Commerce for to import items on the negative/ restricted list; • They must ensure that the correct Harmonised Schedule code number for every imported item is stated in the import documents; • Health hazard warnings must be printed in English and Urdu on every package of cigarettes; • Imports from India are governed under a specific trade regime and individual items specified by the Ministry of Commerce can be imported if they are classified under the Harmonised System numbers. Import and Export Documentation Requirements: The requisite documents include: bills of landing, invoices, packing lists, certificates of origin, copies of letters of credit and insurance certificates.
Temporary Entry: GoP import regulations permit temporary import of legally importable items by foreign companies (e.g. as commercial samples), provided that a bank guarantee or indemnity bond equivalent to the value of the item is provided to the customs authorities to ensure that the items will be reexported. Applicable import fees must be paid, but will be refunded on reexport. Similarly, domestic industrial firms may import items for test, trial and reexport, subject only to payment of a refundable import fee. Labelling/marking Requirements: Pakistan has no uniform or universal system of imposing labelling and marking requirements on products; however, individual industries or sectors are subject to regulation by specific bodies. For example, the Ministry of Health sets requirements for the pharmaceuticals industry, while tobacco products must have a printzd health hazard warning. Prohibited Imports: Pakistan controls certain imports through the negative list. Goods not on the negative list may be freely imported. The negative list is made up of items banned for religious reaSons (goods bearing words or inscriptions of a religious connotation), or security or luxury consumption reasons; capital and consumer goods banned to protect domestic industry; and intermediate goods used in producing protected goods. A restricted/conditional list includes items that may be imported, for example, only by specific parties or
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against a specific loan, etc.; products and byproducts of pigs/hogs/ boars. Export Controls: Export of goods from Pakistan is allowed, except for some specified items in short supply. To ensure supply and availability for the local market, exports of live animals and meat are governed under procedures laid down by the Export Promotion Bureau. Other items include milk and milk products, timber, ferrous and non-ferrous metal, antiquities and human skeletons. Petroleum products, previously exported only through public sector entities, have now been opened to the private sector as of the current fiscal year. Standards/ISO 9000 Usage: The Pakistan Standards Institute (PSI) is the national standards body. PSI activities include preparation and implementation of standards, introduction of standards, inspection systems, collaboration with international organisations such as the International Standards Organisation (ISO) and dissemination of information on standardisation and quality control. PSI has so far established about 4000 national standards covering, for example, agriculture and food, chemicals, civil and mechanical engineering, electronics, weights and measures, and textile products. The Export Promotion Bureau (EPB), a line department of the Ministry of Commerce, provides a free adviSOry service and acts as the resource for planning, documentation, and interpretation in the local environment, implementation and certification processes for ISO 9000. To target export markets, there is increasing awareness of acquiring capacity for ISO, A growing pool of engineering, textile, software houses and other companies confirms that manufacturers and producers are aware of the impacts of the liberalised trade regime. Free Trade Zones/warehouses: GoP has established Export Processing Zones at Karachi and several key locations in the country. GoP allows trading activity in the Export Processing Zones, which assists exporters to acquire duty-free goods; except for the negative list to be notified separately, all other items are permitted under the above policy.
Intellectual Property Rights: The GoP recently revised the law implementing intellectual property rights (trade marks, patents, copyrights, integrated circuit layouts and industrial designs). Violation
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of the Intellectual Property Rights Act deterred foreign investment, caused revenue leakage and was a disincentive to creative work. To ensure better protection under IPR, the GoP has reviewed the Pakistan Penal Code and Trade Marks Ordinance to update the relevant laws and remove anomalies in their interpretation and application. The amendments introduced are expected to bring about consistency between the various regulations and laws on IPR. The legal framework is being upgraded to be more responsive. The Pakistan Intellectual Property Rights Organisation (PI PRO ) he'S been set up and is designed to service all IPR requirements under one organisation. Agricultural and food products; a. Edible products shall have remaining at least 6 months or 50 per cent of the shelf life, whichever is less, calculated from the date of filing of the Import General Manifest (IGM). They •shall also be free of any "haram" (non-kosher) elements and ingredients; and b. where the conditions specified under (a) above are not printed on the packing, a certificate issued by the manufacturers or principals in respect of these conditions shall be accepted by Customs. External Debt: Pakistan frequently encounters balance of payments difficulties, requiring emergency funding and rescheduling of debt payments. The main reason for the negative balance of payments is the chronic trade deficit. However, remittances from Pakistanis employed overseas have compensated for a portion of the trade deficit. Remittances sent home from these workers increased from US$ 339 million in FY 1976 to US$ 2.9 billion in FY 1983, when they exceeded total commodity export earnings. After FY 1983, remittances gradually declined, although they averaged US$ 2.3 billion between FY 1984 and FY 1990. Remittances totalled US$ 1.8 billion in FY 1991 but then fell to US$ 1.5 billion in FY 1992, in part because of the disruption caused by the Persian Gulf War. In FY 1992, Pakistanis in the Middle East accounted for 67.1 per cent of all remittances; 45.3 per cent came from Saudi Arabia alone. Workers in Kuwait provided around 9 per cent in the late 1980s, but that proportion fell to 3.6 per cent in FY 1992. Pakistanis also send significant remittances from the United States (10.2 per cent) and Britain (9.3 per cent). (EIU 1992-93, 44; SS, 171, 191)
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At the end of June 1993, Pakistani officials estimated the public and publicly guaranteed external debt at US$ 18.4 billion. The World Bank, however, estimated the total external debt at US$ 24.1 billion at the end of 1992, up from US$ 16.7 billion at the end of 1987. Total external debt was 48 per cent of the Gross National Product. Commercial borrowing is a small proportion of debt; at the end of 1992, it accounted for only 0.4 per cent of long-term debt.
Agriculture Agriculture occupies a strategic place in Pakistani economy. It directly supports three-quarters of the population, employs half the labour force and accounts for one-quarter of Gross Domestic Product (EIU, 1997). Pakistani women play a major role in agricultural production, livestock raising and cottage industries. Women often devote more time to these tasks than men do. They participate in all operations related to crop production such as sowing, transplanting, weeding and harvesting, as well as in post-harvest operations such as threshing, winnowing, drying, grinding, husking and storage (including making mud bins for storage). Rural Women in Pakistan carry out these tasks in addition to their normal domestic chores of cooking, taking care of children, elderly and disabled, fetching water and fuel, cleaning and maintaining the house as well as some of its construction. Obviously, these women work longer than men do. Surveys have revealed that a woman works 12 to 15 hours a day on various economic activities and household chores (ESCAP, 1997). Women from an average farm family remain extremely busy during the two farming seasons in sowing and harvesting. In some ethnic groups, especially in the southern regions of Pakistan, a husband may marry more than one woman to supply additional farm labour (PARC, 1988). In Barani (rainfed) agriculture, where crop production is not sufficient to meet subsistence needs of the households, men have traditionally sought employment in the non-farm sector. As a result, women have to take over a substantial burden of the work in agricultural production. Moreover, dramatic growth rates in cotton production have generated tremendous demand for female labour. Such production-labour interactions have led to the increasing feminisation of agriculture (GOp, 1995). Though Islamic laws do not deny equality between the sexes, women receive differential treatment due to misinterpretations
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of religious teaching. Due to various social beliefs and cultural bias, women's access to property, education, employment, etc. remain considerably lower compared to men's. Purdah norms are followed in most communities (ESCAP, 1997). Farming is Pakistan's Idrgest economic activity. In FY 1993, agriculture, and small scale forestry and fishing, contributed 25 per cent of GDP and employed 48 per cent of the labour force. Agricultural products, especially cotton yarn, cotton cloth. raw cotton and rice, are important exports. Although there is agricultural activity in all areas of Pakistan, most crops are grown in the Indus River plain in Punjab and Sind. Considerable development and expansion of output has occurred since the early 1960s; however, the country is still far from realising the large potential yield that the well-irrigated and fertile soil from the Indus irrigation system could produce. The floods of September 1992 showed how vulnerable agriculture is to weather; agricultural production dropped dramatically in FY 1993. Land Use: Pakistan's total land area is about 803,940 sq. km. About 48 million hectares, or 60 per cent, is often classified as unusable for forestry or agriculture consists mostly of deserts, mountain slopes and urban settlements. Some authorities, however, include part of this area as agricultural land on the basis that it would support some livestock activity even though it is poor rangeland. Thus, estimates of grazing land vary Widely-between 10 per cent and 70 per cent of the total area. A broad interpretation, for example, categorises almost all of arid Balochistan as rangeland for foraging livestock. Government officials listed only 3 million hectares, largely in the north, as forested in FY 1992. About 21.9 million hectares were cultivated in FY 1992. Around 70 per cent of the cropped area was in Punjab, followed by perhaps 20 per cent in Sind, less than 10 per cent in the North West Frontier Province, and only 1 per cent in Balochistan. Since independence, the amount of cultivated land has increased by more than one-third. This expansion is largely the result of improvements in the irrigation systems that make water available to additional plots. Substantial amounts of farmland have been lost to urbanisation and water logging, but losses are more than compensated for by additions of new land. In the early 1990s, more irrigation projects were needed to increase the area of cultivated land.
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The scant rainfall over most of the country makes about 80 per cent of cropping dependent on irrigation. Fewer than 4 million hectares of land, largely in northern Punjab and the North West Frontier Province, are totally dependent on rainfall. An additional 2 million hectares of land are under non-irrigated cropping, such as plantings on floodplains as the water recedes. Non-irrigated farming generally gives low yields, and although the technology exists to boost production substantially, it is expensive to use and not always readily available. Irrigation: In the early 1990s, irrigation from the Indus River and its tributaries constituted the world's largest contiguous irrigation system, capable of watering over 16 million hectares. The system includes three major storage reservoirs and numerous barrages, headwork's, canals, and distribution channels. The total length of the canal system exceeds 58,000 kilometres; there are an additional 1.6 million kilometres of farm and field ditches. Partition placed portions of the Indus River and its tributaries under India's control, leading to prolonged disputes between India and Pakistan over the use of Indus waters. After nine years of negotiations and technical studies, the Indus Waters Treaty of 1960 resolved the issue. After a ten-year transitional period, the treaty awarded India use of the waters of the main eastern tributaries in its territory-the Ravi, Beas and Sutiej rivers. Pakistan received use of the waters of the Indus River and its western tributaries, the Jhelum and Chenab rivers. After the treaty was signed, Pakistan began an extensive and rapid irrigation construction programme, partly financed by the Indus Basin Development Fund of US$ 800 million contributed by various nations, including the United States, and administered by the World Bank. Several immense link canals were built to transfer water from western rivers to eastern Punjab to replace flows in eastern tributaries that India began to divert in accordance with the terms of the treaty. The Mangla Dam, on the Jhelum River, was completed in 1967. The dam provided the first significant water storage for the Indus irrigation system. The dam also contributes to flood control, to regulation of flows for some of the link canals, and to the country's energy supply. At the same time, additional construction was undertaken on barrages and canals.
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A second phase of irrigation expansion began in 1968, when a US$ 1.2 billion fund, also administered by the World Bank, was established. The key to this phase was the Tarbela Dam on the Indus River, which is the world's largest earth-filled dam. The dam, completed in the 1970s, reduced the destruction of periodic floods and in 1994 was a major hydroelectric generating source. Most important for agriculture, the dam increases water availability, particularly during low water, which usually comes at critical growing periods. Despite massive expansion in the irrigation system, many problems remain. The Indus irrigation system was designed to fit the availability of water in the rivers, to supply the largest area with minimum water needs, and to achieve these objectives at low operating costs with limited technical staff. This system design has resulted in low yields and low cropping intensity in the Indus River plain, averaging about one crop a year, whereas the climate and soils could reasonably permit an average of almost 1.5 crops a year, if a more sophisticated irrigation network were in place. The urgent need in the 1960s and 1970s to increase crop production for domestic and export markets led to water flows well above designed capacities. Completion of the Mangla and Tarbela reservoirs, as well as improvements in other parts of the system, made larger water flows possible. In addition, the government began installing public tube wells that usually discharge into upper levels of the system to add to the available water. The higher water flows in parts of the system considerably exceed design capacities, creating stresses and risks of breaches. Nonetheless, many farmers, particularly those with smallholdings and those toward the end of watercourses, suffer because the supply of water is unreliable. The irrigation system represents a significant engineering achievement and provides water to the fields that account for 90 per cent of agricultural production. Nonetheless, serious problems in the design of the irrigation system prevent achieving the highest potential agricultural output. Water management is based largely on objectives and operational procedures dating back many decades and is often inflexible and unresponsive to current needs for greater water use efficiency and high crop yields. Charges for water use do not meet operational and maintenance costs, even though rates more than doubled in the
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1970s and was again increased in the 1980s. Partly because of its low cost, farmers often waste water. Government officials, who often assume that investments in physical aspects of the system will automatically yield higher crop production, do not practice good water management. Government management of the system does not extend beyond the main distribution channels. After passing through these channels, water is directed onto the fields of individual farmers whose water rights are based on longestablished social and legal codes. Groups of farmers voluntarily manage the watercourses between main distribution channels and their fields. In effect, the efficiency and effectiveness of water management relies on the way farmers use the system. The exact amounts of water wasted have not been determined, but studies suggest that losses are considerable and perhaps amount to one-half of the water entering the system. Part of the waste results from see pages in the delivery system. Even greater amounts are probably lost because farmers use water whenever their turn comes even if the water application is detrimental to their crops. The attitude among almost all farmers is that they should use water when available because it may not be available at the next scheduled turn. Moreover, farmers have little understanding of the most productive applications of water during crop-growing cycles because of the lack of research and extension services. As a result, improvements in the irrigation system have not raised yields and output as expected. Some experts believe that drastic changes are needed in government policies and the legal and institutional framework of water management, if water use is to improve and that effective changes can result in very large gains in agricultural output. While Pakistan's current economic position is undoubtedly difficult, it is not obviously worse than that of other countries (for example, Taiwan in the late 1950s, or Korea in the early 1960s, or Indonesia or Singapore in the late 1960s) at the time when they succeeded in engineering major policy changes that laid the basis for their future prosperity. One of the dimensions in which a clear policy stance will be needed is with regard to Pakistan's international economic relations. There would be great economic benefits from a policy of deep regional integration, if that proves politically possible, and that such
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an economic initiative could in turn improve the prospects for political cooperation in the way that happened in Europe. The second-best trade policy, if regional cooperation proves impractical, would be close to free trade, which would eliminate the antiexport bias from which Pakistan has suffered in the past. Either option would help to make Pakistan an attractive export platform, which might help to attract FDI, specially from expatriate Pakistanis. Reestablishing Pakistan's credentials in the eyes of potential foreign investors also needs a determined effort to establish the rule of law. Finally, Pakistan needs to achieve a major and sustained improvement in its current account so as to relieve itself from dependence on inflows of short-term capital, and that subsequently, when foreign capital wants to come in, it will be important to make sure that the form of capital inflow is a relatively stable one so that the danger of a future crisis is minimised. Crop Production: Sugarcane, etc. are the key components of Pakistani cropping systems. Punjab Province accounts for the bulk of agricultural output in the country. However, Balochistan and North West Frontier Province are poor and backward (EIU, 1997). Endowed with fertile lands, Sind Province produces 30 per cent rice, 25 per cent of the cotton, 23 per cent of the sugarcane and 18 per cent of the wheat in the country (Baloch, 1988). In Pakistan, women participate extensively in the production of major crops, but the intensity of their labour depends on both the crop in question and the specific activities related to that crop. Women's participation is particularly high in cotton, rice, pulses and vegetables (Mumtaz, 1993). Rice and cotton cultivation in Sind jointly account for more than one-third of women's annual agricultural activities (Quadri and Jahan, 1982). Similarly, women's participation is the highest in cotton production in Punjab. Picking cotton is exclusively a women's task. Their participation is the lowest in sugarcane production (Zaman and Khan, 1987). In the rainfed areas of Punjab, women contribute to almost all of 22 identified crop tasks with the major contribution to seed preparation, collection and application of farmyard manure, husking maize and storage (Freedman and Wai, 1988). Men's involvement is higher in the early stages of cultivation such as field preparation. Men also monopolise mechanical work. For example, they carry out
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mechanical threshing (with animal or fuel-powered machines), while hand threshing is a women's domain of task. Driving tractors and watering the fields are also men's job. Food processing and storage is an area where women's participation is considerably higher than men's (Mumtaz, 1993). A survey conducted in five districts of NWFP reveals that 82 per cent of women participate in agro-based activities. They spend 45 per cent of their time and are responsible for 25 per cent of the production of major crops. They produce 30 per cent of the total food (Shah and Jabeen, 1988). One study in rice and cotton producing villages in Pakistan showed that in agricultural activities women spent 39.34 per cent and 50.42 per cent of their time in rice and cotton growing areas respectively (United Nations, 1986). Even invisible activities take almost as much more time as visible ones. Invisible activities include carrying meals, drinks, etc. from the house to men working in the field; kitchen gardening (in cotton areas); cleaning and drying farm produce for storage; and making clay storage bins. Actually, women provide 29 per cent of the labour input in rice and 24 per cent in cotton production (United Nations, 1986). An example of gender involvement in crop production in the uplands, which represent 40 per cent of the country's land base, is presented above.
Livestock Livestock provides the draft power available to most farmers as well as food, fuel. manure, wool, and hides. Livestock contributed about 30 per cent of the value added by agriculture in FY 1993. In Balochistan raising sheep and goats on the arid rangeland is an important source of cash to a considerable part of the population, although many areas are overgrazed. In FY 1993, the livestock population was estimated at 17.8 million cattle, 18.7 million water buffalo, 27.7 million sheep, 40.2 million goats, and 5.4 million other animals, including camels, horses, and mules. Production of animal products in FY 1993 was estimated to include 17 million tons of milk, 844,000 tons of beef, 763,000 tons of mutton, 50,500 tons of wool, and 42.6 million tons of hides and skins. Despite substantial increases in livestock production in the 1980s, the country faces shortages because of the limited amount of feed and grazing areas. In the 1980s, the government increased
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the size of crossbreeding programmes and took other measures to increase productivity, but production still fell short of demand. Commercial chicken farming is exceptional because production using modern methods has expanded rapidly since the 1960s. Although many farmers raise some poultry, the commercial chicken farms account for most of the increased availability of eggs and poultry. Poultry meat production increased from 14,000 tons in FY 1972 to 75,000 tons in FY 1983 and 188,000 tons in FY 1993. Egg production increased from 14 million in FY 1972 to 4.2 billion in FY 1983 and 5.4 billion in FY 1992.
Fishing Fishing is a small economic sector, which accounted for around 0.6 per cent of GDP in FY 1992. Nevertheless, fishing had increased sharply in the 1970s and 1980s and seemed well positioned for further expansion in the 1990s. The fish catch was 173,000 tons in FY 1970, approximately 301,000 tons in FY 1982, and 510,000 tons in FY 1992. The bulk of the catch was taken offshore in the Arabian Sea. Much of the catch, especially prawns and shrimp, is exported to the Middle East. Fish accounted for 1.7 per cent of export earnings in FY 1992. The country is considered to have a large potential in fishing, reportedly as high as 14 million tons a year if sufficient investments and market expansion occur. Transportation The domestic transportation system was not well developed at independence. Railroads were the main means of transportation, but the network in West Pakistan had been constructed under the assumption that the area formed part of a larger subcontinental economic and political entity and was not suited to the needs of the new nation. Considerable development was necessary to improve links between Karachi, Pakistan's first capital and the country's principal port and commercial centre, and Punjab, where Islamabad was established as the new administrative capital in 1962. In the 1970s and 1980s, road and air networks grew considerably faster than did the railroads. Between FY 1978 and FY 1992, the volume of freight and the number of passengers carried by rail increased only slightly, whereas road-borne freight and the number of air passengers more than doubled. In 1994 transportation policy
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was aimed at shifting more of the traffic back to the rail system, with a long-term goal of a rail to road freight traffic ratio of 33:67 by 2000. However, it appears unlikely that this target will be met. In June 1992, the road system covered 179,752 kilometres, of which asphalt roads made up 51.2 per cent. The numbe r of motor vehicles more than doubled during the 1980s. Their numbe r was estimated at nearly 2 million in 1992, including 932,00 0 motorcycles, 454,00 0 automobiles, 220,00 0 tractors, 157,00 0 trucks and vans, and 37,000 buses. In March 1992, the government approved a fiveyear Rs. 73 billion programme of road construction and rehabilitation. This plan included building a four-lane 339-kilometre highway between Lahore and Islamabad, scheduled for completion in mid-1995. Road transport is mostly in the private sector, but some passenger and freight services are provided by public sector corporations. The railroad system is government owned and covers 8,775 kilometres. In FY 1992 there were 753 locomotives and 34,851 freight wagons. The system usually runs at a loss. In mid-1992 the most profitable route, that between Lahore and Faisalabad, was privatised. It is expected that the government will attempt to privatise other rail routes, but the Lahore, Faisalabad line was re nationalised in Septem ber 1993 when the private operator failed to make a profit. Shipping capacity decreased in the 1980s. The merchant fleet, almost all operate d by the Pakistan National Shipping Corporation (PNSC), consisted in 1992 of twenty-two vessels, down from fifty vessels in 1982. Approximately half the fleet is more than fifteen years old and is unsuited to present needs. The PNSC handled 2.74 million tons of cargo in the last six months of 1991, compared with 2.77 million tons during the corresponding period in 1990. In 1992, in line with its privatisation policy, the government invited applications for setting up a private shipping sector and promised to operate the PNSC on a commercial basis. There are two international ports-K arachi and Port Muhammad bin Qasim. In the early 1990s, Karachi handled the bulk of the traffic. During the nine months ending in March 1992, Karachi handled 14.7 million tons of cargo, of which 11.0 million tons 'yVere imports and 3.7 million tons exports. This was 4.2 per cent more cargo than was handled during the corresponding period of 1990-91. Port Qasim,
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which is fifty-three kilometres south of Karachi, handled 5.8 million tons of cargo in the first nine months of FY 1992. In early 1994, the major airline was the government-controlled Pakistan International Airlines (PIA). PIA had a fleet of forty-seven aircraft in March 1993, of which fifteen were wide-bodied Boeing 747s and A300-B4s. The PIA network includes forty-five international and thirty-five domestic airports. There are international airports at Karachi, Islamabad, Lahore, Peshawar, and Quetta. Several small private airlines began operating domestic routes in 1993. One of these carriers, Shaheen Air International, also operates international cargo routes and plans to provide international passenger service in 1994 or 1995.
Industry In 1947, only some 5 per cent of the large scale industrial facilities in British India were located in what became Pakistan. The country started with virtually no industrial base and no institutional, financial or energy resources. Three small hydroelectric power stations provided limited electricity to a few urban areas. Firewood and dung were the main sources of energy; commercial energy sources supplied only about 30 per cent of the energy consumed. Further, there was a shortage of management personnel and skilled labour. Manufacturing: The pace of industrialisation since independence has been rapid, although it has fluctuated in response to changes in government policy and to world economic conditions. During the 1950s, manufacturing expanded at about 16 per cent annually; during the first half of the 1960s, it expanded at around 11 per cent a year. The pace slowed to under 7 per cent a year in the second half of the 1960s. Between FY 1970 and FY 1977, the index of manufacturing output increased an average of only 2.3 per cent a year. Between FY 1977 and FY 1982, the index rose an average of 9.9 per cent a year. Growth averaged 7.7 per cent during the Sixth Five Year Plan (1983-88) and 5.4 per cent from FY 1989 through FY 1992. In FY 1993, manufacturing accounted for 17.3 per cent of GDP at current factor cost, of which large scale manufacturing accounted for 61 per cent and small scale manufacturing for 39 per cent. Manufactured goods accounted for 64 per cent of all exports by value in FY 1993, but the bulk of these exports came in
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the relatively low-technology areas of cotton textiles and garments. Total fixed capital formation in manufacturing was estimated at Rs 57 billion in FY 1993. During the 1980s, private investment became much more important than public investment. In FY 1982, private investment was 53.9 per cent of the total, but in FY 1993 the proportion was 96.1 per cent. Total investment in manufacturing was 5.1 per cent of GNP in FY 1993. In the early 1990s, the manufacturing sector was dominated by food procesSing and textiles. Provisional figures for FY 1992 indicated that sugar production was 2.1 million tons, vegetable ghee 819,000 tons, cotton yarn 862,000 tons, and cotton cloth 234 million square metres. Other industrial products included motortires (647,000 units), cycle tires (2.2 million units), cement (6.1 million tons), urea (1.4 million tons), soda ash (147,000 tons), bicycles (364,000 units), and paperboard (13,000 tons). Pakistan has one steel mill, located near Karachi, with a production capacity of 1.1 million tons per year. A major undertaking, the mill required the bulk of public industrial investment in the late 1970s and early 1980s, although the plant was designed and partly financed by the Soviet Union. It produced at 81 per cent of capacity in FY 1993, and it was dependent on imports of iron ore and coking coal. As of early 1994, the mill had not achieved sustained profitability, but there were plans to expand it. Public sector firms produced about 40 per cent of the total manufacturing value added in FY 1991, and they absorbed about 48 per cent of gross fixed investment. The total value of public sector industrial output in FY 1991 was Rs 36 billion (in constant FY 1983 prices), but pre-tax profits were only Rs 1.3 billion, reflecting the inefficiencies a~d overstaffing prevalent in these enterprises. To improve the efficiency and competitiveness of public sector firms and end federal subsidies of their losses, the government launched a privatisation programme in FY 1991. Majority control in nearly all public sector enterprises will be auctioned off to private investors, and foreign ,investors are eligible buyers. In March 1992, twenty units had been privatised, but by 1993, only about 30 per cent of the government's target number of firms had been sold because some of the enterprises were unattractive for private investors. In 1994, the government led by Benazir Bhutto was committed to continuing the policy of privatisation.
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Labour Between independence and the early 1990s, the labour force grew rapidly, reflecting the high population growth and the subsequently burgeoning proportion of the population under twenty years of age. The data available concerning employment are only estimates because few concrete facts are available. Official labour force figures represent orders of magnitude and are not precise. Observers agree, however, that relatively few women participate in the formal non-agricultural labour force. In FY 1992, the civilian labour force was estimated at 33.8 million, compared with 26.3 million in FY 1982 and only 10.4 million in 1951. In FY 1993, about 48 per cent of the civilian labour force was engaged in agriculture, 13 per cent in industry, 7 per cent in construction, 13 per cent in trade, 5 per cent in transportation and communications, and 14 per cent in other services. Only about 25 per cent of the official labour forces are wage earners, which reflects the high levels of casual enterprise, family businesses and selfemployment. Agricultural employment, although increasing, has expanded at a slower rate than the total labour force for most of the period since independence. In the 1960s and 1970s, owners of mid-sized farms turned increasingly to managing their own holdings, displacing former tenants. Increased mechanisation displaced agricultural labourers. Industry, the major growth sector of the economy, was unable to absorb sufficient workers. From the early 1960s until the early 1990s, the proportion of the labour force employed in the industrial sector remained steady, while the proportion working in trade, construction, and transportation rose. Official estimates placed unemployment at around 3 per cent in the late 1980s, but this rate rose in the early 1990s to around 6 per cent. Underemployment is a greater problem and is particularly evident in agriculture, construction and trade. Overseas employment partially compensates for the insufficient job market. Since the mid-1970s, a growing number of Pakistanis, mostly men, have gone to labour-deficient, oil-exporting countries in the Middle East, where wages are much higher than at home. Estimates vary on the number of Pakistanis working overseas. In the early 1990s, some observers put the number of Pakistanis working in the Middle East as high as 4 million. These workers range from unskilled
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labourers to highly skilled professionals such as engineers, accountants, teachers, physicians and nurses. In the early 1990s, Pakistanis sent home remittance~ of between US$ 1.5 billion and US$ 2.0 billion a year, or over 30 per cent of Pakistan's foreign currency earnings and almost 5 per cent of GNP. These remittances raise domestic purchasing power significantly. After the mid-1970s, wages of skilled and unskilled workers in Pakistan rose substantially, affected to a considerable degree by the competition for workers from abroad.
Energy From 1947 to the early 1990s, the economy made considerable progress in the transformation from a wood-burning base to modern energy sources. The process remains incomplete. Bagasse (the woody residue left over from crushed sugarcane), dung, and firewood furnished about 32 per cent of all energy in FY 1988. Some localities had been denuded of firewood, forcing the local population to use commercial energy sources, such as kerosene or charcoal. Domestic sources of commercial energy accounted for 77 per cent of all commercial energy in FY 1990. The major domestic energy resources are natural gas, oil and hydroelectric power. The remainder of energy requirements are met by imports of oil and oil products. Crude oil production increased sharply in the 1980s, from almost 4.0 million barrels in FY 1982 to 22.4 million barrels in FY 1992. This increase was the result of the discovery and development of new oil fields. Despite this expanded production, however, about 28 million barrels of crude oil were imported annually in the early 1990s. The production from domestic oil refineries also rose in the 1980s, reaching 42 million barrels annually in the early 1990s. However, oil products imports accounted for about 30 per cent of the value of all oil imports. Pakistan vigorously pursued oil exploration in the 1980s and early 1990s and made a number of new discoveries. In the early 1990s, the most productive oil field was at Dhurnal in Punjab, accounting for 21 per cent of total output in FY 1993. The Badin area in southern Sind was the site of a number of discoveries in the 1980s, and its proportion of total output has continued to increase over the years. In the early 1990s, more favourable terms on pricing
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and repatriation of profits stimulated the interest of foreign oil companies. About twenty foreign companies are engaged in oil exploration, but poor security for workers and property in remote areas of Balochistan and Sind remains a significant constraint on foreign investment. The large Sui natural gas field in Balochistan was discovered after independence. Production at Sui began in 1955 and peaked in 1985. In the early 1990s, it remained the nation's most productive gas field, accounting for 46 per cent of production in FY 1993. The second largest gas field, also located in Balochistan at Mari, accounted for 20 per cent of all production. Twenty-five gas fields were operational in FY 1993. Natural gas recoverable reserves were estimated at 662.0 billion cubic metres, with an extraction rate in the early 1990s of around 14.0 billion cubic metres, up from 9.3 billion cubic metres in FY 1982 and 1.3 billion cubic metres in FY 1970. Natural gas pipelines, in which the government owns controlling shares, link the Sui gas field and a few others to the main population centres and the major crude oil production areas. The southern pipeline leads from Sui to Hyderabad and Karachi, and a spur supplies Quetta. The northern pipeline branches at Faisalabad. One branch goes a little farther north of Lahore; the other branch is connected to the crude oil fields and supplies gas to Islamabad and Peshawar. There are plans for a new gas pipeline through which Iran would export natural gas to Pakistan. Coal reserves were boosted substantially in May 1992 when a large coal field was discovered in the Thar Desert in Sind. In early 1993, these reserves were estimated at 17 billion tons. However, much of Pakistan's coal has a low calorific value and a high ash and sulphur content, which limits its value. Output was 1.3 million tons in FY 1992, down from 1.8 million tons in FY 1982. The bulk of production is from small, privately owned mines whose owners generally lack funds. expertise, and interest in expanding output. A public sector firm, the Pakistan Mineral Development Corporation, accounted for about one-fifth of output in the early 1990s. The corporation has six operational mines-at Degari, Sor Range, and Sharigh in Balochistan; Lakhra and Meting in Sind; and at the MakerwaVGullakhel complex straddling the border between Punjab and the North West Frontier Province.
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Hydroelectric power is an important domestic primary energy resource, and hydroelectric potential is estimated at around 10,000 megawatts. A large number of additional sites with major potential exist in the mountainous north, but the difficulty of access and the high cost of transmission to the populous south make development a distant prospect. A large proportion of hydrogenerators are located at two large multipurpose dams. The Tarbela Dam located on the Indus River in the North West Frontier Province has an installed capacity of 2,164 megawatts, and the Mangla Dam situated on the Jhelum River in Azad Kashmir has an installed capacity of 800 megawatts. In 1965, Pakistani officials contracted with the Canadian government for the supply of a 125-megawatt pressurised, heavywater nuclear reactor, which in 1972 became operational near Karachi. This was Pakistan's only nuclear power plant in 1994, and its operating record is poor. In 1983 plans for a nuclear plant at Chashma, on the Indus River in Punjab, about 240 kilometres south of Islamabad, were announced. The construction of this plant was delayed, in part because of the reluctance of foreign governments to supply needed fuel and technology because of concern over possible military use of the atomic energy programme. In 1993, Pakistani officials expected the plant to open in 1997 with a capacity of 300 megawatts. China is providing the necessary technology and materials for the Chashma plant. Pakistani officials expect that fuel for the plant are provided by the uranium enrichment plant at Kahuta near Islamabad. In FY 1992, the country had a total installed generating capacity of 9,293 MW, of which approximately62.7 per cent was thermal, 35.9 per cent hydroelectric and 1.5 per cent nuclear. In FY 1991, industry consumed 34.2 per cent of electricity, households 31.7 per cent, agriculture 21.4 per cent, commercial businesses 4.3 per cent, and other users 8.3 per cent. A rural electrification programme increased the number of villages having electricity from around 14,000 in FY 1983 to nearly 41,000 in FY 1992, leaving only about 5,000 villages without electricity. After the late 1970s. considerable improvement was made in transmission facilities. By 1983, a grid connected generators and urban centres of the more populous areas, largely in Punjab' and Sind. Installations of highvoltage transmission lines and other facilities helped reduce power
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losses. Nonetheless, in 1993, the World Bank estimated that 28 per cent of electricity generated in Pakistan was diverted illegally in transmission and distribution, and even the government puts this figure at 12 percent. In 1993, the government planned a rapid increase of generating capacity, in part through the expansion of existing hydroelectric and thermal units and in part through the construction of new plants. Nonetheless, observers expected shortages of electricity to continue in the early 1990s and probably longer. In much of 1993, both urban and rural areas experienced three power cuts a day lasting a total of around two hours. Industrial and commercial users are required to reduce consumption by an even greater amount, and they risk being disconnected if they violate "agreed on levels." Peak demand for electricity is estimated to exceed the supply by around 30 per cent. In 1991, the power sector was opened to private capital, both foreign and domestic. In that year, a World Bank consortium that included investors from Britain, Saudi Arabia, and the United States agreed to finance a project for a new US $1.3 billion, 1,292 megawatts oilfired power station at Hub Chowki in Balochistan, forty-eight kilometres west of Karachi. Construction began in September 1992. The consortium is responsible for the construction and operation of the power station, while its output is sold to the national grid. In 1992, the government announced plans to privatise the Water and Power Development Authority's thermal plants and area electricity boards, but in 1994, legal and political obstacles prevented implementation of this policy. Some development of renewable energy sources has been undertaken, primarily for rural areas so isolated they would not otherwise have electricity in the foreseeable future. The aim is to upgrade village life while lowering urban migration, redUcing reliance on firewood, and providing power to pump water for irrigation where possible. For example, a small family-owned biogas plant uses human and animal waste (from three or four water buffalo, for example) to produce around 2.8 to 4.2 cubic metres of gas a day for heating and lighting. Larger biogas plants serve a number of homes of a village. Construction costs are too high for most villagers unless the government underwtites installation.
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Mining Through the 1980s, development of mining was discouraged by the absence of venture capital and the limited demand for many minerals from domestic industries. The slow development of mining was due in part to the remoteness of the areas where most minerals are found, which adds greatly to the costs of exploration, production and transportation. Moreover, some of these areas have a poor reputation for law and order. By the early 1990s, mining was of little importance to the economy, despite the presence of fairly extensive mineral resources. Foreign companies have been invited to bid for concessions for mineral extraction. Minerals include antimony, bauxite, chromite, copper, gypsum, iron ore, limestone, magnesite, marble, molybdenum, rock salt and sulphur. Much of the mineral wealth is found in Balochistan. In FY 1992, mineral production included 8.5 million tons of limestone, 833,000 tons of rock salt, 471,000 tons of gypsum and 6,333 tons of magnesite. Some iron ore deposits are of good enough quality for use in the country's steel plant, but in FY 1992 production was only 937,000 tons. The Saindak Integrated Mineral Project, managed by the state owned Resource Development Corporation, was developed in the 1980s and early 1990s, but in 1993, there were as yet few results. Located in Balochistan, the project area contains three separate large deposits of copper ore, gold, iron ore, molybdenum, silver and sulphur.
Development and Planning This case study focuses on the achievements and lessons learned from women's participation in the Pakistan component of the Interregional Project for Participatory Upland Conservation and Development, and especially in how to integrate a gender perspective into natural resource conservation when resource conservation is not a normal priority in the lives of rural people. The Project, which ran from 1992 through October 1997 in Pakistan-covers five countries in three regions: Africa (Burundi, Rwanda until 1994 and then Tunisia), Asia (Nepal and Pakistan) and Latin America (Bolivia). Its principle aim was to promote and consolidate people's participation in the conservation and development of upland catchments. in accordance with government policies and priorities. The adaptation and application
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of participatory methods and the promotion of an integrated approach to watershed management are the central elements of this multicomponent project. Although it was not a specific output of this project, a "gender perspective" on the key elements necessary to the participation of rural women in natural resource conservation became a major component of the project in Pakistan. Culturally in Pakistan, men and women are segregated and two separate project field teams had to be established to implement the project. When an initial strategy of implementation was formulated, taking into account the results of the first participatory rural appraisal (PRA), the full participation of women was considered vital to the project's success. A participatory methodology was developed that centred on promoting the empowerment of rural women through the formation of village level associations. Women's associations became forums through which women had access to information and training. They provided support to women, allowing them to develop self-confidence in expressing opinions and in ,contributing to decision-making. Access to credit and income from income generating activities also gave women recognition and confidence. Side by side with the formation of women's associations and attention to the needs expressed by rural women in the PRAs, a programme was integrated to increase women's involvement with and awareness of environmental issues, The project's Pakistan component introduced Gender Awareness (GA) training at three levels: at the community level, the mid-level of the extensionist and field worker and at the top management or Department Director level. Another project will have to be designed to introduce the importance of integrating gender concerns in the planning of participatory watershed management programmes of government Forestry or Soil and Water Conservation departments. The study is organised according to the following format. Background information on the project area is followed by a brief discussion of project design. There is then, there is a lengthy record of the process whereby a participatory methodology was evolved to include rural women in the implementation of upland conse!Vation and development. Finally, there is a discussion of lessons learned and conclusions.
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The Islamic Republic of Pakistan was formed on 14 August, 1947 .It has a geographical area of 803,940 sq. kms. About 200000 sq. kms are under crop cultivation and approximately 35000 sq. kms are forest area. Uplands represent 40 per cent of Pakistan's land base and are the key to the country's development and resource security. In the upland regions the country's main water sources originate, and it is here where most animals graze, the majority of forests are found and where about 25 per cent of the population lives. The uplands are the main source of water for extensive irrigation systems throughout the country and hydroelectric power plants provide about 70 per cent of the total electric power generated. During the eighth five year plan period (1993-1997), the Government of Pakistan (GoP) decided to adopt a more balanced approach to the development of remote areas. The Pakistan component of the Inter-regional project was initiated based on formal recognition of the importance of watershed management. Pakistan is divided into four provinces. The project site is located in the province of Balochistan, which is the largest province and covers about 44 per cent of Pakistan or 347200 sq. kms. It is characterised as arid and semi-arid with a wide range of interrelated desert ecosystems that vary from one another, mainly as a function of precipitation, temperature and altitude. The pattern of land use in much of semi-arid upland Balochistan has a traditional emphasis on livestock, supplemented, where possible, by subsistence cropping. Communal groups or extended families typically utilise rangelands. Water remains the principal constraint for agricultural land use in upland Balochistan. Several systems have evolved for capturing water for agricultural use. One traditional strategy has been the construction of elaborate underground water channel-systems (karez) that tap and direct subsurface ground-water to areas of cultivation. Sailaba are lands irrigated by seasonal floodwater and ephemeral streams. Khushkaba land depends upon direct rainfall or localised runoff from a very small catchments area. Since the 1960s, the number of power-driven pumps and tubewells has rapidly increased, combined with a change in production emphasis from food crops to high water demanding (and highly profitable) horticultural cash crops (especially apples), resulting in rapidly declining aquifers. The general
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trend is leading to a progressive settlement and concentration of populations in the fertile, irrigated but limited valley bottom areas of watersheds. This is leading to unsustainable high levels of groundwater extraction for irrigation and to an increasing degradation of the vegetative cover of the surrounding mountains and dry and stony rangelands, caused by overgrazing both by local flocks and by transhu man herders. Agriculture is the main economic activity in the project area. The majority of farmers grow wheat for food security. Other important crops, according to the area under cultivation are: barley, onions, potato and vegetable. Wheat, cumin and barley are the main winter crops. Onion, potato, and other vegetables are the most important summe r ones. Growing wheat and barley in this environment is a high-risk and low return enterprise. The practice of growing wheat as a dual-purpose crop, providing both fodder for animals, and if conditions are favourable, grains for human consumption, increases the chances of getting some return. The most productive enterprises in the project area are irrigated orchards. Only large and medium farmers have orchards, but the trend of growing fruit trees is increasing rapidly. The remarkable growth in orchard production is also related to the Afghan refugee phenom enon which made available the cheap and abunda nt labour required for excavation work, for tubewell installation and for reclaiming and preparing lands for planting. The main fruit trees are apple (golden delicious, red delicious, mushhadi, amir and kashmiri), peach, plum and apricot. Apple is the most common fruit and is harvested from Septem ber to November and marketed in Quetta and Karachi or sold to local contractors. Vegetables and Lucerne are grown as intercrops in newly established orchards. Fodder such as alfa-alfa is grown in the orchards where flood irrigation is practised and sufficient water is available. The main livestock raised in the valley are sheep and goats, which form 88 per cent of the total. The remainder includes poultry, rabbits and camels. At the same time that a methodology or process was evolving in the project to address women's priority needs through training, income generating activities and microcredit, topics of resource conservation and manag ement were intricately woven into the formation of women's associations in Kanak valley. In introductory
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village meetings before the PRA, the project's objective of natural resource management is clearly presented. DUring the PRA, there is discussion of natural resources and groups produce resource maps. A thematic slide show on natural resource conservation (NRC) in Kanak valley is shown as a way of introducing the project objective to women. In 1995, the issue of the lowering of the groundwater table and the "mining of water" taking place in Kanak valley was discussed with women in an area wide convention. It was through the slide shows and the convention that women began to see the issue of water as a common issue for concern. In 1996, women from four villages took slides themselves, using the project camera and prepared their own thematic slide shows about their environment for a competition. A story about the winning slide show was published and the slide show itself is used to discuss natural resource conservation in associations. The use of a solar oven, which was designed and made in the country for Afghan refugees by an NGO was also demonstrated in one village. Thirty women from different associations attended this demonstration. Gradually, the use of solar ovens for cooking bread and rice, foods that require high heat and lots of fuel, became very popular. There is consequently a consistent demand for solar ovens in the project area. Compound tree planting with women and children was introduced in 1995. Project staff held competitions, giving prizes for the best surviving trees. Only a limited number of trees can be planted and properly cared for because of the water shortage. Also in 1995, women in two villages volunteered to care for demonstration plots of dwarf apple trees. The stock was imported from France by the project for the men's programme. The sets of trees assigned to these two women thrived even though one woman had to water her trees by hand using buckets. In 1997, the trees produced lots of big tasty apples and an area wide demand has risen for this variety of apple that bears fruit in only three years instead of the usual seven years. Even though there is no immediate market for medicinal plants, women decided in 1995 that they wanted to gather indigenous knowledge about medicinal plants and their uses to be recorded in each association. Village specialists in medicinal plants and their uses participated in walks to collect and identify species and in groups to
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verify and record recipes. This information was published in a project publication and was also preserved in each association. In 1997, two literate women from one association wrote a case study about participatory upland or rangeland rehabilitation. This case study was published in a national women's magazine called the "Torch" that is distributed by the NGO Aurat Foundation. The importance of this event was that association members selected NRC as a project component that they were interested in evaluating for the final participatory evaluation. This illustrates that even though income generating activities and training for women in Kanak were not directly linked to natural resource conservation, the strategy of raising awareness about the environment while addressing certain priority felt needs was successful. Finally, women's associations in Kanak valley have begun to participate in grass roots meetings aimed at deSigning the Bnlochistan Conservation Strategy with IUCN, the International Union for Conservation of Nature. This means that women of Kanak would have an impact on deciding how the resources of Balochistan would be conserved. History of Planning Commission: In spite of the grave economic and financial problems, which beset the Government of Pakistan soon after independence, a Development Board, was established early in 1948, in Economic Affairs Division to deal with questions of rapid economic development of the country. In 1950, a Six Year Development Plan was formulated and embodied in the Colombo Plan for Cooperative Economic Development in South and South East Asia. This was essentially an outline plan and delineated only a broad pattern of development. The Board accordingly prepared and submitted a five-year plan for the period 1955-1960 in 1957 (known as the first five year plan) which was approved in principle by the National Economic Council. In order to assist the further economic and social development of the country, and in particular to assist progress towards the objectives stated in Sections 28 and 29 of the Constitution, a permanent Planning Board was established vide Ministry of Economic Affairs Resolution No. 129(3)PP/53 dated 20th April, 1957. The Board was to consist of a Chairman and at least two members one of whom was designated as Deputy Chairman. The Prime Minister agreed to assume the office of the Chairman of the Board. Mr. Said Hassan
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was appointed as the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Board with effect from April 17 , 1957. To prepare a more comprehensive national plan of development, the Government of Pakistan decided to set up a Planning Board on 18th July, 1953, with Mr. Zahid Hussain, exGovernor of State Bank of Pakistan as its first Chairman and two other members. The purpose and terms of reference of the Board were set forth as below: Purpose: The economic and social objectives of Government's Policy are to develop the resources of the country as rapidly as possible so as to promote the welfare of the people, provide adequate living standards, and social services, secure social justice and equality of opportunity to all and aim at the widest and most equitable distribution of national wealth.
Term of Reference: To review the development that has taken place since independence. To assess the resources-material and human, which can be made available for development during the next 5 years beginning from April, 1954 (later changed to April, 1955). To prepare a national plan of development based on the fullest possible utilisation of these resources for implementation in a period of 5 years from 1st April, 1955 as a step towards the attainment of the economic and social objectives of Government's policy. To make proposals regarding the administrative machinery best calculated to assure the successful jmplementation of the plan. To make proposals regarding the administrative machinery best calculated to assure the successful implementation of the plan. To make any other recommendations which in the opinion of the Board will contribute towards the successful implementation of the plan. To prepare future five year plans of economic and social development. To make additions and alterations in the existing five year plan consistent with the changing economic conditions of the country. To tender such technical advice and offer such comments on financial matters bearing on the development plans as may be requested by the Ministries of . Government. To stimulate and, where necessary, to initiate the preparation of schemes required to achieve national objectives in the economic and social fields. To examine development schemes, programmes and proposals with a view to their inclusion in the plans of development. To maintain a continuous and constant review of the progress of development, the benefits realised, and the difficulties
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experienced. To maintain a continuous review of the economic conditions of the country, so far as these have a bearing on the development plans. To submit such periodic reports as the Government may desire from time to time. To encourage the improvement and expansion of research (in particular economic research), statistics, surveys, and investigations and evaluation needed to support effective planning and development in the country. Generally to advice the Government on economic policies and problems in various fields so far as these have a bearing on the development plans. Subsequently, vide the Government of Pakistan Notification No. Cord(I)-8/84/58-I, dated the 22nd October, 1958, the President was , pleased to redesignate the National Planning Board as the Planning Commission. Cabinet Division's Resolution No. Cord(I)-8/29!59-III dated 3rd June, 1959 defined its objectives in the following terms. The economic and social objectives of the Government are to promote the welfare of the people and raise the standard of living of common man by developing to the utmost, the resources of the country as rapidly as possible by making provision for the basic necessities of life, educational and health facilities, and work under just and human conditions; by ensuring equitable adjustment of rights relating to the ownership and use of land and between employers and employees; and by preventing the concentration of wealth and means of production and distribution in a few hands to the detriment of the people as a whole; and by securing social justice and equal opportunity to all. Consistent with these objectives, the functions of the Planning Commission were to be: (i) In Consultation with the Central and Provincial Governments and other appropriate agencies: a. To prepare a national plan at periodic intervals for the economic and social development of the country; b. To make assessments from time to time of the human and material resources of the country; and c. To prepare the Annual Development Programme (ADP) within the framework of the national plan and on determination of priorities, to propose the allocation of resources. (ii) To stimulate and where necessary initiate the preparation of development programmes and projects; to examine and advise
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(iii) (iv)
(v) (vi) (vii) (viii) (ix) (x)
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on all such programmes and projects with a view to deciding whether these conform to national objectives and, in general, whether these contemplate the most efficient use of national resources. To recommend such adjustments in the national plans as may be necessary in view of the changing economic situation. To coordinate the examination of development programmes and projects in consultation with the appropriate authorities and to secure the approval of the Central Government to acceptable programmes and projects. To advise on the nature of the machinery for securing the efficient execution of the national plan. To watch and evaluate the progress of implementation of the development programme. To advise on important economic policies and problems of various fields. To advise the Central and Provincial Governments, whenever so required, on economic policies and problems. Development of appropriate cost and physical standards for effective technical and economic appraisal of projects. Coordination of all work pertaining to: a. Indonesia-Pakistan Economic and Cultural Cooperation (IPECC); b. Iran-Pakistan Joint Ministerial Commission; c. Turkish-Pakistan Joint Ministerial Commission.
Pursuit of Development The development project which in Pakistan seemed to have attracted a very visible team of American academics and experts working through the US aid agencies, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The discipline of sociology at Punjab University itself had a strong development focus as it was being shaped under the supervision of a senior exchange professor from the United States. The United States which had appeared as one of the two super powers after World War 11 had a declared interest in the development of Pakistan and the rest of the newly independent countries of Asia and Africa. As President Truman put it in his memorable 1949 inaugural address:
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"We must embark on a bold new programme for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement of underdeveloped areas. The old imperialism-exploitation for foreign benefit-has no place in our plans. What we envisage is a programme of development based on the concepts of democratic fair dealing." By mid 1950s Pakistan had become a favourite candidate for receiving the benefits pledged by President Truman, having joined the network of international defence treaties with the United States against what was perceived to be the threat of Soviet Communism. It wasn't too long before a protocol of close cooperation was in operation between the two countries in the field of development, howsoever asymmetrical it may have been. Significantly, it marked the beginning of an enduring trend in Pakistan to follow every one of the strategies of development devised successively in Washington and promoted globally. Pakistan's own Dr. Mahbubul Haq called this trend the pursuit of "development fashions" and in his second intellectual incarnatidn listed it among his "seven sins of economic planners." American land grant state university, which was heavily involved with rural c:!evelopment projects in Pakistan under the USAID programmes. Located in the middle of thriving agricultural communities and its own extensive experimental farms this university was one of the early show pieces of what came to be known as the "green revolution." Practically every major department of the university was engaged in some kind of research aimed at boosting agricultural production and its marketing. Many sociologists of this university were busy in investigating how well farmers were adopting to innovative agricultural technologies so that their communities would enjoy a viable and prosperous future. In the middle of all this came the news that Pakistan's fledgling democracy was swept aside and military rule imposed by Gen. Ayub Khan. In fact the prevailing wisdom in America at the time seemed to favour the rise of authoritarian military regimes in developing countries. Such regimes, it was argued, promoted political stability, a prerequisite for development, and provided suitable nurturing grounds for badly needed "modernising elite."
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Decade of Development It was under Ayub Khan's regime that the logic and hallmarks of Pakistan's basic model of development took concrete shape. The model was worked out in the framework of two five year plans by a team of Harvard University experts and Pakistani technocrats trained by them. Economic growth through rapid industrialisation of import substitution variety formed the core of this model, with the state taking up the role of facilitating accumulation of investment capital. There were four main strategic gUidelines for the implementation of the model. The development programme was to be designed and administered by the bureaucratic elite deemed well equipped for the task by virtue of their training, discipline and hierarchical organisation in the Weberian sense. The state was to foster a class of private entrepreneurs by extending generous economic incentives to them. A visiting expert from Harvard University nicknamed these entrepreneurs fondly as Pakistan's "robber barons." Wages for labour were to be kept as low as possible to maximise profitability and accumulation of capital, based on the notion of functional inequality. To put it in the words of Dr. Mahbubul Haq, :he Chief Economist of Pakistan Planning Commission at the time:
"It is well to recognise that economic growth is a brutal, sordid process .... The essence of it lies in making the labourer produce more than he is allowed to consume for his immediate needs, and to invest and reinvest the surplus thus obtained." A vigorous programme of family planning was to be launched o reduce the surplus of labour in the country and to relieve Malthusian )ressure on resources. These strategies were consistently followed )ver ten years of Ayub Khan's rule with results that turned out to )e a mixed blessing if not simply disastrous. Economic growth as neasured by the rate of increase in Gross National Product (GNP) was accelerated from an average of 3.1 per cent in 1950s to >.8 per cent in 1960s, reaching a record high of 10 per cent over the lear 1969-70. However the regime of low wages and neglect of listributive justice aggravated mass poverty and inequality across ,ocial and regional lines. These disparities fuelled a popular uprising 19ainst the Ayub regime, the political consequences of which are now veil known.
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Continuity in Change The end of the first military rule in 1971 brought Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) to power in what is now Pakistan with Zulfiqar Ali Bhuttc as Prime Minister. This transition to civilian rule excited much speculation about the return of the issue of poverty and inequali~ to the centre of Pakistan's development project. The urban industrial workforce which was politically activated towards the end of Ayub regime resumed its struggle for better wages and job security, encouraged as it was by Bhuttds socialist rhetoric. But the lattel adopted a policy of carrot and stick in dealing with the continued labour unrest. In the public sector, enlarged considerably by the nationalisation programme of the PPP government, workers gained some wage increases, but the private sector industrial workers did not see much relief. The private sector employers mounted their own threats to close down their establishments unless labour militancy was checked. With workers demoralised and private investment at a standstill the growth rate of GNp, the idolised symbol of development, began to decline. It went down from an average increase of over 6 per cent in the decade of 1960s to 4.5 per cent in 1970s. In the end the governmen1 came clearly on the side of the employers with Bhuttds warning tha1 the power of the street would be met with the power of the state. In the summer of 1972, the power of the state did indeed prevail over the power of the street with incidents of police firing on demonstrating workers in several cities of Sind and Punjab. In an~ event, before the economic and political contestations of the 19705 could be resolved, the life and times of Zulfiqar AIi Bhutto came tc a tragic end. The return of military rule under Gen. Zia was inaugurated rathel ominously for the labouring class of Pakistan with a single inciden1 of worst massacre of workers in the history of Pakistan. On Janua~ 2, 1978 striking workers in the compound of a textile mill near Multan were fired upon indiscriminately. Official reports listed 14 workers killed, but eye witnesses claimed five times as many deaths. Over the next decade as Zia consolidated his rule and too~ several measures to restore investor confidence the stage was set fO! the return of the old regime of capital accumulation. Trade Union membership that stood at over one million in 1977 declined tc
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860,000 in 1985, while work stoppages were reduced from 779 in 1972 to just 58 in 1985. Union activity in one of the largest state corporations, the Pakistan International Airlines was banned and many other unions were taken over by a religious political party close to the ruling junta. The doors of US bilateral aid closed on Bhuttds government were reopened as soon as the Zia government was able to ensure the protection of foreign and indigenous capital and pledge support for the US aided Islamic Jihad to expel the Soviet forces from Afghanistan. The Unites States was quick to respond with a $ 3.2 billion aid package for the new military government with more to follow. At the same time, facing dismal prospects at home, the emigration of Pakistani workers in search of employment abroad became a steady stream which brought $ 2 billion a year in remittances to the national economy in 1980s. Whatever the Zia dispensation may have achieved by putting the economy back on the old path of capital accumulation and economic growth, the basic model of development behind this regime was already under attack worldwide for contributing to the wealth of a few and leaving behind large areas of poverty, marginality and exclusion of people from social and economic progress. Developmentalism in developing countries, it was being argued, has neither raised living standards nor promoted democracy. Much of this criticism was originating from the United Nation's agencies concerned with economic, social and labour issues. By the middle of 1970s the "dethronement of GNP" had become a catchword for a campaign to redirect the goals of development from an obsession with economic growth to the material betterment of people's lives. Even from the World Bank under the presidency of Robert McNamara (1968-81), one could hear a different discourse of development. In a celebrated address to the Bank's Board of Governors in 1973, McNamara urged that the central objective of development policies must be to attack absolute poverty, which was the lot of "40 per cent of the nearly two billion individuals in the developing countries."
Triumph 0/ Neoliberal Globalisation: But these voices of concern about growing poverty and inequality in the developing countries were being raised at a time when the last vestiges of
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Keynesianism in the West were about to be destroyed by neoliberalism. And before development theory and practice could be redesigned in any significant way to address the lingering issue of social justice it was literally hijacked to serve the agenda of a more aggressively mobile global capital, which aimed at a deeper integration of all national economies into the structures and ideological framework of neoliberal globalisation. The core ideas of neoliberal globalisation comprise of a set of policies now familiar to development planners around the world. These include free trade, free markets, financial liberalisation, enhanced foreign investment, privatisation, deregulation, flexible labour force, reduced public expenditures, diminished role of the state and laws protecting private property rights. The credit for naming most, if not all, of these policies as the "Washington Consensus" goes to the economist John Williams. The phrase presumably alludes to the strong role played in promoting these policies by the US Federal Reserve and the Washington twins, the World Bank and IMF. In the field of economic development IMF, the more imperious but "slow learner" of the twins can certainly claim greater credit for promoting the Washington Consensus around the world in the form of structural adjustments attached to its development aid operations. PartiCipatory Planning, Monitoring and Evolution: A secondary output of the project was to have been an overall development plan for the project area or in this case, the subwatershed. This was not possible to achieve, first because district level government department planning was centralised in the Provincial capital during the life of the project. Secondly, it was not possible to bring villages together for a combined village or territorial work plan. The relative lack of a presence of government department extensionists and locally managed development activities in Kanak valley meant that the population had merger experience in planning for or demanding services. Lastly, the operating social system supports individual appeals to tribal leaders or patrons instead of community action. Village level monitoring and evaluation of project activities was instituted from the very start of the project. Initially, a women in each village was elected as a village monitor to monitor the poultry programme. At that time the position was perceived as a form of punishment and was scorned because there was still a lack of trust
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between villagers and the project. The village monitor was seen as someone who sided with project staff and exposed relatives or friends in the village who were eating or selling chickens instead of getting on with the egg production business. Gradually with time and practice, monitoring became accepted and was viewed as non-threatening and even helpful when it was linked to cost/benefit in income generating activities that association members undertake with microcredit. Each village association has an association monitor. Participatory evaluation began with a "village photo album". The project women's team had a Polaroid camera. It was possible to take pictures in villages where generally the idea of photographing women is entirely taboo because project staff could prove that negatives of Polaroid snaps were attached to photos so no extra copies of photos could be passed to strangers who should not be looking at women who observe purdah. These first Polaroid pictures were taken of each step and put in village albums that are not taken out of the village. Periodically, all the photos were removed from the album and women were asked to plot the progress and evaluate the project process. This was a way of introducing evaluation. Women had no experience to compare with the project experience because this was the first project in the area. The problem with photos that one woman in the room might express an opinion about an activity and the entire group would repeat what she said. With time, the photo album was semiretired for a more sophisticated "expost activity" evaluation format. Project staff must administer this type of evaluation because it is written. It is useful, particularly for ongoing activities. Participants do not only evaluate an activity, they also propose solutions to problems found in implementing the activity. In June 1997, the project staff hired a community evaluation team to evaluate the women's programme. The team was composed of ten women from five women's associations. Activities to be evaluated were proposed by all the associations and narrowed to the following: • Natural resource conservation activities, • Training, • Credit and income generating activities.
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Role of Pakistan Development Forum: The UN System welcomes the opportunity to participate in the Pakistan Development Forum 2001. The level of representation by the Government of Pakistan at this gathering is a strong indicator of the importance which the Government places on its relations with the donor community. At present, Pakistan is going through serious macroeconomic difficulties due to various sociopolitical and economic factors, which have resulted in decline of real earnings of the lowest income groups in the country. These problems have a human face. The country is confronted with an acute problem of unemployment and underemployment. High population growth compounded by the inability of its economy to generate more employment opportunities and discrepancy between supply and demand of skilled human resources exacerbate this problem. Poverty is on the rise in Pakistan. In 2000, the Government of Pakistan began to consult its development partners on the preparation of Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper. The UN's core advice was for priority attention to be given to five key indicators, namely: (i) young child mortality, (ii) maternal mortality, (iii) child malnutrition, (iv) net primary school enrolment with emphasis on girls, and (v) caloric-based poverty reduction. The UN group also argued that results could only be achieved when poverty reduction initiatives are backed up with core investment in people that remains immune from other competing priorities of the Government. The efforts of the Planning Commission to provide a twenty-five year vision for poverty elimination with Planning Commission goals, targets and instruments. are commendable. The UN welcomes the adoption of a rolling planning approach as evidenced in the Three Year Plan and Poverty Reduction Strategy. However given the recent track record, we found that some of the targets adopted in the vision 2025 are highly ambitious and may be difficult to achieve. In Pakistan, the real challenge lies in the implementation of plans and policies as well as winning the confidence of a skeptical public.
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Another challenge is to enable and the six million poor households of the country to lift themselves out of the poverty trap. Our community development approach, by mobilising and organising poor in Community Based Organisations, has proved highly successful. The Government's Devolution Plan is going to play a key role in this regard and in fact the success of the Devolution Plans depends upon on social mobilisation and effective participation. The Devolution Plan represents the best opportunity in a long time to realise the donor community's longstanding advice for participatory human development. The success of the poverty reduction programme depends upon the updated and reliable information on poverty issues and constant monitoring of poverty to record the progress being achieved. To cater such fundamental needs, a Centre for Research on Poverty Reduction and Income Distribution has been established in the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics. The centre has already started basic research on core issues and is likely to play a major role in the formulation of policies for poverty reduction. In the health sector, the Government should invest in taking preventive measures. e.g., investments in clean drinking water supply and sanitation can help in reducing the risks of many diseases, such as hepatitis, diarrhoea, kidney diseases, etc. Many diseases, for example, polio and tuberculosis, are directly related with poverty and should be subjected to special efforts of control. At present, PakistanAfghanistan epidemiological block contributes 75 per cent of the proven cases of poliomyelitis in the Eastern Mediterranean and South Asian Region. The UN System lauds the great efforts and the progress made in Pakistan up till now. But the Government should further intensify its efforts, thus contributing to the elimination of the polio scourge from the face of earth. Equally important is to equip the blood banks for 100 per cent screening of blood for respond to the problems of drug abuse and HIV/AIDs threat, which can only be dealt with thorough multi-sectoral action, involving the ministries of health, narcotics, education, local government, labour, finance. etc. The UN System will continue to support the Government's initiatives on reproductive health, particularly the maternal and child mortality. We are pleased to note that the Government is planning
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to integrate the population and health ministries and steps have been already taken to merge two cadres of workers, namely, village-based family planning workers with the national health workers to meet the challenges of family planning and health services and other diseases related with blood transfusion, particularly the women, In education, women and girls are particularly vulnerable and disadvantaged. The implications on human rights for social and economic development are farreaching. Despite the recent encouraging trends in enrolment of girls at the primary level, there is a need to intensify the strategy go for aimed at removing social and cultural barriers to girl's education thus engendering female education as a social norm female. The UN Agencies are has led to a strategy that calls for promoting an increase in net primary enrolment rate for girls, through advocacy and social mobilisation, reduced costs of education, enhancement of teacher morale and motivation, recruitment of additional teachers, and provisional food as an incentive to increase girl's participation. The UN is further committed to support strengthening of the education policy for bringing an improvement in the quality of education. Increasing literacy rate is not an easy task, especially in the context of rising population. Continued efforts are needed to educate people to bring an attitudinal change. In general, the Government has taken significant steps for the advancement of women. It is recognised that gender equality is high on the agenda of the Government, as is evident by the provision of 33 per cent reserved seats for women in the local governments; announcement of amnesty for women convicted under the Hudood Ordinance; organisation of a human rights convention; and the establishment of a Permanent National Commission on the Status of Women. Data from the first round of local elections show that women participated enthusiastically in local bodies elections, both as voters as well as candidates. Support is needed to assist the elected women to take an active role in the local councils. The UN team will continue to support the Government in sensitising the citizenry for the political, economic and social empowerment of women and advocating for reserved seats. Pakistan needs to prepare itself better for emergencies related to drought and also plan mitigation measures in the longer term. Drought has been prevalent in Balochistan and Sind for the past three years.
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Areas such as Balochistan normally receive the bulk of their annual rainfall in the winter months from December to April. In the 2000/01 winters to date, conditions have again been abnormally dry and no recovery from the earlier drought has been possible. The brunt of this drought would be borne by poor people in rural areas whose livestock and other assets have already been depleted by the previous two dry years. The outlook for Pakistan's wheat crop to be harvested in the next two months is also much less favourable than in 2000 when a surplus of one to two million tons was achieved. Due particularly to poor winter rains and shortages of irrigation water in Punjab and Sind, the wheat harvest in 2001 may fall short of needs by at least one to two million tons. National wheat stocks would be drawn down in the second half of 2001, and by the end of the year, further imports are expected to be necessary for the first time in over twelve months. UN Agencies stand ready to assist in the difficult months ahead. UN will further assist the Government in the management of dry land on sustainable basis under the "National Sustainable Development Programme". The problem of drought is equally severe in the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan where the Government has achieved considerable success in the elimination of poppy. The dramatic increase in the price of opium gum since the decree banning all opium cultivation issued by the Afghan authorities, may pose a challenge to the poppy free status of Pakistan. Since mid-2000, many thousands of distressed Afghans have crossed into Pakistan to escape fighting and the effects of what is now being described as the worst drought in Afghanistan's recorded history. In addition, Pakistan continues to host more than two million longterm refugees who have sought refuge from fighting over the past decade. UN and NGOs are currently assisting 65,000 newly arrived refugees who have been verified through a formal registration process. It is estimated that a similar number of genuine cases exist, mainly in the vicinity of Peshawar. UN Agencies are still holding discussions with the Government to find humanitarian solution to this issue, until such time as they are able to return to Afghanistan. Meanwhile UN Agencies are expanding their assistance in Afghanistan in order to assist as many people as possible in or near to their places of origin.
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The Government of Pakistan has made a substantial progress in capitalising the opportunities offered by developed an ambitious policy on the Information Technology (IT) for economic development. The real challenge in IT is to produce quality IT technicians and computer scientists who can bring a thrill in economic activities at for home and abroad who can contribute to human development and economic growth. This should also contribute towards addressing the problem of absorbing tens of thousands of unemployed graduates in new economic activities. The UN team will further extend assistance to the Government in this regard. The UN would caution that the privatisation programme should avoid layoff of thousands of workers with no safety nets and no retraining opportunities for alternative livelihoods. In conclusion, the UN System recommends that the mobilisation of financial and human resources to address the issues of poverty, gender, environment and devolution be tenaciously pursued through innovative partnership with private sector, civil society and donor community, particularly in the present environment of dwindling agricultural output due to drought and external strains on the fragile financial capacity of the country. We stand ready to play our role in this regard. As in previous years, the PDF provided an excellent opportunity for development partners to engage in high-level policy dialogue with the Government, discuss progress made on various development initiatives, and be apprised of future plans and development priorities of the Government. We would like to record our appreciation for the various high-quality presentations made by the Government in the PDF. At the same time, we would like to acknowledge the useful contributions of development partners on various issues and topics, and expect that the Government will take these into account in development planning and policy-making. Asian Development Bank is much encouraged by the demonstrated commitment of the Government to sound macroeconomic management and economic and governance reforms and is pleased with the reiteration of this commitment at the highest level during the PDF. In this regard, we would underscore the need for continued progress by the Government to ensure full implementation of devolution, and to avoid any policy reversals that
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may impede the realisation of true local governance and participatory development. This issue has been reiterated by various development partners and needs careful consideration and action by the Government on issues such as those relating to federal to provincial devolution, effective fiscal decentralisation, and expenditure transparency, accountability, and enforcement. We would also request the Government's attention to the arrangements in administrative staffing, funds allocation, and functional responsibilities specifically between the provincial and local governments that are adversely affecting the delivery of social services by the local government system-these issues need to be addressed on an urgent basis. Substantial resources have been made available in the legal and judicial area for improving access to justice of the poor. In this regard, full implementation of institutional reforms in the judiciary and police needs to be ensured and expedited. We are, however, of the view that actions such as the amendment in November 2004 of the Police Order 2002 could undermine police and judicial reforms to which the Government has repeatedly expressed its commitment. ADB welcomes the focus of the PDF on the need to sustain the economic recovery achieved in recent years, and the need to ensure that growth is broad-based and of benefit to all sections of society. For equitable growth, it is important for the Government to undertake necessary structural transformation of the economy such that it promotes greater labour intensiveness and employment creation in the growth generating sectors such as industry, SMEs, and valueadded agriculture. We note that under the Prime Minister's vision for rapid and equitable economic growth, the implementation of the Khushal Pakistan Programme will result in adding an equivalent of 1 per cent of GDP in social sector spending by establishing a Khushal Pakistan Fund. The Khushal Programme is intended to support a holistic approach to improving livelihoods and redUcing poverty. We expect that modalities and mechanisms put in place for implementation of the Programme will guarantee inclusive participation of all stockholders including district and subdistrict governments, local communities, and civil society.
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This will ensure that the benefits of the Programme are widespread and have a sustainable impact at the grassroots level. We also hope that an effective monitoring and evaluation system is established to make certain thcit'the Programme reaches the intended beneficiaries, and that resources made available are utilised in an accountable, transparent, and cost-effective manner. We appreciate the consistent increase in pro-poor public sector expenditure under the PRSP. However, we would note that monitoring data on intermediate progress indicators established under the PRSP is weak and needs to be significantly strengthened. We expect that the two major household surveys will provide necessary data on the outcome indicators of the PRSP. While we compliment the Government on the comprehensiveness of its Medium-Term Development Framework (MTDF), we are of the view that further consideration needs to be given under the MTDF as to how the articulated sector strategies will be implemented through credible action plans to achieve the desired objectives. In this regard implementation processes need to be clearly mapped and achievement milestones established. Consistency between the MTDF, the MediumTerm Budgetary Framework (MTBF) , and PRSP also needs to be ensured. We support the Government's emphasis on addressing critical bottlenecks in the infrastructure sector, including water, power, transport, and urban development subsectors. to provide the basis for strong and sustained growth. As already noted in our opening statement, ADB has allocated almost two-third of its assistance programme of $3.6 billion dUring 2006-2008 for this sector. However, to ensure that such large resources for infrastructure are effectively and efficiently utilised, and yield desired results and impact, it is imperative that institutional reform and governance issues in the sector are adequately addressed. In the power sector in this regard, we appreciate recent progress made by the Government on energy sector reforms, and in particular, the privatisation of the Karachi Electric Supply Corporation. We would, however, note that restructuring and unbundling of WAPDA, including physical restructuring, decision making, and financial and planning functions, needs to be accelerated. These reforms are critical from the perspective of meeting the national energy needs of the country and in ensuring energy security.
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In the water sector, a comprehensive National Water Sector Strategy was completed in 2002 under a technical assistance grant provided by the Asian Development Bank. The Strategy provides guidance on investment planning and management of the water sector. However, the Government needs to take steps to ensure early operationalisation of the Strategy. The Government also needs to approve and adopt the National Water Policy and operationalise the National Water Council. We look forward to early action on these issues. Finally, we cannot emphasise more the need for the Government to take serious steps to improve project implementation. Intensive efforts are needed in this area, particularly improved delivery effort by line ministries and departments, to ensure more effective utilisation of development assistance through increased project ownership and effective monitoring and evaluation system. ADB has been providing assistance in this area and is ready to provide additional assistance as needed.
New Prospects The changing structure of the international political economy in the post-Cold War era and South Asian political and economic reform have opened up new prospects for India-Pakistan commerce. Following an exchange of trade delegations, Pakistan agreed in July 1989 to allow import of 322 Indian items. By 1992-93, the value of India-Pakistan trade had more that tripled, rising to Indian Rs.5,230,000,000 form Indian Rs. 1,690,000,000 in 1990-9l. The two sides also recognised the loss in state revenues from a thriving informal underground trade across the border, with an estimated volume of Indian Rs. 16 billion a year, four times more that the official bilateral trade. The size of this informal trade approaches Indian Rs. 20 billion per annum if supplies received by India and Pakistan through third countries are taken into consideration. Indian textile machinery, tannery equipment chemical goods, cotton fabric, ayurvedic medicines, and cattle reach Pakistan through suppliers based in Dubai, Hong Kong and Singapore. Pakistani goods entering India along unofficial routes include plastic goods, fibre fabrics, woollens, vegetable oil, etc. In 1996,Pakistan enthusiastically participated in the first SAARC industrial exhibition in Delhi. The Punjab-Harayana-Delhi Chambers
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of Commerce and the Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industries cooperated in preparing an inventory for expanding trade relations between India and Pakistan. The removal of hindrances to open trade could create opportunities for the use of idle or surplus capacities in Indian and Pakistani industries to meet the demands of a larger regional market. The two countries are also negotiating for the right to transit through each other's territories. While such an agreement would provide India an easy access to Central Asian markets, it would also expand Pakistan's trade with Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Nepal. Structural changes in regional trading relations under the auspices of SAARC have also accelerated the pace of Indo-Pakistan Trade. Intra-regional South Asian trade is still very low, comprising only 3.1 per cent and 3.8 per cent respectively of the total import and export trade of regional states at a time when 63.4 per cent of Western Europe's global commerce consists of intra-European Union trade. The South Asian Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA)concluded in December 1995-has introduced integrative trading arrangements based on differential tariff concessions for 226 commodities. In the second round of SAPTA, India offered concessions to Pakistan for 375 items and Pakistan reciprocated for 230 products. The SAARC Chambers of Commerce and Industry envision a South Asian Economic Union which, the US-based Centre for Trade Development estimates, would increase intra-SAARC trade five-fold, from the present $3 billion, to over $15 billion by the year 2000. Regrettably, the full potential for increased trade within the SAPTA-II framework still remains unrealised. For instance, in 1995-96 India imported from Pakistan only 17 out of the 375 products and exported only 37 of the 230 products that were granted preferential concessions. In Pakistan, the multinationals and their indigenous collaborators, selling overpriced consumer goods, have reportedly tried to sabotage the normalisation of the India-Pakistan trade. There is also a perception that India has gained more from SAPTA-II example, as many as 14 were already among the top fifty items that comprised the top fifty products imported by India. Compared to Pakistan, moreover, India's trade policy is seen as less
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transparent, highly complex, and restrictive. Analysts now suggest thatfor SAPTA to be effective, it should be converted into an "acrossthe board trade liberalisation scheme." Nevertheless, business groups in both countries are increasingly eager to tap a regional market, second in size only China. Common tastes and culture should facilitate a regional market for goods produced in any part of the region. The feasibility of India-Pakistan economic cooperation was demonstrated in the autumn of 1990 when India helped Pakistan withstand a potato and onion shortage, after Islamabad's effort to secure imports from extra-regional sources proved unsuccessful; and again in 1997, India helped Pakistan overcome a sugar shortfall. Many Indian businessmen are urging New Delhi to unilaterally initiate open trade with Pakistan. India has already accorded PakistanMost Favoured Nation status (MFN), while Islamabad has yet to grant MFN status to India. It should, however, be forthcoming. because of pressures from Pakistani society, especially from the business sector. The President of the Management Association of Pakistan, Tariq Ikram, reminded a 1996 seminar that since both India and Pakistan were signatories of the World Trade Organisation, the question was no longer if the two states should trade with each other. Participating in the discussions, Tariq Sayeed Saigoi. a leading manufacturer and exporter of textiles, believed that there was nothing to fear from trade with the Indian textile industry, provided his colleagues optimised cost of production and ensured quality production. In Mach 1977, the National Shipping Corporation of Pakist::tn urged Islamabad to allow the country's ship owners to conduct third country trade with India. In April 1997, India and Pakistan agreed to expand official bilateral trade to more than 500 items. Pakistani commentators acknowledge that their country could particularly benefit by importing items like medicines from India where they are sold at less that 30 per cent of the Pakistani prices, thanks to stricter control on multinationals. India, however, has to alleviate Pakistani fears that an opening of Pakistans economy will not invite the hegemony of the Indian bourgeoisie. For instance, subsidies' granted by Indian government to the export sector reportedly put Pakistani products at a disadvantageous position. One way of gaining Pakistani confidence
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would be to adopt "a phase manne r approa ch" in eliminating trade barriers. Tradable commodities could be categorised into non-competing, competing and exempted products. While tariffs for the first category could be eliminated in the first phase of trade normal isation , goods on which two countri es compe te should be brought within the preferential tariff system carefully and gradually. For mutually agreed upon exempted products, tariff barriers need not be immediately eliminated. This arrangement would provide a level playing field to the Pakistani business community. This is particularly important since the South Asian Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA) is scheduled to be transformed to a South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) in 2005. The new atmosphere in India-Pakistan trading relations is reflected in the signing of Memorandums of Understanding (MOU) between the Federation of Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industries (FICCI) and the Federation of Pakistan Chamb er of Commerce and Industry (FPCCI) on December 23, 1996 and between the Federation of Indian Micro Small and Medium Enterprises (FMSME) and Federation of Pakistan Chamb er of Trader and Cottage Industries (FPCTCI) in March 1997. While Indian businessmen have identified 207 export and 34 import items in their trade with Pakistan, their Pakistani counterparts have listed 153 export items and 152 import items for trade with India. Possible Indian exports to Pakistan could include agricultural and textile machi nery, autom obil parts, oil proces sing, telecommunications and engineering items, industrial chemicals, pharmaceutical materials, coal and iron ore. Pakistani exports to India could consist of raw cotton, wool, blended fabrics, mineral substances, stainless steel, pesticides and insecticides, fertilisers, sports and surgical goods, plastic materials and textiles.
12 Polity The crux of the problem of Pakistani polity lies in the dichotomy between the rulers and the ruled. Although, the gap between the two keeps narrowing, still, the democracy in Pakistan has to go a long way. The successive governments have been responsive to the aspirations of the people, who in their turn, have reposed trust in governments elected by them. The society has been marching forward, over the past one decade or two, at a creditable pace. In the first three decades after independence, Pakistan had registered a laudable economic growth rate, perhaps the highest in South Asia. Its progress in the social sector was also quite impressive. What went wrong, then? One has to look into the historical factors. The British left behind in the subcontinent a tradition of dual forms of governance-the authoritarian (Viceregal) and the parliamentary. The areas that constitute Pakistan now came under the British Raj a century or so after the annexation of eastern, southern and north central areas of India. While the liberal values of British education and rule were taking roots in Up, Bengal, Bombay, CP and Madras, etc. and the people were getting accustomed to the rule of law, justice and the tolerance of dissent, bulk of North Western India continued to be under the authoritarian rule of Raja Ranjeet Singh-Sikha Shahi-till its annexation by the East India Company in 1849-over ninety years after the fall of Bengal to the British in the Battle of Plassey (1757).
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The British found in the northwest a strong tradition of rule by diktat and command, and therefore an incredible respect for authority. The Viceregal system of rule was thus found suitable for the area. The process of decision-making followed in this area was largely in the descending order, while in the other areas, it was in the ascending order. Debate and discussion of an issue were allowed in the ascending process to commence at the desk of a subordinate official and to continue upwards even to the level of the Viceroy. The decision thus taken reflected the cumulative intellect of all concerned. The officers and staff who had opted to serve in Pakistan brought this system to Karachi from New Delhi. It remained in operation till the entire process was subjected to the authoritarian system by the Martial Law regime of Ayub Khan. "Democracy does not suit the genius of the people", he proclaimed. But being a moderate person and a product of the British system, he reverted within four years to a constitutional government, and the rule of law. His effective advisers were outstanding civil servants nurtured on the ascending order of decision-making. His ten-year rule, therefore, witnessed laudable progress in all socioeconomic sectors. The first major jolt to the system, particularly to the economy, was given by Z. A. Bhutto, who had emerged as a populist leader but on the assumption of power elected to don the mantel of a Martial Law Administrator. Under the protective shield of Martial Law, he nationalised all major industries in the name of socialism blunting their competitive edge on the world market. More importantly, he destroyed by this measure, as intended by him, the political clout of the growing urban-based industrialists. The ensuing vacuum served as a political windfall to the rural aristocracy, the feudal lords, Bhutto's own caste. Himself a narcissist feudal lord and a dyed-in-the wool autocrat, he exploited the pent-up .emotions of the downtrodden people calling them "the fountainhead of all power". He rode to power on this very slogan. The illiterate, credulous people believed him. Despite this hypocrisy, history would not fail to credit him with causing an awakening among the people. And, the people reciprocated by electing 1:wice his daughter to power. Had he practised what he preached, Pakistan would not be in the sorry state that it is now. He had the best opportunity after the
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fall of Dhaka to cut the warrior caste to its proper size. It was ready to accept the surgery to make up for the disgraceful surrender. Instead of cutting it down by at least half, as the defence of the Eastern wing was no longer the responsibility of the rump state, he fired a few "fat and flabby" Generals but increased threefold the defence spending! He selected a junior, meek and ostensibly submissive General, Zia ul-Haq, as his army chief and thought that he had thereby ensured his control over the army. That was his biggest miscalculation. Instead of strengthening the civil polity, he had opened the official largesse to the warrior caste and enlarged it beyond the possibility of control by civilian authority. He had to pay with his life for this folly. The nation was thrown back to the autocratic period. A nominated Majlis-e-Shura or a Parliament drawn through non-party elections, were Zia's facades for the military dictatorship. Zia served as the American surrogate in the Afghan war that ensured his continuance in the seat of power for 11 long years. Economy, education and other national issues of real significance were put on the back burners. The fallout of the war in the form of Klashnikov culture, smuggli.ng, heroin abuse and the onslaught of 3.5 million Afghan refugees, etc. were swept under the carpet. These became big headaches for all subsequent governments. The us ensured that Zia's attention was not diverted from the Afghan arena. IMF, World Bank and the Paris Club were made to dole out on occasions more loans than what Zia's minions requested. No wonder, external debt shot up during his period from a mere $5 billion to $18 billion. Unfortunately, he was too self-serving, too obsequious, to even mention to his masters to write off the debt for the sacrifices of his nation. Egypt got this done at the time of the Camp David Accord. When Zia left, the economy had already entered the debt trap. From then onwards, efforts concentrated on borrowing more and more to pay the due instalments and the interest on earlier debts, fund the ever-increasing demands of armed forces, and cover the deficits revenue budgets. Puny civilian leaders-Junejo, Benazir and Nawaz Sharief had neither the vision nor the courage to take unpleasant decisions to rectify the situation. Instead of going to the people to inspire them for the needed sacrifices, they turned for support to the feudal elite and the armed forces.
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The country came to be dominated by the feudal spirit: arrogance, self-aggrandisement, and finding a way out of any problem through harassment or corruption. Nawaz Sharief's releases from jail and exile to Saudi Arabia provide convincing evidence of his family's expertise in using money to achieve their objectives. Born and raised in the feudal environment, Benazir is, on the other hand, unwilling . to return to the nation her ill-gotten wealth or defend her innocence in a court of law. The miasma of her corruption still permeates the society. During her two stints, she did throw some crumbs to the minions of her party but did little for the common weal. From all indications, the military domination is likely to stay in the country far beyond the time given to it by the Supreme Court. The military leader, Gen. Musharraf, has taken decisions that have be.en lauded by all sectors of the society. He has tried to establish a rapport with the people at all levels, and has taken them into confidence on major decisions affecting their future. He has, however, been taciturn on the evil spirit of feudalism that haunts the society. There is no feudalism in either India or in Bangladesh; both have multilayered elected institutions and strong bureaucracies. Gen. Musharraf views the system of local government introduced by him as the panacea for the ill-effects of the hiatus between the rulers and the ruled. The administrative and financial powers granted to these basic institutions are expected to unleash the creative energies of the common people. If these institutions slip once more into the hands of feudal oligarchies, the frustration building up within the national pressure cooker may reach sooner than later the point of implosion. Pakistan was created entirely through a democratic and constitutional struggle. Islam is the anchor-sheet of Pakistan and democracy is ingrained deep into the Muslim psyche. Islam permits no "hero worship". Pakistan's record of parliamentary democracy may be checkered but its return to this form after each pause and break more than vindicates the fact that democratic traditions are deep-rooted in Pakistan's polity. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan provides for a Federal Parliamentary System of government, with President as the Head of State and the popularly-elected Prime Minister as Head of government. The Federal Legislature is a bicameral Majlise-Shura (Parliament), composed of the National Assembly and the
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Senate. The Constitution also provides for the President to address the two Houses assembled together at the commencement of the first session after General Elections. _Pakistan's polity appeared once more headed towards a political turmoil. The combined opposition, comprising the ARD, the MMA and other smaller groups, had announced that it would launch a countrywide protest movement to replace the military-dominated system with an undiluted democracy strictly in accordance with the 1973 Constitution. The very day this announcement was made, President Gen. Pervez Musharraf assured the nation that the government would not allow any disruption of the process of democracy that was started a year back. Fact of the matter is that the Parliament has remained throughout the period virtually a hostage to the agitation of the vociferous opposition against the Legal Framework Ordinance (LFO) that has established the supremacy of the military over the civilian political institutions. Negotiations between the opposition and the government for a negotiated settlement of the differences have so far proved fruitless. The cleavage has widened to an extent that the ARD President and acting head of the PML-N, Javed Hashmi, was arrested for denigrating the army. This is perhaps the first time that any leader of status, particularly from the Punjab, has come out with a condemnation of the army. Pakistani community living in the US feels deeply-disturbed over these developments and at least some of its members wonder why stable institutions could not be established in their native land. This tragedy is rooted in the history of that country.
Political Regions The ethnic groups of Pakistan are distributed according to their historical settlement in the region. The current political regions of Pakistan roughly correspond to the settlement patterns established long before the partition of British India in 1947, when Pakistan was created as a homeland for Indian Muslims. The four provinces are Punjab, the Muslim portion of the historic Punjab region; Sind, the traditional homeland of the Sindhis; the North West Frontier Province, a small portion of the Pashtun tribal lands; and Balochistan, a portion of the Balochi tribal lands. The traditional homelands of the Pashtuns
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and Balochis extend beyond the modern political borders, both provincial and national. Punjab is the most populated province of Pakistan, with 72.6 million people (1998). Most of the people are Punjabis. The province contains most of the country's largest cities, but the rural agricultural areas are also densely settled. The province is the second largest in area. Sind is the second most populated province in Pakistan, with about 30 million peopl~ (1998). Its population is the most urbanised in Pakistan. Sindhis make up about 60 per cent of the population of Sind, living mostly in rural areas. Mohajirs constitute the remaining 40 per cent and live mostly in the province's large cities. Sind is the third largest province in area. The North West Frontier Province (NWFP) has a population of 17.6 million (1998). The majority of tile people are Pashtuns. The province is part of the historic Pashtun tribal lands, which extend "throughout southern and southeastern Afghanistan and well into western Pakistan, including the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and northern Balochistan. The NWFP is Pakistan's smallest province in area. In the 1980s refugees from war-torn Afghanistan began to settle in the province. Refugee camps and rudimentary villages were setup in the border areas. A large number of refugees also established communities in cities such as Peshawar. Many became semipermanent residents of Pakistan because Afghanistan remained in a state of war through the mid-1990s. The majority of refugees were Pashtuns, facilitating their assimilation into the province's population, in many cases through intermarriage. Balochistan is the most sparsely populated and least developed province of Pakistan. A majority of the 6.5 million (1998) people who live in Balochistan are Balochis. Pashtuns are the second largest ethnic group in the province. In recent years a large number of Afghan refugees have settled in Balochistan. In area, Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan, covering nearly 40 per cent of the country's total territory. However, the province is an arid and inhospitable hinterland.
Political System The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan provides for a Federal Parliamentary System of government with President as the
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Head of State and the popularly-elected Prime Minister as Head of government. The Federal Legislature is a bicameral Majlis-e-Shura (Parliament), composed of the National Assembly and the Senate. The Constitution also provides for the President to address the two Houses assembled together at the commencement of the first session after General Elections.
Government and Politics Nation building remains a difficult process in Pakistan. But although the country has undergone a succession of traumatic sociopolitical experiences since achieving independence in 1947, it continues to demonstrate its resilience and its capacity to survive and adapt to changing circumstances. Joining the community of nations as a bifurcated state, with its two wings separated by 1,600 kilometres of foreign soil, Pakistan was faced with the immediate task of absorbing large numbers of refugees from India in the months immediately following partition. The new nation struggled with severe economic disadvantages made acutely painful by a shortage of both administrative personnel and the material assets necessary to establish and sustain its fledgling government. With the death of Muhammad Ali Jinnah-the revered Quaed-e-Azam (Great Leader)-only thirteen months after independence, the nation was dealt with another severe blow. Created to provide a homeland for the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent, Pakistan was heir to a government structure and a political tradition that were essentially Western and secular. From its inception, Pakistan has worked to synthesise Islamic principles with the needs of a modern state. The young nation was immediately challenged by a host of other factors affecting national development, including ethnic and prOVincial tensions, political rivalries, and security considerations. The country subsequently survived civil war and the resultant loss of its East Wing, or East Pakistan, which became the independent nation of Bangladesh in December 1971, and has accommodated an influx of refugees resulting from the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (December 1979-February 1989), which over the course of the conflict exceeded 3.2 million people. Pakistan has had difficulty in establishing stable, effective political institutions. The country has experimented with a variety of political
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systems, has endured periods of martial law, and has had five constitutions, one inherited from the British and four indigenous creations since independence. Its political parties have suffered from regionalism, factionalism, and lack of vision. Power has shifted between the politicians and the civil military establishment, and regional and ethnic forces have threatened national unity. However, the impulse toward cohesion has been stronger than the impetus toward division, and the process of nation building has continued. The return to democracy in 1988, and the peaceful, constitutional transfer of power to new governments in 1990 and 1993 testify to Pakistan's progress in the quest for political stability.
The Constitution Whereas sovereignty over the entire Universe belongs to Almighty Allah alone, and the authority to be exercised by the people of Pakistan within the limits prescribed by Him is a sacred trust; And whereas it is the will of the people of Pakistan to establish an order; Wherein adequate provision shall be made for the minorities freely to profess and practise their religions and develop their cultures; Wherein the territories now included in or in accession with Pakistan and such other territories as may hereafter be included in or accede to Pakistan shall form a Federation wherein the units will be autonomous with such boundaries and limitations on their powers and authority as may be prescribed; Therein shall be guaranteed fundamental rights, including equality of status, of opportunity and before law, social, economic and political justice, and freedom of thought, expression, belief, faith, worship and association, subject to law and public morality; Wherein adequate provision shall be made to safeguard the legitimate interests of minorities and backward and depressed classes; Wherein the independence of the judiciary shall be fully secured; Wherein the integrity of the territories of the Federation, its independence and all its rights, including its sovereign rights on land. sea and air, shall be safeguarded; So that the people of Pakistan may prosper and attain their rightful and honoured place amongst the nations of the World and
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make their full contribution towards international peace and progress and happiness of humanity: Now, therefore, we, the people of Pakistan; Cognisant of our responsibility before Almighty Allah and men; Cognisant of the sacrifices made by the people in the cause of Pakistan; Faithful to the declaration made by the Founder of Pakistan, Quaed-e-Azam Muhammad AIi Jinnah, that Pakistan would be a democratic State based on Islamic principles of social justice; Dedicated to the preservation of democracy achieved by the unremitting struggle of the people against oppression and tyranny; Inspired by the resolve to protect our national and political unity and solidarity by creating an egalitarian society through a new order; Do hereby, through our representatives in the National Assembly, adopt, enact and give to ourselves, this Constitution.
Constitutional and Political Inheritance: PakIstan, in its comparatively short history, has tried various forms of parliamentary, military, and presidential governments in its efforts to achieve political stability. At independence, Pakistan was governed by the Government of India Act of 1935 as amended by the authority of the India Independence Act of 1947. The amended act provided at the centre for a governor general (as successor to the British viceroy) as head of state and for a Constituent Assembly with two separate functionsto prepare a Constitution and to be a federal legislature until the Constitution came into effect. At the outset, however, this structure of governor general and parliamentary legislature took on singular characteristics tailored to the personality, prestige, and unique position occupied by Jinnah, Pakistan's first governor general. At independence, he was the supreme authority, the founder of the state, and the chief political leader. As head of the All India Muslim League, in 1940 he mobilised the political effort that in just seven years won Pakistan's independence. His ultimate authority came not from military power, not from the support of the bureaucracy, and not from constitutional prerogatives
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but from the political support of the people. In these circumstances, Jinnah chose to unite in himself the functions of head of state and the power of chief executive and party boss. In addition to his position as governor general, he was elected President of the Constituent Assembly. For the office of governor general to be held by an active party politician who continued as political leader was an innovation. Initially, the arrangement may have seemed necessary to preserve national unity after independence and to facilitate the work of the new government. When Jinnah died, the Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, and the Cabinet assumed increased power, in more traditional roles, and Khwaja Nazimuddin, as the new governor general, became a more traditional, non-political head of state. Liaquat, however, found it difficult to establish his political authority. Whether the transfer of effective power to Liaquat while Jinnah was still alive might have created a precedent for future political stability in Pakistan is a moot point. Liaquat's assassination, three years later in October 1951, was the catalyst for a series of constitutional and political crises that over the years seemed almost endemic.
Nation al Assem bly The National Assembly of Pakistan is the country's sovereign legislative body. It embodies the will of the people to let themselves be governed under the democratic, multiparty Federal Parliamentary System. The National Assembly makes laws for the Federation in respect of the powers enumerated in the Federal Legislative list and also for subjects in the Concurrent List. Through its debate s, adjournment motion, question hour and Standing Committees, the National Assembly keeps as check over the Executive and ensures that the government functions within the parameters set out in the Constitution and does not violate the fundamental rights of citizens. Only the National Assembly, through its Public Accounts Committee, scrutinises public spending and exercises control of expenditure incurred by the government. The Islamic Republic of Pakistan is a Federal State comprising four provinces of Balochistan, the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) the Punjab and Sind; Islamabad is the Federal Capital with Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). These federating units
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offer a lot of diversity and variety in terms of languages, levels of social and economic development, population density and climatic conditions. The Members of the National Assembly are to be elected by direct and free vote in accordance with law.
Government Structure Pakistan's independence was won through a democratic and constitutional struggle. Although the country's record with parliamentary democracy has been mixed, Pakistan, after lapses, has returned to this form of government. The (revived) Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan adopted in 1985 provides for a federal parliamentary system with a President as head of state and a popularly-elected Prime Minister as head of government.
Legislative Procedure The Bill relating to the Federal Legislative List or Concurrent List can be originated in either House. If the House passed the Bill through majority vote, it shall be transmitted to the other House. If the other House passes it without amendment, it shall be presented to the President for assent. If the Bill, transmitted to the other House, is not passed within ninety days or rejected or amended, it shall be considered in a joint sitting to be summoned by the President on the request of the House in which the Bill was originated. If the Bill is passed in the joint sitting, with or without amendments, by the votes of majority of the total members of the two Houses, it shall be presented to the President for assent. If the Bill is presented to the President for assent, he shall assent to the Bill in not later than thirty days. If it is not a Money Bill, the President may return the Bill to the Majlis-e-Shura (Parliament) with a message requesting that the Bill be reconsidered and that an amendment specified in the message be considered. The Majlis-eShura shall reconsider the Bill in a joint sitting. If the Bill is passed again, with or without amendment, by vote of the majority of the members present and voting, it shall be presented to the President and the President shall not withhold assent therefrom. Under the Constitution. the Parliament may also legislate for two or more Provinces by consent and request made by those Provinces.
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If the Federal Government proclaims State of Emergency in any
province, the power to legislate about that province is vested in the Parliament. But the Bills passed by the Parliament during the State of Emergency, shall cease to be in force after the expiration of six months from the date Emergency is lifted. Nevertheless, the steps already taken under these Acts shall remain valid. In exercises of its constitutional role, the Parliament also has other very important duties to perform. Members of both Houses of the Parliament and the Provincial Assemblies elect the President, who is at the apex. The Prime Minister, who heads the Cabinet and is meant to aid and advise the President in his functions, belongs to the National Assembly. He enjoys the confidence of the majority of the members of the National Assembly. The President on the advice of the Prime Minister appoints members of the Cabinet. In the formation of the Cabinet, the major portion (75 per cent), goes to National Assembly while the rest (25 per cent) are taken from the Senate. There is a democratic procedure to remove the Prime Minister from his/her office if he/she loses confidence of the majority of the members of the National Assembly. In this respect, a resolution for a vote of no confidence is moved by not less then 20 per cent of the total membership of the National Assembly. If the resolution is passed by majority of votes in the National Assembly, the Prime Minister immediately relinquishes powers. Similarly, for the removal or impeachment of the President, not less than one-half of the total membership of either House may give in writing its intentions to do so, to the Speaker National Assembly, or, as the case may be, to the Chairman Senate, for moving a resolution for the purpose. In a joint sitting of the two Houses, convened for the purpose, and after the deliberations, if the resolution is passed by the votes of not less than two thirds of the total membership of the Parliament, the President shall cease to hold office immediately on the passing of the resolution. In case emergency is proclaimed, the Parliament holds the authority to extend the term of the National Assembly. The Parliament is also empowered to pass various resolutions on matters like extension in the term of the Chief Election Commissioner for one year. Under the Constitution, the Parliament may also, on the request of the
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Federal Government, by law, confer functions upon officers or tit authorities subordinate to the Federal Government. The first session of the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was held on 10th August 1947 at Sind Assembly Building Karachi. On 11th August 1947, Quaed-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was elected unanimously as the President of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and the Assembly formally approved the National Flag. On 12th August 1947, a resolution was approved regarding officially addressing Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah as "Quaed-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah". On the same day, a special committee called the "Committee on Fundamental Rights of Citizens and Minorities of Pakistan" was appointed to look into and advise the Assembly on matters relating to fundamental rights of the citizens. Particularly the minorities, with the aim to legislate on these issues appropriately. On 14th August 1947, the Transfer of Power took place. Lord Mountbatten, Governor General of India, addressed the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. The Quaed gave a reply to the address in the House, on which the principles of the State of Pakistan were laid. On 15th August 1947, Quaed-e-Azam was sworn in as the first Governor General of Pakistan. Mian Sir Abdur Rashid, Chief Justice of Pakistan, administered oath of office on him. The Quaed remained in this position till his death, i.e. 11th September, 1948. The foremost task before the first Constituent Assembly was of framing the Constitution for the nation. On 7th March, 1949, the Objectives Resolution, which now serves as the ground norm of Pakistan, was introduced by the first Prime Minister of Pakistan Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, and later adopted by the Constituent Assembly on 12th March, 1949. On the same day, a Basic Principles Committee comprising of 24 Members was formed to prepare a draft Constitution on the basis of the Objectives Resolution. On 16th October, 1951, Prime Minister Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, mover of the Objective Resolution, was assassinated and Khwaja Nazimuddin took over as the Prime Minister on 17th October, 1951. The final draft of the Constitution was prepared in 1954. By that time, Muhammad Ali Bogra had taken over as the Prime Minister. However, just before the draft could be placed in the House for approval, the Assembly was dissolved by the-then Governor General
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Ghulam Muhammad on 24th October, 1954. The Prime Minister_ was, however, not dismissed and was asked to run the administration, with a reconstituted Cabinet, until such time as the elections were held. ' , Maulvi Tamizuddin, President of the Assembly, challenged the dissolution in the Sind Chief Court, and won the case. The Government in return, went to the Federal Court, where the famous judgment was given by the-then Chief Justice Muhammad Munir, according to which Maulvi Tarnizuddin lost the case. The second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was created on 28th May 1955 under Governor General's Order No. 12 of 1955. The Electoral College for this Assembly was the Provincial Assemblies of respective Provinces. The strength of this Assembly was 80 Members, half each from East Pakistan and West Pakistan. One of the major decisions taken by this Assembly was the establishment of West Pakistan (One Unit), with the aim to create parity between the two wings (East and West Pakistan). This Assembly also achieved its target by giving the first Constitution to the nation, i.e. the Constitution of Pakistan 1956. Choudhury Muhammad Ali was the Prime Minister at that time. The draft of this Constitution was introduced in the Assembly on 9th January 1956 and was passed by the Assembly on 29th February 1956. The assent was given on it by the Governor General on 2nd March 1956. This Constitution was enforced with effect from 23rd March 1956. Under this Constitution, Pakistan became an Islamic Republic, hence 23rd March became the Republic day. It was the same day in 1940 that the historic Pakistan Resolution was adopted at Minto Park, Lahore. On 5th March 1956, Major General Iskandar Mirza became the first elected President of Pakistan. The 1956 Constitution provided for Parliamentary form of government with all the executive powers in the hands of Prime Minister. President was Head of the State and was to be elected by all Members of the National and Provincial Assemblies. He was to hold office for 5 years. The President was to act on the advice of Prime Minister, except where he was empowered to act in his discretion. Under 1956 Constitution, Parliament was unicameral. Legislative powers vested in the Parliament, which consisted of the President and the National Assembly comprising 300 Members divided equally
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between East and West Pakistan. In addition to these 300 seats, five seats were reserved for women for each of the two wings, for a period of ten years: thus bringing the total membership of the House to 310. However, in the absence of any law to control the Political Parties and the problem of floor crossing, political instability perpetually ensued. Although the first general election were scheduled for early 1959, President Iskandar Mirza abrogated the Constitution, dissolved the National and Provincial Assemblies, and declared Martial Law, on 7th October 1958. He appOinted General Muhammad Ayub Khan, Commander-in-Chief of the Army, as the Chief Martial Law Administrator. On 27th October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan tookover as a second President of Pakistan. One of the first major steps taken by General Ayub Khan was the appointment of a Constitution Commission on 17th February 1960. The objective of this commission was to submit proposals, as to how best democracy can be strengthened and moulded according to the country's sociopolitical environment and Islamic principles of justice. The Commission submitted its report, to the government on 29th April 1961. On the basis of this report, a new Constitution was framed and given to the nation on 1st March 1962. General elections under the new Constitution were held on 28th March 1962 and elections to the special seats reserved for women were held on 29th May 1962. The first session of the third National Assembly was held on 8th June 1962 at Ayub Hall, Rawalpindi. The Constitution of 1962 envisaged a Federal State with Presidential form of government, with National Assembly at the centre and the Provincial Assemblies in the Provinces. The Legislatures, both at centre and in provinces were unicameral. The Federal system had been curtailed by allowing the Provincial Governors to be appOinted directly by the President. All executive authority of the Republic of Pakistan, under the Constitution, vested in the office of the President. President appointed his Cabinet members who were directly responsible to him. The electoral system was made indirect, and the 'Basic Democrats' , for both wings were declared Electoral College for the purpose of electing the Assemblies and the President. Basic democrats were
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80,000 in number (40,000 from each East & West Pakistan). The total membership of the National Assembly was 156, one half of whom were to be elected from East Pakistan and other half from West Pakistan, also three seats were reserved for women from each province. The term of this Assembly was three years. The norm was established that if the President was from West Pakistan, the Speaker was to be from East Pakistan and vice versa. One of the major achievements of this Assembly was the passage of Political Parities Act, 1962. On 25th March 1969, the second Martial law was imposed and General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan took over as the President of Pakistan and Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA). He later issued a Legal Framework Order (LFO), under which the first ever general elections were held on 7th December 1970. This was the first Assembly elected on the adult franchise and population basis. It consist of 313 members, 169 from East Pakistan and 144 from West Pakistan including 13 reserved seats for women (6 were from West Pakistan and 7 from East Pakistan). Soon after the elections, due to grave political differences, the Province of East Pakistan seceded from West Pakistan and became Bangladesh. On 20th December 1971. Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto took over as the President of Pakistan as well as the first civil Chief Martial Law Administrator. The first session of the National Assembly, due to the delay caused by the ,separation of East Pakistan, was held on 14th April 1972 at the State Bank Building, Islamabad, in which all 144 Members from West Pakistan and two from former East Pakistan (Mr. Noorul-Amin and Raja Tridev Roy who had chosen to join Pakistan) participated. On 17th April 1972 an Interim Constitution was adopted by the National Assembly, which provided for a Presidential form of Government. Under this Constitution, the National Assembly was not to be dissolved earlier than 14th August 1973. The Interim Constitution dealt in detail with the distribution of powers between the Centre and the Provinces. The Assembly also formed a Constitution Committee on 17th April 1972 to prepare the first draft for framing a Constitution. The report of the Committee was presented with a draft Constitution on 31st December 1972. It was unanimously passed by the Assembly in its session on 10th April 1973 and was authenticated by the President on 12th April 1973 . This Constitution, called the Constitution
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of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan 1973, was promulgated on 14th August 1973. On the same day, Mr. ZulfiqQr Ali Bhutto took oath as the Prime Minister, while Mr. Fazal Ilahi Choudhary took oath as the President of Pakistan. The 1973 Constitution provides for a parliamentary form of government where the executive authority of the state vests with the Prime Minister. The President, according to the Constitution, is at the apex, representing the unity of the Republic. From 1947 to 1973, the country had a unicameral system of legislature. Under the 1973 Constitution, Pakistan adopted bicameral system at the centre, called "The Parliament", composing the President, the National Assembly and The Senate. Originally, the general seats of the National Assembly were 200 with additional 10 seats reserved for women, bringing the total strength to 210. The newly created Upper House, i.e. the Senate had 63 members. Later in 1985 through a Presidential Order (P.O. No. 14 of 1985), seven seats were added to the general seats and ten to the reserved seats for women in the National Assembly. Ten seats were exclusively reserved for minorities to be filled through separate electorate system. Thus, the total strength of the lower house reached to 237 members. Similarly, the strength of Senate was also increased from 63 to 87. Under the 1973 Constitution. the National Assembly is elected for five years term, unless sooner dissolved. The seats in National Assembly, unlike the Senate, are allocated to each province and other units of the federation, on the basis of population. The Constitutional provision of 20 special seats for women lapsed in 1990, thus decreased the Assembly strength from 237 to 217. Under the Constitution, elections to the 10 seats reserved for minority were held on separate electorate basis. Despite the tenure of the Assembly being five years, as prescribed in the Constitution, Mr. ZA Bhutto, on 7th January 1977 announced the holding of elections before time. Consequently, on 10th January 1977, he advised the President to dissolve the National Assembly. Elections were held on 7th March 1977. The opposition charged the government with rigging the elections to the National Assembly and thereafter boycotted the Provincial Assemblies elections. Since the opposition had not accepted the National Assembly elections result, they did not take oath. This resulted in severe political crisis and
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Martial Law was imposed by the then Army Chief, General Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, on 5th July 1977. On 24th December 1981, under Presidential Order (P.o. 15 of 1981) a Federal Council (Majlis-e-Shura) was constituted by the President. Its members were nominated by the President. The first session of this Council was held on 11th January 1982. In this way, limited and controlled political activities were resumed, as a result of which general elections were later held for the National and Provincial Assemblies on 25th February 1985, on non-party basis. On 2nd March 1985, the revival of Constitution Order (P.O. 14 of 1985) was issued in which a large number of amendments were made in the Constitution. The first session of the National Assembly was held on 20th March 1985. Mr. Muhammad Khan Junejo, was nominated as the Prime Minister of Pakistan by the President (General Zia ul-Haq). He received vote of confidence on 24th March 1985. In November 1985, the 8th Constitutional Amendment was adopted by the Parliament. Besides changes in other Articles in the Constitution, the significant Article 58(2)(b) was added, according to which the President acquired discretionary powers to dissolve the National Assembly. On 29th May 1988 the Assembly was dissolved by the President by using the power acquired under Article 58(2)(b). The General elections for the eighth National Assembly was held on 16th November 1988. The first session was convened by the President on 30th November 1988. Mr. Miraj Khalid was elected as a Speaker of National Assembly on 3rd December 1988. Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto was nominated as Prime Minister of Pakistan and took the oath of the Office on 2nd December 1988. The Assembly was dissolved by the President, Ghulam Ishaq Khan under Article 58(2)(b) on 6th August 1990. The General elections for the ninth National Assembly was held on 24th October 1990. The first session was held on 3rd November 1990. Mr. Gohar Ayub Khan was elected as Speaker of National Assembly and he took oath on 4th November 1990. Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharief took oath as Prime Minister of Pakistan on 11 th November. 1993. The Assembly was dissolved by the-then President, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, under Article 58(2)(b) on 18th April 1993. The dissolution of the National Assembly was challenged in the Supreme
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Court of Pakistan and after hearing the case, the Assembly was restored by the apex court on 26th May 1993. The Assembly was dissolved on the advice of the Prime Minister on 18th July 1993. The elections for tenth National AsseMbly were held on 6th October, 1993. The first session was held on 15th October 1993. Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani took oath of the office of the Speaker of National Assembly on 17th October 1993. Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto was administered the oath as Prime Minister of Pakistan on October 19th October 1993. The Assembly was dissolved by the President Farooq Ahmad Khan Laghari on 5th November 1996. The elections for eleventh National Assembly were held on 3rd February 1997. The first session was held on 15th February 1997. Mr. IIIahi Bukhsh Soomro took oath of the office of the Speaker National Assembly on 16th February 1997. Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharief took oath as Prime Minister of Pakistan and Leader of the House on 17th February 1997. The new Assembly came into power with an overwhelming majority. The Article 58(2)(b) was later on omitted from the Constitution vide 13th Amendment in the Constitution in April 1997. It may be pertinent to note at this point that while, ostensibly, sixteen amendments have been made in the Constitution so far, the ninth and the eleventh Constitutional Amendments were, however, passed by the Senate alone and fifteenth by the National Assembly alone, hence these amendments lapsed. The fourteenth Amendment in the Constitution empowered a check on floor crossing of legislators.
President The President, in keeping with the constitutional provision that the state religion is Islam, must be a Muslim. Elected for a five-year term by an electoral college consisting of members of the Senate and National Assembly and members of the provincial assemblies, the President is eligible for re-election. But no individual may hold the office for more than two consecutive terms. The President may resign or be impeached and may be removed from office for incapacity or gross misconduct by a two-thirds vote of the members of the Parliament. The President generally acts on the advice of the Prime Minister but has important residual powers. One of the most important powers-a legacy of Zia-is contained in the Eighth Amendment,
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which gives the President the power to dissolve the National Assembly "in his discretion where, in his opinion... a situation has arisen in which the Government of the Federation cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and an appeal to the electorate is necessary."
Parliament and Federal Government The bicameral federal legislature is the Majlis-e-Shura (Council of Advisers), consisting of the Senate (upper house) and National Assembly (lower house). Members of the National Assembly are elected by universal adult suffrage (over twenty-one years of age in Pakistan). Seats are allocated to each of the four provinces, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, and Islamabad Capital Territory on the basis of population. National Assembly members serve for the parliamentary term, which is five years, unless they die or resign sooner, or unless the National Assembly is dissolved. Although the vast majority of the members are Muslim, about 5 per cent of the seats are reserved for minorities, including Christians, Hindus, and Sikhs. Elections for minority seats are held on the basis of separate electorates at the same time as the polls for Muslim seats during the general elections. The President from among the members of the National Assembly appoints the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister is assisted by the Federal Cabinet, a council of ministers whose members are appointed by the President on the advice of the Prime Minister. The Federal Cabinet comprises the ministers, ministers of state, and advisers. As of early 1994, there were thirty-three ministerial portfolios: commerce; communications; culture; defence; defence production; education; environment; finance and economic affairs; food and agriculture; foreign affairs; health; housing; information and broadcasting; interior; Kashmiri affairs and Northern Areas; law and justice; local government; minority affairs; narcotics control; parliamentary affairs; petroleum and natural resources production; planning and development; railroads; religious affairs; science and technology; social welfare; special education; sports; state and frontier regions; tourism; water and power; women's development; and youth affairs. The Senate is a permanent legislative body with equal representation from each of the four provinces, elected by the members
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of their respective provincial assemblies. There are representatives from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and from Islamabad Capital Territory. The chairman of the Senate, under the Constitution, is next in line to act as President should the office become vacant and until such time as a new President can be formally elected. Both the Senate and the National Assembly can initiate and pass legislation except for finance bills. Only the National Assembly can approve the federal budget and all finance bills. In the case of other bills, the President may prevent passage unless the legislature in joint sitting overrules the President by a majority of members of both houses present and voting. Other offices and bodies having important roles in the federal structure include the attorney general, the auditor general, the Federal Land Commission, the Federal Public Service Commission, the Central Election Commission, and the Wafaqi Mohtasib (Ombudsman).
Provincial Governments Pakistan's four provinces enjoy considerable autonomy. Each province has a governor, a Council of Ministers headed by a Chief Minister appOinted by the governor, and a provincial assembly. Members of the provincial assemblies are elected by universal adult suffrage. Provincial assemblies also have reserved seats for minorities. Although there is a well-defined division of responsibilities between federal and provincial governments, there are some functions on which both can make laws and establish departments for their execution. The provincial governments, for example, proVide most of the services in areas such as health, education, agriculture, and roads. Although the federal government can also legislate in these areas, it only makes national policy and handles international aspects of those services.
Judiciary The judiCiary includes the Supreme Court, provincial high courts, and other lesser courts exercising civil and criminal jurisdiction. The chief justice of the Supreme Court is appointed by the President; the other Supreme Court judges are appointed by the President after consultation with the chief justice. The chief justice and judges of the Supreme Court may remain in office until age sixty-five. The Supreme Court has original, appellate, and advisory jurisdiction. Judges of the
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provincial high courts are appointed by the President after consultation with the chief justice of the Supreme Court, as well as the governor of the province and the chief justice of the high court to which the appointment is being mace. High courts have original and appellate jurisdiction. There is also a Federal Shariat Court consisting of eight Muslim judges, including a chief justice appointed by the President. Three of the judges are Ulema, that is, Islamic Scholars, and are wellversed in Islamic law. The Federal Shariat Court has original and appellate jurisdiction. This court decides whether any law is repugnant to the injunctions of Islam. When a law is deemed repugnant to Islam, the President, in the case of a federal law, or the governor, in the case of a provincial law, is charged with taking steps to bring the law into conformity with the injunctions of Islam. The court also hears appeals from decisions of criminal courts under laws relating to the enforcement of Hudood laws that is, laws pertaining to such offenses as intoxication, theft, and unlawful sexual intercourse. In addition, there are special courts and tribunals to deal with specific kinds of cases, such as drug courts, commercial courts, labour courts, traffic courts, an insurance appellate tribunal, an income tax appellate tribunal, and special courts for bank offenses. There are also special courts to try terrorists. Appeals from special courts go to high courts except for labour and traffic courts, which have their own forums for appeal. Appeals from the tribunals go to the Supreme Court. A further feature of the judicial system is the office of Wafaqi Mohtasib (Ombudsman), which is provided for in the Constitution. The office of Mohtasib was established in many early Muslim states to ensure that no wrongs were done to citizens. Appointed by the President, the Mohtasib holds office for four years; the term cannot be extended or renewed. The Mohtasib's purpose is to institutionalise a system for enforcing administrative accountability, through investigating and rectifying any injustice done to a person through mal-administration by a federal agency or a federal government official. The Mohtasib is empowered to award compensation to those who have suffered loss or damage as a result of mal-administration. Excluded from jurisdiction, however, are personal grievances or service matters of a public servant as well as matters relating to foreign affairs, national defence, and the armed
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services. This institution is designed to bridge the gap between administrator and citizen, to improve administrative processes and procedures, and to help curb misuse of discretionary powers.
Civil Services The bureaucracy, particularly the higher civil service, has been a continuing source of stability and leadership and a counterweight to political upheaval and government instability. This cadre originated in the pre-partition Indian Civil Service, whose members were welleducated, well-trained, and dedicated to a tradition of efficiency and responsibility. In time, the British recruited indigenous people, who were among India's best and brightest, into the Indian Civil Service ranks. At partition, out of more than 1,100 Indian Civil Service officers, scarcely 100 were Muslims, and eighty-three of them opted to go to Pakistan. Because none of them held a senior rank eqUivalent to that of a s~cretary (and administrators were urgently needed to staff senior posts in the new state), this initial group was augmented by quick promotions in the Civil Service of Pakistan (CSP) through ad hoc appointments from other services and through retention, for a time, of some British officers. The CSP prided itself on being the backbone of the nation, the "steel frame" as it was sometimes called, and played a key role in Pakistan's survival in the difficult years following independence. Although Jinnah commanded its contribution, he also warned CSP cadres to stay out of politics and to discharge their duties as public servants. After Jinnah's death, however, in the subsequent absence of strong political leadership, members of the CSP assumed an extraordinary role in the country's policy-making process. When the CSP was disbanded in 1973 and the various services were amalgamated into one administrative system, the expertise of its former members was much valued, and they continued to hold critical positions in the country's administrative apparatus through subsequent transitions in government. It is not surprising, then, that a later President of Pakistan, Ghulam Ishaq Khan (1988-93) was once a member of the CSP.
The Military Another significant aspect of Pakistan's political legacy is its military forces and, in particular, the role of the largest of these forces,
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the army. The military remains one of the country's most cohesive national institutions. Since independence, it has oscillated between indirect and direct political control, remaining a major power. The military's sense of mission in defending and preserving the Islamic state of Pakistan has always been strong. For Muslim members of the British Indian Army, the transfer of loyalties from the colonial to the ideological state was not difficult. Successors to the historical legacy of the Muslim armies of the once-powerful Mughal Empire. Muslim soldiers could relate to a new role of protecting the faith and the state embodied in Pakistan. The military also provided alternative political leadership in times of crisis. Military regimes in Pakistan have legitimated their actions by the doctrine of necessity, stepping in temporarily when political crises have reached a deadlock and threatened the state.
The Governance It seems Pakistan's intellectual cum technocrat society had taken all the responsibility of preaching the so called Good Governance in such a way that even governing principles is considered unaware and intolerable on that features. Almost every day the structure of good governance go under dissection, some of the salient features of good governance however are mended back to its original place but many remain unattended. Although every person of aesthetic bourgeois is well aware about what the terminology "Good Governance" contains with in itself, but the way it is portrayed will either destroy the genesis of Governance and if not, than would definitely change the entire Constitution of governing principles according to personal agenda. Human Rights associates once stated in its report that, "Democracy is based on two core principles; Participation and accountability." Therefore in the light of above observation when there is less or absolutely no democratic prevalence in nation that mean there is leakages or loopholes in governance as well. So the scientific formula is no democracy no governance. Now cogitates your self if Pakistan is working under independent unchained democratic setup than governance is definitely in its good position but what about the criteria when democracy is not restored in its Original position yet governing features are executed and implemented in almost every sphere of politics and economy?
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Unfortunately Pakistan's more than five decades of history is deprived of both the expeditious execution of accountability and the participation of the people's mandate by their chosen representatives even after the due share of both the military dictatorship and democratically elected government. Some how both of these golden rules of democracy are enjoying complete absentia in Pakistan. Whether some one agree or simply reject my viewpoint regarding governmental status quo of Pakistan, i.e. democracy, good governance, economic affairs as well as social sector is some how incompatible. To give reason in this regard, see how the government is fighting many fronts to be consistent in establishing or maintaining democratic parliamentary setup in country, neither opposition nor government is proceeding according to their mandate. The issue of Wardi (Uniform) is yet not resolved nor the either side that is government or opposition are in mood to revert. As long as the military influenza hovers over democratic lobby, the recovery of true political vis-a-vis democratic scenario in Pakistan will remain dissolved. Besides the political hegemony, increased macroeconomic stability had yet not stabled the infrastructure facilities for poor cadre based in rural arena. Although several economic reforms have been made to economically empower or to bring. prosperity towards the lower or dilapidated class of economy, yet the results are not that progressive. Employment opportunities, foreign direct investment, investment oriented environment is· moving from slow pace. However winds of change are expected in the economic zone of Pakistan after the arrival of new premier Shaukat Aziz, but the if political quagmire situation will remain than economy may not put on tracks of prosperity desired at large. As good economics is good politics and where there is fragile and broken politics is involved the issue of good governing automatically take back seat rather than further elevating the spirit of governing good governance. Since October 12, 1999 when military's coup d'etat had taken over the political institutions of Pakistan, terrorism was restricted or at least considered as national slogan therefore was treated with in the national boundary wall. From sectarian violence to criminal zealots, all the reserved rights for combating national-terrorist mafia were applied without any foreign influence or restriction. Ironically after the 9/11 tragedies in America, terrorism is no more an
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international phenomenon. Especially after the execution of war against terrorism, nations like Pakistan were prone to mold thyself according to US requirements. No more how hard government justify about keeping itself at arms length from US mandate of fighting terrorism, but the influence can be easily depicted in almost every sector of nation whether it is economy or politics we had shaped our interests (though keeping national interest at prime level) in such a way that could maintain US blessings over Pakistan over a longer period of time. However some people have opinions and statements that governing orders are issued directly from Washington and not from Islamabad after Us aSSigned "Non-Nato Ally Status" to Pakistan, as there are certain legal cum judicious limitations involved in national Constitution regarding operation cum execution of national interest. But due to emerging globalisation and uprising of world terrorism one may not disagree that nations are more than willing to handshake with US war against terrorism rather than keeping itself aloof. So there is no exception that Pakistan is among those nations. The dilemma with the Pakistan perspective is that government had yet not established the confidence building measures between the civilian through their representatives regarding the foreign influence and especially US influence over Pakistan. So one of the main principles of good governance failed from the very beginning. The continuous conflict with the opposition parties, the issue of insecurity in provinces, sectarian violence, provincial political uncertainty, fragile law and order situation in Wana, lack of easy access of judicial system, tribalism, feudalism and god know how many hidden "ism mafia" is revolving around nation. But the government itself solely creates majority of these deep-rooted enigmas, as neither military no democracy is in its original place. According to Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz "efficient management is the key of good governance." Unfortunately if Pakistan is abundant in opportunities applied to employed good governing features than on the other front it is equally deprived of good managerial task force. Personal political agenda, against few and low level accountability process, corruption at mass scale, illegal financial gains, favouritism as well as nepotism is still exercised at large in Pakistan. The million-
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,dollar question is how and for how long under this kind of uncertain political cum economic environment, good governance is applied? It is crystal clear that the real victim of this political and constitutional tussle is the common men who despite the rising index of the macro economic indicators, fully recovered democratic setup is running from pillar to post to fulfil his basic necessities of Roti, Kapra aur Makan, They are not concerned what opposition and the government are up to. The concerning issues for them are: rising poverty, corruption at political and available cum affordable judicial institutions, security and lack of employment opportunities. As long as they are not enjoying the liberty of life and basic resources there is no concept of good governance from beginning to end. Therefore, to restore democracy for common man and not for the large favourite kitchen Cabinet also to serve the mandate of the common people of Pakistan, government and opposition are liable to work as a joint venture in this regard, as no one would come from outside to resolve our internal issues. People of Pakistan had already suffered much political cum military corruption for more than five decades. Now there is a dire need of progressive, promoting and positive actions not words in the national interest of Pakistan.
Governance and Democracy The Constitution of Pakistan is being re-engineered again. Well, one must not be surprised or cry about this activity, as this has been a trend in the ruling system of Pakistan since the first piece of document "Objectives Resolution" was produced on March 12, 1949. Though the 'causes' and the 'needs of the time' are given whenever this poor document is altered but the fact of the matter remains the same that all rulers have used the Constitution to control the situation in their favour and remain in power. To understand the shortcomings in the governance and the democracy in Pakistan, one must find explanations for the weaknesses in political tolerance and identity. Analytically, there appear to be sets of reasonably autonomous and enduring beliefs and values within Pakistan that have important consequences in the societal and ultimately political spheres. Popular expectations of authority, in particular toward those who govern, must be understood and presumably altered if Pakistan is to realise the kind of system that
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permits a sustainable democracy. Legal provisions and better people seeking public office are important, but progress in building civic virtue or civic spirit will also have to occur. In the absence of such a culture, factional anarchy and authoritarian rule remain thrive. Historically, the political culture in Pakistan is a strong product of its past that links to the pre-partition British rule. What Pakistan's leaders knew best from this inheritance was the so called viceregal system that made little or no provision for popular awareness or involvement. The system was designed to rule over a subjected population and intended to keep order and collect taxes. In fact, what the British bequeathed was often a contradiction between theories of governance and their practices. Ideals of representative government and equality before the law were incomplete transformations. The territorial issues and border conflicts with India, the sociocultural differences within the country, struggle for a share of power between the states and the early death of the founder of Pakistan Muhammad Ali Jinnah are those realities which not only politicised the policymaking elites and their willingness in introducing the fair democratic procedures but also encouraged the non-democratic elements including the army. Consequently, even after half a century the country could not get cleaned from the feudal, tribal and panchayat systems and sectarian segregations and the public has been left untutored in the kind of vigilance usually needed to hold political leaders accountable. Pakistan was without a formal, written Constitution until 1956. The democratic myths that so often sustain a system were thus only weakly instilled, and precedents were created that undermined those few parliamentary and democratic norms that could be drawn upon. It did not help that in the early years non-party Prime Ministers were appointed by the head of state rather than by those who had to appeal to an electorate. Mass involvement in politics, if defined by rallies and periodic opportunities to vote, certainly increased over the years. Street demonstrations helped to bring down governments, namely Ayub's in 1968, Yahya Khan's in 1971, and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's in 1977. Yet while these actions strengthen feelings of efficacy, none can be easily equated with democratic processes. The weakness of democratic practices in Pakistan can be explained in many ways. Some observers stress constitutional and electoral provisions among institutional factors said to have undermined
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responsible and responsive government. Others point to the quality of Pakistan's leadership over most of Pakistan's history, namely, that Pakistan has been let down by unprincipled political figures motivated by raw ambition, material gain and vested interests. The subsequent education of people to accept democracy through meaningful participation in their political affairs is minimal. Without wide public awareness and an effective public opinion, the political system gives wide berth to ambitious and corrupts political leaders. Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharief, the two times democratically elected Prime Ministers, are the perfect examples of the corruptions at the leadership level. Instead of including a broad citizenry in the political process, power is concentrated in the hands of an elitist bureaucracy and overambitious military. The country's semi-feudal system with its sets of obligations and hierarchy provided similarly inhospitable soil for building a democracy. The traditional power brokers, the wealthy, large landholding families, are prepared to give their allegiance to anyone who promised to protect their material interests and way of life. The civilian government succumbed to military rule that sought to legitimise itself with the public by attacks on democratic ideals and political institutions in hopes of leaving them in disrepute as well as decay. Despite the revival of democracy from time to time, it is predictably held in suspicion. One of the tenets of civil society, the concept of a legitimate opposition, naturally won little acceptance among competing political elites or within the larger public. These outpourings marked a breakdown in law and order, and reflected above all an absence of trust in authority. Such anomic movements may have heralded demands for better representation but in themselves were more the signs of frustration and anger than of belief in a more pluralistic, tolerant political system. The election of 1970, the first to be held on the basis of universal suffrage, appeared to be a watershed for democracy. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who was the creation of a military ruler, Ayub Khan-provided the strongest hope for a politics that would involve the masses and socialise them to democrqtic and socialist ideals. The mass mobilisation of the electorate by his Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) succeeded in communicating with many rural voters. People listened to Bhutto and other political leaders not Qnly at rallies but over radio and television.
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The issues of the day were articulated forcefully and clearly, such that voters had meaningful choices to make. And these masses demonstrated that they could throw off, if it really served their interests, the feudal assumptions that usually shaped their attitudes and actions. Yet rather than build up his popular movement on the democratic ideals of supremacy of the people, in power Bhutto shed much of the regime's popUlist ideology and strongly personalised his rule rather than working through participatory institutions and educating the public to their value. By his 1977 re-election campaign, he had come to rely on feudals and discarded many of the political allies who had stood with him earlier. Above all, Bhutto had failed to deliver the fair governance and a true democracy. While he had opened up for the future the possibility of more participatory politics, the civic virtues that would be needed to buttress it were in the end discredited. Pakistan could indeed become a crucible for determining whether extensions of democratic practice are likely to provide a successful means of accommodating militant Islamic political movements. The country's experiences suggest that militant Islamic parties may be moderated when given a democratic option-an honest opportunity to compete. The popularity of Islamic parties in many cities and towns, according to this reasoning, is largely of a protest variety, coming from the denial of a more open political process. However, many analysts also seriously question the compatibility of Islamic doctrines with more liberal conceptions of democracy. Very likely the best reason to insist on the appropriateness of democratic values and institutions is that, from an ideolOgical-constitutional standpoint, democracy does not represent an alien goal. Pakistan was founded on many of these precepts, and as ideals they continue to resonate widely. Such basic ideas as representative government and rule of law remain part of the Pakistani society's aspirations for itself. To be sure, there has been a rejection at the emotional level of some aspects of western culture and disgust with secular political institutions. Replacement with authentic Islamic institutions is the widely accepted ultimate objective. The kind of civil society and underlying culture appropriate for Pakistan should not be expected to mimic western experiences. Any democracy in Pakistan will have to take into account
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certain Islamic prescriptions and other legacies. Experiencing and mixing western democratic system with Islamic laws will continue to create more loopholes in the ruling mechanism. In general, opportunities for a fair governance, true democracy and civil society in Pakistan can only flourish when democratic practices are allowed to prevail under the supremacy of unchanged Constitution. The repeated dismissal or overthrow of elected regimes, alterations in the constitutions that suit to existing ruler, leaves no positive memory and little chance for institutions to adapt and supportive values to root. Though the elections sometime are tainted by design or overzealous officials, the regular elections will ultimately provide democratic practices to the contestants in which losers accept defeat and winners are magnanimous in victory, the greater the chances for an electoral process capable of surviving inevitable challenges. The inefficient and incapable politicians may continue to participate and seek power but the people of Pakistan will also learn and understand better the democratic values and responsibilities over the period.
Foreign Policy A complex balancing process-the result of its history, religious heritage, and geographic position, has marked Pakistan's foreign policy. The primary objective of that policy has been to preserve Pakistan's territorial integrity and security, which have been in jeopardy since the state's inception. A new era began with the partition of British India in 1947 and the formation of two independent, sovereign states-India and Pakistan. Both nations searched for their place in the world order and aspired to leadership roles beyond the subcontinent. India and Pakistan became adversaries at independence and have so remained. The two countries fought each other shortly after partition, in 1965, and in 1971, causing the dismemberment of Pakistan and the creation of still another new sovereign entityBangladesh. India-Pakistan rivalry intensified rather than diminished after the Cold War, and the Kashmir territorial dispute remains dangerous and recurrent. Pakistan sought security through outside alliances. The new nation painstakingly worked on building a relationship with the United
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States, in which the obligations of both sides were clearly defined. The Western-oriented, anticommunist treaties and alliances Pakistan joined became an important part of its foreign policy. Pakistan also saw itself as a vanguard of independent Muslim states. The overriding objective of Pakistan's foreign policy is the safeguarding of its sovereignty, security and territorial integrity. This is underpinned by its firm adherence to immutable principles of interstate relations. The quest for security has been at the heart of Pakistan's foreign policy since independence. Pakistan's security environment derives its origins from the circumstances in which Pakistan was created. The violence accompanying the partition leading to the emergence of the two independent states of Pakistan and India generated hostility, which continues to afflict relations between the two countries mainly because of the unresolved issue of Jammu and Kashmir. The issue is the source of continuing tensions and conflict, and shaped the unstable and tense security environment in the region. The historical perspective of Pakistan's foreign policy falls in five broad phases. The first period covers the time from the UN enforced ceasefire of 1949 to the 1965 war over Kashmir. During this period Pakistan allied itself with the West by joining the Baghdad Pact and its successor, CENTO, and SEATO. The primary motivation underlying our membership of these alliances had been the need to redress our defence vulnerability and achieve a reasonable military equilibrium with India. The second phase runs from 1965 to the 1971 crisis in East Pakistan. The 1965 war, which was sparked by the Jammu and Kashmir issue, had led to a drastic reduction in economic and military assistance to Pakistan. The increase in defence expenditure together with the decline in foreign assistance compounded economic difficulties and aggravated political problems led by a sense of alienation in East Pakistan. India played on this crisis and eventually won war against Pakistan. During the third phase from 1971 to 1989 Pakistan remained engaged in rebuilding itself and facing the challenge of the Soviet military intervention in neighbouring Afghanistan, which lasted for over a decade since 1979, and has spawned a conflict that continues to ravage Afghanistan.
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The fourth phase covers the period from 1990 to the nuclear tests of May 1998. Two important events from the security perspective took place in 1990. USA clamped economic and military sanctions on Pakistan under the Pressler Amendment (which widened the conventional gap between India and Pakistan). The last few years, the current phase, have witnessed important developments in Pakistan's foreign policy. These include: the former Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharief's initiative to resume bilateral dialogue with India soon after taking office, the nuclear tests that radically altered the security environment of South Asia, the security dialogue with the United States and the crisis in Kargil. These developments, together with the continuing conflict in Afghanistan, represent the major preoccupations of our policy makers. Meanwhile, trade and economy have acquired increasing importance in our foreign relations. Relation with Middle East: Pakistan maintains close relations with the Islamic countries of the Middle East. These ties are important for religious, strategic, political, and economic reasons. In 1955 Pakistan, together with Iran, Iraq, and Turkey, joined the Baghdad Pact, a security arrangement later called the Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO) after Iraq's withdrawal. CENTO was buttressed in 1964 by a regional arrangement among Pakistan, Iran, and Turkey called the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD), and economic cooperation activities overshadowed the security aspects of the countries' relations. CENTO was disbanded in 1979 with the overthrow of Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi's government in Iran, and the RCD dissolved. The RCD was effectively revived in 1984 as the ECo. Pakistan's foreign policy fostered stronger ties with the Middle East through expanded trade. In addition, Pakistani workers employed in the Persian Gulf states, Libya, and Iran provided remittances to Pakistan that were a major source of foreign-exchange earnings. The loss of remittances caused by the 1991 Persian Gulf War was a serious concern to Pakistan. During the war, Pakistani units were sent to Saudi Arabia as components of the multinational forces. Pakistan has also contributed to the defence systems of several Arab states, supplying both officers and men. Pakistan has strengthened its Islamic ties by playing a leading role in the Organisation of the Islamic
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Conference (OIC) and has also supported the Palestinian cause, withholding recognition of Israel. Pakistan's ties with Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf states were strained during the 1990-91 crisis in the gulf. Although a member of the United States-led international coalition, Pakistan played only a limited role, sending a force of 11,000 troops tasked with "protecting" religious sites in Saudi Arabia. Nevertheless, during the war a vocal segment of public opinion in Pakistan supported ousting the Kuwaiti monarch and approved of Saddam Husain's defiance of the United States-led coalition. The then chief of the army staff, General Mirza Aslam Beg, also expressed support for Iraq, resulting in further embarrassment for Pakistan's government. Following the Persian Gulf War, Pakistan undertook diplomatic efforts to recover its position in the region. In addition, many Pakistani expatriate workers returned to their jobs, and cooperative defence training activities continued. As a result, Pakistan largely restored its position as an influential player in the region. Because of Uzbekistan's long historical and cultural ties to the Persian, Turkish, and Arab worlds, its immediate neighbours to the south-Iran, Pakistan, and Turkey-were the natural direction for expanded foreign relations. Although cultural relntions with formerly dominant Iran and Turkey ended with the Soviet Revolution in 1917, Uzbekistan's relations with its southern neighbours increased dramatically after independence. Iran and Turkey have been especially active in p'.lrsuing economic projects and social, cultural, and diplomatic initiatives in Uzbekistan. Turkey was the first country to recognise Uzbekistan and among the first to open an embassy in Tashkent. The Turks made early commitments for expansion of trade and cooperation, including the promise to fund 2,000 scholarships for Uzbek students to study in Turkey. Uzbekistan also has been the recipient of most of the US$ 700 million in credits that Turkey has given the new Central Asian states. Although initially apprehensive about the spread of an Iranianstyle Islamic fundamentalist movement in Central Asia, Uzbekistan also has found mutual economic interests with Iran, and the two have pursued overland links and other joint ventures. Relations with Pakistan have followed suit, with particular commercial interest in hydroelectric power, gas pipelines, and other projects. And a meeting of the heads
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of state of Pakistan, Iran, and Turkey in Turkmenistan in early 1995 underscored the continuing interest of those countries in the Central Asian region as a whole. One forum that has emerged as a potentially important structure for cooperation among these countries has been. the Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO), a loose regional economic organisation to foster trade and cooperation among its members in the Middle East and South Asia. Although during its almost two decades of existence ECO has achieved little concrete economic cooperation, in November 1992 the inclusion of the five new Central Asian states, Afghanistan, and Azerbaijan brought significant efforts to reinvigorate the organisation. At a meeting in Quetta, Pakistan, in February 1993, an ambitious plan was announced to create a new regional economic bloc among ECO's members by the year 2000. The plan calls for expanding ties in all economic sectors, in training, and in tourism; setting up an effective transportation infrastructure; and ultimately abolishing restrictions limiting the free flow of people and commodities. Energy trade also is to be expanded through the laying of oil and gas pipelines and power transmission lines throughout the region. Given ECO's past performance, however, in 1996 the potential for fulfilment of such plans was quite unclear. Trade and cooperation agreements have also been signed with Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and other Middle Eastern states. The pragmatic rather than religious background of such endeavours is underscored by Uzbekistan's rapidly expanding ties with Israel, a nation that shares none of the history and culture of Uzbekistan. Following a visit of Israeli Foreign Minister Shim on Peres to Uzbekistan in July 1994, Israel and Uzbekistan signed agreements expanding commercial relations, protecting foreign investments and the development of business ties, aviation links, and tourism. In the early 1990s, Israel's long participation in Uzbekistani irrigation projects has been supplemented by aid projects in health care, industry, and the two countries' common battle against radical Islamic groups. Middle East Role, Vital in helping Pakistan Recover: Following the gathering of international donors in Islamabad to consider Pakistan's request for billions of dollars in aid for reconstruction after earthquake, the country's ruling establishment had reason to appreciate the generosity of their friends in the Arab world.
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Saudi Arabia alone has committed more than half a billion dollars to Pakistan's reconstruction effort followed by commitments from other countries surrounding the Gulf, including the UAE. Of equal importance are long standing economic ties in the shape of Pakistan's traditional export of labour and commodities to the Middle East, notwithstanding its access to the region in times of financial crisis. In the 1990s, when Pakistan lived for years on the brink of its first ever possible default on foreign debt repayments, Pakistani officials regularly commuted to the Middle East to shore up their paltry foreign currency reserves. Though Pakistan's foreign currency reserves today are infinitely better than just a few years ago, there are indeed lingering anxieties over its economic outlook. The Pakistani government keenly points towards the country's economic recovery of recent years, exhibited through indicators such as rising rates of economic growth and stability of the Rupee. But there are continuing challenges on vital fronts, including managing a wider international trade deficit, pushed up by a faster rise of imports as opposed to exports, Clnd continuing concerns over a large incidence of poverty. It's not surprising that some of Pakistan's leading independent economists and analysts often lament the economic recovery as an incomplete process. They argue that the recovery would remain unimpressive as long as there are anxieties over the government's failure to translate prosperity to ordinary Pakistanis. An economic recovery can not be meaningful as long as the people along the grass roots do not taste its fruits. In the long run, Pakistan has to rely on a range of supportive measures from its friends and allies outside the country. To that extent, the Arab world and the broader Middle East have a profoundly important role in helping to maintain the momentum of Pakistan's economic recovery. Beyond the traditional scope of receiving large numbers of labourers from Pakistan and helping the South Asian country in times of pressing financial needs, the Middle East region has an important role in helping Pakistan overcome the gap surrounding its investment levels. In the past year amidst high global oil prices, many Pakistani analysts have predicted that large volumes of investments from the
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oil rich Arab world must inevitably reach out to countries such as Pakistan. This prediction is essentially based on the view that many Arab investors are likely to have been turned off from the idea of investing in the western world following the New York terrorist attacks and this year's bombings in London. Anxious Arab investors therefore have reason to consider destinations, which provide alternatives to the western world. But Pakistan must aggressively review some of its own policies to ensure the smooth flow of Middle Eastern money to the country. Some of the events surrounding the recent attempt to privatise Pakistan's main telecom company known as Pakistan Telecommunications Corporation (PTCL) to Etisalat illustrated the challenge by way of meeting this goal. When Etisalat ended up offering a price, which was twice as high as the contender for PTCL next in line, Pakistani officials widely celebrated the event as a windfall gain. Their argument in many places was essentially that here was an example of Pakistan's success in striking a bargain. In the end when the deal fell through after Etisalat failed to make its payment on time, Pakistani officials said Etisalat ran the risk of loosing its initial down payment of $ 260 million. The traditional warmth in relations was suddenly replaced by a hardnosed attempt to tackle the issue, on a purely business level. Given Pakistan's historically close ties with the Middle East and its yearning for closer economic relations in the years to come, a little bit of compromise by way of a concession or two to Etisalat only to keep the PTCL deal alive, may well have been the more prudent course of action to take, especially ahead of General Musharraf's travel to the Organisation of Islamic Conference summit. Pakistan and Uzbekistan: Because of Uzbekistan's long historical and cultural ties to the Persian, Turkish, and Arab worlds, its immediate neighbours to the south-Iran, Pakistan, and Turkeywere the natural direction for expanded foreign relations. Although cultural relations with formerly dominant Iran and Turkey ended with the Soviet Revolution in 1917, Uzbekistan's relations with its southern neighbours increased dramatically after independence. Iran and Turkey
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have been especially active in pursuing economic projects and social, cultural, and diplomatic initiatives in Uzbekistan. Turkey was the first country to recognise Uzbekistan and among the first to open an embassy in Tashkent. The Turks made early commitments for expansion of trade and cooperation, including the promise to fund 2,000 scholarships for Uzbek students to study in Turkey. Uzbekistan also has been the recipient of most of the US$ 700 million in credits that Turkey has given the new Central Asian states. Although initially apprehensive about the spread of an lranianstyle Islamic fundamentalist movement in Central Asia, Uzbekistan also has found mutual economic interests with Iran, and the two have pursued overland links and other joint ventures. Relations with Pakistan have followed suit, with particular commercial interest in hydroelectric power, gas pipelines, and other projects. And a meeting of the heads of state of Pakistan, Iran, and Turkey in Turkmenistan in early 1995 underscored the continuing interest of those countries in the Central Asian region as a whole. One forum that has emerged as a potentially important structure for cooperation among these countries has been the Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO), a loose regional economic organisation to foster trade and cooperation among its members in the Middle East and South Asia. Although during its almost two decades of existence ECO has achieved little concrete economic cooperation, in November 1992 the inclusion of the five new Central Asian states, Afghanistan, and Azerbaijan brought significant efforts to reinvigorate the organisation. At a meeting in Quetta, Pakistan, in February 1993, an ambitious plan was announced to create a new regional economic bloc among ECO's members by the year 2000. The plan calls for expanding ties in all economic sectors, in training, and in tourism; setting up an effective transportation infrastructure; and ultimately abolishing restrictions limiting the free flow of people and commodities. Energy trade also is to be expanded through the laying of oil and gas pipelines and power transmission lines throughout the region. Given ECO's past performance, however, in 1996 the potential for fulfilment of such plans was quite unclear. Trade and cooperation agreements have also been signed with Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and other Middle Eastern states. The pragmatic rather than religious background of such endeavours is underscored
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by Uzbekistan's rapidly expanding ties with Israel, a nation that shares none of the history and culture of Uzbekistan. 'Foliowing a visit of Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres to Uzbekistan in July 1994, Israel and Uzbekistan signed agreements expanding commercial relations, protecting foreign investments and the development of business ties, aviation links, and tourism. In the early 1990s, Israel's long participation in Uzbekistani irrigation projects has been supplemented by aid projects in health care, industry. and the two countries' common battle against radical Islamic groups. Relations with Iran: Pakistan has admitted that the former head of its nuclear weapons programme Abdul Qadeer Khan gave Iran centrifuges for enriching uranium. While this is merely confirmation of what the world already knows, it is the first time that Pakistani officials have publicised details of what nuclear materials the scientist passed on to Iran. But as in the past, the government continues to distance itself from the sale of nuclear technology to Iran and other countries. While admitting Khan's sale of centrifuges to Iran, Pakistan's Information Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmed said, "He helped Iran in his personal capacity, and the Pakistan government had nothing to do with it." Few, however, would accept the veracity of the Pakistan government's claims that it was not aware of/not involved in/did not authorise the sale of nuclear technology. It would have been impossible for Khan to conceal his actions from the government. Gaurav Kampani, senior research associate at Monterey Institute of International Studies' proliferation research and assessment programme, points out Khan "could not have engaged in nuclear transfers for nearly two decades without sanction or tacit acknowledgement from sections or individuals within the Pakistani government". The military's "tight control over the nuclear weapons programme, multiple layers of security surrounding it, the exports of machinery and hardware from Pakistan. as well as rumours, leaks and past warnings about Pakistan's nuclear cooperation with Iran and North Korea by Western intelligence agencies" makes it hard to accept that the military was not aware of the transfer of nuclear technology. On the face of it, the nuclear cooperation between Pakistan and Iran is not surprising. After all, Pakistan had the nuclear technology and was willing to put it on sale. And Iran had the money to pay
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for the technology. Both cou~tries have often drawn attention to their "long-standing brotherly relations". Islamabad has often described Iran as a "brother Islamic country" with whom it has "close friendly ties". Indeed, Pakistan and Iran enjoyed a close relationship up to the late 1970s. They were on the same side during the Cold War. Both were close and crucial allies of the US, part of the Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO). Things soured, however, with the Islamic Revolution and the fall of the Shah in Iran in 1979. A close examination of Iran-Pakistan relations reveals differences and many difficulties. Both might be Islamic nations, but Pakistan is Sunni-dominated, while Iran is overwhelmingly Shiite. This difference would assume critical importance in theil bilateral relations with the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Relations between the Pakistan's military dictator General Zia ul-Haq and Iran's new rulers were poor right from the start. Iran's rulers viewed Zia with deep suspicion. How could they forget the fact that the general had travelled to Iran in 1977-78 to shore up the Shah's regime. What contributed further to the deterioration in Pakistan-Iran relations was Zia's Islamisation initiative that was set in motion in 1979. This drive claimed to have a universal Islamic vision. In reality it was based on a narrow Sunni interpretation of Islamic theology and law. It was therefore unacceptable to Iran's Shiite clerics. As Zia's government pressed ahead with its sectarian agenda-it took a series of measures that gave a fillip to Sunni extremism, even encouraging the setting up of Sunni militant organisations-the Iranian government pushed ahead with exporting Shiite extremism, encouraging and arming Shiite extremism to counter Sunni militancy in Pakistan. In the process, Pakistan became an important battleground between Sunni and Shiite forces in the region. This had serious impact on Iran-Pakistan relations. The impact of this backing of Shiite and Sunni extremism by the Iranian and Pakistani governments is felt to date in the region. This mutual suspicion would deepen as the crisis in Afghanistan erupted and worsened. Zia's cozying up with the Americans and the way he welcomed the American military presence into Pakistani Afghanistan and therefore the region was deeply resented by Iran's
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anti-American rulers. While Iran was uneasy with the proximity of the Americans to its borders, it was just as unhappy with the irreligious Soviets' occupation of Afghanistan. Iran armed and funded Shiite resistance groups throughout the 1980s and maintained links with them after the Soviet withdrawal in late 1989. The rise of the Sunni Taliban in the mid-1990s in Afghanistan triggered great alarm in Iran and Pakistan's role in this development naturally plunged Iran-Pakistan relations further. It simultaneously led to a new warming in India-Iran relations, contributing to heightened suspicion in Pakistan of Teheran's intentions towards Islamabad. With Iran backing the Northern Alliance and coordinating its anti-Taliban strategy in Afghanistan, Pakistan's wariness of Iran deepened. In August 1998, Iran was enraged with Pakistan for not preventing the killing of several of its diplomats who were captured by the Taliban in the northern Afghan city of Mazar-e-Sharief. It did seem for a while that Iran would even militarily retaliate for the death of its diplomats and that Pakistan would not escape Tehran's wrath. Post-Taliban, Iran-Pakistan ties seem to have improved. Iran's concerns with regard to Pakistan's backing of the Taliban seem to have been allayed somewhat with the Pakistani government reversing its earlier policy of support to the Taliban. Tehran and Islamabad have taken big strides with regard to a proposed pipeline from Iran's oilfields through Pakistan to India and the two have recently agreed to conduct joint naval exercises. These, however, seem to be incidents of tactical cooperation between Iran and Pakistan. Mutual suspicion persists. Tehran blames Pakistan for the American presence in Afghanistan and Central Asia. It suspects Pakistan of cooperating with the US against Iran. Pakistan suspects an Iranian hand in the turmoil in Balochistan. It believes that Iran is wary of the emergence of Gwadar port as a serious competitor to the strategic significance to the Iranian port city of Chabahar. And it is wary of Iran's warming ties with its number one enemy, India. For all their claims of "brotherly ties", therefore. Iran and Pakistan have been deeply suspicious of each other for decades. It is therefore difficult to understand the nuclear cooperation between these two
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bitter rivals. It does seem that while they were on the one hand busy anning rival militias, they were also holding hands-albeit clandestinelyon the nuclear issue. Pakistan and the US courtship alarmed Iran. But that did not prevent Tehran and Islamabad from exploring forbidden interaction with regard to transfer on nuclear technology. Sources in India's Ministry of External Affairs point out that while the Pakistan-Iran clandestine dealings stretch over two decades, the height of the engagement on the nuclear issue took place between 1989 and 1995. With the Soviets leaving Afghanistan in 1989, Washington's use for Pakistan waned and the ordour of Pakistan's ties with the US had declined. While the Taliban emerged in 1994, its true face and the extent of the threat it posed to the region became apparent only by 1995-96. Despite their intense bilateral differences from 1979 onwards, Pakistan and Iran were more than willing to engage on nuclear issues in the relatively tenSion-free 1989-95 period. Both stood to gain from the deals. Pakistan's military made much money from the transfer of technology. It also qUietly got back at the US for having used it in Afghanistan and then neglected it thereafter. Iran's rulers gained access to technology for which they were desperate. The Pakistan-Iran nuclear cooperation saga underscores that countries have neither pennanent friends nor enemies; only pennanent interests. In the murky world of nuclear proliferation, it does not matter who you purchase from or who you sell your technology to. Despite their deep differences, the individual interests of Iran and Pakistan saw them come together on the question of nuclear technology. Pakistan was willing to sell nuclear technology to Iran, a country whose intentions it did not trust. And Iran purchased the technology from someone it did not really regard as a friend.
United States: Although Pakistan's foreign policy has been dominated by problems with India as well as by efforts to maximise its own external support. its relationship with the West. particularly Britain and the United States, was of major importance. At independence in 1947, Pakistan became a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations. After independence Pakistan retained Britons in high administrative and military positions. Britain also was
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the primary source of military supplies and officer training. Many of Pakistan's key policy makers, including the nation's founding father, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had studied in Britain and had great faith in the British sense of justice. Over the years, however, there was disillusionment at what Pakistanis perceived as Britain's indifference toward Pakistan and its failure to treat Pakistan fairly in dealings where India was involved. Nevertheless, Pakistan remained in the Commonwealth even after the country became a republic under the Constitution of 1956. Pakistan withdrew its membership in the Commonwealth in 1972 to protest the recognition of Bangladesh by Britain, Australia, and New Zealand but rejoined in October 1989 under Benazir's first government. Pakistan's relations with the United States developed against the backdrop of the Cold War. Pakistan's strategic geographic position made it a valuable partner in Western alliance systems to contain the spread of communism. In 1954 Pakistan signed a Mutual Defence Agreement with the United States and subsequently became a member of the South East Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) and CENTO. These agreements placed Pakistan in the United States sphere of influence. Pakistan was also used as a base for United States military reconnaissance flights over Soviet territory. During the Cold War years, Pakistan was considered one of Washington's closest allies in Asia. Pakistan, in return, received large amounts of economic and military assistance. The programme of military assistance continued until the 1965 Indo-Pakistani War when President Lyndon B. Johnson placed an embargo on arms shipments to Pakistan and India. The United States embargo on arms shipments to Pakistan remained in place during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 and was not lifted until 1975, during the administration of President Gerald R. Ford. United States-Pakistani relations preceding the 1971 war were characterised by poor communication and much confusion. The administration of President Richard M. Nixon was forced to formulate a public stance on the brutal crackdown on East Pakistanis by West Pakistani troops that began in March 25, 1971, and it maintained that the crackdown was essentially an internal affair of Pakistan in which direct intervention of outside powers was to be avoided. The Nixon administration expressed its concern about human rights
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violations to Pakistan and restricted the flow of assistance-yet it stopped short of an open condemnation. Despite the United States widely publicised "tilt" toward Pakistan during the 1971 war, Pakistan's new leader, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, felt betrayed. In his opinion, the United States could have prevented India from intervening in Pakistan's civil war, thereby saving his country the trauma of defeat and dismemberment. The foreign policy Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto envisioned would place Pakistan at the forefront of Islamic nations. Issues central to the developing world would take precedence in foreign affairs over those of the superpowers. Bhutto called this policy "bilateralism," which implied neutrality in the Cold War with equal treatment accorded both superpowers. Bhutto's distancing of Islamabad from Washington and other Western links was accompanied by Pakistan's renewed bid for leadership in the developing world. Follqwing the loss of the East Wing, Pakistan withdrew from SEATO, Pakistan's military links with the West continued to decline throughout Bhutto's tenure in power and into the first years of the Zia regime. CENTO was disbanded following the fall of the shah of Iran in March 1979, and Pakistan then joined the non-aligned Movement. Zia also continued Bhutto's policy of developing Pakistan's nuclear capability. This policy had originated as a defensive measure in reaction to India's explosion of a nuclear device in 1974. In April 1979, US President Jimmy Carter cut off economic assistance to Pakistan, except for food assistance, as required under the Symington Amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. This amendment called for ceasing economic assistance to non-nuclear weapon countries that imported uranium-enrichment technology. Relations between the United States and Pakistan were further strained in November 1979 when protesters sacked the United States embassy in Islamabad, resulting in the death of four persons. The violence had been sparked by a false report that the United States was involved in a fire at the Grand Mosque in Mecca. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 revived the close relationship between Pakistan and the United States. Initially, however, the Carter administration's offer the follOWing month of US$ 400 million in economic and military aid to Pakistan was spurned by Zia, who termed it "peanuts." Under President Ronald
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Reagan, the United States agreed in 1981 to provide US$ 3.2 billion to Pakistan over a period of six years, equally divided between economic and military assistance. However, although the Symington Amendment was waived, the amount was subject to the annual appropriation process. A second economic and military assistance programme was announced in 1986, this time for over US$ 4.0 billion, with 57 per cent for economic assistance. The continuation of the war in Afghanistan led to waivers-in the case of Pakistan-of legislative restrictions on providing aid to countries with nuclear programmes. The Pressler Amendment of 1985 required that if the United States President could not certify to Congress on an annual basis that Pakistan did not possess a nuclear weapon, United States assistance to that country would be cut off. For several years. the United States President, with Pakistan's assurances that its nuclear programme was for peaceful uses, was able to make this certification. However, with the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989 and the end of the Cold War, the United States took a harder position on the nuclear weapons issue. In 1990 President George Bush refused to make the certification required under the Pressler Amendment, and assistance to Pakistan was subsequently terminated. After 1990 Pakistan's retention of the nuclear option became a defining issue in its relations with the United States. Pakistan, like India, considered the Treaty on the non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to be discriminatory-allowing the five acknowledged nuclear states to keep their weapons while banning others from joining the club. Pakistan declared that it would sign the treaty only in the unlikely event that India did so first. India refused to join any regional accord as long as China possessed nuclear weapons. Although the United States government continued to push both India and Pakistan for a regional solution to the threat of nuclear weapons proliferation, Pakistan complained that it bore the brunt of United States anti proliferation policies. The underpinnings of the long and close security relationship between the United States and Pakistan existed as of early 1994, although the 1954 Mutual Defence Agreement on which the relationship rested was increaSingly regarded by some in the United States government as outdated-and thus less pertinent to the post-
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Cold War period. Moreover, despite Pakistan's differences with the position of the United States on nuclear and other issues, both countries were determined to maintain friendly relations. Pakistan and USA-Allies in the War on Terrorism: Pakistan, since 9/11, continues to be in the news prominently. Pakistan has had a long relationship with the US During the cold war, through the seventies and eighties, Pakistan served the interests of the West, mainly the US, by providing tactical support and intelligence. Pakistan's role in supporting the Afghans defeat the occupying Soviet Army and end "the evil empire" in the eighties is readily acknowledged. The extensive and intensive long drawn experiences that Pakistan has gained in its' short history and its' loyalty to the US has not rendered for its' masses any progress or security. Pakistan provides for the US a very useful model that reflects not only the inherent problems that nations may face because of lack of economic development. The world community presently faces a triple threat: of religious extremism, nuclear proliferation and terrorism. In different parts of the world, one or the other of this troika is affecting governments and masses. However, nowhere else in the world has this unholy trinity come alive collectively, than in Pakistan. How has Pakistan evolved into the kind of state, which is perceived a threat to global peace and security? Pakistan's short history of 57 years has been driven mainly by two factors: the mutual hostility between India and Pakistan and Pakistan's support by the US driven by the US's own strategic interests whether in defeating the Soviets or, as seems the case now, in defeating terrorism. The US involvement in the region came about as part of the Cold War Strategy: we needed allies in close proximity to the Soviet perimeter allowing us the ability for surveillance of the USSR. Acting in its own interest the US befriended Pakistan. From the time of President Eisenhower until now, Pakistan has played a major role in US foreign policy whether it was during the Cold War or the presently continuing war on terror. Interestingly, during the worse moments of these conflicts, Pakistan has always stood beside the US and the US fortuitously has found a General at the helm of affairs in Pakistan-from President Field Marshall Ayub Khan during the US incident when the Soviets shot down the spy plane flown by Gary Powers which had flown out of
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an American Base in Pakistan, to Gen. Zia ul-Haq during the Afghan war, to the present war on terror and Gen. Musharraf, our ally. It appears that the US's own strategic interests were the only reason behind its long relationship with Pakistan. During these periods all kinds of military aid was provided to strengthen the hands of the Pakistan Army. How much weaponisation of the area occurred as a result of our involvement is evident when one could purchase a Stinger Missile in an open market until recently in the border areas of Pakistan. This important development is enormously significant in the terrorism story. The other equally, if not more important dimensions of the fallout is the emergence of religious extremism. In a region devastated by war the US to political and economic development paid hardly any attention-issues vital to any nation. After the Afghan war, the US just packed up and left with no concern for the people of Pakistan or the political, economic and other development of the country. Bad politics and religious extremism form a natural alliance to the detriment of progress of any people. The US must surely know this. A look now at Pakistan itself. Pakistan as a state has failed in all modern aspects of statehood and governance. Coming into existence on a religious basis, as a homeland for Muslims of the Indian subcontinent, by and large it has failed to deliver to its masses not only the basic necessities of living but has also allowed to breed a mutation of Islam totally contrary to its values and ethos. Pakistan has repeatedly failed in evolving, if not into a "democracy", at least into a form of representative government and most of its 57 years have been under military rule, although the converse could also be argued. The political system has remained undeveloped because it has been made into a fiefdom as it were of a few families and the Army-the feudal base of these leaders, and others whose empowerment has been through amassing wealth by corrupt business practices, looting the government treasury, or by military coups. Transparency and accountability are not in the lexicon of these leaders whose sole ambition is power. not the progress of the people they profess to serve. Accumulation of political power or leadership in Pakistan has been mainly through a combination of one of several ways. Feudal
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connections and large landholdings render generations of people working on these lands into servitude and total dependence on the feudal lord for their livelihood. They can hardly be expected to raise their voice or cast their votes with freedom. There are those including bureaucrats and army officers who have thrust themselves into leadership positions after acquiring and amassing wealth through corruption, bribery, and other illegal means. For them being in power and decision-making not only protects their ill-gained fortunes but adds to them. In every government, including the present one, there are Cabinet members or people in powerful positions who fall in this category. Then there is the Army. It has become part of the mind set of an average Pakistani, that the army is the least of all evils and therefore must be allowed to trash the political system and come into power as it chooses in the name of national emergency. There is no acknowledgement of the fact that this further sets back the emergence of a representative government. Sadly this idea is so pervasive that even the educated Pakistanis living in Pakistan or elsewhere including here stand up and cheer when they see a uniformed "Messiah" leading them to the promised land. The result of and partly contributing to the above are the other two key factors: lack of economic development and illiteracy, each dovetailing and feeding into the other thus perpetrating the cycle of misery for the people of Pakistan. The stage is set for the worse form of religion to surface and further exploit the masses. Hatred of others including India becomes a sustaining passion. The same argument is the driving force for the fundamentalist Hindu leaders across the border. Sowing sectarian hatred and religious bigotry, the religious leaders whose worldview is always" Us vs. Them", make the situation worse for the gullible masses. It is interesting that though the Army and the religious groups hate each other, Gen. Musharraf retains political power in no small measure through alliances with the religious leaders. The birth and acquisition of nuclear technology in the subcontinent is the worst tragedy for the region, not just in terms of its potential consequences, but also because of its economic impact. This money could easily be utilised in the social sector, health and education where it is critically needed. The defence budgets, which eat up an
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enormous amount of both countries' budgets, expenditure on this destructive force is unconscionable for both. Lastly, because of all the social and political pathologies that Pakistan has come to represent, terrorism is an expected outcome. The war on terrorism continues. The packaging and branding of the war has been under the "Al-Qaeda" label. It may be easy to sell this "war" if it is packaged and made identifiable by a brand name, yet terrorism itself remains ubiquitous and not easily rendered neatly tied up with a ribbon in a box. The dynamics and the cross currents that we see in Pakistan are complex but must b"e understood properly. In view of all of this, it is not at all surprising that Pakistan has played such a key role in "Wal-Martisation" of nuclear weapons and technology. Everything and everyone is on sale in Pakistan. Why do they hate us? This question is being asked more and more in this country. The answer lies in looking at our relationship with Pakistan and other countries and recognising what went wrong. Instead of supporting the military infrastructure of the countries, the US can strengthen the infrastructure of peace and prosperity by supporting the countries develop in peaceful ways. If we are to make any headway in this war on terror we ought to rethink our foreign policy and find better ways of engaging with the people across the world rather than being supportive of dictators. monarchs and despots. Our involvement with Saddam during his early days is a lesson enough. We must demand transparency and accountability for the masses from any of the regimes we support; even during the transition that some of the countries like Pakistan is going through. this must never be ignored. Then only can we hope for a democratic future for these nations. Understanding these issues and addressing them as policy matters and prioritising them will help us gain some ground in this war. The general's friendship and loyalties may only be a short-term victory in a battle and not in the War.
Japan-Pakistan at a New Frontier: Since the establishment of their diplomatic relations in 1952, Japan and Pakistan have fostered close relations over the years through high-level exchanges and multifaceted government and private-sector cooperation. In particular. Pakistan's importance in the global fight against terrorism in the
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aftermath of the 11th September, 2001 has served to strengthen these cooperative ties. With the visit of Prime Minister Koizumi to Pakistan, relations between the two countries have entered a new phase where they are further expanding their strong collaboration at all levels. The Governments of Japan and Pakistan mutually recognise the importance of each other's role in the international community and confirm their shared conviction that it is vital to have even closer cooperation between the two states on issues and challenges of common interest and concern. The Governments of Japan and Pakistan have common interest in the future of Asia, with special focus on counter-terrorism, nonproliferation, economic cooperation and the propagation of democratic values, human rights, rule of law and market economy. In light of their shared objectives and common interest, Japan and Pakistan reaffirm their strong commitment to closely cooperate on various issues so as to ensure security, stability and prosperity of Asia. Japan recognises the geopolitical importance of Pakistan, which is situated at the crossroads of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East. Japan pays tribute to Pakistan's role in the fight against terrorism, its continuing efforts towards establishing a democratic and modern Islamic polity under the principles of "Enlightened Moderation" expounded by President Musharraf, and welcomes progress in this regard. Pakistan expresses its appreciation for the generous economic and technical assistance provided to it by Japan for over 50 years, and holds in high regard Japan's important role in promoting peace and prosperity in the world, inter-alia, through its cooperation with developing countries as well as its participation in UN peacekeeping operations. Under the aforementioned-shared recognition, the Governments of Japan and Pakistan declare their commitment to tackle common challenges in the new phase of Japan-Pakistan relations to the following effect. Japan and Pakistan share the view that terrorism remains one of the most serious issues confronting the international society, and are determined to continue counter-terrorism cooperation with each other and with other like-minded countries. Japan holds in high regard Pakistan's efforts as a front-line state against terrorism and its resolve to persevere in this regard. The
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Governments of Japan and Pakistan will continue to strengthen their counter-terrorism cooperation, which is evidenced by the provision of fuel-oil and fresh water by the Japanese Maritime Self-Defence Force to Pakistan's naval vessels participating in the Operation Enduring Freedom-Maritime Interdiction Operation (OEF-MIO) in the Indian Ocean. Japan-Pakistan counter-terrorism cooperation will be further enhanced through exchange of information as well as capacity building assistance. Japan pays tribute to Pakistan's vital role in Asian and South Asian affairs in which Japan has an abiding interest. Japan welcomes the Composite Dialogue process, which includes Confidence Building Measures (CBMs), Jammu and Kashmir and other bilateral issues, between Pakistan and India aimed at peacefully resolving Pakistan-India differences, and hopes for its success. Japan also welcomes the recent positive developments resulting from this process, including launching of bus service and the successful visit by President Musharraf to India. The Governments of Japan and Pakistan reiterate their acknowledgement of the potential of SMRC in bringing stability and prosperity to the South Asian region, and earnestly hope that the situation surrounding SMRC would be normalised. The Governments of Japan and Pakistan recognise that the stability and development of Afghanistan is vital for regional . stability, and will continue their support to Afghanistan. The Government of Japan, taking into account the vital role that Pakistan plays in the international community and the improvement in Pakistan's economy achieved through a number of domestic reforms, has decided to extend new yen loans amounting to about 16,400 million yen (up to 12,523 million yen for "Lower Chenab Canal System Rehabilitation Project" and up to 3,839 million yen for "Load Dispatch System Upgrade Project"). On 30 April, 2005, Agreement on Technical Cooperation between the Governments of Japan and Pakistan was signed, which will contribute to the further promotion of the economic and social development of Pakistan through smooth implementation of technical cooperation. By exchanging notes, on 30 April, 2005, regarding the grant aid for two projects-the Faisalabad water purifying plant project and Taunsa Barrage rehabilitation project. Japan has fulfilled the pledge of 300 million dollars grant aid, made in 2001. Japan will
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continue to provide support to future projects for the enhancement of the welfare of the people of Pakistan. Pakistan sincerely appreciates Japan's generous technical and financial assistance since 1954, in recognition of which special postage stamps were issued by Pakistan in 2004. The Government of Pakistan remains committed to the utilisation of Japan's development assistance in the best interest of the people of Pakistan. The Governments of Japan and Pakistan recognise that disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery are pressing issues for the international community and reaffirm the importance of joint efforts by the international community in tackling these challenges. The Governments of Japan and Pakistan reaffirm their commitment to strengthen international disarmament and non-proliferation framework. In this context, Japan reiterates its position regarding the NPT and the CTBT, and takes note of Pakistan's position in this regard as well as decision to observe unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing. The two governments share the serious concern regarding international black market networks for the proliferation of technologies and equipment related to weapons of mass destruction and underscore the need for all countries to identify and dismantle such networks through cooperative efforts. The Government of Japan reiterates its position on North Korea, which attaches overarching importance to bringing about a comprehensive solution to the issues relating to North Korea including the issue of nuclear programmes, missile development and abduction. The Government of Pakistan supports the six-party talks on the issues of North Korea's nuclear programmes and other issues and hopes all issues will be resolved through peaceful means. The Government of Pakistan also supports a nuclear weapons free Korean Peninsula. The Governments of Japan and Pakistan will continue to consult and to expand practical cooperation in such areas as export controls. In this context, the two Governments will continue to hold bilateral Consultation on Disarmament and non-proliferation issues in the context of Japan-Pakistan Security Dialogue. The Government of Japan and Pakistan underline the need for comprehensive reform of the UN to enable it to effectively respond to the challenges of the 21st century. Since reform of the Security
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Council is an important component of the overall reform agenda and is of vital importance to the entire UN membership, the Security Council must be made more effective, credible and representative. The two Governments further note the importance of promoting the reform of the UN with the aims of strengthening multilateralism, reinforcing the role of the UN in maintaining and promoting international peace, security and sustainable development, as well as ensuring greater participation for all member States and share among Asian countries in its decision-making process. The Government of Japan expresses its view that the Security Council should be made more effective, credible and representative through the expansion of its membership in both permanent and non-permanent categories. The Government of Pakistan appreciates Japan's increasing role in the UN in the maintenance of international peace and stability as well as for development. The Government of Pakistan expresses its view that the reform of the Security Council can be achieved through an appropriate expansion in the nonpermanent category. Both governments will continue to hold further constructive consultations on this issue. The Governments of Japan and Pakistan are of the view that both states have benefited from reciprocal visits by their leaders as well as dialogue at various levels and in different areas. This has played an important role in providing Japan-Pakistan relations with dynamism. Both governments will continue, inter-alia, to hold regularly political dialogue, security dialogue, high-level economic dialogue and the joint bUSiness-government dialogue. Both countries will also continue high-level exchanges including between their leaders.
Political Parties Pakistan has had considerable difficulty developing stable, cohesive political organisations because they have suffered long periods of repression. Further, political parties, with few exceptions, have been founded as vehicles for one person or a few individuals, or to achieve specifically defined goals. When these individuals die or abandon their parties, or after party goals have been met, many organisations have lost their reason and have lacked the ability to carry on. In addition, political parties have been handicapped by regional and ethnic factors that have limited their national appeal and have also been torn by personal and class rivalries.
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Muslim League: The Muslim League was founded in 1906 as the All India Muslim League to protect the interests of Muslims in British India and to counter the political growth of the Indian National Congress, founded in 18~~. Under the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Muslim Lea!:lue adopted the Lahore Resolution (often referred to as the "Pakistan Resolution") in March 1940 and successfully spearheaded the movement for the creation of an independent homeland for Indian Muslims. At independence the Muslim League was the only major party in Pakistan and claimed the allegiance of almost every Muslim in the country. However, with the deaths of its two prir.cipalleaders, Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan, shortly after independence and its central goal of creating Pakistan achieved. the party failed to develop a coherent, post-independence ideology. The Muslim League gradually came under the influence of West Pakistani, and particularly Punjabi, landlords and bureaucrats more concerned with increasing their personal influence than with building a strong national organisation. The Muslim League was further weakened by the constitutional impasse in the 1950s resulting from difficulties in resolving questions of regional representation as well as the problem of reaching a consensus on Islamic issues. Regional loyalties were intensified during the constitutional debates over the respective political representation of the country's west and east wings. In addition, East Pakistan had a larger Hindu population, and some strong provincial leaders believed their power depended on developing broad-based secular institutions. The Muslim League, however, pressed for provisions to establish Pakistan as an Islamic state. Two powerful Bengali leaders and former Muslim League members, Hussain Shah id Suhrawardy and Fazlul Haq, u~ed their own parties, the Awami League and the Krishak Shramik Party (Workers and Peasants), respectively, in a joint effort in 1954 to defeat the Muslim League in the first election held in East Pakistan after partition. Fazlul Haq had made the motion to adopt the historic "Pakistan Resolution" in 1940, and Suhrawardy, subsequently the last Chief Minister of undivided Bengal, had seconded it. But both men were alienated by West Pakistani domination of the Muslim League. Suhrawardy was elected leader of the opposition in the
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second Constituent Assembly and in 1956 was appointed Prime Minister, a further loss for the Muslim League because he was the first non-Muslim League politician to hold this position. By this time, the Muslim League had lost its influence in both East Pakistan and West Pakistan, having also lost its majority in the West Pakistan Legislative Assembly to the Punjab-centred Republican Party. The promulgation of martial law in 1958 and the dissolution of all political parties finally resulted in the demise of the Muslim League after its fifty-two-year existence. General Ayub Khan formed a party called the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) in 1962, and Junejo established a party with the same name (PML-J) in 1986, but these two parties had little in common with the 1906-58 Muslim League in terms of their objectives and composition. After Junejo died in March 1993, Mian Nawaz Sharief took over the party and it became the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) for Nawaz Sharief. The death of Junejo signified the end to an uneasy coalition that had existed between the feudal lobby under Junejo and the representatives of the new industrialist classes who, under the guidance of Nawaz Sharief, were running the Islamic Democratic Alliance (Islami Jamhoori Ittihad-IJI) government of 1990-93. Islami Jamhoori Ittihad: The Islami Jamhoori Ittihad (lJI) was formed in September 1988 to oppose the Pakistan's People Party (PPP) in elections that year. The alliance comprised nine parties, of which the major components were the PML and the Islamic Organisation (Jamaat-e-Islami-JI). The IJI won only fifty-three seats in the National Assembly, compared with ninety-two won by the PPP. Most IJI seats were won in Punjab. Nawaz Sharief emerged from the 1988 elections as the most powerful politician outside the PPP. In December 1988, he succeeded in forming an IJI administration in Punjab and became the province's Chief Minister. It was from this power base that he waged the political battles that eventually led to his becoming Prime Minister in 1990. In the supercharged atmosphere of the 1990 elections, the electorate surprised observers. Neither the IJI nor the PPP was expected to come up with a firm mandate to rule. Yet the IJI received a strong mandate to govern, winning 105 seats versus forty-five seats for the Pakistan Democratic Alliance (PDA)-of which the PPP was the main
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component in the National Assembly. In the 1993 national elections, the IJI coalition no longer existed to bring together all the anti-PPP forces. The religious parties expended most of their energies trying to form a workable electoral alliance rather than bolstering the candidacy of Nawaz Sharief, the only person capable of challenging Benazir. Jamaat-e-Islami: The Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), the largest and most articulate of Pakistan's religious parties, was founded in 1941 by Maulana Abul Ala Maududi as an ideological movement to promote Islamic values and practices in British India. It initially opposed the Pakistan movement, arguing that Islam was a universal religion not subject to national boundaries. It changed its position, however, once the decision was made to partition India on the basis of religion. In 1947 Maududi redefined the JI's purpose as the establishment of an Islamic state in Pakistan. In order to achieve this objective, the JI believed it was necessary to purge the community of deviant behaviour and to establish a political system in which decision making would be undertaken by a few pious people well versed in the meaning of Islam. Maududi's writings also gained a wide audience. He retired as head of the party in 1972. In order to rid the community of what it considered to be deviant behaviour, the JI waged a campaign in 1953 against the Ahmadiyya community in Pakistan that resulted in some 2,000 deaths, brought on martial law rule in Punjab, and led Governor General Ghulam Muhammad to dismiss the Federal Cabinet. The anti Ahmadiyya movement resulted in 1974 in a bill successfully piloted through the National Assembly by then Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto declaring the Ahmadiyyas a non-Muslim minority. The JI's views on Islamisation and limited political participation were opposed by those people who saw the party's platform as advocating religious dictatorship. The question of whether the JI was a political party or an organisation working to subvert legitimate political processes was raised in the courts. The Supreme Court ultimately decided in favour of the JI as a lawful political organisation. Prominent in political life since independence, the JI was the dominant voice for the interests of the Ulema in the debates leading to the adoption of Pakistan's first Constitution. The JI participated in opposition politics from 1950 to 1977.
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Under party chief Mian Tufail Muhammad, the JI supported the Zia regime's Islamisation programme, but it clashed with him over the 1984 decision to ban student unions because this ban affected the party's student wing, the Jamiat-e-Tulaba-e-Islam (Islamic Society of Students). The Jamiat-e-Tulaba-e-Islam had become increasingly militant and had been involved in clashes with other student groups on Pakistani campuses. Aspiring student activists, supportive of religious issues, have flocked to the Jamiat-e-Tulaba as a means of having an impact on national politics. The Jamiat-e-Tulaba-e-Islam also has been a major source of new recruits for the JI; it is thought that onethird of JI leaders come from the Jamiat-e-Tulaba-e-Islam. The JI envisions a state governed by Islamic law and opposes Westernisation-including capitalism, SOCialism, and such practices as bank interest, birth control, and relaxed social mores. The JI's influence has been far greater than its showing at the polls suggests. In 1986, for example, two JI senators successfully piloted the controversial Shariat Bill through the Senate, although it did not become law at that time. In addition, the movement of student recruits from the Jamiat-e-Tulaba-e-Islam into the JI has created a new bloc of Islamist voters. Through the Jamiat-e-Tulaba, the JI is working to leave a permanent mark on the political orientation of the country's future leaders. However, the Pakistani electorate has been resistant to making religion a central factor in determining statecraft. In 1990 the JI was an important component of the IJI but nevertheless won only four seats. Furthermore, in the 1993 national elections, the Islamisation factor was even more muted because the religiOUS parties-spearheaded by the JI-were not aligned with the two main contenders, the PML-N and the PPP. The JI and its political umbrella group, the Pakistan Islamic Front, captured only three seats in the National Assembly.
Pakistan People's Party: The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) represents another part of Pakistan's political spectrum. The PPP was a vehicle for the political ambitions of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. His immediate aim was to bring down the government of his former political mentor, Ayub Khan. The party's inaugural convention was held in Lahore in 1967. The PPP adopted the slogan "Islam our Faith, Democracy our Polity, Socialism our Economy." The party, like its founder, was enigmatic and full of contradictions. A left-leaning populist movement,
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the PPP attempted to blend Islam with socialism. The PPP espoused such policies as land reform to help the peasants; nationalisation of industries to weaken the industrialists; and administrative reforms to reduce the power of the bureaucrats. The party, however, was built on the foundations of the wealthy, landed elite, Pakistan's traditional ruling class. The PPP came to power in December 1971 after the loss of East Pakistan, when Bhutto was sworn in as President and chief martial law administrator. Bhutto lifted martial law in April 1972 and in 1973 stepped down as President and became Prime Minister. The PPP did little to advance the first two tenets of its platform, Islam and democracy, but promoted socialism with a vengeance. Bhutto nationalised largescale industries, insurance companies, and commercial banks, and he set up a number of public corporations to expand the role of the government in commerce, construction, and transportation. The heavy hand with which Bhutto and the PPP exerted their power aroused widespread resentment. Matters came to a head in 1977 when the PPP won 155 of the 200 seats in the National Assembly with 58 per cent of the total votes cast. The Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) , a coalition of nine opposition parties and with 35 per cent of the votes, won only thirty-six seats. The PNA charged widespread electoral fraud, and the resulting PPP-PNA confrontation and the accompanying civil unrest precipitated the imposition of martial law. The survival of Bhutto's party after his execution in 1979 was facilitated by dynastic politics. His widow Nusrat and his daughter Benazir, led the party as cochairpersons. During martial law, the PPP joined with ten other parties in the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) to pressure the Zia government to hold free elections under the 1973 Constitution. Four of the MRD's component parties were members of the PNA. which had been formed to oppose the PPP in the 1977 elections. The PPP joined the MRD coalition, hoping the military would be prepared to negotiate with the MRD if it were part of a larger political alliance. The MRD campaign launched in February 1981 appeared to gain momentum. In March 1981, however, a Pakistan International Airlines aircraft was hijacked by terrorists demanding the release of political prisoners. The hijacking was the work of an organisationAI-Zulfiqar-aUegedly run by Bhuttds son, Murtaza. Although the
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PPP dissociated itself from the episode, the hijacking was a major setback for both the PPP and the MRD. Another MRD agitation failed in 1983. After Zia's death in 1988, the MRD was dissolved, and the PPp, the largest party in the alliance, contested the 1988 elections on its own. Although the PPP emerged as the single largest party in the National Assembly as a result of the 1988 elections, it won a narrow plurality, and only with the support of the Refugee People's Movement (Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz-MQM) and other parties was it able to form a government. After a troubled period in power, the PPP government was dismissed by President Ishaq Khan in 1990. The PPP was the principal member of the Pakistan Democratic Alliance (PDA), which lost the 1990 elections to the IJl. The PDA blamed its defeat on alleged tampering with the vote. The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, an international observer team, did note irregularities in the election but declared that the ultimate outcome was in general accordance with the popular will. In the October 1993 general elections that returned Benazir to power, the PPP won eighty-six of the 217 seats in the National Assembly, while Nawaz Sharief's PML-N won seventy-two. The PPP was successful in forming a coalition with other parties to control a block of 121 seats. MuhaJir Qaumi Mahaz: The Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz (MQM), a party formed to represent the interests of the muhajir community in Pakistan, had a meteoric rise in the political life of the country. Founded by Altaf Hussain in 1984, the MQM won thirteen (out of 207) seats in the National Assembly in the 1988 elections, making it the third largest party in the assembly after the PPP and the IJl. MQM support of the PPP made it possible for Benazir to form a government and become Prime Minister. Shortly after the election, however, the coalition between the PPP and the MQM broke down, and the two parties' subsequently troubled relations contributed greatly to the instability of Benazir's first government. In the 1990 general elections, the MQM won fifteen seats in the National Assembly, remaining the third largest party. The MQM boycotted the 1993 National Assembly elections but won twenty-seven seats in the provincial assembly of Sind.
The MQM had its origin in the All-Pakistan Muhajir Students Organisation at Karachi University. At a large public meeting in
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Karachi in 1986, the MQM expressed the political and economic demands of the muhajir community. The MQM's political strength came primarily from the urban areas of Sind, and its main emphasis was on securing better job opportunities for muhajirs. The MQM played an active role in the ethnic riots in Karachi in the winter of 1986-87. These disturbances brought prominence and notoriety to the MQM and its leader. Altaf Hussain. It was after these riots that the MQM leadership converted the movement into a political party. The MQM's full political weight was first felt in the 1988 elections. Awami National Party: The Awami National Party (awami means "people's"), which depends on Pukhtuns of the North West Frontier Province and northern Balochi~tan as its political base, won six seats in the National Assembly in the 1990 elections. In the 1993 national elections, the party won three seats in the National Assembly. The Awami National Party was formed in 1986 by the merger of several left-leaning parties including the Awami Tehrik and the National Democratic Party. Khan Abdul Wali Khan was appointed its first President. Wali Khan's political career had been built on the tradition of intense Pukhtun nationalism inherited from his father, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Both men were opposed to the creation of Pakistan, and after partition they were imprisoned. In 1956 Wali Khan joined the National Awami Party (NAP), led by a charismatic Bengali socialist, Maulana Bhashani. In 1965 the NAP split into two factions, with Wali Khan becoming President of the pro-Moscow faction. In 1972 the party was strong enough to form coalition provincial governments, with its partner the Jamiat-ul-Ulemae-Islam (JUI) in the North West Frontier Province and Balochistan. These governments were short lived. Wali Khan was again jailed, and his party was barred from politics when the Supreme Court upheld the finding of Bhutto that the NAP was conspiring against the state of Pakistan. General Zia subsequently withdrew the charges against the NAP. Wali Khan was released, joined the National Democratic Party, and ultimately formed the Awami National Party. Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-lslam: The Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), led by Maulana Fazlur Rahman, had its origins in the Jamiat-ulUlema-e-Hind (JUH), founded by a group of Ulema of the Deoband Movement in Pre partition India. The JUH argued that Muslims could
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coexist with other religions in a society where they were not the majority. In 1945, however, a group of JUH Ulema, led by Maulana Shabir Ahmad Usmani, split off from the JUH, formed the JUI, and gave their support to the movement for an independent Pakistan. Since 1947 the JUI has undergone a number of organisational and programme changes. It developed strong support in the North West Frontier Province and Balochistan. In 1972 it joined the NAP to form governments in those two provinces. In 1977 the JUI contested the National Assembly election as a component of the Pakistan National Alliance. The JUI did not sympathise with General Zia's Islamisation programme, and in 1981 the JUI joined the MRD to pressure Zia to hold free elections. The JUI won six seats in the National Assembly in the 1990 elections. In the 1993 national elections, the JUI was the main component of the Islami Jamhoori Mahaz, which won four seats in the National Assembly.
Tehrik-e-lstiqlal: The Tehrik-e-Istiqlal (Solidarity Movement) was founded by retired Air Marshal Asghar Khan in 1969. The party's aim was to provide a vehicle, in the centre of the political spectrum, for the growing middle class. Although the party acquired sizeable support among the profeSSional classes, including lawyers and doctors, it did not develop significant grassroots strength. In an effort to gain increased status, in 1981 Tehrik-e-Istiqlal jOined a number of other parties in the MRD, but it left the movement in 1986. Tehrik-e-Istiqlal did not fare well in the elections of 1988, and Asghar Khan resigned as the party's chairman in 1989. In the elections of 1990, Tehrike-Istiqlal allied itself with the PPP in the Pakistan Democratic Alliance. In the elections of 1993, Tehrik-e-Istiqlal won no seats. Pakistan Tehrik-e-lnsaf: In 1996 Imran Khan, disgusted with the state of national politiCS, decided to form Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf, of which he remains the Chairman. The PTI Agenda of resurgence articulates the long-neglected aspirations of the people and spells out the vision of a model, modem Islamic republic encapsulating policies and programmes with clear objectives.
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13 Science and Technology Simply put, foresight results in proactively creating the future. Technology Foresight entails systematically building-consensus for creating the preferred economic and social future through science and technology. Within this systematic process, the consensus-building component is of paramount centrality. In many countries, science and technology poliCies are circumscribed by the myopia of "tunnel vision" . Government officials and scientists primarily construct policies on their own. Then private sector, universities, media, and public representatives are appealed to supply prompt comment. Regrettably, such transitory time is inadequate for first understanding and digesting of the proposed policies, and then for providing well-conceived and indepth propositions for improvement. With deficient input from the users of policies, the policies formulated lack alignment to the needs of markets and communities. They also face the risk of being steered by dominant views or loud voices in the Government or the scientific community. Additionally, many times S&T policies are assembled to tackle short-term needs of the country. They are not concentrated on the long-term. Thus they only provide temporary solutions, whose efficacy quickly evaporates with time. Technology Foresight rectifies this predicament by constituting groups and holding periodic meetings that encompass all stockholders of society and economy. Together they evolve policy prescriptions and counsel on priority areas and projects for decision-making by the Government. In the end, it is still the Government that decides
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which policies and projects to adopt. However, Technology Foresight's recommendations improve the quality of Governmental decisionmaking. This vital result, in turn, facilitates better use of scarce national resources to generate the best economic and social benefits for the country. Another fundamental achievement of the Technology Foresight progression is enhanced connectivity and usage of the country's networks that work together to cause innovation-commonly referred to as the National Innovation System (NIS). As opposed to an invention, innovation is the commercialisation of new products or services, or of new ways of production. Innovation can be technical or managerial in character. NIS consists of not just Government, private sector, universities, and R&D organisations. It also embraces disparate entities that support the work of any of these organisations, such as venture capital companies, consulting organisations-and also, media and parliamentarians. By its nature of indecisiveness, the Technology Foresight process engages all these stakeholders. Their working together advances process, procedural, and production innovations at a faster rate. Cumulatively, the boost in the country innovation rate then leads to greater national productivity and quality. This, in turn, results in improved competitiveness and higher global demand for products and services. The consequent increase in national earnings presents opportunities for wealth creation and employment generation. When exercised in combination, the augmented S&T policies and the national innovation rate lead to synergising gains in economic and social circumstances of the country. That is why national Technology Foresight projects have been undertaken worldwide. Technology Foresight has been conducted by major industrial countries such as US, UK, France, Germany, Spain, Netherlands, Japan to name a few. Then in the developing world, countries such as Mexico, Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina-all have undertaken Technology Foresight. In our region, neighbouring India initiated its first Technology Foresight in 1996. Disappointingly, Nigeria is the only Muslim country to have preformed Technology Foresight. Conscious of the benefits experienced worldwide, the Ministry of Science and Technology has decided to embark on Technology ForeSight in Pakistan. The Pakistan Technology Board is spearheading
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this journey. There are many ways that one can accomplish Technology Foresight. For example, Spain undertook a sectoral exercise, which relied on panels of experts as an entry point for building consensus. Japan, on the other hand, developed lists of technologies that it believed were critical to its future. It undertook a Delphi survey of players in the National Innovation System to decide which technologies to promote. A country must take into account its distinct cultural, social, economic, and even political, necessities to chalk out its strategy for directing Technology Foresight. Most is starting the systematic process of Technology Foresight through consolidating reviews of S&T in Pakistan. This envelops not just prior work undertaken by the most itself or its organisations. It also encompasses work carried out by non-S&T organisations. The purpose is to build upon what is already there, as opposed to reinventing the wheel. In the same vein, most is pursuing international cooperation from organisations such as UNIDO and UNDP for transporting international expertise and experiences to Pakistan. Based on a decision taken by the Pakistan Technology Board, led by the Ministry of Science & Technology, Pakistan is planning a sectoral Technology Foresight route. This approach will grow upon the Government's intention of uplifting key sectors through improved operation of limited national resources. The motivation is grounded on realism. Instead of travelling to achieve simultaneous success in too many areas, the objective is to utilise the Technology Foresight exercise for upgrading of a few priority sectors. Adopting this sectoral approach, most will develop Technology Foresight through a process celebrated as the SC's. It will facilitate Communication, Concentration (on the longterm), Collaboration, Consensus, and Commitment (on roles) by all stakeholders. All this will be achieved through the rigorous application of those Technology Foresight strategies, techniques, and methodologies that have proven successful in other countries, and are also conducive to our country's milieu. There is, however, no shortcut to superior policy-making and building countrywide innovation capacity. Extrapolating from worldwide experiences, the cumulative Technology Foresight process in Pakistan is expected to take between one and two years, and will involve, in varied capacities, consultations with thousands of individuals nationwide.
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Managed correctly, the gains are colossal. Technology Foresight will provide a voice to all stakeholders of Pakistani society to express their individual visions for the economy and society. Then its systematic methods will be utilised to ultimately achieve convergence to one national S&T vision. Resulting S&T policies will impute both benefits as well as responsibilities to players in our innovation system. In the long-term, it will lead to greater national economic and social benefits. carving opportunities for improved wealth creation, employment generation, 9uality of life, and poverty alleviation for the people of Pakistan. Pakistan has many great scientists, engineers and doctors who mostly live outside Pakistan. The chamber will compile .a. data on their expertise. The group of experts will study the application of their finding into the field of pharmaceutical industries, biomedical products laboratory equipment, scientific computing, research development, hospital systems improvement and hightech industries, which infect needed for exploitation before Pakistan makes future investment in this sector. Pakistanis are continuously making investment in new ventures without getting handsome return on their investments. Even truly, a large number industry failed. If they are still operating. they have put enormous financial burden on government and financial institutions. STC will make sure that improvement changes are made in planning industrial sectors. Pakistan international chamber of commerce will inform government and other agencies about their findings in connection with industrial development. The stunning advances in various fields of science and technology have had a profound impact on our lives in almost every sphere of our activity, such as health, agriculture, communication, transportation, and defence. These advances have been driven by an evergrowing volume of exciting discoveries. largely emanating from science laboratories in the West, and by their transformation into new products or processes that have flooded world markets. These floods in turn shower vast economic rewards on those nations that have the will and vision to make science and technology the cornerstone of their development programmes. The world is today sharply divided by a technology boundary that separates the technologically advanced countries from the technologically backward ones. The former have been able to use
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their scientists and engineers for rapid economic growth, whereas the so called developing countries (which in reality are not developing at all) are relegated to the role of consumers of technological products. They become almost totally dependent on the advanced countries for most of their needs, be they chemicals, pharmaceuticals, engineering goods, transportation equipment, or defence equipment. In the process, more and more funds from developing countries are being transferred to developed countries, raising the level of poverty in the developing countries. It needs to be understood that development is a multifaceted process, and a number of factors must dovetail together before economic growth and progress can occur. Five key components must come together. First, the development process must be built on a foundation of high degrees of literacy and quality education at all levels. The Afro-Asian countries have vast populations at their disposal, and the challenge is to transform this resource into wealth. In order to unleash their creativity, the Third World countries must expose their youth to a challenging educational environment that teaches them to think and find novel solutions to difficult problems. The second important facet for development is a high level of expertise in the sciences. Third World countries need to upgrade their universities and research centres to an internationally compatible level of excellence through development and retention of world-clas~ researchers and provision of appropriate research facilities. They must become focal points for creation of new knowledge. Only when we have high-quality basic research in various fields and can work at the cutting edge of knowledge will we have the capacity to absorb frontier technologies and adapt them for our use. The third important facet of the development process concerns applied research and technology development. We must identify and launch focused projects directed at (a) enhancing exports, (b) fostering import substitutions, (c) improving the quality and productivity of existing manufactured products, and (d) bringing to market new and better products through supporting the creative talents of our technologists and engineers. This is a complex issue involving the interaction between technologists and economists to develop and optimise the production process on a reasonably large scale so that financial feasibilities can be properly worked out.
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The fourth facet of development involves government policies and mechanisms to encourage investment of entrepreneurs in indigenously developed products and processes. These measures include tax incentives, provision of risk capital by venture capital companies, protection of intellectual property rights, rationalisation of import duty structures, banning of smuggling to protect local industry, and creation of investor confidence through stable and longterm policies. The fifth and most important factor for success is involving the most creative people at all levels, which requires introducing measures that will persuade our brightest students to opt for science and technology when they are deciding on their careers. This involves introducing an appropriately attractive career structure and creating R&D institutions at an international level of excellence where our scientists can lead intellectually stimulating and rewarding careers. Research grants must also be provided so that they can contribute meaningfully. In other words, the operation of a merit-based system in which only the brightest people are allowed to go up the ladder must be incorporated with a suitable reward and punishment system as an integral component of a highly transparent but demanding accountability system. In Pakistan, due to negligence and faulty vision of planners in successive governments, the science and technology sector was never given the status required to effectively use it as a contributor to national and economic growth. Due to meagre funding provided by the government, R&D institutions could not produce any valuable research. Lack of proper facilities and environment for research in the universities and research institutes led to deterioration in the standard of higher education to the extent that today our universities have been relegated to the status of low-level colleges in which valuable university-economy links are totally missing.
On High Priority Now The present government places science and technology, including information technology (IT), amongst its highest priorities. A comprehensive programme has been worked out and launched for building a knowledge-based economy by integrating science and technology with economic development programmes. The government
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has raised the financial commitment to the ministry more than
Rs. 7 billion (US$ 120 million; a 6000 per cent increase). In turn, the ministry, taking a holistic view of the dismal scenario in Pakistan, has launched a vast number of projects that fall under other ministries but that involve the effective use of science and technology for economic growth. Since June 2000 the government has launched over 260 development projects worth a total of about Rs. 18 billion (US$ 300 million) in various fields of the IT, telecommunications, and science and technology sectors. In the science and technology domain, our programmes aim mainly at human resource development, technology development and industrialisation, strengthening of R&D activities, and use of science and technology for economic development. Pakistan faces another problem: Higher education has also been neglected, and the quality and quantity of Ph.D.-level research in universities has been constantly deteriorating. As a result of four Ph.D.-level programmes launched and financed by the Ministry of Science and Technology, Ph.D. output has increased from 60 per year to 400 per year. Under the Indigenous Ph.D. Programme, grants are being given to both young scholars and their supervisors. Each supervisor gets Rs. 51akhs (Rs. 500,000 or US$ 8400) per student per year for the purchase of equipment, chemicals, consumables. and so on. This provides much-needed infrastructural support to our universities. Rs. 600 million (US$ 10 million) will be spent over the next 4 years on this programme. In addition to these Ph.D. programmes, the ministry has launched a post-doctoral fellowship programme to help teachers and researchers update their knowledge. To ensure that these researchers are gainfully employed on their return to Pakistan, jobs will be guaranteed for them by the nominating institutions on their return. A system of? Starter grants? Will provide them with immediate access to research funds on their return. To improve the standard of research, the laboratories of 25 universities have been strengthened with grants of Rs. 37 million to Rs. 39 million (US$ 630,000 to US$ 660,000) each. A very interesting initiative that should have a farreaching impact on the economic development of Pakistan is a programme entitled Science and Technology for Economic Development (STED). Under this programme, joint projects are being initiated between public
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sector institutions and private sector industries for technology-based production of high-value-added goods. This partnership between academica and industry represents an exciting new approach to achieving a certain level of technological development. These are not just research projects but involve the application of existing technolOgies for agricultural or industrial development. So far 28 projects in different sectors including biotechnology, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, IT, energy, and health have been launched under public-private collaboration. The STED programme is expected to strengthen the industrial and technological base of the country and set the trend for commercially viable high-value-added products and processes. IT and biotechnology are the main thrust areas of the government. The government has established the National Commission on Biotechnology and initiated 15 projects worth Rs. 415 million for various fields of biotechnology, mainly in the health and agriculture sectors. The government has given highest priority to IT education. As a result of the multidimensional strategy adopted by us in Pakistan to overcome the deficiency in human resources in the field of IT, a large number of short, medium, and long-term training programmes have been initiated, and some have been completed. Six new IT universities have been established, and 34 IT and computer science departments have been set up or strengthened in public sector universities. Through an educational intranet programme, about 56 universities are being interconnected so that they may share knowledge and information. Internship and scholarships have been offered in various fields of IT to encourage bright students. While seven new IT universities are, 'in the process of being set up in the public sector and two in the private sector, in order to save money and time we have decided not to invest government funds in construction but rather to use existing campuses and convert them into IT universities or institutes. The most exciting educational programme, however, is the establishment of the Virtual IT University, which started functioning 26 March 2002. It was allow us to train tens of thousands of IT professionals from all over the country. Under this distance-learning programme, high-quality TV programmes are being prepared and then broadcast through the television and Internet across the country. Four separate digital TV channels are now being
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established for educational programmes and will begin to function later this year. To facilitate software development, the government has set up a chain of well-equipped technology parks in major cities. And a project has been launched for industrial automation of small and medium-sized industries and ISO certification for IT companies. Although the government has taken many steps to improve the standard of education and research in Pakistan, the most important step, in my opinion, is the establishment of the Higher Education Commission. The commission, which is in the process of formulation, has already done good work to prepare its action plan for attainment of international standards in the quality of education, research, and development. The commission is working to tailor higher education programmes to national needs and socioeconomic development. The government has announced a substantial increase in funding to universities through the commission. These programmes represent a genuine turning point in the development of science and technology in Pakistan and should provide a much-needed injection of funds and scientific expertise to our universities, ultimately leading to the country's socioeconomic development. A real beginning has therefore at last been made, after 50 years of negligence in this important sector.
Science and Technical Education Sustained socioeconomic development is not possible by mere capital investment, unless it is reinforced by proper supply of an adequately trained scientific and technical work force. A well-planned education system, including technical and vocational education is, therefore, essential for economic development of a country. The coverage of Technical Vocational Education (TVE) facilities is highly inadequate and there is a dire need to broaden the base of TVE. In order to implement the concept of integration of skill development with the general stream of education, a scheme for the introduction of Technical Stream at secondary school level (IX-X), parallel to science and arts group, has been proposed. To implement this concept, the follOWing is being planned: (i) Introduction of Technical stream in existing high schools.
(ii) Establishment of Model Technical High Schools.
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Keeping in view the financial constraints, it has been propos ed to introduce technical stream where one trade will be taught initially. Fifty Six Model Technical High Schools (MTHS) will be established, wherein, training in trades relevant to the needs of the area/gender shall be provided, The model technical high schools would serve as role model resource centres, as well as, in-service teacher training centres for ordinary high schools.
Priori tising Scien ce and Techn ology The importance of science and technology for the shaping of society and for providing realistic options for development policies is no longer arguable. While looking at the revolutionary changes introduced by scientific achievements during last century, one can simply say that scientific research plays the most significant role in the development of a country. A better \:!conomy provides more resources for science and technology research and a better scientific output opens new horizons to a better economy. Both econom y and science, if working together with a healthy interaction can transform a society in a much better shape. Pakistan, being a third world country, faces a crisis in the science and technology sector like almost all other poor nations. Although, we, as a nation have a lot of potential human resources and exploiting these resources wisely may result in a gradual change in our society, but till now we have failed to exploit this enormous potential. On our way to progress. first we need to realise the importance of science and education for a country. Then, we need to make education a part of our culture and in parallel with this process we need effective policy making to exploit our human resources in a wise manner. By making education, knowledge and its technological impacts our first priority, we not only can make our nation financially strong but also we can get rid of the fundamentalism. intolerance and related social evils primarily caused by ignorance and lack of education. Pakistan's international status can be determined from publications of the Institute for Scientific Information that regularly tabulates the scientific output of each country. According to its estimate of 2002, Pakistan's total research output was 655 papers published annually in journa ls with impact factors greater than zero (journa ls acknowledged by the scientific community). This figure is very low
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as compared to Japan, China and India who are rated first, second and third in Asia with 20824, 15066 and 14018 papers respectively. It is important to mention that Pakistan ranks 14th in the list. A more eye-opening figure appears if we take into account the research output per unit population to view the real story. Pakistan ranks almost the last with only 4 papers per million habitants as compared Israel with 2153, Singapore with 808 and Japan with 164 papers per million people per year. ISI's (Institute for scientific information) list of hundreds of highly cited researchers in different fields contains only one Pakistani scientist of international repute. This fact again proves over the impact of research being done in the country has almost zero impact on global research arena. Second criterion of scientific achievements is the standar d of universities in a country. Although, our universities manage to produce a few professionals at lower education levels but at the research levels, they have failed miserably. A recent survey of Shanghai Jao Tong University ranks top 500 universities in the world and it doesn't contain even a single university from Pakistan. The Third criterion for scientific achievement is the degree to which science plays a role in a nation's economy. Again, the facts are stark. Pakistan's exports are principally textiles, cotton, leather, footballs, fish, fruits, and so on. The value-added compo nent of Pakistani manufacturing somewhat exceeds that of Bangladesh and Sudan, but is far below that of India, Turkey, and Indonesia. Apart from relatively minor exports of compu ter software and light armaments, science and technology are irrelevant in the process of production. The above indicators are not encouraging. There is surely a need to revise our priorities and plan for the future. The change will certainly not occur in a single day. It will involve a long term planning. Important thing for today is that we plan something good and for the next several year, we make sure that our planning is taking us towards positive direction. The country has two major players who can participate well in changing the plight of science and technology in Pakistan. First one is the government, which can, play its role by policy making. And second potential players can be the overseas Pakistani professionals who have migrated to the West in search of greener pastures and
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due to their commitment to their professions have earned respectable positions in the Western organisations. During last few years, due to the commitment of Dr. Attaur Rahman. we have been seeing major efforts being made in S&T sector. Hopefully continuing in the same direction will bring better results in the future. However, here are few more suggestions, which can help accelerate this process. The research centres and universities need to take the responsibility of playing their important role in his process. A university should be seen as a strong organisation playing the role of a large scale research output facility. Currently, our universities are only producing the professionals who have the capability of running an existing system. They don't have enough capabilities and resources to go inside the research and bring something new and useful out of it. To make our universities stronger, we need to bring following changes. Researchers should head universities. Preferably, those researchers who have been working in internationally recognised research centres for several years and who know the models and methodology of research in developed countries. Right now, military generals who are good in basic management skills are running universities but it is impossible for them to understand the complex process of management for the research organisations. Universities need to develop international links. Overseas Pakistanis serving in foreign universities can play a significant role in this regard in this relation enhancing process. These links can be established at different levels. University to university links will be more effective. However, overseas Pakistani professionals can start their own research initiatives by contacting interested faculty staffs and students to start a small scale research. In fact, some professors in France, who are offering internship and short research proposals to the universities in their countries of origin. There are a lot of research possibilities in many software based research fields where a lot of investment is not required. For example research on real time systems and study of their concurrency issues, scientific software development, use of software's available free in research domains, Hardware soft IP (Intellectual Property) development, research on artificial intelligence, machine learning and many more fields like this don't require a lot of money in the beginning. Similarly, working on theoretical aspects of some fields
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doesn't require a lot of funds. Individuals working in universities should realise the importance of their jobs. Many of them already realise their importance but some of them who join university to make their lives easier. They lack the initiative and seems that they are only interested in delivering a couple of lectures per week. They need to realise that working in a university means being a part of research team and responsible for participating in a national movement of development of research infrastructure. It is a custom all over the world that state of the art research is being done in defence organisations. But unlike Pakistan, this research is made public after few years. Evolution of Internet in a prime example of this type of research. While, in Pakistan, the only area where a little research is being done is defence sector. It is important that the application of the research output of those organisations is applied in non-defence organisations also. Technology used in missile guidance systems; nuclear arms and battlefield communication technologies can be used in peace time modern communication systems, signal processing applications and many more fields like these. Participation of private sector technology based organisations should also be introduced at least in those sectors, which are not very sensitive. Pakistan played a front line state role in war against terrorism. After 9/11, it was our need to be their partner in the war as we were involved in Talibanisation of Afghanistan and world was looking at us as the main culprits of 9/11. But now, the situation has changed. We have played a good role in this war. While. our government seems interested in participating more in this war to get material benefits from US, we need to realise that this policy is resulting in the increase of incidents of terrorism inside our own country. Extremist elements in the country are unhappy with current government policies and are causing instability by their terrorist activities. This situation is the biggest hurdle for us in the way of bringing foreign investment to our country. While India and China have managed to attract a lot of technology based multinationals due to the cheap labour available there, instability in Pakistan is stopping Pakistan from getting its share from it. Making ourselves indifferent from the situation of the world may result in a stable Pakistan attractive for the foreign investors.
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Small and medium sized technology based industries should be strongly supported by government. For this purpose, government should hold statistical research to determine the importance of initialisation of new type of local industries and rank them according to its requirements. Then, it should help the entrepreneurs and skilled businessmen with technical backgrounds to start their ventures. As an example, there is no IC (Integrated Chip) fabrication facility in Pakistan. If government feels that Pakistan should start fabricating hardware equipment after 30 years, it should seriously define a road map. It should prepare case study of East Asian countries and define the major steps, which resulted in the world-class electronic equipment development centres. Government should find the investors who may be willing to invest in first small sized basic transistor making plants. Government should closely work with private sector and help them pointing out the market needs and further steps which take them towards building a big silicon foundry. As private sector starts participating in hi-tech sector, it is more important to implement laws on Intellectual Property Rights. Private sector in a country will never be willing to go towards risky business based on invention and its benefits until the businessman is not sure that his original work is safe and he can get good monetary benefits from it. And all of the above, government should start awareness campaign about education, science and technology issues. Our main concept of an ideal society should be based on an educated society where living with the books is the part of the culture and experimenting with the technology is the part of the hobbies. Searching new ways for development should be a part of our behaviours. The most significant community, is those overseas Pakistanis who left Pakistan in search of better living and now due to their dedication towards their profession, they have achieved good status in their respective fields. Here are some examples for such overseas Pakistanis who can help their country while living abroad. Pakistanis who are serving in universities abroad can offer admissions and scholarships for brilliant Pakistani students in foreign universities. Some Pakistanis are already doing so but their number seems to be very less than our potential. Establishing a Pakistani community in a university should be a part of political game. Just
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like the Indians have done well and made strong lobbies in many good universities and multinationals, what about Pakistanis starting now and going towards attracting other Pakistanis for a strong community building process. Pakistanis living abroad can initiate short-term research projects with their counter parts in Pakistan. Offering the students some internship on hot topics and making them work on these projects while students are living in Pakistan can help improve their standard. The purpose of such collaboration is not only the research output but also the transfer of technology from west to Pakistan in a smooth manner. At least, sending scientific magazines, research journals and latest books to the libraries back home is a simple way of helping people back home. Holding introductory seminars while visiting Pakistan is another simple way of spreading what they have learnt. The above examples are just outlines to indicate that other than the duties of government, individuals can also play their role in spread of science and technology. Government should adopt a serious attitude towards effective policy making for uplift of science and technology in Pakistan individuals also need to devise some creative ways to make the situation a little better.
Virtual Information Technology There is a severe shortage of quality IT faculty in Pakistan and a growing demand for large numbers of qualified IT graduates both within and outside Pakistan. The Virtual Information Technology University (VITU) will bring together a critical mass of quality faculty to provide world-class education in the IT sector to a large student body. A parallel development will be the establishment of the South Institute of Information Technology (SIlT), initially a separate project proposed to the G-77 Summit in Havana in April 2000 by Pakistan's Chief Executive. We propose that these two projects be merged. However, the analysis in this feasibility study is based largely on the VITU. Estimating the additional costs and revenues which would be generated by including non-Pakistani participating institutions and students resident outside Pakistan requires an international study which could not be undertaken in the short time available for this study.
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The starting point and key for the expected success of the VITU and SIlT is that there is a documented, strong demand for computer science graduates meeting world standards of quality. Second, the project may be seen as the first step, a proof of concept, for a "smart, learning nation" approach to socioeconomic development in Pakistan. The key to a smart, learning nation development strategy is to organise institutions and the population at large to take advantage of the technology now available to unleash and nurture the talent in the full population, not just a mostly urban elite. Last but certainly not least, the VITU has been declared the highest priority project in the Ministry of Science and Technology's IT Action Plan, with the highest budget allocation of any project. In short, the project meets critical, felt and articulated need for IT personnel for domestic and international markets. VITU proposes to address this situation by bringing together public and private sector institutions to participate in the VITU programme. Faculty expertise would be identified and utilised from its original location without any relocation. VITU would deliver high quality VITU using technological means supplemented by a tutornetwork. VITU would participate in the establishment of over 100 state of the art virtual learning centres with a capacity for teaching 50-100,000 students nationwide annually. One flagship "Virtual Campus" would be set up by VITU itself. The principal stake holders. such as public and private sector educational institutions and software houses, have shown a strong support for the project. Pakistan Telecommunications Corporation (PTCL) and National Telecommunications Corporation (NTC), the major telecommunications companies, have expressed willingness to participate in the project and both would want to supply communications services. NTC seems to be the logical choice. One challenge for the VITU concept would be to bring the various educational institutions to common ground as far as course contents are concerned. Owing to the project's well-defined focus on IT, this should not cause any serious problems. The establishment of a national computer science association would be essential to guide the thrust of education and to raise the prestige of the profeSSion. The proposed National Testing Service would play a crucial qualityassurance role for the VITU.
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The VITU should start by offering short updating courses to existing IT professionals. These courses would act as pilot programmes and would be used to iron out any deficiencies in the delivery and interaction mechanisms. A fast-track degree programme could then be started aimed at engineers and science graduates and finally the fullfledged 4-year degree programme could be initiated. Instructional design would be a critical area for the new electronic content delivery mechanism being envisaged for VITU. Starting with a simple "camera in the classroom" approach, VITU would evolve rapidly into delivering education through rich, interactive web-based content. Instructional designers would be required for this purpose and a master-trainer would be required to train a group of designers. Content development would be outsourced to other institutions as much as possible, thereby enlarging the community involved in the VITU effort. The Pakistan Academic Intranet would form the basic infrastructure over which the major educational institutions would be connected. The same network would become the primary channel for use by VITU. The minimum bandwidth recommended for the network is 2Mbps with OC3 (155 Mbps) being the objective in the near term. The excellent national optical fibre network would be supplemented with two-way satellite connectivity, especially for the SIlT. Eminent personalities from various walks of life should form the Board of Governors of the VITU. An Academic Council should be the controlling authority for course content and curriculum design. Prominent computer scientists, academicians and entrepreneurs would be invited to the Academic Council. The study found strong support to the concept of VITU/SIIT among the various stakeholders that were interviewed. However, to create an environment conducive to long-term survival of the VITU, a focused effort would be required through strategic communications, marketing and advertising of the concept to create a favourable climate of opinion and build client support. It is important that the support base among stakeholders should be as broad as possible. The objective of this effort is to build political and financial support for the concept of VITU, more broadly, for a smart, learning nation strategy where the delivery system for IT education points the way
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to K to gray education and training-lifelong learning for anyone, anyplace, anytime, with just in time learning being an important part. Financial projections for VITU for a period of 5 years starting from 30th June 2001 and ending at 30 June 2006 have been developed. These have been prepared on the basis of the underlying assumptions given in the report and the Annexes and show a healthy state of affairs whereby VITU is projected to attain self-sustainability within three years of full operations. Thereafter starting from the fourth year of operations, i.e. June 2004 onwards the projections show that the University shows considerable profit, surplus cash and growth in assets and these keep increasing provided it attains the projected outreach (number of students).
Funding for Science and Technology In recognition of the importance of science and technology in national development, the present Government has allocated substantial funds for the development of science & technology. The Ministry of Science & Technology has given hugely increased budgetary allocations to various organisations under its control. For example, National University for Science & Technology (MUST) was allocated Rs. 765 million for its activities during the year 2000-2001, which has been increased to more than Rs. 1350 million for the year 2000-2001. Similarly, Pakistan Council for Scientific & Industrial Research (PCSIR) was allocated Rs. 28, million for the year 2000-2001 which has been increased to more than Rs. 112 million for the current fiscal year. Almost all other S&T Research & Development organisations in the country have also been awarded substantial increases for their development work. The total allocation of the Ministry of Science & Technology has, thus. increased from Rs. 2 billion in 2000-2001 to Rs. 2.5 billion in 2001-2002. Fifty three (53) schemes based on the recommendations of National Commission on Science & Technology (NCST) are under implementation. All these efforts have driven Pakistan's scientific & technological endeavours at an unprecedented fast speed.,
Science and Technology Funding System: Science is the mainstay of all industry and economic development of a country. It is like a seed, which" when properly sowed, gives rise to a sapling and then to a tree from which lot many advantages are arid can be
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desired for the benefit of man. Forest technology may be the name given to all such academic and professional activities as are directed towards deriving maximum advantage from the trees. It may be seen that this technology is not divorced from science, which is botany in this case. All other technologies may be considered in a similar way. Basically, science is an academic pursuit~ It does not, by intent or design; aim at attaining a certain objective of economic value. However, this does not preclude the fact that it generates wide ranging economic repercussions in the long run, particularly when technology is also associated with it, as is the normal practice today. The words Research and Development (R&D) are also used as equivalent to Science and Technology respectively, such that science encompasses both basic and applied research, and technology devotes itself to devising ways and means of using scientific knowledge resulting from research. Science and technology together make a system with a two-fold objective: (a) To carry out research which is directed towards increasing the amount of scientific knowledge or towards a fuller understanding of existing knowledge. (b) To devise methods to enable systematic use of scientific knowledge for the production of useful material, devices, systems or methods including deSign and development of prototypes arid processes. The degree of importance a country provides to science and technology is evident from the amount of money spent on research and development. There is a quantitative relationship between investment to R&D and rate of economic growth. Developed countries continue to progress and prosper by investing more funds into research and development programmes whereas developing countries continue to languish behind due to disoriented attitude, that investment in science and technology produces no immediate benefits and any technology can be purchased from the international market. However. some developing countries like China, and South Korea have realised the importance of investment in Research and Development as the most promising input for achievement of socioeconomic goals and aspirations.
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In order to determine an adequate level of R&D expenditure a number of criteria are commonly used which are based upon recommendations of various United Nations agencies. These include: (a) percentage of GNP spent on R&D; (b) percentage of government budget allocated for development in the national plans; (c) percentage spent on R&D in major development sectors and (d) R&D expenditure per capita. Majority of the developed countries are spending in the range of 2-4 per cent of GNP and even some of the developing countries are spending up to one per cent of their GNP on scientific research and development, whereas the research and development expenditure in Pakistan has been less than 0.25 per cent of GNP over the past many decades. The problems which have been faced in financing scientific activities in the country are as follows: 1. Although the National Science and Technology Policy were approved by the Government in 1984, its implementation, planned through an Action Plan, could not be materialised in due course. Each proposal was to be projectised in a proper format and submitted for decision at appropriate level. 2. Government has always been the major source of financing for scientific research and development. The contribution of industry and the private sector remained minimal. 3. There existed serious imbalances in resource allocations for research and development due to lack of proper determination of priorities. Some economic sectors like communications, transport, energy and power had minimal allocations for research and development. 4. The funds allocated for research and development were not fully utilised due to non-availability of good science managers. , 5. There was no linkages between R&D institutions and industry and hence the concept of self-financing for R&D could not be established. 6. There are large funds available with international agencies for the support of research work. which have not been fully made use of mainly because the responsibility of utilising such funds is widely dispersed in different Ministries. In fact scientific and technologkal development in the present day world demands heavy investments. Many developing countries
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just cannot afford it. Those which can have also not reached the target of 0.5 per cent of GNP recommended in the international development strategy for the second U.N. Development Decade. They are also far below the target of 1 per cent recommended in the Vienna Plan of Action for the application of science and technology for development. Consequently developing countries will have to make extra effort to strengthen their S&T systems to meet their future requirements and aspiration of their people. A number of studies have been made with regard to the quantum of resources allocation in the science and technology sector in the developing countries. Several yardsticks have been used such as GNP, GND, per capita income, percentage of national budget and many others. UNESCO has also formulated criteria for minimum allocations for healthy and uninterrupted growth of science and technology in the developing countries. Different countries, however, have different economic problems; their priorities are also different. Consequently, fixed allocation or quantitative apportionment of resources on the basis of GNP may not always be adequate and may as well be far below the actual requirement of the S&T programme of the nation. Allocations on the basis of need and priority through preparation of viable projects and proposals may at times be more rewarding and beneficial in certain situations. It often happens that financing of science and technology is not fully visible and is an implicit input in the project proposals and is usually subsummed in the development programme of the nation. A thorough attention needs to be given to this aspect before prescribing appropriate budgetary and extrabudgetary resource allocations for S&T development in the developing countries. In Pakistan, there are several bottlenecks regarding spending on science and technology: (a) Small absolute size of S&T. (b) Delay in availability of funds in respect of advanced training of scientists and engineers that is so essential for the establishment of a meaningful S&T base in the country. (c) Absence of talent with advanced training from abroad, with national organisations which are starving for want of trained manpower in their areas of endeavour.
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(d) Isolation or lack of contact of Pakistani scientists with international science through seminars, conferences, refresher courses, etc. (e) Inordinate delays in finalising development plans in important areas of S&T for the early establishment of State of The Art Laboratories. (f) Lack of interest and mechanisms for utilisation of allocated funds. (g) Tying up R&D Funds with normal Budget allocations-the funds being lapsable. These shortcomings basically stem from the same one cause: Pakistan has not been able to evolve a financial mechanism as could provide sufficient funds for S&T on the one hand and on the other matches with the objectives or snore precisely with the first and foremost functional requirement of S&T system, i.e. development of highly qualified manpower with specialisations in different fields of science and technology. More importantly non-exploitation of systems/products designed and fabricated indigenously, keeps S& T effort always dependent on rigid bureaucratic/pseudobureaucratic controls in a society, which is basically purchase oriented. It is the people alone who acquire, develop and use science and technology and unless our financial mechanism is brought in line with this need, it is well nigh impossible to have any viable S&T capability or system. It is only recently that Government of Pakistan realised need to take big strides in the promotion of science and technology to make up for the lost time and to catch up with the more developed nations. This process converting centuries into decades into years would need huge financial outlays. The financial resources of Pakistan being none too abundant, it is not possible to allocate all the resource that we need for the promotion of scientific research and development in the country.
Islamic IT Capability After the campaign of the 1970s and the 1980s for the Islamic bomb and the need to reduce the nuclear gap between the Islamic and the non-Islamic worlds a campaign is presently on in Pakistan since Gen. Pervez Musharraf, seized power on October 12,1999, for
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an Islamic Information Technology (IT) capability and the need to reduce the IT divide between the Islamic and the non-Islamic worlds. Under the title" Join the Battle for Pakistan in Cyberspace", an announcement in the beginning of September. 2000, in a Pakistani web site by some Pakistani rt training institutions said: "Muslims of the subcontinent did not participate in the industrial revolution. The result has been centuries of subjugation, economic deprivation and defeats. If we miss the digital and information revolution, the consequences are hard to imagine. In the past, only the Western powers had the technological edge over us, this time our neighbour has also made tremendous strides in this area. If we are not careful, our very survival is at stake. Facing this grave situation, "Operation Badar" had been launched with an objective of providing very high quality Electronic-Commerce Web Application Development education at very low cost to the students and professionals all over the country. The target was to train 313 architects and 10,000 developers by December 2001. The organisers of Operation Badar had no financial interest in the programme; the nominal fee charged to students would be used to cover the cost of utilities, facilities, teaching, etc. The quality of education provided would be at least at par with the worlds leading institutions of higher learning. The cost of training would be less than Rs. 1,000 per month. Scholarships would also be awarded on neecl/merit basis." Independently of such private initiatives and without talking of an Islamic IT capability, the Musharraf regime has embarked upon an ambitious plan for the development of science and technology in general and the IT in particular. The National Commission for Science & Technology (NCST), which had not met since 1989 when Mrs. Benazir Bhutto was the Prime Minister in her first tenure, was convened for a special meeting on May 2, 2000 under the chairmanship of Gen. Musharraf to approve in principle a contribution of Rs. 15.7 billion to a newly setup National Scientific and Technological Research and Development (STR&D) Fund during the fiscal year 2000-2001 to implement the programmes approved by the NCST. All research and development (R&D) projects emanating from the Universities and R&D institutions are to be funded out of this amount. The Ministry of Science and
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Technology (MST) , creat~d by Gen. Musharraf and headed by Professor Atta-ur-Rehman, the Minister-in-charge, would administer the Fund. In 1999-2000, the annual expenditure on S&T amounted to Rs. 1.5 billion. Gen. Musharraf has increased this tenfold. The Commission also approved an expenditure of Rs. 5.0 billion for the IT & Telecommunications Sector in the Public Sector Development Progra,mme during 2000-2001. Out of this, Rs. 2.0 billion has already been allocated and the balance is to be made available later in the year by reappropriation of funds meant for other purposes. The Information Technology Commission (ITC) of the Ministry of Science & Technology (MST), of which the Chairman is Syed Mazhar Ali, former Senator, controls IT development in Pakistan. With effect from March 19,2000, the administrative and financial control of the IT Commission lies with the newly formed IT and Telecommunications Division in the MST. In 1997, there were about 700 companies dealing in information technology products and services in Pakistan. While the quality of the software expertise available in some of these companies was rated a~ove average, the export performance of the industry as a whole was poor rising from annual exports of US $ 10 million in 1995 to US $ 20 million in 1999, as against exports worth US $ 400 million by the textile industry. Amongst the reasons for the poor performance of the industry were inadequate (quantity and quality wise) trained personnel; lack of networking between computer educational institutions and the IT industry; a large number of mediocre or below mediocre institutions with very few new institutes of excellence barring the Hamdard Institute of Information Technology, the Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Technology and the Foundation for the Advancement of Science and Technology's Institute of Computer Science (FAST-ICS); nonavailability of international technical standards, models and printed information; lack of foreign exchange to import books; scarcity of components and development tools; poor telephone infrastructure in which the Pakistan Telecommunications Corporation (PTC) had monopoly rights: poor management in IT companies; the languishing state of the economy as a whole with strategies for sheer survival rather than growth influencing policies and practices; the resulting lack of financial and technical stability; the uncritical fascination of
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the political leadership, the bureaucracy, including the armed forces, and the public for Western, Japanese and South Korean products and services resulting in lack of encouragement for domestic entrepreneurs; lack of support from financial institutions for IT companies; lack of a governmental IT policy framework; unstable market conditions; and widespread software piracy with little enforcement of intellectual property rights. In fact, religious organisations encourage piracy as yet another weapon in their Jihad against the US. Moreover, there were too many IT departments and agencies created by the Government without an apex body having coordinating and controlling powers. After the approval of the creation of the IT and Telecom Division, the Government has ordered that this Division would be the only governmental agency to guide the IT industry and perform regulatory functions. The Division would have Civil Servants as well as IT professionals who would be hired at market salaries to head different wings dealing with subjects such as Human Resource Development, IT Development, Telecommunications, E-Commerce and Legislation. A four-year (1999-2003) policy initiative for IT development, envisaging a total investment of Rs. 22 billion, was unveiled by the military regime on August 22.2000. It projects, inter alia, the following targets. Practically all the diploma/certificate holders and a large percentage of the computer science graduates (BCS) and postgraduates (MCS) are well-versed only in the application of IT for clerical tasks. They are not up to the mark of being graded as IT professionals capable of working as programmers, architects and project managers. The policy initiative aims at increasing the total of not only computerskilled students passing out of educational institutions, but also of better quality computer science students, capable of working as IT professionals. Targets for 2003 include an annual production of about 2,000 quality MCS postgraduates, 20,000 quality BCS graduates and 30,000 diploma! certificate holders (through short courses). Assuming that the Pakistani authorities are able to have the policy implemented without any major slippage, the IT industry would stilllag far behind that of India. Its projected software exports of US $ 400 million by 2003 would be less than one-fourth of India's, but it would equal, if not replace, cotton-based textiles as the largest
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foreign exchange earner and could help in achieving the long elusive goal of diversifying its economy. It would also have at its disposal a large reservoir of IT professionals.
Training of Scientists and Engineers One of the major problems faced by research institutions is how to enable the younger scientists to take the place of the aging scientists in the field of active research. By and large, S&T pursuits need young men while the senior people automatically take on more and more of teaching/guiding and management tasks for which age and experience make them particularly suited. Consequently, there is a need for a comprehensive programme for advanced training whereby newly appointed promising scientists with M.Sc. qualifications are given R&D tasks and are also sent abroad for Ph.D. and/or postdoctoral work during their early years of service. As a result of operation of such a programme for a certain period of time, it will be possible to have a cycle whereby younger scientists get themselves engaged in active research f:ssignments and senior people take on the task of guiding them in the context of the actual problems prevailing in the country. It is unbelievable but true that Pakistan has no tradition of Ph.D. training so far in major scientific disciplines, except for a few. In order to translate this idea into reality, it is necessary that financial authorities adopt a liberal attitude and the routine requirement of demanding justification for establishing the relevance of an individual's training case with a project in hand in relation to its importance or value with regard to national interest be abandoned.
It may be emphasised here that besides not aiming directly at achieving a certain economic goal, S&T involves teamwork and the talents of individuals of the team, taken together, to achieve S&T capability necessary for going ahead with the S&T pursuits. The major initiatives, which have been taken to achieve the above objectives, are summarised below: • Human Resource Development. • Improvement of Science and Technology teaching standards at all levels and facilities for conducting basic research in science and engineering.
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• Highest priority to be assigned to strengthening and consolidation of existing R&D institutions. • Facilities will be created for R&D in new and emerging technologies such as laser and fibre optics, material science, renewable energy and industrial mineralogy. • An extensive manpower development programme will be implemented to overcome the shortage of skilled personnel in R&D institutes. • R&D institutes, particularly those in the industrial sector, will be encouraged to seek self-financing through contract research and to develop viable linkages with the potential users of the products. • Establishment of R&D institutions/universities in the private sector and utilisation of indigenous technologies and products will be encouraged. • A package programme dealing with energy, clean drinking water, sanitation, basic health care arid income generating technologies will be extended to remote villages for improving living standards and quality of life. • Scientific Service of Pakistan to be created to attract and retain talented scientists through proper career planning and congenial work environment. The main federal instrument for implementing" the R&D programmes is the MiniStry of Science and Technology. It can be seen that the number of scientists involved only in R&D activities per million population in Pakistan is less than India, one-tenth of the figure for South Korea and less than the USA by a huge margin.
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14 Sports Hockey is the national game of Pakistan. However, cricket, squash and snooker are the popular sports of the country in which the national teams participate in all international events. Pakistan has been a world champion in hockey, squash and cricket. Football, tennis, polo, swimming, wrestling and a host of other games are also played. Hockey has a very old history. From the obscurities of the primitive form in which it was played hundreds of years ago, it passed through different stages to attain its present form. This very popular field game originated in Persia, though, the Persian game shows little resemblance to the hockey played today. A form of hockey was played in Britain. In America a stick game was played by the Indian tribes for 5 hundred years, the ball being usually made of wood or deer skin and the stick some times a dear leg. In Ireland, the game of Harley was a primitive type of hockey; as were shinty in Scotland and bandy in England and Wales. The modern game dates from the middle of the 19th century and it was taken up seriously by England. Gradually, the game developed and from England it spread to other parts of the world. The combined India took a fancy to it and in a very short time it became very popular. The technique suited to the Indians and Pakistanis. Hockey was included for first time at the IV Olympic Games in London in 1908. Only six teams entered the four United Kingdom countries besides France and Germany. The first-ever Olympic Hockey
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match was played on October 29, 1908 between Scotland and Germany. Scotland won 4-0 and the honour of scoring the first Olympic goal went to inside-left lan Laning. England had a very strong team and won the gold medal. It was 12 years before hockey was again included in the Olympics. There was insufficient support for the game for the 1912 Stockholm Games and the 1916 Berlin Olympics were cancelled because of the First World War. In 1920, the Olympics were renewed in Antwerp and only four countries-England, Belgium, Denmark and France entered the hockey tournament. England won the gold medal again. Denmark placed second ahead of Belgium. Four years later in Paris, hockey was again omitted from the Olympics because of limited support but interest in the game was growing fast and it was clear that some sort of international body was necessary to unite the sport and to be responsible for the organisation of Olympic Hockey Tournaments. It was on the incentive of a Frenchman. Paul Leautey that the Federation International de Hockey (F.I.H.) was founded on January 7, 1924. The foundation of the Federation meant that hockey had come to stay at the Olympics. In 1928, Olympic Games were held at Amsterdam and 14 countries entered the hockey tournament including India for the first time. In their very first appearance the Indians made a great impression and reached the final where they defeated Holland 3-0. The world, America in particular, was at the height of financial depression when the Xth Olympic Games were held at Los Angeles in 1932. Country after country withdrew until only three hockey teams were left, India, Japan and the hosts. India had a very strong team and whipped Japan 11-1 & USA 24-1. The 1936 Olympic Games were held in Berlin. Twelve countries participated. India and Germany met in the final and India won 8-1. The Second World War put a stop to the 1940 Olympics which were due to be held at Tokyo. It was not until 1948 that the world's greatest sportsmen came together again in blitz-damaged London. In the meantime a new nation had emerged on the map of the world, that was Pakistan and she, took part in the London Olympics for the first time. It must be pointed out here that the Indian teams which won the Olympic titles in 1928,1932 and 1936 were from a United India and those territories which now comprise Pakistan supplied a
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considerable proportion of players. In this connection players like Jafar, Feroz Khan, Lal Shah Bukhari, Masud Minhas and Dara come to one's mind easily. The glOries of those early victories must, therefore, be shared in equal measures by Pakistan and India. It is usual to cite the ancient Greeks as the earliest people to have organised athletic competitions. And the word athlete comes from the Greek 'athlos contest' and athlon prize from which came the verb athlein contend for a prize. Some 13 centuries before Christ the Greeks had brought organised competitive athletics to a high standard is obviously inseparable from the Greek records and the Olympic Games which comprised track & field events in running, jumping & throwing. Most modem athletic events resemble the old categories. Between 1880 and the outbreak of the first world war governing athletic bodies or associations were founded in many parts of the world. And in 1912 the International Amateur Athletic Federation (lAAF) was instituted. The activities of the IAAF are comprehensive and include the organisation of the world track & field, cross country, Road Relay, World Athletic Series and Half Marathon Championships Games. In 1977, the first World Cup in athletics was staged (at Dusseldorf). This was a success and was followed in 1979 by another at Montreal. Using the facilities of the 1976 Olympic Games. The traditional competitive events for outdoor track and field athletics are as follows: Decathlon, Discus, Hammer, High Jump, Hurdling, Javelin, Long-distance running, Long Jump, Marathon, Middle-distance running, Pentathlon, Pole Vault, Race-walking, Relay, Shot Put, Sprinting, Steeple Chase, Triple Jump. Both men and women compete in such events, nowadays women do take part in the heptathlon, hammer, marathon, pole vault, steeple chase & triple jump. Indoor athletics are usually confined to the winter months. Pakistan Badminton Federation was formed in 1953. Mr. Sultan F. Hussain was the first Secretary General and Nawab Mamdot first President of Pakistan Badminton Federation, participated in first Thomas Cup 1954, when it beat Sri Lanka 9-0. Shams had Ali, Lateef Gania, Irshad Ahmad, Menen Soares, Saeed Malik and Rustam arucha Represented Pakistan. Later Prominent Pakistan Badminton players were Nazir Rajput, Akram Beg, Masood Khan, S. Naqi Mohsin,
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Salah-ud-Din and Fazal Haq. In the Ladies Elsie Hunt, Talat Sultana, Nighat Sultana, Ismat Saeed and Ghazala Wadood were prominent players having won the titles a number of times. The golden period of Badminton was when S. Naqi Mohsin took over as Secretary General in 1973. During his period Pakistan Badminton Team put up the best every performance in 1974 Asian Games held in Tehran, Iran. Pakistan beated Japan 3-0 and Korea 3-1 and reached the semifinals. Japan and Korea were considered Badminton Giants. Hassan Shaheed and Javed Iqbal were sent by PBF to participate in four European International Tournaments, where th~y reached the quarter finals in Men's Doubles. Hassan Shaheed beaten European champion in All England championships. Tariq, Wadood, undoubtedly, the best Badminton player of Pakistan was sent to peoples Republic of China with the Pakistan Badminton team. Later on Tariq Wadood reached the finals in the Badminton championship held in Beijing, China in 1978. Mr. S. Naqi Mohsin was elected Vice President, Asian Badminton Confederation and was elected member Executive Council of International Badminton Federation in 1975, the only Pakistani to achieve this distinction. Unfortunately, with the change in PBF office bearers, the tempo could not be maintained and the standard declined to such an extend that Pakistan Badminton Team slipped 120 in World Ranking. In July 2002, the new Badminton Federation came into being with Syed Mohib Asad as its President and Aamer Hayat Khan Rokhri as its Secretary General. S. Naqi Mohsin was elected as Senior vice President. It was with the combined efforts of these gentlemen, that a new spirit was infused in the game. DUring the short period of two years, Pakistan Badminton players were sent to participate in Eight International Tournament. Six All Pakistan Ranking, Tournament and two Nationals were held with cash prizes of over one hundred thousand rupees in each tournament. Pakistan Badminton team became the second best team in South East Asia by defeating Sri Lanka ranked 40th in the World in SAF Games. Pakistan won one Silver and five Bronze medals. Syed Mohib Asad and Aamer Hayat Khan Rokhri were elected President and Secretary General of South East Asian Badminton Federation. Wajid Ali and Asma Butt are the current National
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Champions. Other prominent players are Umer Zeeshan, Ahsan Qamar, Muhammad Waqas Ahmad, Tahir Ishaque, Ashraf Masih and Rizwan Asghar Rana in Men and Ayesha Akram, Usma Butt, Farzana Saleem and Saima Manzoor in Ladies. Ayesha Akram won Bronze medal in Ladies Singles of First Islamic countries International Tournament held in Tehran in January 2005. Rizwan Azam and Sara Khan are the National Junior Champions in Boys and Girls. Nothing could be said with certainty about the beginning of Billiards. However, the art and literature of the Sixteenth Century does have some mention about the game of billiards. For almost two centuries since then different forms of billiards have been in vogue. It used to be played with one, two or three balls with several obstacles on the table. Billiards in its present form was first played in the eighteenth century. Snooker is a modified form of billiards. It is said that snooker was first played in India after its adaptation from billiards. Man has always strived for maximum strength and physical perfection since time immemorial. A man with good physique and graceful body has always been looked upon with admiration everywhere. Men like Appollo, Herculese, Samson, Rustam and Sohrab will always be remembered with respect till their successes dazzle the world with more beautiful and proportionate bodies. A nation's health is the nation's wealth. This is an old saying and every nation can boast of having produced men of towering strength and enviable physical perfection. Towards the end of the last century the late Fugene Sandow started schools in England to build graceful symmetrical bodies. The movement took the populace by storm and probably the first-ever body building competition was held in London in 1901. The movement gained such a vast popularity that it spread all over Europe and America in no time. Today almost every country in the world holds body-building competitions. The origin of boxing is buried in antiquity. It has been found to have existed long before the Greeks and Romans indulged in and watched contests. Later it took a strong hold in England. About the turn of the century, boxing gained a measure of respect in the United States. Now it is a prosperous activity with bouts conducted in the largest arenas of the United States. Coverage of boxing on radio and television has made it immensely popular in the world. In the old days of bare-Knuckle fights, the folks who indulged in these bouts
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referred to these as 'pugilistic contests'. The modern boxing is the "manly art of self defence". Pugilism, gets its name from the Latin word 'pugil'. It is the description of one who fights with fists. It was assumed for a long time that the ancient Romans and Greeks were the first to feature such battles. But, certain slabs and figurines found in a temple of Khafaje, near Baghdad in Mesopotamian, by Dr. EA Speiser and Associates indicates that men fought with their fists and wrestled centuries before the Greeks and Romans. One stone slab showed two fighters squaring off. Another showed two wrestlers-grips, their hands touching one another's hips. The hands of the pugilists were well wrapped in leather, the earliest cestus. In the Roman languages "cestus" means belt, but was applied when leather was used to griddle anything, including the hands. The Summarians used wrestling and fistic tactics, since hands were weapons given to the earliest man. He used them to fight off savage beasts and undoubtedly to conquer human enemies. The man striving for perfection in the use of hands in battle, no doubt practised the fistic arts and the specimens discovered by Dr. Speiser showed men at much performance. There appears to have been a lapse in the pugilistic arts from the Mesopotamian era until about 1750 B.C. In about 900 B.C., a Greek monarch Theseus son of Acgens, revived pugilistic arts to satisfy his carving for blood and death. He requisitioned certain. Bridge is a game of cards played among four players. Two players form both the competing team. It is the developed and modified form of a Russian game called whist. The participants of the game have to rely on their brilliance and alertness of mind. Contract bridge is the modern form of the game played by over sixty million people around the world during social gatherings or clubs just for the sake of enjoyment or for the stake money. Competitive Bridge, better known as duplicate bridge has been developed into an indoor sport and is played between individuals or among pairs or teams. It is played in eighty countries and its regular competitions are organised at various levels. All these countries are members of the World Bridge Federation. It is said that the game of Chess has its roots and origin in the Indus valley, incidentally in those parts of the united India which are
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now part and parcel of Pakistan. The archaeologist have dug out artifacts from the ruins of Mohenjodaro, which resemble the chess pieces. Historians assert that the civilization perished around 3000 B.C. From there chess may have gone to Iran and then to Arabia. The Arabs introduced it into Europe: Baghdad and Tripoli have remained chess centres of the world for centuries. Khalifa Haroon Rashid patronised chess and so did the rulers of other Islamic countries for centuries after his death. Chess in the present times is played the world over and 125 countries are affiliated to the World Chess. Federation. Chess is very popular in Western countries specially in the USSR, the USA, Yugoslavia, Britain, Hungary, Germany and others. Soviet Union has dominated the world championships for the last 50 years. A numbers of magazines are published on chess from different parts of the world. In Pakistan, chess is played throughout the country mostly In Mughal style which is slightly different from the international styl~. But, the Chess Federation of Pakistan (CFP) organises its tournaments in international style and according to the established rules. Despite meagre National Championships and send players abroad for international events regularly during the last 6 years. The idea of a self-propelled vehicle on wheels has intrigues mankind through many centuries. But, it did not take definite form until 1690, when a two-wheeled contrivance made its appearance on the streets of Paris. The originator was M. de Sivrac, Frenchman. The machine consisted of two wooden wheels, with upright posts on the sides of the sides of the wheels, such posts being joined together by a crossbar. M. de Sivrac made one cardin?l error, which condemned his device to oblivion. He forgot the need for pedals. There was no further bicycle experiments public knowledge until 1 785, when another Frenchman launched a somewhat similar machine upon an abbreviated career. The machine also had to be pushed. But, the new inventor put the front wheel on a pivot, which permitted steering independently of the back wheel. That like also disappeared because the French of that era after examining the creation expressed doubt that a man ever could keep a two-wheeled machine in motion and still maintain balance. In 1789, a three-wheeled contrivance was created by two Frenchmen-Blanchard and Magurier. Comment concerning it appeared
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in the journal de Paris on July 27,1789. Dennis Johnson of England gained a patent on a three-wheeler in 1818. This was also propelled by shoving the feet along the ground. In the same year, 1818, Baron de Saverbrum of France produced a model which was the original of the later day high-wheel bicycle. It worked on gear-rope principle. But many riders were hurt after falling from it. In 1821, Louis Gompertz of England perfected a different type gear rope, which fundamentally is the bicycle chain of today. This was a great step forward. In 1834, Kirkpatrick McMillan, a blacksmith of Scotland, invented pedals with connecting rods. In 1833, H.L. Cotlis riding continuously for 24 hours covered 200 miles and 300 miles yards at a pace of less than nine miles per hour. This was the first bicycle record. In Bicycle racing "Tour de France" is the most famous and prestigious. Each summer, 100 or more riders wind through some 800 communities, pedal over mountain peaks from 4,000 to 7,000 feet in height and speed the borders of Belgium, Spain, Switzerland and Italy. Three year before the first Olympic Games in Athens in 1896 the first World Cycling Championship took place in Chicago and the following year in Antwerp. So, it is not surprising that cycling was on the programme of the first Olympics and since then has been one of the attractions at the successive Olympic Games. It is also on the programme of all the regional events as the Pan-American and Asian Games. There are also inter-Continental Cycling Championships and Championships for geographical regions, such as those for Central America and the Caribbean. Football is undoubtedly the most popular game of modern times. More than hundred nations play this game seriously. Approximately half of this number take active part in the world competition, i. e. Jules Rimet Cup. Millions of men and women enjoy this game every week in all parts of the world by watching well-contested matches. In fact, no other game has caught the imagination of mankind more than football. In the lndo-Pakistan Subcontinent, football was introduced by the British Military Units. The first big football tournament, the Durand Cup, was started in 1888. Regimental teams dominated this tournament and only in 1927, a civilian team namely East Indian Railways reached the final and in 1940, the Muhammadan Sporting
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Club of Calcutta won it. The first organised effort to fonn an association to control football took place in Calcutta in 1893, when Indian Football Association came into existence and the IFA Challenge Shield was inaugurated. The following famous Calcutta clubs dominated this tournament: Mohan Bagan, East Bengal and Muhammadan Sporting Club. Among the players who achieved fame in this tournament, the following belonged to areas now comprising Pakistan: Samad, Maulvi Abdul Hamid, Bachi Khan, Sheedo, Ginger, Rashid Senior, Faiz Muhammad, Jumma Khan, Uthman. The North West India Football Association came into existence in 1932, to popularise and control football in the Punjab, NWFp, Sind and Balochistan. Some historians guess that shepherds, in a time long before the Christian Era, may have indulged in the game of golf. They point to the curved sticks and intimate that the sheep tenders could have used them to hit pebbles. But, any such driving was just for distance and not in keeping with the rules laid down for the game of golf. But, it is generally accepted that golf was invented in Scotland in comparatively modern times. Golf has played a conspicuous role in the history of Scotland for many centuries. Golf is known to have been in vogue since about 1440. But, the ruler of Heather in 1457, James IV, got a rule enacted by Parliament to make it unlawful for anyone to play golf. Instead, people were advised to indulge in archery. But, James IV (1488-1513) developed into a fair sort of golfer. His daughter Mary, learned golf in early girlhood. She was sent to France for studies. She referred to the boys who chased the ball as 'Cadets', meaning pupils. The pronunciation in France was 'Cad-day'. The tenn was later adopted in Scotland and England and it was spelled as 'Caddy' or Caddie'. On becoming the Queen of Scotland, Mary played golf openly and gave her blessings to the game, which developed at a rapid pace thereafter. The most famous of golf courses-St. Andrews golf course of Scotland came into existence during her reign in about 1552. The game has gone through many changes thereafter and became popular in many parts of the world. In the earliest days of golf, the ball was made of feathers. These were stuffed tightly in a small bag of very thin leather. When the
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packing was complete, the opening was sewed. Later, gutta percha was developed which was a superior ball. In 1899, the rubber ball was invented in the United States and introduced in golf. The word Gymnastics has its origin in the Greek word "gynos". About 2600 B.C. the Chinese developed a few activities which resembled gymnastics. The Romans followed the Greeks and they made the gymnastics as compulsory for their soldiers as part of their training. They had the ambition to conquer and they thought gymnastics could make their fighting forces supremely fit. The Germans used the word "gymnastics" for a school for her education. A cursory look at the Olympic history shows that the gymnastic events were held in 776 B.C. The classical Olympiads were discontinued in 392 AD. The Olympiads were revived around 1870. The gymnastics were revived in many European countries in the beginning of the 18th century. In the revival of gymnastics perhaps the biggest part was played by Johann Basedow (1723-1790). But, the person who came to be regarded as the "Great grandfather of gymnastics" was ,Johann Guts Muths (1759-1839). He wrote a book entitled "Gymnastics for Youth". This is considered to be the first book on gymnastics. But, the real father of gymnastics is Job Friedrick (1778-1852). He is regarded as the founderofTurnverein. He invented it in early 1800. He introduced Parallel Bars, Long Horse, Side Horse and Horizontal Bars in 1812. Francis Amores of Spain invented Roman Rings in early 1800. Perling (1776-1839) of Sweden was the first to appreciate the corrective value of gymnastics. He invented the Stall Bars and the Vaulting Horse (Box). Pranz Nachtegall (1777-1847) started the first school for training of gymnastic teachers at Copenhagen. Adolf Spiess (1810-1858) in Switzerland. Kabaddi is an indigenous sport, which is played in all parts of Pakistan, especially rural areas, in one form or the other. It is also popular sport of the subcontinent and in many parts of India and Bangladesh, Kabaddi is played with equal zeal and enthusiasm. Its 'forms and styles vary from region to region. Asian-style Kabaddi has been recognised by the South East Asian countries. This is the reason, why this particular style of Kabaddi has been included in the South East Asian Games, held biennially in different countries. Kabaddi is a manly game which requires athleticism, skill, speed, stamina and agility. It has the capacity to become a
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popular sport of the Asian continent. The days are not very far, when Asian-style Kabaddi will be part and parcel of the Asian Gamesa quadrennial sports extravaganza held in different countries of this continent. In addition to above, circle style Kabaddi is very popular in England, Canada, America and other countries of the world also. Asian Style Kabaddi has started getting its place in Europe countries as well as in Iran and Afghanistan. However, at places body styles of this indigenous game, which does not cast any amount, rather it is most cheaper game of masses throughout the world especially in villages. This is the reason this game is getting more popularity. This verse, inscribed on a stone tablet beside a polo ground South of the fabl~s silk route from China to the West, sums up the ancient history of what is believed to be the oldest organised sport in the world. Although, the precise origin of polo is obscure and undocumented, there is ample evidence of the game's regal place in the history of Asia. No one knows where or when stick first met ball after the horse was domesticated by the tribes of Central Asia, but it seems likely that as the use of light cavalry spread throughout Asia Minor, China and the Indian subcontinent so did this rugged game on horse back. Some scholars believe that Polo originated among the Iranian tribes sometime before Oarius-I and his cavalry forged the first great Persian Empire in the 6th century B.C. Certainly it is Persian literature and art which give us the richest accounts of polo in antiquity. Firdausi, the most famous of Persia's poet-historian, gives a number of accounts of royal polo tournaments in his 9th century epic, Shahnameh. Rowing has always faced two difficulties in Pakistan. Those are: • Lack of equipment • Lack of facilities for practice Karachi and Lahore have always been and still are the major centres of rowing. However, in Lahore, wide-bodied country boats have been used for rowing while in Karachi the boats of international specifications have been used. Rowing in Karachi was restricted to the activities of the Karachi Boat Club, the only organisation of Pakistan which-possesses the boats of international specifications.
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However, the Karachi Boat Club has been oblivious of the task of promotion of rowing as a sport. It was only considered as a pleasure: seeking physical exercise of a social club. Because of the social stratification, the admission in Karachi Boat Club was not open to all the oarsmen, no matter how talented they were. On the other hand all efforts made in Lahore in respect of rowing were unsatisfactory. There was no hope for improvement in rowing done in the country boats because those are not used in international galas. An organisation by the name of Pakistan Rowing Federation has existed in Lahore but its activities were restricted to Lahore only. Rowing scene in Asia has also not been rosy. Only China and Japan had the rowing teams of good standard and these used to take part in the World Cup. As for countries like India, Sri Lanka, Burma, Korea, Singapore and Hong Kong rowing has been mostly restricted to club level and the competitions also used to take place at this very level. In 1978 and 1979, a group of dedicated oarsman from Karachi Boat Club started taking part in these competitions. The results were encouraging. From 1980 onwards, rowing activities took a positive turn in the country. Sind Rowing Association was formed in Karachi and it was affiliated to the Pakistan Rowing Federation thus giving it true national colour. Rowing was included in the National Games for the first time. However, this inclusion was not of much consequence as the Lahore boys rowed amongst themselves in the old-fashioned boats and the Karachi boys competed with each other in the boats of international specification. In the meantime, the Pakistan Rowing Federation also contributed its bit in the formation of Asian Rowing Federation. With the corporation of the other Asian countries the idea of that body was conceived. The only individual sport in which Pakistan has made her presence felt at the international level is Squash. Ever since her debut in 1950, Pakistan has remained among the top squash playing countries of the world. The man who put Pakistan on the squash map of the world was a stockily-built balding Pathan from Navankilli, a little village near Peshawar in the North West Frontier Province. Hashim Khan, a little known professional on the wrong side of forties, impressed the Pakistan Air force officers so much that they sent him to England
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at their own expense. Hashim Khan descended on the squash scene in 1950 to baffle the world with his artistry, his wizardry and amazing speed on the squash court. He went on to found a dynasty which dominated the squash world for nearly three decades. The names of such great maestros as brother Azam Khan, cousin Roshan Khan, son Sharief Khan, nephew Mohibullah, Qamar Zaman, Jehangir Khan (son of Roshan Khan) and Jansher Khan, have adorned the Squash firmament during the last thirty-odd years. This galaxy has kept the squash horizon alight with their achievements over the years. Except for a brief period when Geoff Hunt of Australia reigned supreme, the supremacy has remained with Pakistan. Along came Jehangir Khan to topple Hunt from his high pedestal in the early eighties. While still in his teens, strode the squash courts of the world like a colossus, trampling all who crossed his path to win every honour which the game had to offer. There is no parallel in the history of the game when a teenager squashed the challenge of the World's best players in such a summary fashion. Man undoubtedly learnt to swim as part of his survival pattern. As man developed his ability and technique, a swimming competition naturally followed. At first there were endurance contests. Then there was a shift to emphasis on speed and today speed swimming is international in scope. The likelihood is that man learnt how to swim from watching animals, who usually need no lessons and go into a swimming motion naturally when they hit the water. Man learnt because he had seem too many of his fellow-men topple into water and struggle helplessly before drowning. Just how far back Swimming among humans was familiar, date is not known. But, the ancients in a way, with the art. Mosaic unearthed in Pompeii depict men navigating water under their own power. They perhaps used the "doggy" stroke, learnt from animals. It meant lots of churning with the hands and arms, but developed little speed. However, it did keep men afloat, and, if the distances were not too far, they made it to the haven of the shore. The word "swimming" is derived from the old English of "swimming", and it is established the English were the first people of modern civilization to make a sport of the knack of navigating water with hand and legs. The early English swimmers used the
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breaststroke, or alternated with the side stroke and never changed the style until after J. Arther Trudgen became the teacher of a stroke he had learnt during a trip to South America. A book the "Complete Swimmer" by Guy Larcom and Harold S. Ulen, stated competitive swimming began about 1837, in London, and at the time, there were about six pools in the city. On July 19, 1908, during the Fourth Olympiad in London, on the request of the Amateur Swimming Association (ASA) , the Federation International de Natation amateur (FINA) came into being. This controls international swimming events held anYWhere in the world. The United States has fared well and is generally rates supreme in swimming competition. But, it has not had a monopoly. Japan surpassed American swimmers in Olympic competition& in the 1930's and then Australian men came to the forefront in the 1950's and 60's. Later, the Australian women also caught up with the leading swimming nations. But, for some time East German swimmers, especially girls have surprised the contemporaries in the world with a plethora of world records. Like many other sports swimming has always been dominated by the Army in Pakistani contests. Year after year Armymen have retained the National Trophy and never faced any serious challenge from any other team. Baring a few exceptions they have the distinction of holding most of the national records. But, at the International level, barring Brojen Das, there is nothing one could write about Pakistan swimming. Our swimmers in the past have achieved nothing and they do not seem to be capable of dOing anything of note in future. Though, swimming is very popular in the country, yet, it has been more a pastime rather than a sport. With the snail's pace we are going, we cannot hope to catch up with the rising standards in the world. It is not a difference of class of swimmers, but, is a difference of big margin as far as standard is concerned. It seems a matter of habit with swimmers from Australia, America, East Germany and the Soviet Union, though many other nations are not far behind, that they break records so often. But, the picture would have been even worse had not Brojen Das been a Pakistani. His Herculean feats made him immortal in the history of long distance swimming. He is the only man in the world
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who first crossed the English Channel from France to England. He took 10 hours 35 minutes to break the world record held by an Egyptian Hasan Abdul Rahim since 1950. Rahim' s time was 10 hours 50 minutes. Brojen in his first attempt crossed the Channel in 14 hours 25 minutes in 1958. But, with hardwork and dedications to achieve his object he pilgrimaged to England year after year. He went on improving on his previous performances till he conquered that mighty Channel in a record time. It was a sweet reward for his sustained efforts and indomitable courage. He left an eternal message on the grey waters of the Channel for our swimmers to take inspiration for all times to come. Let us hope some day they will understand the message and show the world that sports aren't monopoly of any single nation. The true origin of Table Tennis is unknown, with four of five versions of how it started. However, most versions agree that the game started about 1890 A.D. by the English Army officers stationed in India and enjoyed degrees of popularity throughout the world. Equipment manufactured around this period for a game called "indoor tennis" marked the beginning of Table Tennis in the United States. In 1902, the game was called "whif-waff", "gossimer" and "Ping Pong" the latter being a patented trade name. It swept the United States like a craze and died out in he fall of the same year. A simultaneous movement started in several parts of the world about 1921 to revive Table Tennis as a serious sport. As a result, in 1926, a meeting was held in Berlin and with seven nations, created the International Table Tennis Federation, a world organisation to promote and improve the game. The International Federation, composed of over 100 member nations has been sponsoring the individual and team play at the World Championship since 1957, held every two years. The USA was the first country to win both the Swaythling and Corbillion Cups in 1937. This record was broken 17 years later by Japan. The early history of tennis is obscure. Many contradictory versions of the sport's origin have appeared over the years. Several ancient nations are credited with originating it. We do know that tennis has been played since the 13th century. The original game is not the one that is commonly known as tennis (lawn tennis). Rather it is court tennis from which the more popular lawn tennis has developed.
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The game of tennis was invented in 1873 by Major Waiter Clopton Wingfield in Wales in the British Isles. Its patented name was 'Sphairistike'. It was adopted from the ancient game of court tennis, described by AIlison Danzing, an outstanding authority, as "the ultimate of court games," in his book "The Racquet Game". In England, the old game is called as tennis or real tennis. The new game they term as lawn tennis. The origin of court tennis is shrouded in the mists of antiquity. There have been many theories, most of them farfetched. It has been traced back to a pastime connected with EgyptianArabian fertility rites: It h~invited association with the games of the Greeks and Romans. Some writers have connected it with the game of handball that Homer tells us Nausicaa, daughter of King A1cinous of Phaecia, and her hand-maidens played. Several English writers advance the theory that tennis is the offshoot of a game played on horseback, or polo played with racquets; this was a game of the Byzantine court, termed tzykanion, and French and English crusaders, saw it played there and were initiated into it. Even the origin of the name of game, tennis, is obscure. The word had passed through many transformations and variations and has baffled etymologists. There is one theory that has gained wide acceptance but is not convincing. It was put forward by the scholarly French ambassador to United Sates, Jean Jules Jussersand. His theory was that tennis came from the French word 'tenez' and came to England and America by way of France. The word originally was spelled "tenetz", and meant to "take head", a directive equivalent to the modern "play". But, the French had a name for their game-jeu de pamme-long before tenez appeared in their literature. So, the theory falls short of convincing. Another theory is that the name tennis was derived from an ancient city on the Nile River Delta in Egypt. The city was named Tanis by the Greeks but in the Arabic language it was called Tinnis. French crusaders brought back from the Arabic word "Rahat". It means palm of the hand and, is the origin of the English word racquet. Another Arabic word was hazard, meaning dice, and later, chance. Hazard is a term used today in court tennis. The city of Tennis was known for its manufacture of fine linens, and the earliest balls used in tennis were made of light fabric. Quite
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possibly according to this theory, the famous "tissue de tennis" or light fabrics of tennis, may have been the source from which the name of the game was derived. Whatever the origin, the game of tennis, paume , was played in France in the 13th Century. In the 16th century, it was played with the racquet. Lawn tennis received tremendous impetus in the United States and England when Dwight E Davis of the USA put up a cup in 1900 for play between the two countries. The competition later becam e open to teams of all nations. The game of Volleyball was originated in 1885 by William G. Morgan, a Y.M.CA Physical Director in Halvoke Massachusetts, USA as a recreational sports. One year before the first modern Olympic Games were held at Athens in 1896. William Morgan was invited to give a demon stration of Volleyball in New College Gymnasium on the eve of a conference ofY.M.C.A Physical Directors at Spring-field College. He successfully organised an exhibition game before the conference delegates and convinced them that volleyball, if developed properly, can suit men and women of all ages and could be adopte d as an indoor as well outdoor sport. He named this game as "mintonette". The object of this game was to keep a ball in motion over a high net from one side to the other like the game of Tennis. After watching the demonstration and hearing Morgan's report. Prof. Alfred T. Holted pointed out that the main activity in this game was volleyball and therefore, proposed the name of this game as "Volleyball". This name was accepted by Mr. Morgan and other delegates of the Conference. This is how the game of volleyball was evolved in its initial stage. The game spread throughout USA Mainly due to the influence of YMCA's international movement, it became known every where. The two world wars gave a great boost to this game. Many soldiers learnt the game in training and many in prison camps. Volleyball was also adopte d in schools and colleges as a tournament game. It has been enthusiastically followed as one of the major sports in a large numbe r of countries of the world during the past three decades. Due to its universality of charm and recreational value, the game is being played in every climate, in the accident as well as orient. On account of these qualities, Volleyball achieved Olympic status at Tokyo Games in 1964. In 1970, a survey conducted on behalf of the International
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Olympic Committee, revealed that the games of Volleyball and Basketball have the largest number of registered players in the world. GOing back to the history of this game in Asia, the subcontinent of India was the first country where the game of Volleyball was introduced in 1900 by Dr. Gray, a Physical Director of YMCA. Originally, volleyball was started with 16-men system but subsequently brought to 6-men system as had already been standardised in USA. In the 5th Far Eastern Games held in Shanghai (China) in 1921 this 16-men system was first changed to 12-men system and then in 1924 it became the 9-men system in Japan. This system continued for a long period under the title of Far Eastern 9-men system. Even during the Asian Games held in Jakarta in 1962, volleyball matches were played in the two systems, i.e. 9-men system (Far Eastern Rules) and 6-men system (International Rules). Lebanon was the first country of Asia, which got affiliated with the International Volleyball Federation in 1949, followed by Japan. The Philippines and India in 1951. In 1954, the Asian Volleyball Confederation was established at Manila on the occasion of the 2nd Asian Games. In 1955, the first Men's Asian Games. In 1955, the first Men's Asian Volleyball Championship was organised in Tokyo «Japan) as the official championship of the Asian Volleyball Confederation. In the 3rd Asian Games at Tokyo (Japan) in 1958, the game of volleyball was officially adopted as one of the men's event of Asian Games programme. Since this game can be played very conveniently in the indoor gymnasium, the developed countries and some of the developing countries of Asia have been playing this game indoor for quite sometime. Volleyball has developed tremendously in the world and the number of Federations affiliated with the International Volleyball Federation (IVF) had risen to 156 at the time of its congress held in Long Beach in 1984. The number of player in the world is estimated to be around 90 million. Pakistan Volleyball Federation was founded on 31st January, 1955. Thereafter, volleyball was taken up at the national level. The Federation received recognition and was affiliated to the Pakistan Olympic Association and the International Volleyball Federation the same year. In Pakistan, during the fifties and sixties, the standard of volleyball was quite high and comparable to the best Asian countries. Pakistan had the honour of winning a
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bronze medal during the 1962 Asian Games at Jakarta where the matches were played outdoor. Weightlifting did not originate as a sport, nor is it regarded as a form of diversion by persons who most exert the ultimate in muscular power to lift objects out of pathways or hoist some heavy burden to a certain height. Perhaps the greatest collection of weightlifters the world has had was the group that built the Pyramids. The Europeans were the first to make a sport of weightlifting. Many centuries ago some villagers made a challenge to each other that they could lift more than the adversaries. This way the weightlifting sport was launched. In its early years, the sport was popular in Germany, France and the Scandinavian countries. It was in vogue in Egypt and still is a major sport there, as well as in other near East countries such as Iran. Early in the century, when standardised weightlifting competitions became popular throughout the world, the Germans and Egyptians dominated international team contests, including the Olympic Games. The International Weightlifting Federation (IWF) was established in 1920. Before that weightlifting was governed by the International Gymnastic Federation (FIG). Weightlifting took its place in the Olympic programme in Athens in 1896. Unofficial European and World Championships were held before 1900 but these were rather chaotic. Weightlifting took its present form in 1928. The exercises done with one hand were abolished and disc barbells appeared. The programme of the Amsterdam Olympics in 1928, included the press, the snatch and the jerk, all with two hands. Wrestling is an instinctive sport, one that seems to come naturally. It brings into play virtually all the muscles of the body. It calls for alertness and skill. The art of wrestling goes back to antiquity and was glorious in the years of its prime. It was an old sport when the world was almost new. Its devotees in ancient Greece and Rome, and for centuries later, were respected, admired and glOrified. Prehistoric man realising that he often might meet wild beasts in close encounter and that the knowledge of effective grips was important, engaged in contests with members of his family, or neighbours, so that each could learn now to grapple effectively with animals. Wrestling was a sport as far back as civilization can be traced. The oldest actual evidence was uncovered in 1938 by Dr. S.A.
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Speiser and his party, representing the University of Pennsylvania and the American Schools of Oriental Research, while making excavations in Mesopotamia. They found in the ruins of a temple at Kyafaje, near Baghdad, two slabs. One was of stone on which in bold relief, were the figures of two pugilists squaring off. The other was a cast bronze figurine showing two wrestlers, each with a hold on the other's hips. These slabs created by the Summarians, an ancient tribe that long since has disappeared, are rated at least 5,000 years of age. Wrestling had an important place on all the festival programmes of Greece and Rome. It is the one sport that never ceased to exist. All nations, ancient and modern, have had their wrestlers. It was, alongwith jumping and running, the most natural form of sport because it required no paraphernalia and provided a zestful method of building muscles and developing health. The Greeks, who regarded a discus thrower as the best type of sportsman, placed the wrestler second. Their earliest rules called for wrestling much along the modern 'Catch-as-Catch Can' , but permitted breaking of fingers, gouging and throttling, Eventually, there was demand for bristling action. This brought about the development of pancratium, a sort of rough and tumble style. This was a mixture of wrestling, boxing, judo, karate and other martial arts. No holds were barred, grapple, bite, gouge, clinch, strangle, punch, kick-do anything you pleased. After the Romans had conquered Greek and taken over the supervision of the ancient Olympic Games, they rules out some of the not too refined processes in the pancratium. Then blended their own method of grappling with the earlier form of Greeco-Roman style, which endures to this day in Europe and other parts of the world with a few alterations. In Greeco-Roman, holds are not permitted below the waist. Most famous among the Grecian wrestlers of fact and legend was Milo of Croton, six times champion of Olympic and Isthmian Games (early Greek festival contests). Homer's account of the match between Ulysses and Ajax is the greatest wrestling story every written. Wrestling as a competitive sport first appeared in ancient Greece. Events between men were introduced in the 18th Olympic Games (708 B.C.). In the 37th Olympic Games (632 B.C.) wrestling event was won by Spartan Hipposthenes. He also won the Olympic wreath
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in the men's event five times. Wrestling was naturally included in the first modern Olympics at Athens in 1896. But, only heavyweight category was contested. It took time before the present programme of ten weight categories in both the Greeco-Roman and Freestyle began to take shape. The wrestling was not included in the second modern Olympic Games at Paris in 1900. The Olympic movement has kept the game alive and the professionals have turned into mere entertainers. The International Amateur Wrestling Federation (FILA) was founded in 1912. Skiing in Pakistan has been in vogue for a very long time. Locals residing in snowy, mountainous terrain in the northern parts of Pakistan do so on improvised wooden skies. However, it was in 1958 when the PAF, pioneered formal skiing by introducing the sport for its aircrew. Besides its own personnel, PAF began to offer some training to Government Departments, civilians and students at Naltar. The sports however, remained largely under developed until the creation of Ski Federation of Pakistan (SSP) in December, 1990. With the formation of SFp, the sports became accessible on a countrywide basis and training and participation for competitive skiing was offered to all. As the sport started gaining popularity, an additional venue was created with the development of Malam Jabba as a ski resort by the Government of Pakistan. Today, there are several hundred ski enthusiasts in the country. National championships are held annually and Pakistani skiers also represent the country in International competitions. Presently, the Federation has 16 member associations, i.e. Punjab Ski Association, Sind Ski Association, Northern Area Ski Association, Army Sport Directorate, Naval Sports Directorate, PAF Sports Directorate, Civil Aviation Authority, PTDC Islamabad, PTCL Islamabad, HEC Islamabad, Adventure Foundation (Pakistan), Citibank, N.A. and ABN AMRO Bank. Currently, the Ski Federation of Pakistan organises ski courses for beginners and regular National Ski Championships are being held. The importance popularity of the sport can be judged from the fact that about 120 athletes (men, women, children) participated in the recently 13th National Ski Championship-2005. Skiing team have represented Pakistan in the 3rd, 4th and 5th Asian Winter Games, Harbin China, Kangwon Korea, Aomori Japan in 1996, 1999 and 2003 respectively, The children's team which represented
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Pakistan in the 2nd Children Ski Competition held in Iran in February, 1998, managed to secure the coveted 3rd position. Skiing team have also represented Pakistan in 13th Junior Ski Championship in Iran in March, 2004. A four member Pakistan Ski team participated for the first time in FIS Alpine Balkan Open Cup, Kayseri, Turkey in February, 2004. Pakistan achieved from 18-21 position amongst 28 athletes. Pakistan was the only team who have competed all the races without penalty or disqualification for which they were awarded a gold medal by the Governor of Kayseri during the final award ceremony. The international calendar includes for participation in 14th Asian Children Alpine Ski Championship, China. FIS Alpine World Ski Championship Bormio, Italy. World Military Ski Championship Romania, FIS Alpine Sarikamis Cup at Turkey and Winter Olympics 2010 to be held at Vancouver, Canada. When Pakistan came into being, the only important centre of gymnastics was Lahore. The game has not been able to prosper properly in Pakistan. However, the diehards like Master Ghulam Qadir, Master M. Feroze, Maulvi M. Ashraf, Chaudhry Mansha, Ahmad Minhas, Khwaja Zahid Saeed, M. Ilyas Bhatti, Habibur Rahman Khan and Kh. Farooq Saeed have kept this sport alive in Pakistan by taking pains in training the handful youngsters who had been showing keenness to learn this attractive sport. Pakistan Gymnastics Federation got affiliated to different bodies as is described below: • Asian. Gymnastics Federation in 1954 • Pakistan Olympic Association in 1957. • International Gymnastics Federation (FIG) in 1958. Pakistan first participated in the First Asian (GANEFO) in 1966 at PhnomPenh (Cambodia) in the gymnastic event and got fourth position. Pakistan Gymnastic Federation has now following units affiliated to it: • • • •
Punjab Province Sind Province Balochistan Province NWFP Province
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Pakistan Army Pakistan WAPDA Pakistan Police Pakistan Railways Gymnastic Judges Association of Pakistan Provisional affiliation with playing rights have been given to Capital Gymnastic Association, Islamabad. Higher Education Commission's application with Pakistan Gymnastic Federation is under consideration. Pakistan Gymnastic Federation is holding the following events regularly: • Under 18 National Gymnastic Championship • Under 14 National Gymnastic Championship • National Gymnastic Championship Yearly Optional events include: • Khokhar Memorial National Gymnastic Championship • Khushal Khan Memorial Gymnastic Championship In the 1st Indo-Pak Punjab Games 2004 held at Patiala (India) in December, 2004, our gymnastic team bagged 2 Gold, 4 Silver and 7 Bronze medals. Pakistan now has the privilege of having 6 Brevetted International Gymnastic Judges are as under: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
Mr. Manzoor H. Jafary Prof. Painda A. Malik Mr. Javaid Ahmad Mr. Shahjehan Anwar Mr. Abdullah Jan Mr. Khalid Mahmood Rathore In addition to this the Federation has also about 12 National Judges. On the coaching side the following are the FIG qualified coaches: 1. Mr. Muhammad Farooq 2. Mr. Manzoor H. Jafary 3. Prof. Painda A. Malik
Level I & 11 Level I Level I
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Federation has number of qualified coaches on its panel who passed coaching courses organised by Olympic Solidarity Commission under International Olympic Committee.
Popular Games Hockey: Hockey is the official sport of Pakistan but cricket is the popular game. Traditional games like Kabaddi and other well known games are played also. Pakistan Hockey Federation (PHF) is the official organisation of field Hockey in Pakistan. The Pakistan men's team has won three gold medals at the Olympics and lifted the Hockey World Cup four times. It has also won the maximum number of Asian gold medals and is the only Asian team to have won the prestigious Champions Trophy. It has been consist,ently ranked amongst the top five hockey teams in the world. Women's Field Hockey: Pakistan Hockey Federation Women Wing (PHFWW) is the official organisation of Women's field Hockey in Pakistan. The history of Pakistan Hockey is as old as that of the country itself. This was the second team game in which the newly born independent sovereign state made its international debut. A team led by the late Ali lqtedar Shah Dara represented Pakistan in the first Post-War Olympic Hockey 10urnament held in London in 1948. Pakistan lost in the play-off for the bronze medal between the losing semifinalists. The same fate met the Pakistan team led by fullback Niaz Khan in the 1952 Olympic Hockey Tournament in Helsinki. The failure to win even a bronze medal in two successive Olympic contests made the hockey organisers in Pakistan put on their thinking caps. An inquiry committee was set up by the authorities in Pakistan with a senior ICS Officer, Riazuddin Ahmad, as the Convener. The mandate of this probe body was to analyse the cause of the failures in the past and, if possible, to suggest ways and means to improve the game and bring it up to the required international standard. The findings of the inquiry Committee were embodied in a report which came to be regarded as the Blueprint of Pakistan Hockey in the years that followed. The proposals in the said Report were implemented and followed with religious dedication. This resulted in Pakistan defying the jinx and reaching the final of the 1956 Olympic Hockey Tournament in Melbourne (Australia).
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Although, Pakistan won only the silver medal, she had achieved international recognition as a serious challenger to India's supremacy as the world leaders in the game. Thereafter Pakistan never looked back and went from strength to strength, setting up new records and milestones en route to the top. Between 1956 and 1986, Pakistan recorded unprecedented feats which are still unmatched. Thrice during this period of three decades Pakistan won the Olympic and World Cup crowns. The Asian Games title was won six times and the Champions Trophy in the first two years of its inauguration. Twice Pakistan held three of the world's most prestigious titles at the same time-t he Asian, Olympic and World Cup crowns. No other hockey playing country has achieved this feat in the history of the game so far. Came 1986, the year when two of the three coveted titles were at stake. Within three weeks Pakistan lost both the Asian Games and the World Cup titles. With India dropping out in the race for top global honours, Pakistan was the lone standard-bearer of Asian Hockey. Quite a few of the great players who donned the green Pakistani shirts had retired or been forced to quit. Thus the teams that went to Seoul for the tenth Asiad and London for the World Cup were deplorably weak. South Korea, the hosts, snatched the Asian games title from Pakistan, a crown she had held since 1970. A team which had lost to Pakistan by ten goals in the ninth Asiad at Delhi four years ago beat Pakistan 2-1 in the final to claim the gold medal and the coveted title. About a fortnight later, Pakistan met much toughe r opposition in the World Cup staged in Londo n. Her performance was abysmally dismal. The holders finished second from the bottom, just one rung ahead of India, in a twelve nation contest, It was the irony of fate that the two top teams from Asia who used to fight out for the two top positions in international tournaments not long ago had to play off for the last two places in the 1986 World Cup. Those humiliating defeats and the loss of two prestigious titles sent a shock wave among the entire nation. This in turn started a wave of indignation against the Pakistan Hockey Federation (PHF). There was a general deman d for urg~nt punitive action against those, who had brought about the two debacles at Seoul and London. History thus repeated itself after nearly three decades when a high-
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level Inquiry Committee was set tip with Mr. Riazuddin Ahmad against as its Chairman. As was the case in 1953-54, the manda te of the seven-member Inquiry Committee was to ascertain the causes of the dismal debacles and, if, possible propose remedial measures for eradicating the weaknesses in Pakistan's hockey with a view to prepare a strong team for defending the Olympic title." At the start of the Olympic year (1988), the Pakistan Hockey Federation was engrossed in a race against time to train and groom a world-beating team, not only to retain the coveted Olympic crown but also to place Pakistan back at its high perch in world rankings. Pakistan's fortune in field hockey for men have fluctuated during the period under review. It goes without saying that no one remains oil top all the time-with four World Cup victories and three Olympic gold plus the same number of victories in the Champions Trophy contests to her credit during the past fifty years of her history as an independent sovereign state, Pakistan has remained among the top four hockey playing nations of the world. In fact, her record in the four major contests of the world (World Cup, Olympic Games, Asian Games & Champions Trophy) has not even been equalled leave alone surpassed. Pakistan has held more than two of these four times simultaneously more often than any other leading hockey playing nation like Australia, Germany, Holland or even neighbours India. But with the retirement of a good many of stars and, of course, the closing up of the gap between the best and the next best, no other country has shown any consistency at the international level. All such contests thus remain an open race. Pakistan's two attempts to regain Olympic glory failed during the period under review. Pakistan could only win a bronze at the 1992 Barcelona OlympiCS but failed to improve on that performance at Atlanta four years later. This was because Pakistan's hockey was in a turmoil at home. Twenty four of the 33 under canvas awaiting final trials and selection to undertake the trials and until all their demands were met. The rebellion of the "gand of 24" was masterminded by no less a player than former captain star forward, Shahbaz Ahmad. The issue took an unprecedented turn and had to be referred to the Selection Committee on Sports, Culture and Tourism. This was perhaps the ugliest chapter in the history of Pakistan's hockey.
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Shahbaz Ahmad was finally blown to Atlanta and diplomatic pressure was used to have been included in the Pakistan's Olympic squad at the eleventh hour. The Pakistan's team final phase of training and preparation to recapture Olympic glory was thus very badly effected the team that was exported to Atlanta was ill-balanced and under-trained for the tough task that lay ahead. As expected, Pakistan failed to mount the Hockey Stand and returned home without even a bronze, finishing sixth in a 12-nation contest. Pakistan's record in the World Cup contests dUring the past six years has not been too bad. Lahore was the venue of the seventh World Cup tournament for the first time in 1990. Those who said that Pakistan had built a "white elephant" called the Lahore Hockey Stadium with a seating capacity of 50,000 spectators had to eat their words when as many as 60,000-plus thronged the spacious Stadium to witness in Pakistan-Australia semifinal which Pakistan won and the Pakistan-Holland final which Pakistan lost. Pakistan improved on that performance and avenged that defeat by beating Holland in the final of the next World Cup contest staged in Sydney in 1994. Thus Pakistan won the World Cup for the fourth time since its inception in 1971. This is a feat which no other member country of the FIH has recorded so far. It is the only major title Pakistan holds currently. Football: The history of football in Pakistan is as old as the country itself. With the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, the Pakistan Football Federation came into existence on the 5th December, 1947. Quaed-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, father of the nation, was graciously pleased to become its Patron-in-Chief and the Pakistan Football Federation was recognised by the International Football Association (i.e. FIFA) in early 1948. The Pakistan Football Federation had a chequered career to start with and in 1950, the general meeting of the Council the Federation was recognised and put on proper footing with Alhaj Khwaja Shahabuddin. As its President, Wing Commander Soofi was unanimously elected as the Honorary Secretary. The game was organised with the National Championship being held annually. Pakistan for the first time in 1950 sent a national team to Iran and Iraq to gain experience at the international level. In 1954, Pakistan participated in Asian Games at Manila and also toured the
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Far East. In 1958, Pakistan again took part in the Tokyo Asian Games. Pakistan also had been taking part in the annual Asian Quadrangular Tournament. In Pakistan, the game has not been able to develop as smoothly as it should have developed. Pakistan's participation in international competitions has not been regular. Football has soared to new heights in the world, especially in the European and Latin American Countries. Many changes have been made in its technique. Today, a football match between two balanced sides is considered to be the most exciting spectacle on a sports field. Professionalism has given football new dimensions. But in Pakistan, the standard of football has gone downwards rather than moving upwards. The standard, which had been achieved in the 50s, could not be maintained. Football could not be organised on modern lines. To make the game professional in Pakistan seems a far cry. Groupism among the organisers has seriously hindered its smooth progress in Pakistan. To put the game on right path earnest efforts are the need of the hour. Golf: Golf is the only game in which Pakistan literally started from a scratch. The game was introduced and patronised in the subcontinent by the British. After partition a big void was created and the game might have been extinct in Pakistan had not we had a few diehards, who made an enormous effort to keep the game alive. Foremost among them were Tajuddin Salimi of PWR Club. Lahore and Rashid Habib of Karachi in West Pakistan and Maj. Mohsin Ali in the East Wing. Until 1958, Lahore with its two golf clubs, the Lahore Gymkhana and PvrR Club and Tea Estate Golf Clubs in East Pakistan were the main centres of golfing activities. In 1960, the Pakistan Golf Union was formed with Karachi, Dhaka, Rawalpindi, Lahore Gymkhana and PWR as its founder members, with Chief Justice Cornelius as its first President and Rashid Habib the Vice President, Tajuddin Salimi was elected Honorary Secretary and held this office till 1965, when he became the official coach of the PGu. Since 1971, new clubs have come up in Pakistan at places like Kharian, Jhelum, Multan, Gujranwala, Okara and Bahawalpur with Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi also developing additional Golf Courses. In Pakistan, these days clubs have affiliation with Pakistan
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Golf Federation and the Provincial Golf Associations. Golf membership is on the increase and about 5,000 members test their skill on these golf courses. New youngsters have improved their game and are representing Pakistan. Sajid, Javed, Khurram Khan, Iqbal Wali have the talent to match players like Taimur Hasan and other top stars like Ghias Bhatti, Faisal Qureshi, Waqar Saigol and a few others. The professional players like Shafiq, Mahmood Hussain "lnd Nazir have also been doing well in the competitions and helping in the promotion of golf in Pakistan. Cricke t: Cricket takes pride of place in Pakistan's sports history becaus e this was the first sport in which the newly born indepe ndent state made its debut at the international level. Early in 1948, through the efforts of Mr. Justice. A.R. Cornelius, rightly dubbed the Father of Pakistan Cricket, the West Indies team touring India was invited for "detour" of Pakistan. Under the leadership of the late Mian Muham mad Saeed, Pakistan made an impressive showing the firstever unofficial Test played on the picturesque Bagh-e-Jinnah ground in Lahore. Skipper Mian Saeed scored a century in this drawn match. In the winter of 1951-52, Pakistan gained her spurs and staked a claim for fullfledged membership of the then Imperial Cricket Conference (rechristened in International Cricket Conference or ICC for short) when under the captaincy of Abdul Hafeez Kardar, Pakistan beat the touring MCC team by 4 wickets in the representative match at Karachi This helped Pakistan gain official Test status and membership of the ICC in 1952. In the first official series played in India, Pakistan beat India in the second Test at Lucknow by an innings, a victory which justified Pakistan's hard-won official Test status. It was the forerunner of a unique achiev ement -a win over every other membe r country of the ICC (that is, except South Africa with which Pakistan did not have any diplomatic relationship or sporting ties). Pakistan has come a long way since attaining official Test status 54 years ago. Today it is rated among the top cricket-playing countries of the world. For this she is indebted to some of the greatest players born in this part of the subcontinent. Such world famous players as Fazal, Imtiaz, Hanif, Kardar, Saeed, Burki, Mushtaq, Asif, Zaheer,
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Majid, Imran, Sarfraz, Intikhab, Wasim Bari, Wasim Raja, Miandad, Mudassar and a host of lesser luminaries played for Pakistan at the highest level and won laurels and honours of their country. Any other team in the world which had the services of such a brilliant array and galaxy of stars in its ranks over the years deserved a much better record than was actually chronicled by the game's historians. The reasons for this are not difficult to ascertain and explain. The parent body of the game, the Board of Control for Cricket in Pakistan (BCCP for short) was plagued with petty politics. Lack of proper control over its affiliates, the divided loyalties within the team, and absence of discipline among the players resulted in the absence of unity and team spirit. Above all, the inspirational leadership was sadly missing. The graph of Pakistan's cricket fortunes began to show an appreciable rise when Imran Khan, one of the greatest all-rounders born in this part of the world, took over the reins of captaincy. His charismatic personality and shrewd leadership transformed a relatively young but, highly talented bunch of individuals into a fighting outfit. What is more, this new look team learn to play under pressure and win. During his short tenure as Skipper, a stress fracture of his left knee kept Imran Khan away from the Test scene for over two years Pakistan's fortunes rose to unprecedented heights. It proved beyond a shadow of doubt that Imran Khan was not only the best captain Pakistan had ever had but afso the luckiest. In his 'farewell' cricket year (1987) Imran recorded feats which none of his dozen predecessors had done to win a Test rubber on Indian soil and beat England in a series in England. However, Imran's luck seemed to run out towards the end of 1987 when Pakistan failed to win the coveted Reliance Cup staged for the first time in this subcontinent and jOintly hosted by Pakistan and India. Pakistan was beaten in the semifinal by Australia at Lahore. Thus Imran Khan's Dream Number Three-to win the World Cup before retiring from the Test scene remained unrealised-for the moment-as he announced his retirement. In 1992, teams participating in the World Cup wore coloured clothing for the first time. Imran had come back from retirement. The World Cup was staged Down Under by Australia and New Zealand for the first time Pakistan made amends for her failure to win any of the first four global contests by beating England by 22 runs in the
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final at the famed Melbourne Cricket Ground in Australia. Led by the charismatic captain, Imran Khan, Pakistan's performance was termed 'Miracle at Melbourne'. It was compared to a horse-race in which the favourite gets left at the starting gate, makes up a lot of ground in the homestretch and surprises the front runners at the wire. It proved to be Imran Khan's swan song. Imran's retirement from the cricket scene brought about an upheaval in Pakistan's cricket. Her image got tarnished as never before and its reputation as the World Champions was badly dented. Team spirit disintegrated, indiscipline creeped in and made Pakistan vulnerable both on and off the field. A captaincy crisis led to several changes in the driving seat. Miandad, Wasim Akram, Salim Malik, Ramiz Raja, Moin Khan all had their stints as captain. But, none stayed long enough in the hot seat as skipper. Even the good old BCCP was disbanded and an Ad Hoc Committee headed by Javed Burki set up to run the parent body of the game. Pakistan cricket was in a turmoil. Pakistan was branded as cheats. Charges of ball tampering, betting and bribing were levelled. But, nothing was proved. An article entitled "Pariahs of cricket" was deliberately published in a Fleet Street tabloid which led to a liberal case in a British court which ultimately decided in favour of Pakistan and handsome damages claimed by the cricket authorities in Pakistan. The World Cup came back to the subcontinent for the second time when Pakistan and India were Joined by Sri Lanka as hosts to stage the global contest in 1996 in which a dozen teams-three from among the Associate Members of the ICC (UAE, Kenya and Holland) joined the nine Test playing members of the ICC to make it a rounddozen contest for the first time. The twelve contestant were divided into two groups of six teams each. Group A comprised holders Pakistan, South Africa, England, New Zealand, UAE and Holland while Group B comprised Australia. The West Indies, India, Sri Lanka, Zimbabwe and Kenya. Lahore was to stage the final while the two semifinals were fixed for Bombay and Mohali in India. The Group matches were held in Pakistan, India and Sri Lanka. Australia and the West Indies refused to play their matches against Sri Lanka on the latter's soil because of security reasons. They forfeited their matches which gave Sri Lanka four points without playi!1!;J two of their five Group matches. They won the remaining
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three and headed the table to qualify for the semifinal. Pakistan had to go Bangalore to play India and lost. Sri Lanka beat India in the semis and went on to qualify for the final, Australia and the West Indies fought out the other semifinal at Mohali which Australia won. Sri Lanka was awarded the match by the Match Referee after the Indian supporters disrupted the match which India was on the verge of losing. Sri Lanka went on to beat Australia in the day and night final at the Gaddafi Stadium in Lahore. The jinx that no host country ever won the World Cup was hit for six as Sri Lanka emerged as the World Cup champion after giving superb displays of team spirit in all matches. Their triumph was well-earned. 1999 saw the staging of the World Cup come back to its original roots in England. Pakistan started off the tournament in great style, swimming their first match against Australia in closely fought encounter. They eased into the Super Six stage despite being upset by minnows Bangladesh. Despite losing to India. Pakistan made their semifinal to face New Zealand which they won emphatically. Australia came back from the dead after a miserable start to string a streak of 7 matches without losing. They met South Africa twice, once in the Super Six stage which they won and once in the semifinal which they tied in dramatic circumstances. Australia progressed to the final by virtue of having beaten South Africa earlier in the tournament. The Aussies avenged their prior defeat to Pakistan by winning the final easily. The World Cup came to the African continent for the first time in 2003. Pakistan managed to beat Namibia and Holland only. It was the last World Cup for a list of established Pakistani cricketers like Saeed Anwar, Waqar Younis and, of course, Wasim Akram. Wasim captured his 500th ODC wicket against Holland. In the semifinals, favourites Australia beat Sri Lanka and India over hauled surprise semifinalists Kenya. In the final, Australia beat India to lift third World Cup. Squash: The torch lit by Jehangir Khan was handed down to Jansher Khan, another teenaged prodigy. Within a few months towards the end of 1987, young Jansher inflicted seven successive defeats on his countryman. Jehangir to wrest the top birth in the global rankings from Jehangir. The almost monotonous regularity and ease with which Jansher has beaten his compatriot portends a tremendous
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future for this scion of the Khan clan. Even at this early age Jansher Khan has come to be acknowledged by the world as one of all-time greats. Time alone will tell how great Jansher is destined to be. It is very gratifying to note that the two top berths in tile world ranking list are now held by Jansher and Jehangir. And the rest of the world is way behind these two great Pakistanis. Jansher has yet to prove his class in the British Open, the only contest which lie has not claimed during the twelve months or so. Even so lie has kept the Pakistan flying proudly high all this time. His meteoric rise has amazed the world; with fighting Pathan blood in his veins. Jansher has reached Olympian heights sooner than any of his predecessors. It will take a really great player to topple from his high perch. With youth on his side and indomitable talent to add to his indomitable spirit and "killer" instinct, Jansher is heading to rewrite the squash record book. He has already reached heights which none of his predecessors reached in such a short time. The two premier contests, the world Open Championship and the British Open, have been dominated by the two khans for the last decade and a half. By winning the British Open a record ten times, the legendary Jehangir Khan lent his name to immortality. It is unlikely that any squash player will surpass that feat. The current World No. 1, Jansher Khan, has already surpassed Jehangir Khan's record of five successive victories in the world open championship. He climaxed the 1996 season by winning the 20th edition of the World Open contest for the eight time which record is likely to last a long time until someone better comes along to improve on it. In the connection it is worth while mentioning that of the last sixteen global contests thirteen have been won by the two maestros of the game from Pakistan-Jehangir Khan (5 times) and Jansher Khan (8 times). Jansher Khan has announced that he will continue to remain on the international scene even after 2000 A.D. so long as lie is fit and able to play. The only thought which should worry all Pakistanis is: there is no one of the same class and caliber of Jehangir or Jansher Khan to carry on the great tradition and keep the Pakistan flag fluttering proudly high. Basketball: Basketball is 95 years young and becoming younger and faster every year. Since the origin of the basketball in 1891 at
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Spring-field, Massachusetts, the game has undergone many changes and modifications to attain its present form. Basketball was introduced in the subcontinent in 1900 and it aiso come to Lahore soon. The Y.M.C.A. were pioneers. The game might have come to Karachi about the same time. Gordon College Rawalpindi, was playing the game in 1906, c.T.I. High School, Sialkot, has a long record in training boys to play the game. Forman Christian College began the game not later than 1910. Some time during the teens, the Y.M.CA began holding All India Basketball Championship and carried it on until in the 30's. In the late 20's basketball became one of the regular University Sports. The Punjab Olympic Association had its basketball subcommittee established and functioning in the late 20's or early 30's, and took the initiative in introducing the games in the Delhi Olympics in 1934. The game has been in every Olympics since, and the Punjab has been won its share of these meets. Since 1947, basketball has been a part of all the Pakistan Olympics. At the time of partition, Dr. S.L. Sheets was the only office-bearer left in the Association, and only 8 teams were existing. The Karachi Amateur Basketball Association was formed a couple of years later, and that city became an important centre. In the early 50's, the Services Sports Control Board adopted the international rules to replace the old ones and this had made possible the participation by Services teams with civilian teams at various centres. The game was favourite with PWR and the Police. The Inter-University Sports Board introduces Basketball in its First Inter-Varsity Games inaugurated in 1953-54, with the first games at Peshawar. The Pakistan Amateur Basketball Federation was formally inaugurated in February 1952 and began functioning in early 1953. The game was officially recognised by the International Olympic Committee in 1936 and was included in the World Olympics at Berlin. More than a hundred countries including Pakistan are members of the International Basketball Federation (ELBA) at present. Hand Ball: Prior to 1984, no one knows about the games of Handball in Pakistan. Now, sports circle in the country talk and ask about it. Arstly, this game was introduced by Mr. Muhammad Shafiq who was himself International Athlete when he came from West
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Germany, after completing his studies Specialisation Sports (Special Traineer Athletics in 1982). During 20th National Games at Faisalabad in 1984 and an exhibition match was arranged between National Athletics and Fitness Club Faisalabad and University of Agriculture, Faisalabad. A large number of peoples and sportsmen in the presence of (Late) Muhammad Naqi Butt the then Secretary General, Pakistan Olympic Association witnessed the match which was appreciated and liked because it suits very much to the country. Since then this game gradually started its popularity. In 1985, Pakistan Handball Federation was formed with Mr. Ahsan Alam and Mr. Muhammad Shafiq elected as its President and Secretary respectively who still hold these offices. Pakistan Handball Federation not only organised National and International events of this game but also conducted International and Olympic Solidarity Referees and Coaches Courses.
Table Tennis: The Pakistan Table Tennis Federation was formed in 1951 in Lahore. With the formation of the Federation more and more provincial associations took birth. This helped in popularising the game in various regions of the country. The Karachi, Lahore and the Peshawar Table Tennis Associations are amongst the oldest. The National Championships have been held in since 1954. The first nationals were held in Lahore at the Burt Institute. Thereafter, these have been held in Karachi, Rawalpindi, Bahawalpur, Dhaka and Quetta also. Some of the divisional associations have conducted nationals more than once. In the nationals the men's team event and the ladies team event were won by Karachi. The men's single event could not be completed on account of an injunction issued by a local court against the federation. Billiards and Snooker: The Billiards Association of Pakistan was formed in 1958 and retired Justice H.B. Tayyabji became its first President. The first national amateur championship of Billiards was organised in 1959 and Snooker in 1960. Mr. Fakharuddin Tawawala participated in the deliberations that resulted in the formation of the World Amateur Billiards and Snooker Federation. This body is responsible for the organisation of the World Amateur Championship of Billiards and Snooker. Pakistan, by a unanimous vote, was entrusted
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the responsibilities of organiSing the second World Amateur Championship in 1965. But, due to war with India, she could stage it in 1966. National champions of England, Scotland, Ceylon and Australia also participated in that championship. The increasing popularity of billiards and snooker prompted the organisers to revive the association in 1979. Three more national amateur billiards and snooker championships have been organised since then, with the last one seeing as many as 114 entrants including a female. Bridge: Duplicate Bridge was introduced in Pakistan in 1957 by a civil engineer Kh. Azeemuddin, the founder and Managing Director of Associated Consulting Engineers (ACE) private limited. He, with the active support of his colleagues Ashfaq Ahmad, Qavi Khan, Mahmood Ali and Kadir Ali founded the 57-Club at the Nazimabad Club, Karachi. Other such organisations also sprung up and they joined hands to popularise the game. Late Muhammad Tasnim and Dr. R.H. Usmani organised tournament to give boost to the game. No rules had been formulated-that time but their verdict was accepted by all. Athletics: Pakistan has never won any athletic medal in Olympics. Her athletes do not get chance to participate in World Athletic Cup competition due to poor standard. But, Pakistan has been a force to be reckoned with in the Asian Games. The SAF Games and the Commonwealth Games. Many Pakistani athletes won medals and even held records for many years in these prestigious competitions. The fifties were the golden era of the Pakistani athletics. The whole world has, made rapid progress in athletics, Pakistan's downfall in this sport has been both surprising and painful. But, the more pitiable fact is that Pakistan's participation in the Asian Games and the Asian Athletic Championship has also been a mere formality for a number of years. The Pakistani athletes seldom win any medal in these competitions. Athletics are the "mother" of other sports as well. Without making systematic progress in athletics, Pakistan cannot hope to find her rightful place among the comity of sporting nations of the world. Pakistan produced very good athletes, who dominated the Asian athletic scene for a number of years. Some of them created the Asian Games records. Which were broken after a lot of effort by the other
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Asian athletes. The one time 'Fastest man of Asia' Abdul Khaliq belonged to Pakistan. He was seldom beaten in the one hundred and two hundred metres sprints in the Asian Games-athletic events. His record stood for quite sometime. Ghulam Raziq was the greatest high hurdler of Asia. He was included in the ten best hurdlers of his time. Ghulam Raziq had the rare honour of reaching the semifinal of the two successive Olympics at Melbourne (1956) and Rome (1960) in the 1l0m hurdles race. Pakistan has also produced stalwarts in other athletic events as well. Sharief Butt had a very good record in sprints. Mubarak Shah performed extraordinarily in the long-distance race (5,000 metres and 10,000 metres races). Jalal was a very good javelin thrower. Nawaz excelled in javelin throwing, lqbal, Malik Noor and Yousaf Malik were outstanding hammer throwers., Mi..thammad. Ramadan won fame in broad jumping. Allah Ditta and Saparas Khan brought glory to Pakistan in pole vaulting. When the great Pakistani athletes faded in the early sixties, it was Muhammad Younus who kept Pakistan's flag flying in athletic competition during the Asian Games. This middle distance runner of Pakistan excelled in the 1500 metres races. He was assisted by athletes like Yousaf Malik, Norman Brinkworth and Allah Dad, who won silver or bronze medals to keep Pakistan among the medal winning nations of Asia. After, their retirement, the participation of the Pakistani athletes in the Asfan Games has become mere formalities.
Weightlifting: Before partition, weightlifting in that part of the Punjab, which is now in Pakistan, was well organised by the Punjab Weightlifting Association, which was formed in 1939. Lifters from this area, especially Lahore, had won All India Championships and their performances were of high quality. At that time, it may be noted, there were only five-bodyweight classes, i. e. featherweight, lightweight, middle-weight, light-heavy and heavy weight. The Pakistan Amateur Weightlifting Federation was formed in 1953 duly affiliated to the Pakistan Olympic Association and the International Weightlifting Federation. Pakistani weightlifters have been taking part in the Asian Games, - Commonwealth Games and Asian Weightlifting Championships. Weightlifters like Muhammad lqbal Butt, Muhammad Azam Mian, Muhammad Arshad Malik and Chaudhary Muhammad Amin have
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performed creditably in the Asian Games and Asian Weightlifting Championships. The game has not shown much improvement but certain individuals have succeeded in flying the Pakistani flag high in foreign lands.
Wrestling: In Pakistan wrestling has a long and honourable history which can be traced a couple of centuries back. The great exponent of Pakistan national style of wrestling was Khalifa Nooruddin who lived in the reign of Aurangzeb. However, the glorious traditions of wrestling in the country started with the advent of that great son of Kashmir, the mighty Siddiqa, who was at the peak of his powers 125 year ago. Nter Siddiqa, came Boota Pehelwan, the most scientific of the big wrestlers, and on to Ghulam, Rahim Sultaniwala and Karim Bakhsh Paileeraywala. The latter is considered the most scientific wrestler ever produced by this country, a scholar and a master of art of wrestling at 210 lbs., he flattened all opposition. However, to this day he is considered the greatest of the great. And later Pakistan have the advent of the famous late Gama, who claimed the title of world champion; and his remarkable brother, Imam Bakhsh. As a point of interest it is mentioned here that these great wrestlers, without exception were from among people who had migrated from Kashmir. We are concerned with the advent of Olympic freestyle wrestling in Pakistan. It was in 1953 that the Pakistan Amateur Wrestling Federation was formed in Lahore by a few enthusiasts brought the name of Pakistan in this style of wrestling in world competitions. Though, the first three National Championships, in 1948, 1950 and 1952 had been held, yet the international rules were not observed fully and it was this lack of knowledge which was responsible, in 1948, for a team being entered in the Greeco-Roman style instead of Freestyle and scratched from the wrestling competition in the 14th OlympiCS, in London. It was only on the occasion of the 4th championships, in 1954, under the control of the Federation. that wrestling was held on a proper mat and strictly under the FILA rules. In 1954, a wrestler, Din Muhammad, was responsible for winning the first gold medal in any international competition for Pakistan when he emerged victorious in the flyweight class of the 2nd Asian Games at Manila.
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The Pakistani wrestlers have won many medals in the British Empire and Commonwealth Games till this country pulled out of that organisation. Pakistan had also been dominating in wrestling competitions of the Asian Games alongwith brotherly Muslim country, Iran. But for a decade or so the countries like North and South Korea and Japan have made a tremendous progress in this manly art and have challenged the supremacy of the two Muslim countries. Pakistan's greatest moment of glory in wrestling, rather any individual sport, came during the 1960 Rome Olympics, when welterweight Muhammad Bashir grabbed a bronze medal. This medal won by Pakistan in the freestyle competition is the one and only. Body Building: In 1948, the Health Culture Movement was started for the first time at Lahore with the Bagh-e-Jinnah Health Club as the centre of activity. The youth of Lahore responding to body-building with great enthusiasm and other health clubs were formed in different parts of the city. In 1952, the first competition for the selection of Mr. Lahore was held. Soon after a competition for the selection of Mr. Punjab was held at Standard Hotel Restaurant, the Mall, Lahore where Mr. Mahmood Namudoo of ran, a world champion in body-building and weightlifting, also gave demonstration. In August, 1952, the Pakistan Amateur Body-builders Association was formed with the late Mr. Justice MA Soofi as its first President. In December, 1952, the first-ever contest for the selection of Mr. Pakistan was organised at the Burt Institute, Lahore. In December, 1963, Miss Joan Hunt-Miss Britain 1952-was invited by the Pakistan Amateur Body-builders Association to act as a judge of the second annual contest for the selection of Mr. Pakistan. The contest was held in the Punjab University Hall, Lahore and was presided over by Mr. Justice A. Muhammad Jan of the Lahore High Court. Competitors from Lahore, Rawalpindi, Sialkot, Quetia, Karachi and Dhaka participated. The third annual contest for Mr. Pakistan was held in Lahore. The fourth annual contest for the selection of Mr. Pakistan was organised on the 18th December, 1955 in Lahore and was presided over by Mr. A. Muhammad Jan, President, PABBA. This was a grand show in every respect as 55 competitors, an unprecedented number thus far, all in their top trim, participated. They came from all over Pakistan to compete for the coveted title. It may be mentioned here
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that by this time the affiliated organisations of the Pakistan Amateur Body-builders Association on district and provincial level had been formed and those were holding their own competitions. District competitions were also being staged regularly. Since then, the annual contests for the selection of Mr. and Junior Mr. Pakistan (this event was introduced in 1956 to encourage youngsters) are being organised by the Pakistan Amateur Bodybuilders Association every year without break. The 15th annual contest for the selection of Mr. and Junior Mr. Pal5istan was held at Peshawar and was organised by the Northern Amateur Body-builders Association. The 17th annual Mr. and Junior Mr. Pakistan contest was organised by tile Capital Zone Amateur Body-builders Association at Rawalpindi on November 24, 1967. Cycling: After the creation of Pakistan, the first National Cycling Championship was held in 1948 at the time of Pakistan's first Olympic Games at Karachi which were declared open by Quaed-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Aftab Farrukh, Wazir Ali and Naqi Mallick emerged as first national champions in sprint and time trials. GH. Baloch, AR. Baloch, Salim Farooqi, Merai Din, Muhammad Ashiq and Muhammad Hafeez in due course of time became the national champions. Cycling has not been able to make much progress because there is only one velodrome, constructed near the Gaddafi Stadium, Lahore many years ago, which too is not in proper shape. This hampers in organising the sprint and time trial events. However, much headway has been made in the road race cycling. The most heartening feature i3 the 'Tour de Pakistan" cycle race, which is held every year. The participants pedal their way from Quetta to Peshawar. The cyclists like Masood Sadiq, Nusrat Khan, Muhammad Shafique Cheema have emerged on the national scene through these races. The current winners of Tour de Pakistan are Haroon Rashid and Muhammad Zahid Gulfam. The current National Champions are Dilsher Ali and Zulfiqar Ali. In the 1st SAARC Cycling Championship held in Colombo (Sri Lanka) in 1999. Haroon Rashid and Dilsher Ali won Gold Medal and Silver Medal respectively. This was the first Gold Medal in international competition. One of the national level cycling events is the Champion of Hills Cycle Race, from Rawalpindi to Murree (Hilly Track), which is our regular feature, Murad Ali is the three-time
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winner of this event. In compliance with the directive of the International Olympic Committee (IOC)INOC Pakistan. Women Cycling has been introduced in Pakistan. With the passage of time. Women Cycling hcis achieved encouraging results and two National Championships have so far been organised National Women Cycling Championship is organised regularly and Miss Raheela Bano has emerged on the national scene through this championship. Raheela Bano and Misbah Mushtaq are the best Women Rider, who have shown outstanding performance in the 1st Indo-Pak Punjab Games held at Patiala (India) from 5th to 11th December, 2004.
Swimming: The Pakistan Amateur Swimming Federation was formed in 1948 with its headquarters in Lahore. The same year it was affiliated with the Pakistan Olympic Association. Pakistan got affiliated with the International Swimming Federation (FINA) in 1948. Pakistan became founder member of the Asian Amateur Swimming Federation, which was formed at Bangkok in 1978. The first National Swimming Championship was organised in 1951 at the King George V. Memorial Swimming Pool, which is now called the Iqbal Park Swimming Pool. A four-member Pakistan swimming team took part in the Olympic Games at London in 1948. Since the first National Swimming Championship, these contests have been held annually. The swimming competitions have also formed part of programme of the National Games.
Sports Policy 1. This policy aims at promoting sports in the country by developing sports at grass root level. The declining standards of sports in the country has deeply concerned the government to take remedial measures and bring about changes which may remove flaws and bottlenecks for smooth functioning of the sports institutions and revive the booming past of sixties. In the present set up, Pakistan Sports Board, Pakistan Olympic Association, National Sports Federations, Provincial Sports Boards, Associations, departments and educational institutions are main sports organising agencies. Sports at tehsil and district levels are mere formalities and at times not held at all. The sporting facilities in the Provinces are also not up to the mark. Very few stadiums or gymnasiums with proper facility exist in the country. Federations have their own constitutions and do not at times
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abide by the provision, perhaps due to hegemony of influential office bearers who have been occupying positions in the Federations for decades. Departments have played a vital role in recruitment of players, and keeping the sports traditions alive in the country. We salute them. The educational institutions which are supposed to be sports nurseries almost ceased to produce talented sports-persons who could replace our aging stalwarts. All this has necessitated in looking inwards, and finding a solution to our declining standards in sports. 2. Mission Statement: The policy aims for promotion of sports at grass root level enhancing public affiliation with the teams ensuring all tournaments originate from inter-club level and culminate at the national level. 3. The Sports Policy: The policy envisages initiating sports at grass root level. The people of Pakistan have lost interest in games organised at national and provincial levels, due to lack of identification with the teams. National tournaments which are held mostly between departments do not attract crowd or mass participation. Under the proposed sports policy, all players including departmental players will have to be affiliated with a club and participate in inter-club, tehsil, district, prOvincial and national tournaments. Clubs will be based on area basis and will form part of one tehsil or equivalent administrative areas in the country. The criteria for registration of a club will be enunciated by each sporting National Federation. Clubs in a tehsil must also register with the Sports Officer of the Provincial Government deputed in tehsil or equivalent administrative area for scrutiny, financial help and utilisation of Government sporting facilities, where necessary. This will bring in mass participation and also help improving our sporting abilities. This will also provide an opportunity to our young sports-persons to rise upwards and eventually be part of national teams. 4. Games Selected for Club based Tournaments: The policy of holding tournaments, as indicated later, will initially be applicable to the following games, namely: a. Athletics. b. Swimming (on availability of swimming pools). c. Hockey.
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d. e. f. g. h. i.
Football. Volleyball. Handball. Wrestling. Kabaddi. Squash. j. Badminton. k. Basketball. I. Boxing. m. Table Tennis. n. SnookerlBilliards. o. Weightlifting. p. Cricket (should also be organised in the same manner). 5. Toumaments to be Organised: The following tournaments will be organised every year in respect of the above mentioned games: a. Inter-Department National Toumament: Sporting tradition in Pakistan is alive primarily because of departments. The departments have played a major role in promotion of sports in the country in the last decade. In order to keep the commitment of the departments towards supporting sports and sports-persons, the following will be done. namely: (1) National Federations of the above mentioned sporting disciplines will organise a tournament every year for departments only. (2) Departmental players under 25 years of age will participate in national tournaments held from tehsil level to national level through their clubs, tehsils, etc. (3) Winning departments of different sporting disciplines will automatically become members of the National Federation of that game, and will have two votes in general council of the Federation in the year in which they are the winners. In all other cases the departments will have one vote.
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national teams in the above mentioned disciplines will be given "Pride of Performance Trophy" for that particular game and "President's Pride of Performance Trophy" for maximum number of players collectively in all above mentioned disciplines. (5) Clubs, tehsils and districts will demand players, under 25 years of age, from departments through Sports Officers, who will send their names to the Provincial Sports Boards, who in turn will send their names to Pakistan Sports Board. Pakistan Sports Board will be authorised to issue instructions to departments on behalf of the Government of Pakistan to spare these sportspersons from their duties to represent their clubs, tehsils, districts or provinces, as the case may be. (6) All expenses of sports-persons of departments will be borne by the sports organisations calling them for the purpose. (7) All Private sector teams will also be allowed to take part in Inter-Departmental Tournaments. b. National Tournaments: National Federations will announce dates to hold National Tournaments, a minimum of six months after holding the Inter-Departmental Tournaments. Provinces, districts and tehsils will thus announce dates for their tournaments, to progress upwards towards national tournaments. The following tournaments will be organised, namely: (1) Tehsil level tournaments: (a) These will be held by tehsil level associations in close coordination with the Tehsil Sports Officers and officials of the local governments. (b) Registered clubs in tehsils will participated in these tournament. (c) After holding these tournaments, tehsillevel teams will be formed to participated in district level tournaments. (2) District level tournaments: (a) On culmination of tehsillevel tournaments and giving adequate time to tehsils to train their teams, district level tournaments will be organised ..
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(b) District level tournaments will be organised by the District Associations of that game in coordination with District Sports Officer and officials of Local Government. The officials of Local Government and District Sports Officers will be ensure smooth conduct of these games. (c) At the end of these tournaments a team will be selected to represent the district. (3) Zonal Tournaments: Districts will be grouped into various zones for ease of holding tournaments by Provincial Governments. Zonal Tournaments will be organised by districts in rotation for the particular zone. The winner districts will be eligible to participate as a team in Provincial Tournaments. (4) Provincial Tournaments: These tournaments will be organised by Provincial Sports Associations in coordination with Provincial Sports Boards and Provincial civil administration. Winner districts of zonal championships will participate in it as teams, and a district will emerge as winner in that particular sport in the Province. On culmination of Provincial Tournaments, provincial level teams will be selected from the entire Province. A minimum of two teams will be selected from NWFp, Punjab, Balochistan and Sind, and one each from FATA, AJK, Northern Areas and Islamabad to participate in National Championship of that particular game. (5) National Tournaments:
(a) On culmination of Provincial Tournaments, National Tournaments will be organised by National Federations of respective games, in which the following will be participate, namely: (i) Two teams each from Province of NWFP, Punjab, Balochistan and Sind. (ii) One team each from AJK, FATA, Northern Areas and Islamabad. (b) National Federation will hold these tournaments in coordination with Pakistan Sports Board. (c) On culmination of National level Tournaments, National Teams will be selected to participate in International Tournaments.
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(d) Members of National Teams will be allowed to participate in the zonal tournaments and above only, i.e., they will be part of district level teams only, if available within the country not participating in any International Tournament, at that particular time. (e) National Inter-Distrid Tournaments: The third National Tournament will be organised in three disciplines onlyhockey, volleyball and wrestling. In this National Tournament, winners and runners-up districts in Provincial Tournaments of NWFp, Pur.jab, Balochistan and Sind, and winner Districts and corresponding units of AJK, FATA, Northern Areas and Islamabad will participate. In the end one district or corresponding unit of AJK, FATA, Northern Areas will emerge as champion of that particular game in the country. 6. Role of Pakistan Sports Board: In addition to the tasks already being performed by Pakistan Sports Board, it will undertake the following tasks to assist in implementation of Sports Policy 2001, namely: The following tournaments will be organised every year in respect of the above mentioned games: a. Ask departments on behalf of the Government of Pakistan to provide players, under 25 years of age, as requested by Provincial Sports Boards, to clubs, tehsils. districts, etc. b. Assist National Federations in holding of national level tournaments by providing sports facilities free of any charge. Sports facilities under this policy will mean playing fields and grounds only. c. Assist National Federations in selection of National Teams. d. Ccordinate dates for holding National level Tournaments in relation to Inter-Department Tournaments and International commitments. e. Adjudicate as representative of the Government of Pakistan on any matter requiring adjudication with respect to "Sports Policy 2001". f. Construct Sports Complexes for these games down to every District Headquarters in Phase-I and tehsil Headquarters in Phase-II on availability of funds. However, these
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complexes on completion will be handed over to local governments and District or Tehsil Sports Officers for maintenance and use. 7. Provincial Sport Boards: a. All Provinces including FATA, Northern Areas and AJK will appoin t Sports Officer down to tehsil and corresponding level with requisite staff to implement this Sports Policy, within three months of announ cement of the policy. b. Provincial Sports Boards will assist Provincial Associations of all these games in conduc t of Provin cial level Tournaments. c. Provincial Sports Boards will instruct district and tehsil Sports Officer to organise local tournaments as enume rated above in coordination with corresponding associations. 8. Role of Civil Administration: a. Civil Administration at district and tehsillevel will play the most important part in implementing this policy. b. They will coordinate holding of tournaments at tehsil, district and zonal levels with corresponding Sports Officer and association of games. c. They will ensure maintenance and availability of sports infrastructure to conduct these tournaments. d. They will assist Sports Officers and members of local associations in raising funds for tournaments and training of their respective teams. e. They will provide all possible assistance for training of teams for their districts or tehsils, as the case may be. f. Due recognition will be given to these civil administration officials for meritorious performance in the field of sports. 9. Provincial Governments: All Provincial Governments and the Government of AJK, FATA, Northern Areas and Islamabad will issue their own instructions in line with this policy for its implementation. All the Provincial Governments will promote the popular games of their Provinces. 10. Islamabad: For sports purposes Islamabad will be treated at par with the Provinces.
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11. National Sports Federation: National Federa tions will be restructured on the following lines, within one year, namely: a. Applicable to National Federations of Games selected in this Policy: (1) Their voting membe rs, and executive bodies will comprise Provincial Associations and corresponding Associations of FATA, AJK and Northern Areas with Punjab, Sind, NWFP, Balochistan and Islamabad having two votes each. Departments affiliated will continue as at present. (2) They will raise and organise Provincial Associations, where not in existence presently, within one year of issue of this policy. (3) Provincial Associations will be elected directly by District Associ ations, which will be elected by Tehsil Associations. Islamabad Association will be elected by the Union Council Clubs. (4) Tehsil Associations will be elected by membe r clubs. (5) Winner departm ents of a particular discipline will automatically becom e a membe r of the National Federation and will exercise right of two votes in all National Federation affairs, in the year in which they are the winner. b. Applicable to all Existing National Federations: (1) One tenure of any member of Federation or Association will be of four years only. (2) President, Honorary Secretary and the Treasurer will be allowed a maximum of two tenures, in any office of the Federation or Association after which they will becom e ineligible for holding the same posts of that particular Federation or Association. However, a person will be allowed to contest for next higher Association at any time. (3) An office bearer of one Federation or Association, except the representatives of departments, will not be allowed to be a membe r of any other Federation or
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Association within the country. He will however, be allowed to hold office in International Federations or Associations without any bar. c. Women Sports: All Sports Federations will organise appropriate Sports for women. All Clubs of appropriate games shall have women teams also. d. Elections as per this Policy: (1) All Federations will organise themselves in line with this policy by holding elections from club level upwards in all tehsiles or corresponding administrative units of the country. (2) Representatives of Provincial Sports Boards will be invited as observers during elections in formation of tehsil level to provincial level Associations. (3) A representative of Pakistan Sports Board will be invited as an observer during elections being held to form National Sports Federations. (4) Federations may ask for any assistance from Provincial and Pakistan Sports Board as deemed necessary for conduct of smooth elections to form sporting bodies from tehsil upwards in line with this policy. e. One individual will be allowed to represent one club, tehsil, or district only. Violator will be liable to disciplinary action by the Provincial or Pakistan Sports Board, as the case may be. f. The implementation of these instructions will be completed within one year of issue of this policy. 12. National and Provincial Olympic Committees: a. These will be elected by constituent National Sports Federations and Provincial Sports Associations. b. One tenure of any office bearer of these committees will be of four years. c. One office bearer will be allowed two tenures only. He will become ineligible for any office after two tenures and must vacate his position for a new incumbent. However, an individual will be allowed to contest for next higher Association at any time.
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d. Those individuals who have already completed two tenures in various Associations will not be eligible to contest elections in line with this policy. e. These Present National and Provincial Olympic Committees to continue till formation of National Federations as per this policy. Once, all National Federations are in place, new elections must be held to elect office bearers as per this policy. 13. Sports Policy for Educational Institutions: a. The Ministry of Education will monitor all universities, Boards of Intermediate and Secondary Education in implementing instructions pertaining to all educational institutions. b. The follOWing disciplines will be mandatory to be held every year at school, Board and university levels: (1) Athletics: Field and track events (minus Marathon). (2) Hockey: c. One to two additional disciplines will be selected out of list defined in this policy every year. d. All schools to organise proper games in games period, a minimum of two periods per week. e. All schools, colleges and equivalent institutions and above, to create sports facilities or get affiliated with sports grounds within one year. Failure to do so will make these schools and colleges liable for action against them as considered appropriate by the Ministry of Education. f. The Ministry of Education to establish a separate directorate to handle and monitor sports affairs preferably headed by an officer in Basic Pay Scale. 14. Sports Academic: On availability of funds, Pakistan Sports Board will establish one sports academy (Residential) in each Province for boys, and one for girls in Islamabad. These academies will serve as follows, namely: a. Boys and girls of 12 years of age in class 7th, will be selected and put in these academies.
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b. These academies will hire the services of the best coaches, and International level sporting infrastructure will be created for their use. c. Students, besides going through normal academic pursuits, will be trained on most modem lines in various sporting disciplines. d. Students who will complete F.A./F.Sc in these academies by the age of 18 years, will have undergone enough training to be part of National Teams. e. These will be residential academies run on the lines of Cadet Colleges. f. The main stress in these academies will be on sports. 15. Financial Donors: The donations to any Sports Board or institution recognised by the Federal Government for the purposes of promoting, controlling or regulating any sport or game, are exempt under clause (91) of Part-I of the Second Schedule to the Income Tax Ordinance 1979, up to the following extent: a. In case of a company, up to 10 per cent of its total income; and b. In any other cases, up to 25 per cent of income.
Sports Legends Fazal Mahmood: If there was ever a first hero in Pakistan's cricketing history, then Fazal Mahmood may arguably be the number one contender for that title. With looks that would make any movie star proud, Fazal was brilliant with the ball as well as exceptional medium-pacer that could move the bowl off the pitch in both directions. Fazal played a monumental contribution in helping Pakistan achieve their first victory in England at the Oval Test in 1954 (with figures of 12-99) for which he is best remembered. He also had a significant hand in his team's first victory against Australia in the Karachi Test in 1955 (with figures of 13-114). His tally of 139 wickets in an era when cricket was played with long gaps in between series proves that he was truly one of Pakistan's greats. Fazal was the first Pakistani to become Wisden Cricket of the Year in 1955. He released an autobiography by the name of 'From Dusk to Dawn' in 2003.
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Hanl! Muhammad: Nicknamed "the Little Master", Hanif Muhammad holds the record for a Pakistani player's highest score in international and domestic first-class cricket. His innings of 337 runs against West Indies in Bridgetown in 1957-58 remains a Pakistani record to this date. His magnificent knock of 499 the following year survived as a record for many years till Brian Lara eclipsed it by two runs in 1994. Unfortunately, for Hanif, he ran himself out while trying to make that elusive 500th run. Hanif's 12 centuries and 15 halfcenturies indicate that he had the mindset to convert the big scores into really big scores. He had an impregnable defence and the adeptness to attack whenever he wished. His magnificent batting earned him an average of over 43, frame, capacity and a respect that only true greats possess. Zaheer Abbas: Zaheer Abbas, or the Asian Bradman as he is also known, was renowned for scoring big hundreds. Zaheer was merciless on any kind of bowling and on his day he could arguably as good to watch as any other to have graced the same. Wearing spectacles, which made him stand out from the crowd, Zaheer was smooth and mellifluous in his stroke play. Powered wrists and timing of instantaneous precision meant that he would pack a punch when his bat met red leather. Zaheer's trademark high backlift and graceful footwork can be easily compared to the elegance of a ballet-dance. Zaheer is the only Asian to have made a hundred hundreds in first class cricket to date. He made a century in both innings of a match a record eight times. He was the first Pakistani batsman to have scored over 4000 Test runs. He was also named Wisden Cricketer of the Year in 1971. Wasim Barl: Wasim Bari must stand out as Pakistan cricket's best gloveman. His record of 201 catches and 27 stumpings as keeper of a side that included the space of Imran Khan and Sarfraz Nawaz pushes him far ahead of any Pakistani wicket keeper in any era to date. Bari could hold the bat when he wanted to. He compiled six fifties in his 81 Test match career. Add this to the face that he sometimes came in at number 10 shows how formidable Pakistan's batting line-up was during the 1970s. Bari w~s awarded by the Pakistan Cricket Board's life Achievement Award during the.country's celebration of 50 yea(S in existence. Wasim Bari now finds himself as Chief Selector of the Pakistan national team.
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lmran Khan: 1mran was arguably Pakistan cricket's greatest. Determined, aggressive and astute, 1mran captained Pakistan to their only World Cup trophy in 1992. Such was the hero worship of 1mran that in the late 80s and early 90s that every child interested in cricket would have '1mran' on his lips. Two such youngsters who later went on to become greats on their own were Wasim Akram and Waqar Younis, who under 1mran's tutelage became polished professionals. As the name of one of his autobiographies would suggest, 1mran was an all-rounder who worked hours on his craft diligently. He was one of the few Pakistani to play in Kerry Packer's World Series. Under his guidance, a team of talented individuals became world-beaters. Fittingly, 1mran ended his career by taking a wicket of his last balla wicket that meant Pakistan became world-champions. 1mran was ranked as Number 8 on ESPN's legends of cricket. 1mran hung up his boots in 1992 to devote his life to building a cancer hospital in Lahore in the memory of his mother. He later opted for a career in politics, which he continues to pursue to this day. Javed Mlandad: Perhaps Pakistan cricket's greatest batsman, Javed Miandad was the national team's Mr. Reliable from the mid 1970s. He is the only player to date to have taken part in 6 World Cups. Miandad may be best remembered for his match winning six off the last ball of the 1986, Australasia Cup. Besides that particular breathtaking performance, Miandad has played several other matchwinning knocks; two of the more special ones are his innings at the semifinal and final of the 1992 World Cup. All in all, he amassed over 8000 Test runs and 6000 001 runs. Miandad was a gutsy cricketer with an intelligent cricket brain. He would never throw his wicket away and would always be part of the decision making process. A true warrior, Miandad was also noted for his sly walking between the wickets. Miandad has also served as Captain of Pakistan. He has also had two stints as coach of the National Team. Waslm Akram: Wasim Akram is one of the few players to have achieved everything there was to achieve as a cricket playernumerous championships a World Cup medal topped off with a man of the match in the final, hat-tricks, a double-hundred and much more. At his prime, Wasim Akram had the potential to destroy the opposition with both bat and ball. His hefty strikes of the ball made him an envious opponent during the death over of a one-day game.
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In scoring a mammoth 257 against Zimbabwe in Sheikhupura in 1998, he also showed that he had the temperament and the skill to play a long and patient innings. Now retired from the game but still closely affiliated with it in his capacity as a commentator, Wasim Akram was perhaps the best left-arm bowler the world has every seen 916 international wickets (with over 500 in ODls) in a career that spanned almost 20 years are a testament to his this fact. Running in from a short run-up in his later years, he still had the pace to defeat batsmen by virtue of a brisk delivery action. His ability to bowl Yorkers at will made him the ideal choice for the final over of a oneday game. Saeed Anwar: Swashbuckling, elegant and entertaining-these are some of the words, one could use to describe Saeed Anwar at his prime. Saeed was a prolific run scorer for Pakistan during the 90s and early years of the new millennium. He would dazzle the crowd with his breathtaking stroke play and formed a formidable opening partnership with Aamir Sohail for many years. Saeed Anwar briefly held the record for the most number of centuries in OOls. While on the subject of records, it is pertinent to mention that Saeed holds the record of having the highest score in an 001-194 against India in 1997 in Chennai. Saeed turned to devote most of his time to religion after his daughter's death in 2001. Not many players leave the cricket arena at their peak, but Saeed was one such player. Not only did he score a century in his last Test innings against Bangladesh in 2001, but in his second-last 001 innings, he produced an exquisite century against his most favourite opponent (India) in the 2003 World Cup. Waqar Younis: Waqar Younis, the king of swing, dominated opposition batsmen during the 1990s. His bustling run-up, frightening speed of delivery and inswinging yorkers earned him the nickname of 'Burewala Express' (name after ,his hometown). Such was the destruction of his bowling that batsmen used to wear toe protectors when facing him to avoid breaking their toes. Waqar had real speed, which earned him the best strike rate of any bowler over 200 wickets. Waqar formed a lethal partnership with Wasim Akram. He also captained Pakistan during the 2003 World Cup after which he retired from international cricket. Waqar is currently bowling coach of the Pakistan team.
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Inzamam-ul-Haq: Burly and powerful, Inzamam-ul-Haq is currently the captain of the Pakistan team. Not the most expressive person on the field, Inzamam lets his bat do the talking. Inzamamul-Haq can easily be tagged a real match-winner. He has played numerous match-turning innings which include two scintillating knocks in the semifinal and final of the 1992 World Cup, a brilliant last wicket partnership with Mushtaq Ahmad to win the Karachi Test against Australia in 1994 and a brave heart century innings to win the Multan Test against Bangladesh in 2003 Inzamam-ul-Haq became the first Pakistani to score 10,000 001 runs in 2005. Besides being a talented batsman, Inzamam is also a very safe slip-catcher. Muhammed Saleem Shewani: Best Goal Keeper for Pakistan, participated in more than 20 international tournaments including Asian and Olympic games. Member of Pakistan team, which won gold, medals 1970, 1974 and 1978 Asian Games. Silver medal in Olympic games 1972. Bronze medal in Olympic games 1976. Gold medals in first World Cup 1971 and Silver medal in third World Cup. Shahnaz Shaikh: Played for Pakistan Hockey Team for 10 years from 1969 to 1979. He was the only player in Pakistan who played at four different position in the team. Represented Pakistan in two Olympic Games 1972 and 1876 and three Asian Games 1970,1974 and 1978. During his association with the national team, the Pakistan team won three gold medals in Asian Games and two Gold medals in World Cups. Manzoor-ul-Hasan: Represented Pakistan in three World Cups, three Asian Games, three Championship Trophy tournaments. Played 152 international matches and scored 104 goals.
Brig. (Retd.) Abdul Hamid: Represented Pakistan in four Olympics in 1948, 1952, 1956, 1960 and Asian Games in 1958. Captained Pakistan team from 1954 to 1960. Won gold medal in Rome Olympics. Silver medal in Melbourne Olympics. Gold medal in Tokyo Asian Games. Brig. (Retd.) S.M.H. Atif: Played for Pakistan in four Olympics in 1952, 1956, 1960 and 1964. Captained Pakistan team in 1964 Olympic. Silver medal in Melbourne Olympics. Gold medal in Rome Olympics Silver medal in Tokyo Olympics and Gold medal in 1962 Asian Games.
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Manzoor Junior: Has the honour of captaining the Pakistan Junior and senior Hockey teams. Won gold medal in first junior world cup. Won 4th and 5th World Cups. Member of Pakistan team which won gold medal in 1978 Asian Games 1979 Essanda Cup and 1982 Asian Games. Represented Pakistan in 3rd World Cup 1976 4th and 5th Champion Trophy and 1982 Essanda Cup. Member of Pakistan team, which won gold medal in Los Angeles Olympics. Hassan Sardar: Member of Pakistan junior team, which won gold medal in first junior world cup 1979. Member of Pakistan team, which won 5th World Cup 1982. First Asia Cup 1982 and 9th Asian Games. Represented Pakistan in 1979 Essanda Cup, 4th and 5th Champion Trophy. Member of Pakistan team, which won Los Angeles Olympics. Kaleem Ullah: Member of Pakistan junior team which won first junior world cup 1979. Member of Pakistan team, which won 5th World Cup, 9th Asian Games and First Asia Cup 1982. Represented in Essanda Cup, 3rd, 4th and 5th Champion Trophy. Member of Pakistan team, which won Los Angeles Olympics. Hanif Khan: Member of Pakistan team which won gold medals in 1978 World Cup and Asian Games. Won gold medal in 1982 World Cup. Member of Pakistan team which won Los Angeles Olympics. Akhtar Rasool: Participated in more than 19 international competitions including Asian and Olympics Games. Member of Pakistan team which won first and fourth World Cups. Won gold medals in 1974 and 1978 Asian Games. Silver medal in 1972 Olympic games, gold medals in 1st and 2nd Champions Trophy. Under his captaincy Pakistan team won fifth world cup 1982. Sami Ullah: Member of Pakistan team which won Bronze medal in Montreal Olympics 1976, 4th world cup 1978 and 5th world cup 1982. Member of Pakistan team, which won gold medals in 7th and 8th Asian Games. Under his captaincy Pakistan team won gold medal and in first Asia cup and 9th Asian Games. lslah Uddin: Member of Pakistan team, which won gold medal in Montreal Olympics, gold medal in 7th and 8th Asian Games. Under his captaincy Pakistan team won 4th world cup and 1st champions trophy.
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Shahbaz Ahmad: Represented Pakistan in 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989 Champions Trophy, World Cup 1990, 11th Asian Games 1990 and 12th Champions Trophy Melbourne. Declared best player in 7th World Cup 1990 af)d BMW Trophy 1990. Won gold medals in 3rd Asia cup 1989 and Asian Games 1990. Silver medals in Champions Trophy 1988 and 7th World Cup 1990 and Bronze medal in 8th Champions Trophy 1986. Captain of Pakistan team at 12th Champion's 1990 and 13th Champion's 1991. Under his captaincy Pakistan team won 16th Champion's Trophy and 8th World Cup 1994. Abdul Rashid Junior: Represented Pakistan in Mexico Olympic 1968. Member of Pakistan Team which won gold medals in 1970 Asian Games and first world cup 1971 and Asian Games 1974. Muhammad Yusuf: Became national champion in 1987 and defended his title till 1993. Represented Pakistan in Asian Snooker Championship in Sri Lanka 1986 and President Cup in Bangladesh 1988-1989. Defeated India's No. 1 player Geet Sethi in Latif Master International Snooker Championship held in Karachi. Won IBSF World Amateur Snooker Championship 1994. Syed Abrar Hussain Shah: Won bronze medal in Asian Boxing Championship 1983. Represented Pakistan in Los Angeles 1984, 11th Mini World King's Cup 1985. President, Cup Jakarta 1986. Asian Boxing Championship 1987. 11th President Cup Jakarta 1987, 24th Seoul Olympic 1988, President Cup 1989. International boxing Festival 1989. President Cup 1990 and 14th Commonwealth Games 1990. Won gold medal in 2nd SAF Games 1985 and was declared best boxer of the tournament. Won gold medal in 4th SAF Games 1989 and was declared best boxer of the tournament. Gold medal in 5th SAF Games. Won gold medal in 11th Asian Games 1990 and 2nd KESC International Boxing Championship 1992. Taimur Hassan: Won Pakistan Junior Golf Championship 1964 and became senior boys champion in 1966. Youngest member of Pakistan team to play against Sri Lanka in 1966. Represented Pakistan for first time at junior World Golf Championship 1968 and 1969. Won Sri Lanka National Championship three times. Represented Pakistan in three World Cups and three Asian Games 1982, 1988 and 1992. Declared best amateur in 8th Asian Golf team Championship 1977.
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15 Tourism Pakistan is a special interest destination. Its main attractions include adventure tourism in the Northern Areas, cultural and archaeological tourism in Taxila, Mohenjodaro, Harappa and early Muslim and Mughal heritage in Multan, Lahore, Thatta, Peshawar, Swat. Besides this, birds watching Jeep safaris, desert safaris, trekking and mountaineering are readily available tourist specialised products. From the mighty stretches of the Karakorams in the North to the vast alluvial delta of the Indus River in the South, Pakistan remains a land of high adventure and nature. Trekking, mountaineering, white water rafting, wild boar hunting, mountain and desert jeep safaris, camel and yak safaris, trout fishing and bird watching, are a few activities, which entice the adventure and nature lovers to Pakistan. Pakistan is endowed with a rich and varied flora and fauna. High Himalayas, Karakoram and the Hindu Kush ranges with their alpine meadows and permanent snow line, coniferous forests down the submountain scrub, the vast Indus plain merging into the great desert, the coast line and wetlands, all offer a remarkably rich variety of vegetation and associated wildlife including avifauna, both endemic and migratory. Ten of 18 mammalian orders are represented in Pakistan with species ranging from the world's smallest surviving mammals, the Mediterranean Pigmy Shrew, to the largest mammal ever known; the blue whale. Situated in the heart of the South Asian subcontinent, it is a country with its own fascinating history and cultural heritage. Pakistan
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was the site for one of the world's earliest human settlements, the great prehistoric Indus Valley Civilization, the crucible of ancient empires, religions and cultures. Pakistan traces its history back to 2,500 years B.C. when a highly developed civilization flourished in the Indus Valley. Excavations at Harappa, Mohenjodaro, Kot Diji and Mehr Garh have brought to light, the evidence of an advanced civilization existing even in more ancient times. The landscape of Pakistan ranges from lofty mountains in the north, the Karakoram and the Himalayas, through dissected plateaus to the rich alluvial plains of the Punjab. Then follows desolate barrenness of Balochistan and the hot dry deserts of Sind blending into miles and miles of golden beaches of Mekran coast. Pakistan is situated between latitude 23°-36° North and longitude 61°-75° East. The country borders Iran on the West, India on the East, Afghanistan in the Northwest, China in the North and the Arabian Sea in the South. The great mountain ranges of the Himalayas, the Karakoram and the Hindu Kush form Pakistan's '1orthern highlands of North West Frontier Province and the Northern Area; Punjab province is a flat, alluvial plain with five major rivers dominating the upper region eventually joining the Indus River flowing south to the Arabian Sea; Sind is bounded on the east by the Thar Desert and the Rann of Kutch and on the west by the Kirthar range; the Balochistan Plateau is an arid tableland, encircled by dry mountains. Its total area is 803,940 sq. km and total land area is 778,720 Sq. Km. (including FATA and FANA). Northern areas of Pakistan, spread over 72,496 sq. km. are fascinating as its southern region. Amidst towering snow-clad peaks with heights varying from 1000 m to over 8000 metre, the valleys of Gilgit, Hunza and Skardu recall Shangri-La. The cultural patterns in this region are as interesting as its topography. The people with typical costumes, folk dances, music and sports like polo and buzkashi provide the traveller an unforgettable experience. Nowhere in the world there is such a great concentration of high mountains, peaks, glaciers and passes except Pakistan. Of the 14 over 8000 peaks on earth, 4 occupy an amphitheatre at the head of Baltoro glacier in the Karakoram Range. These are: K-2 (8611 m, world second highest), Broad Peak (8047 m), Gasherbrum I (8068 m) and Gasherbrum II (8035 m). There is yet another, which is equally great, that is,
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Nanga Parbat (8126 m) at the western most end of the Himalayas. In addition to that, there are 68 peaks over 7000 m and hundreds, which are over 6000 m. The Northern Pakistan has some of the longest glaciers outside Polar region; Siachen (72 km), Hispar (61 km.), Biafo (60 km.), Baltoro (60 km.), Batura (64 km.), Yenguta (35 km.), Chiantar (34 km.), Trich (29 km.) and Atrak (28 km.). The lower Himalayan valleys of Swat, Kaghan and Chitral in the Hindu Kush range equally share the beauty and diverse culture of the Northern Pakistan. The Indus Valley Civilization was at its peak from the 3rd till the middle of the 2nd millennium B. C. Discovered in 1922, Mohenjodaro was once a metropolis of great importance, forming part of the Indus Valley Civilization together with Harappa (discovered in 1923), Kot Diji and recently discovered in Mehr Garh (Balochistan). Mohenjodaro is considered as one of the most spectacular ancient cities of the world. It had mud and baked bricks' buildings, an elaborate covered drainage system, a large state granary, a spacious pillared hall, a College of Priests, a palace and a citadel. Harappa, another major city of the Indus Valley Civilization, was surrounded by a massive brick wall fortification. Other features and plan of the city were similar to that of Mohenjodaro. The Kot Diji culture is marked by well-made pottery and houses built of mud-bricks on stone foundations. Gandhara remains had once been the hallowed centre of Buddhism, the cradle of the world famous Gandhara sculpture, culture and learning. The archaeological remains found in Taxila, Peshawar, Charsadda, Takht Bahi, Swat Valley, and rock carving and inscriptions along the ancient Silk Route (Karakoram Highway) has well recorded the history of Gandhara. Lying in Haro River valley, Taxila, the main centre of Gandhara, is over 3,000 years old as it had attracted the attention of the great conqueror, Alexander in 327 B.C., when it was a province of the powerful Achaemenian Empire. It later came under the Mauryan dynasty and reached a remarkable matured level of development under the great Ashoka. Then appeared the Indo-Greek descendants of Alexander's warriors and finally came the most creative period of Gandhara. The Kushan dynasty was established in about 50 AD. during the next 20 years, Taxila, Peshawar and Swat became a renowned centre of learning, philosophy, art and trade. Pilgrims and travellers were attracted to
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Gandhara from as far as China and Greece. In 5th century AD. the White Huns snuffed out the last of the successive civilisations that held unbroken sway in this region for several centuries. Pakistan is a treasure house of Muslim architecture. Lahore, the cultural heart of Pakistan is situated along the bank of Ravi River. The city has witnessed rise and fall of many dynasties like Ghaznavis (1021-1186), Ghoris (1186-1202) and Slaves (1206-1524) before arrival of the Mughals. The city was conquered by Babur of Ferghana (now in Uzbekistan), the founder of the Mughal dynasty (1524-1764). All the important monuments like the Royal Fort, Badshahi Mosque, Wazir Khan's Mosque, Tombs of Jehangir, Asif Khan, Noorjehan, Anarkali, the Shalimar Gardens and Hiran Minar, etc., were constructed during this period. On the other hand, the shrines, mosques and forts located in and around Multan and Bahawalpur are masterpieces of Muslim architecture. Some important buildings are; Forts at Multan and Derawar (Bahawalpur), shrines of Sheikh Bahauddin Zakaria, Shah Rukane-Alam, Hadrat Shams Tabrezi at Multan and Tomb of Bib Jiwandi at Uchh Sharief near Bahawalpur. For centuries, it remained the main trading route between the South Asia and the Central Asia. After the completion of the Karakoram Highway (KKH) in 1978 along the same route, joining Pakistan with Chinese Muslim autonomous region of Xinjiang, the ancient trade link has been revived. The KKH has provided a great opportunity for international travellers to explore the unspoilt natural beauty, unique culture and ancient traditions of Northern Pakistan together with other Silk Road countries like China, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Kazakhistan and Uzbekistan. The Murree Hills and the Gallies, 55 km from Islamabad, at an altitude of 2,286 m are the most popular summer resorts in Pakistan. With a perfect Himalayan atmosphere and equipped with all modern facilities like good communication network, resort hotels, golf course and chair-lift/cable cars, Murree and Gallies are a wonderful retreat from the hot weather of the plains in summer. A holiday in Kaghan Valley, the Himalayan hideaway in the North West Frontier Province, (NWFP) is an unforgettable experience. Its peaks, dales, lakes, waterfalls, streams and glaciers are still in an unbelievable pristine state. The valley extends for 155 km rising from an elevation of 2,134 m to its highest point, the Babusar Pass, at 4,173 m. The lush
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green valley of Swat has a rich historical past. This is "Udyana" (the garden) of ancient Hindu epics; the land of enthralling beauty, where Alexander of Mecedonia fought and won some of his major battles. This is the "valley of the hanging chairs" as described by famous Chinese pilgrims, FaHien and Huen Tsang in the 5th and 7th centuries. Azad Kashmir rivals the Kaghan and Swat valleys in natural beauty. It extends from the plains of Mirpur at the northern edges of the Punjab through the outlying foothills of the Himalayas, to the mountains in the north at 6,000 metres above sea level. It is blessed with three major rivers, the Jhelum, the Neelum and the Poonch. Chitral valley is like a crown on the Hindu Kush a mountain with its high peaks, green pastures and unique culture; Chitral has attracted mountaineers, trekkers, naturalists and anthropologists alike. One of the major attractions of Chitral are the Kalash valleys, the home of the Kalash "wearers of the black robes", a primitive pagan tribe. Situated between Central and Southern Asia, Pakistan stretches from the golden beaches of the Arabian Sea to the formidably high mountains of Central Asia. With a population of nearly 130 million people, it is three times the size of Great Britain (covering an area of 891,940 sq. km) and is bordered by China, Iran, Afghanistan and India. Pakistan is divided into four Provinces: Sind, Balochistan, Punjab and Sarhad. The latter is also known as the North West Frontier Province. Ethnically diverse people who speak a variety of languages populate them. Urdu is the official National language whilst Sindhi, Balochi, Punjabi and Pushto are the main provincial languages. But, there are many more regional languages and dialects. As an entity, Pakistan is a new country, which emerged on the world map in 1947. Nevertheless, it has an ancient history and a very rich cultural past going back to prehistoric times; when stone-age man roamed the Potohar plateau and Soan valleys of Pakistan, fashioning stone tools out of chert and quartzite. With a recorded history going back to 7000 B.C., the Land of Pakistan has seen many great civilisations prosper and perish in it's lap.
Tourist Destinations lslamabad: Islamabad, the capital of Pakistan, is located against the backdrop of Margallah Hills at the northern edge of Potohar Plateau. In contrast to its twin city Rawalpindi, it is lush green,
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spacious and peaceful. Islamabad is a city of wide, tree-lined streets, large houses, elegant public buildings and well-organised bazaars. Traffic jams and crowds are rare, and narrow lanes and slums are few and far between. Sidewalks are shaded and safe behind rows of flame trees, jacaranda and hibiscus. Roses, jasmine and bougainvillea fill the many parks, and scenic viewpoints show the city to its best advantage. The master plan of this most modern city was prepared in 1960 by Mls. Constantinos Dioxides, a Greek firm of Architects. Construction was started in October 1961. The city came into life on 26 October 1966, when the first office building of Islamabad was occupied. It is a modern and carefully planned city. There are ample opportunities for walking, jogging, hiking and trekking around Islamabad in the Margallah Hills. The Margallah Hill range offers excellent opportunities for short and long hikes with magnificent vistas opening up on all sides. A network of trails having more then 120 km total length has been developed. The twin cities of Rawalpindi and Islamabad lie against the backdrop of Margallah Hills on the Potohar Plateau. On the basis of archaeological discoveries, it is believe that a distinct culture flourished on this plateau as for as back as 300,000 years. Based upon the stone implements found in Soan Valley, researchers have revealed various aspects of activities of the primitive human being. The earliest tools stuck from large pebbles have been named as "Early Soan" and "Late Soan", when better and finer tools were made during Paleolithic period. In the new Stone Age known as "Neolithic Culture, i.e. 10, 000 to 5,000 B.C., finer and polished stone and some Neolithic burials oflong Homo Sapiens were found near Rawat. These discoveries are comparable to "Cromerien" tools of Paleolithic period discovered in Europe. Serai Khola, located 03 km south west of Bhir Mound, is considered as the earliest settlement of Taxila. The discovery of stone Celt's, chert blades, cores, stone arrow heads, scrappers, terracotta animals and female figurines, clay bangles. stone and paste breads, copper pins, and wide range of poetry has pushed the history of Taxila from 600 B.C. to 3000 B.C. Three cultural sequences, namely, historic at the top, Kota Dijian in the Middle and late Neolithic at the bottom have been discovered at Seraj Khola near Taxila.
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Rose and Jasmine Garden: This 20,360 sq. metres rose garden is famous for its roses. It has 250 different varieties of roses as well as a dozen types of Jasmines, Flower shows are occasionally held here, particularly during spring. Nearby is the Tourist Camping Site. Shakarparian Hills: Shakarparian hills are situated near Zero Point, at a height of 609 metres. Its terraced garden offers pleasant and sweeping vistas of Margallah and Murree hills, Rawal Lake, Rawalpindi and Islamabad, Snack Bar facilities are available. Daman-e-Koh: This low hill over looking Islamabad, known as Daman-e-Koh, offers panoramic view of Islamabad. Snack bar facilities are available at Daman-e-Koh Restaurant. The place is ideal for afternoon and evening outing with family and friends. Murghzar Mini Zoo and Children's Park: Murghzar Mini Zoo is located at the foot of Daman-e-Koh viewpoint. A display corner of Pakistan Museum of Natural History and a Japanese style children's park have also been established near the Zoo. The Park is a gift to Pakistani children from the children of Japan. Islamabad Sports Complex: A Sports Complex comprising Uaquat Gymnasium for indoor games and Jinnah Stadium for outdoor games has been built with the Chinese assistance. It is located on Shahrah-e-Kashmir near Aabpara. Regular national and international sports events are held in the Complex. Pakistan Museum of Natural History: The Museum of Natural History is located in the National Park on Garden Avenue, Shakarparian, Islamabad. The Museum depicts the early human history, geology, and the wild life of Pakistan. The exhibits are of particular interest to students and children. It is open to public from 9:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m. except Friday. Entry is free. Islamabad Museum: Islamabad museum presents a long historic sequence of the land where Pakistan is situated today. Pakistan has been a seat of the world's leading civilisations from the time immemorial. There is plenty of evidence to support this argument now on display in Islamabad Museum. For example, 20 million years old fossil remains, 2 million years old man-made stone tools, 7000 years old early human settlements, which lead to the world famous Indus Civilization, Gandhara Grave Culture and Gandhara Art, early
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Islamic settlements, Sultanate and Mughal period, their art and craft. The Museum is located at Garden Avenue, Shakarparian, Islamabad. It is open for visitors, Thursday to Tuesday, from 09:30 to 16:30 hrs without break. Wednesday is weekly off and there is a prayer break on every Friday from 12:30 to 14:00 hrs. Lok Virsa Museum and Heritage Library: The Lok Virsa (National Institute of Folk and Traditional Heritage) works towards preserving the living folk and traditional culture of Pakistan. Its Folk Heritage Museum, located near Shakarparian Hills, has a large display of embroidered costumes, jewellet"Y, woodwork, metalwork, block printing, ivory and bone work. Traditional architecture facades exhibiting such skills as fresco, mirror work, marble inlay. tile mosaic and stucco tracery are also displayed. Lok Virsa Heritage Reference Ubrary is equipped with resource data on ethnography, anthropology, folk music, art, history and crafts. Museum and Ubrary timings are: 8:30 am to 4:00 pm Friday closed. Books on culture, heritage, audio and videocassettes of folk and classical vocal and instrumental music are available for sale at Lok Virsa's Sales Centre. The biggest cultural event in spring each year in the federal capital is the Folk Festival of Pakistan held in the exhibition Hall at the Shakarparian complex. For one-week visitors to the festival can see artisans and master craftsmen from different parts of Pakistan at work in aesthetically designed pavilions, creating the best examples of their craft. Some groups from remote regions charm the audience with traditional folk dances and music. Concerts of famous folk and classical singers are held each evening during the festival. The festival held in April each year. This is the only cultural gathering with that much diversity in Pakistan. Lok Virsa Heritage Reference Ubrary is equipped with resource data on ethnography, anthropology, folk music, art, history and crafts and contains over ten thousand books on Pakistani culture and the social sciences and field reports based on original research. The Lok Virsa sound archive contains the single largest collection of recorded songs, ballads, epics and interviews pertaining to Pakistani culture. The institute's Audio-visual section produces video films of customs, traditions and folk performances for video Archive. Shah Faisal MO$que: The enormous Shah Faisal Mosque, superbly situated at the foot of the Margallah Hills, represents an
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eight-faceted desert 'tent' supported on four towering minarets. Designed by the Turkish architect Vadat Dolokay, it is said to be the largest mosque in the world, housing 100,000 worshippers at a time. It has sloping roofs, an opulent marble face and four towering minarets. The complex also houses the Islamic Research Centre, library, museum, lecture hall, cafeteria and the offices of the faculty of the Islamic University. Visitors to the mosque must leave their shoes at the door and they must be dressed appropriately in clothes, which cover their body except for the hands and the head for men. Women should wear a scarf that covers their hair. Margallah Hills National Park: Margallah Hills National Park was established in 1980 to preserve and protect the flora, fauna, and scenery in its natural state. The national park presents remarkable diversity of the biological cultural and recreational resources and partly forms watershed for two drinking water reservoirs at Rawal and Kharpur. Its hills and forest plays an important role in providing clean air, fresh water, and comfortable environment. 4 km up the hilly drive, there is a turning to Margallah Viewpoint, go another half a kilometre and you will arrive at the parking lot. If you wish to refresh your self turn left to the stalls and a restaurant or go right to get the bird eye view of Islamabad. Now drive along the main road for real driving fun for there are 12 hairpin bends and two double bends in the next 5 kilometres till you level off on the 7-kilometre long crest line. You will arrive at Chowki, 3725 feet elevations; a cool breeze will welcome you for most part of the year. Even in summer, it is usually pleasant. From here, a short trek up the pine hill is exhilarating. Driving beyond Chowki to Pir Sowaha, the hilly drive is on the gentler side climbing to 4020 feet above sea level. There is a restaurant here called Sohawa Heights, and a small hotel coming up next to the restaurant.
There is also a CDA forest rest house. Pir Sohawa offers a bird eye view of the entire Rawal Lake. The roadside view also changes from bushes to pine trees and the sound of the rustling wind. The original name of Pir Sohawa is Kotla village, and it is the last village of NWFP. While enjoying what the park has to offer, observe the simple instructions displayed on the board. These are concerned with the prevention of accidents, fires and protection of plants and wildlife.
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Rawat Fort: Rawat Fort is located 17 km east of Rawalpindi, on the Grand Trunk (G.T) Road leading to Lahore. Gakkhars, a fiercely independent tribe of the Potohar Plateau built the fort, in early 16th century. The grave of a Gakkhar Chief, Sultan Sarang Khan is located inside the fort. He died in 1546 AD. fighting against the forces of Sher Shah Suri. If one dares to climb the broken steps inside the tomb, one may get a panoramic view of the plateau and the Mankiala Stupa. Pharwala Fort: This fort is about 40 km from Rawalpindi beyond Lehtrar road. A Gakkhar ruler, Sultan Kai Gohar, built it in 15th century. Emperor Babur conquered the fort in 1519 AD. Later, in 1825, Sikhs expelled Gakkhars from this fort. Though the fort is in a crumbling state, it is still an attraction for castle lovers. The fort, being situated in prohibited area, is only open for Pakistani visitors. Rohtas Fort: Rohtas Fort is 109 km from Rawalpindi. It is located about 6 km southwest of Dina Town. Going from RawalpindV Islamabad, you have to turn right from G.T. Road after Dina on a newly limit ludge. The fort is visible from this point. The fort is one of the most impressive historical monuments in Pakistan. Afghan ruler Sher Shah Suri, between 1540 and 1547 AD., built it. It served as a huge fortified base for military operations against Gakkhars by Sher Shah Suri. It was later used by Mughal emperor Akbar and Sikhs. Within the huge terraced rampart walls with robust bastions and twelve gates, is located another fortress, palaces and ancillary buildings. Attack Fort: It is situated about 101 km west of Islamabad on the left bank of Indus River. The fort was completed in 1583 under the supervision of Khwaja Shamsuddin Khawafi, a minister of Emperor Akbar. The Mughal caravan sarai outside the fort, which is almost on the G.T. Road, was also built during this period. This Fort is closed for public. Girl Fort: The glen of Giri is located 8 km northeast of Taxila, at the foot of Margallah. It is approached through a rough torrent bed near two villages named Khurram Gujar and Khurram Paracha. There are remains of two monasteries and stupas, one on the top of the hill and other below it. The remains of Giri Fort are perched on the hilltop, with spring water falling within it. The fort was built
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in 5th century by the Buddhist monks. Later, it was used by Sultan Masood, son of Sultan Mahmood of Gazni. Margallah Pass: This small pass is located 26 km west of Islamabad on G.T. Road. Margallah is mentioned by historians and emperors like Alberuni, Ferishta and Jehangir. Today, it is a pass between the ancient capital of Gandhara, that is, Taxila, and the modern capital of Pakistan, i.e., Islamabad. There is an obelisk right on the top of the Pass, built in 1890 in memory of Brig. Gen. John Nicholson (died on 23 Sept. 1857) of the British army, by his colleagues. A small part of the ancient Shahi (Royal) Road can be seen just across the pass, left of G.T. Road. This road was first built by Chandragupta and later developed by the Afghan King Sher Shah Suri in 1540s. An inscription on the western side of this stone pavement shows that it was again repaired in 1672 A.D.
Taxila Museum: A museum comprising various sections with rich archaeological finds of Taxila, arranged in chronological order and properly labelled, has been established close to the site. It is one of the best and well-maintained site museums of Pakistan. Summer timings of the museum are from 8:30 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. with two hours break. Winter timings are from 9:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m., without break. The museum remains closed on the first Monday of every month and on Muslim religious holidays. PTDC has a Tourist Information Centre and a Motel with 7 rooms and restaurant facility, just opposite the Museum. There is a Youth Hostel nearby, offering accommodation for members of International Youth Hostels Federation (IYHF).
Rawalpindi: Rawalpindi city, Punjab province, northern Pakistan. It was the capital of Pakistan from 1959 to 1969. The city lies on the Potohar Plateau and is situated 9 miles (14 km) southwest of Islamabad, the national capital. Rawalpindi ("Village of Rawals") occupies the site of an old village inhabited by the Rawals, a group of yogis (ascetics). Certain ruins on the site are identified with the ancient city Gazipur, or Gazipur, the capital of the Bhatti tribe before the Common era. Destroyed during the Mongol invasion (14th century A.D.), the town was restored by the Gakkhar chief Jhanda Khan, who gave it its present name. It grew rapidly in importance when Milka Singh, a Sikh adventurer, occupied it in 1765 and invited settlers from the Jhelum and Shahpur areas to settle there. The British annexed
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it in 1849. The Leh River separates the city from the cantonment (permanent military station), and a satellite town has been built on the Murree Road. Rawalpindi is an important administrative, commercial and industrial centre. Its industries include locomotive works, gasworks, an oil refinery, sawmills, an iron foundry, a brewery, and cotton, hosiery and textile mills; it also produces shoes, leather goods, pottery, newsprint, and tents. An annual horse fair is held in April. Rawalpindi was incorporated as a municipality in 1867 and contains Ayyub National Park, Uaquat Gardens, a polytechniC school, a police-training institute, an armed forces medical college, and several colleges affiliated with the University of the Punjab. It is also the Pakistan army headquarters. Rawalpindi is the starting point of the route into Kashmir and is connected by the Grand Trunk Road, rail, and air with the cities of Peshawar and Lahore and by rail and air with Karachi. Wheat, barley, corn (maize), and millet are the chief crops grown in the surrounding area. The nearby Rawal Dam, on the Kurang River, completed in 1961-62, provides Rawalpindi and Islamabad with water. In ancient times the locality formed part of Gandhara and was included in the Achaemenid Persian Empire. The ancient city of Taxila has been identified with ruins located near Shahderi, northwest of Rawalpindi. Mankial, south of Rawalpindi, is a Buddhist stupa site (3rd century B.C.) Pop. (1981) city, 794,843; (1981 prelim.) metropolitan area, 1.299,000. The material remained found on the site of the city of Rawalpindi prove the existence of a Buddhist establishment contemporary to Taxila but less celebrated than its neighbour does. It appears that the Ancient city went into obligation as a result of the Hun devastation. The first Muslim endeavour, Mahmood of Ghazni (979-1030 AD.) gifted the ruined city to a Ghakkar Chief, Kai Gohar. The town, however being on endeavours route, could not prosper and remain deserted until Jahanda Khan, another Ghakkar Chief, resorted it and gave the name of Rawalpindi after the village Rawal in 1943 AD. Rawalpindi remained under the rule of Ghakkars till Muqrab Khan, the last Ghakkar ruler, was defeated by Sikhs in 1765 AD. Sikhs invited traders from other places to settle here. This brought the city into prominence. Sikhs lost the city to British Army
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and they established a cantonment south of the old city. In 1879, the Punjab Northern Railway was extended to Rawalpindi but the train service was formally inaugurated on January 01, 1886. Over the years, Rawalpindi has retained its traditional flavour. However some modern residential areas and buildings have come up all over the town since the creation of Pakistan. Pakistan's new capital, lslamabad, being the twin city of Rawalpindi, equally shares the same archaeological and history background. Ayub National Park: Ayub National Park is located beyond the old Presidency on Grand Trunk (G.T.) Road. It covers an area of about 2,300 acres and has a play-land, lake with boating facility, an aquarium, a garden-restaurant and an open-air theatre. Rawalpindi Golf Course: Situated near Ayub National Park, Rawalpindi Golf Course was completed in 1926 by Rawalpindi Golf Club, one of the oldest golf clubs of Pakistan, founded on 2nd November 1885. The facility was initially developed as a nine-hole course. After several phases of development, it is now converted into a 27-hole course. The successive Presidents of Pakistan are patronising the club. From the elegant clubhouse, one can have a wonderful panorama of Faisal Mosque, the twin cities of lslamabad and Rawalpindi and the Golf Course itself. Major national golf tournaments are held here regularly. Rawalpindi Public Park and Cricket Stadium: Rawalpindi Public Park is located on Murree Road near Shamsabad. The Park was opened for public in 1991. It has a play land for children, grassy lawns, fountains and flower beds. A cricket stadium was built in 1992 just opposite the Public Park. The 1992 World Cup cricket matches were held on this cricket ground. The stadium is equipped with all modern facilities. Lfaquat Memorial Hall and Garden: This hall was built in memory of late Mr. liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. It has a large auditorium and library. Art exhibitions, cultural shows and stage plays are performed here frequently. A well-laid garden with sports facilities and children's park has been developed near the hall. Lahore: Situated on the east bank of the Ravi River, Lahore is very old. Legend traces its origin to Loh, the son of Ramachandra, the hero of the Ramayana, but history records that it began as a
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dependency of the 8th century AD. Hindu ruler, Lalitaditya. In the early 11 th century it came under Muslim rule and evolved as a centre of Islamic culture and learning as well as trade and commerce. In the 13th century it was depopulated and razed to the ground by the Tartar-Mongol hordes of Genghis Khan. Taimurlane and his Muslim Turks also arrived and destroyed the city. Lahore was a cultural and intellectual centre during both the Mughal and British eras, and it's an atmosphere, which still pervades today, but it is the diversity and contrast of the different sections of the city, which make Lahore interesting. Apart from local tourists with their blaring transistors, you could almost be back in the Mughal era. Lahore is 213 metres above sea level and has a population of approximately 3 million. The temperature here drops down to 1°C in winter, but in summer can soar to 4°C or more. The best time to visit is straight after the monsoon period when the weather is cool and pleasant. In the Mughal days the Old City was surrounded by a 9-metre high brick wall and had a rampart running around it with a most connected with the River Ravi, which served as a protection for the city. A circular road around the rampart gave access to the city through thirteen gates. Some of the imposing structures of these gates are still preserved. In the bazaars of the Old City one still comes across tiny shops where craftsmen can be seen busy turning out masterpieces in copper, brass, silver as well as textiles in the traditional fashion. Royal Fort Lahore: Although most parts. of the Royal fort were constructed around 1566 AD. by the Mughal Emperor, Akbar the Great, there is a evidence that a mud fort was in existence here in 1021 AD. as well, when mud fort was dismantted and was constructed most of the existing Fort, as it is seen today, on the old foundations. Constructions of the fort dates back to the early Hindu period. The Royal Fort is rectangular. The main gates are located alongside the centre of the western and eastern walls. Every succeeding Mughal Emperor as well as the Sikhs and the British in their turn, added a pavilion, palace of wall to the Fort. Emperor Jehangir extended the gardens and constructed the palaces that it seen today in the Jehangir's Quadrangle, while Shahjehan added Diwan-e-Khas, Moti Masjid (Pearl Mosque) and his own Sleeping Chambers. Aurangzeb built the impressive main gate,
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which faces the Hazoori Bagh lying in between the Badshahi Mosque and the fort. The famous Sheesh Mahal or Place of Mirrors is in the northeast corner of the fort. This is the most beaut:ful palace in the fort and is decorated with small mirrors of different colours set. The part of the wall of the elephant Steps towards the forts inner gate are scarred by bullet marks, bearing testimony to the Sikh Civil War of 1847 AD. A party of Sikhs had mounted their guns on one of the minarets of the mosque across the courtyard from where they fired on their opponents. The Sleeping Chamber of Mai Jindan houses a very interesting museum with relics from Mughal and the Sikh periOds. Badshahi Mosque: The Imperial or the Badshahi Mosque is across the courtyard from Alamgiri Gate of the Lahore Fort. Emperor Aurangzeb, the last of the great Mughals, built the Mosque, which is made up entirely of red sandstone, in a record time of two anda half years. Its construction was completed by 1674 AD. It has a beautiful gateway, which measures 21.33 metres in length and a courtyard that measures 161.5 x 160.6 metres and is said to be the largest mosque courtyard in the world for outdoor prayers. The marble domes cover seven prayer chambers. Four lofty minarets stand at the four corners of the mosque, each with an outer circumference of 20 metres, soaring up to 54 metres. In the chambers above the Gate of the mosque, are housed relics attributed to the Holy Prophet of Islam (I) Peace be upon him his daughter and his son-in-law and are said to have been brought to the subcontinent by Amir Taimur. Within the Mosque almost all the colours have been used for painting the floral designs but the overall effect remains one of sobriety, piousness' and simplicity. Minar-e-Pakistan: Minar-e-Pakistan is a new landmark in Lahore and stands in the Iqbal Park to commemorate the date when a resolution was passed there back in 1940 demanding the creation of separate homeland for the Muslims of this subcontinent. The Minar is a blend of Mughal and modern architecture and has been very boldly designed. The Minar is about 60 metres tall. The Golden Mosque: Golden Mosque is also situated in the Kashmiri Bazaar. Nawab Syed Bukhari Khan, who was Deputy governor of Lahore, built it in 1753 AD. It is remarkably heautiful with three golden domes.
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Wazir Khan's Mosque: In the old part of the town and off the Kashmiri Bazaar, reputedly the most beautiful Mosque in the subcontinent is situated. Hakim Ilmuddin who was Minister to Shahjehan and was generally known as Wazir Khan built the Mosque in 1683 A.D. It is a marvellous specimen of the work and arabesque paintings. Shalimar Gardens: Three miles east of Lahore are the famous Shalimar Gardens laid out by the Mughal emperor Shahjehan in 1642 A.D. The Gardens are spread out in typical Mughal style and are surrounded by high walls with watchtowers at the four corners. Originally, the gardens were spread over seven ascending terraces, but only three remain now, which cover an area of about 42 acres. The brickwork of the floors of the three terraces has been repaired according to their original deSigns, which differ on all three terraces. There is a marble pavilion under which water flows and cascades down over a carved, marble slab creating a waterfall effect. Across the waterfall is a marble throne. At the end of the second terrace is a beautiful structure called Sawan Bhadon, a sunken tank niches on its three sides. Water cascades down from it in sheets in front of the niches, producing the sound of falling rain. In the olden times, small oil lamps were placed in the niches, which reflected myriad colours, through the water. Shalimar gardens have the proud privilege of being the stage of allimportant state !"€ceptions. Outside its walls the annual festival of Me·la Chiraghan is held every March, special lights on the first and second terraces of the Gardens have been installed and the area is illuminated half-an-hour after sun set. Allama lqbal's Tomb: Outside the Badshahi Mosque, near its steps, lies the tomb of Allama Iqbal, the poet philosopher of the East. The mausoleum is a mixture of Afghan and Moorish styles of architecture and is constructed entirely of red sandstone, which was quarried and brought from Rajasthan. Mausoleum of Emperor Jehangir: The tomb of the fourth great Mughal emperor, Jehangir, lies three miles northwest of Lahore across the River Ravi. It has a majestic structure made of red sandstone and marble. The outer entrance to the tomb opens out into a courtyard, which was used as a caravan Serai during Mughal times. An entrance
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to the right leads into a Mughal garden with exact geometrical pattern balancing each side. The marble tomb is approa ched from four corridors leading from the garden. Intricate marble screens close three of these corridors. The marble grave is elaborately inlaid with floral designs and the 99 Attributes of God are inscribed on its two sides. On the top is a verse from the Holy Quran. Queen Noorjehan and the Emperor's son Shahjehan built the tomb, around 1637 AD. NoorJehan's Tomb: The Empress Noorjehan, "Ught of the World" was the only empress whose name appear ed on the coins of the Mughal Empire. She was buried in 1845 AD. at Shahda ra (Lahore) outside Jehangir's mausoleum across the railway line. Her tomb once had a marble cenotaph, which she had built herself during her lifetime. After the decline of Mughal rule, the tomb suffered extensive damages along with her husband's tomb at the hands of Sikh marauders when they gained power during the early part of nineteenth century. Both were stripped of most of its original beauty and splendour. All treasures and tiles, it is said were carted off to decorate the Golden Temple of Amritsar India. Qutub -ud-di n Aibak 's Tomb: Muhammad Ghori appointed him Governor of India in 1191 AD. He established the Slave Dynasty on the death of Muhammad Ghori in 1206 when he assumed independence of his reign and was followed by nine other slave kings. He was a patron of the building art and is known to have erected some monumental stone buildings in Delhi and elsewhere. A very avid player of polo, he died in Lahore in 1210 AD. while playing the game. His tomb can be visited in Anarkali Bazaar. Asif Khan's Mauso leum: In the courtyard near Jehangir tomb lies buried his brother-in-law, Asif Khan, father of Shahjehan's beloved Queen Arjumand Bano. He lies in a tomb today shows little of its former Splendour. Lahor e Museum: Opposite the Old University Hall, a Mughal style building on the Shahrah-e-Quaed-e-Azam, houses the Lahore Museum. The Museum contains some fine specimens of Mughal and Sikh doorways and woodwork and has a big collection of paintings dating back to Indo-Pakistan, Mughal, Sikh and British times. It has also a collection of musical instruments, ancient jewellery, textile, pottery and armoury. There are also relics from the Greeco-Pactrian times as well as some Tibetan and Nepalese exhibits.
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Anark ali Bazaar: Anarkali bazaar is the most fascinating of the city's many bazaars. The alleys and lanes of this bazaar are full of exciting wears, especially traditional crafts like leather wear, embroidered garments, glass bangles, beaten gold and silver jewellery, creations in silk. Anything that you wish for a bargain, it is named after the famous courte san of Akbar's court called Anarkali (Pomegranate Blossom). Anarkali too has its share of historical monuments. There is the grave of Emperor Qutub-ud-Din Aibak, who died falling off his horse playing polo. And Mahmood Ghaznavi's General Malik Ayaz buried in the commercial area of Rang Mahal. Lahor e Gate: This gate is named after the city of Lahore. It is said that when Malik Ayaz rebuilt the town in the time-of Mahmood Ghaznavi, the quarters of the city was first populuted about this gate. As Dehli Gate faces Delhi and Kashmiri Gate faces Kashmir, so it is said that they derived their names from these environs. Present lchra was the actual Lahore in Hindu Raj, so this gate faces in that direction, derives its name from the so called Lahore. Maharaja Ranjit Singh who besieged Lahore with a large force, it was Muhkim-udDin Chaud hary in connivance with the Raja, was the in-charge of the Lahori Gate, opened it secretly to the invader who took possession of the city. This gate has-du ring the ascendency wars between the sikh nobles, sardar Hira Singh, son of Raja Dhiyan Singh, Chief Minister of Ranjit Singh was put to death and his head hung up for public view at this gate. This gateway still exists in its renovated form and is famous for being one of the main entrances of the city. Faisalabad: Faisalabad is an industrial city of Pakistan, Situated 225-miles (360 kilometre) south of the capital Islamabad. The district lies from 30-35 to 31-47 North Latitudes and 72-73 to 73-40 East longitudes. Gujranwala and Sheikhupura districts bound it in the north. In the East by Sheikhupura and Sahiwal districts. In the south By Sahiwal and Toba Tek Singh districts and jhang. District is to its west. The city covers an area of 5,856 Square kilometres. The city is linked to m-2 motorway (Islamabad-Lahore motorway) with m-3 motorway section (Pindi-Bhattian-Faisalabad motorway). During the last decade of nineteenth century, a Massive desert lying between Chena b and Ravi Rivers was Brought under plough. With the construction of the lower Chenab Canal, it became possible to irrigate this Waterless wasteland.
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In 1892, the colonisation Operations were started by the administration of Jhang District, Punjab province and completed in 1898. Early 1904 a new district was formed by the name of Lyallpur with it's headquarter at Lyallpur (now Faisalabad) a town Named after Sir James Lyall, lieutenant Governor of the Punjab. On September 1, 1977, Lyallpur was renamed as Faisalabad after King Faisal of Saudi Arabia in Recognition of his outstanding services to Pakistan. Today, Faisalabad is the third largest city of Pakistan After Karachi and Lahore. It is the second revenue-generating city of the Punjab province and is called as Manchester of Pakistan because of its predominance in the textile industry. Faisalabad has established a dry port, which presently handles over 60 metric tons of cargo per day. The port has its own road and railroad links with Lahore, Islamabad, Peshawar and Karachi. The export Cargo at Faisalabad dry port is increasing every year. Faisalabad dry port trust (Fdpt) provided lucrative Incentives to the exporters of Faisalabad and offered certain concessions in fdpt tariff to the importers. Multan: Multan, one of the most ancient cities of Pakistan has the distinction of possessing an almost uninterrupted history of religiopolitical activities spread over a period of not less than five thousand years. Multan has the longest continuous history in Punjab. Originally the river Ravi flowed through Multan. But about 300 years ago the river turned its course westward. It is now the river Chenab that flows by this ancient city. According to some traditions, Multan is as old as Nuh's flood. It is also said that Alexander the Great conquered the city in 326-325 B.C. after a fierce battle. Huen Tsang, the famous Chinese pilgrim visited this great city in 641 AD. He calls it "the City of the Temple of the Sun". When Muhammad bin Qasim captured the city in 712 AD., it was being ruled by the father of Raja Dahir. Arab geographer Masudi visited Multan in 915 AD. and found it under a Quraish King. In 980, the town fell to a Karamati Tribal Chief. When Mahmood Ghaznavi 'invaded the subcontinent the Karamati ruler of Multan allied himself with Anandpal. In 1010 AD., Masud the son of Mahmood became the Governor of Multan. After Shahabuddin Ghori, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Multan suffered from the Mongol raids. In 1527, Babur captured Multan. Under the Mughals the city enjoyed a period of peace and prosperity. On the diSintegration
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of Mughal rule, Multan became a province of Afghanistan. Multan was" captured by different Mlslim rulers till the Sikh period. The last king of Sadozai dynasty was Nawab Muzaffar Khan, who died in action culminating in the capture and sack of Multan by Ranjit Singh in 1818. By the beginning of 1818, Ranjit Singh raised a big army consisting of 25,000 soldiers at Multan. At this time the famous Zamzama Gun was also brought to Multan. The British captured Multan after a long battle with the Sikhs and it came under the total control of British forces. Although during the British period peace prevailed in the region but no real progress was made. At the time of independence in 1947, Multan was in fact a forgotten region. Mausoleum of H adrat Bahauddin Zakria: Hadrat Bahauddin Zakria as a saint is respected throughout the country particularly in southern Punjab and Sind. Sheikh Bahauddin Zakria also known as Bahawal Haq, was born near Multan around 1170. He came to Multan in 1222 AD. and died in the fourteenth century at the age of over 100 years. The mausoleum is a square of 51 feet, 9 inches measured internally. It was almost completely ruined during the siege of 1848. Mausoleum of Rukn-e-Alam: Hadrat Rukn-e-A1am was the grandson of Hadrat Bahawal Haq. The mausoleum of Rukn-e-A1am is the glory of Multan. The tomb was built by the emperor Ghiasud Din Tughlaq. To the present it is well maintained by the joint efforts of the Departments of Auqaf and Archaeology due to which it received the Agha Khan a ward for Architecture in 1983. The dome of the mausoleum is considered the second largest in the world. The mausoleum is built entirely of red brick bounded with beams of Shisham wood. The bricks give a look of pleasure. Rukn-e-Alam passed away the world during 1334 AD. Mausoleum of Shah Shams Tabrez: About a quarter of a mile to the east of the Fort on the high bank of old bed of River Ravi is the Mausoleum of Shah Shams Tabrez. The saint came from Baghdad and died in 1276 AD. The Shrine was built in 1330 AD. The tomb is square, 30 ft. in height surrounded by a hemispherical dome. Apart from these Mausoleums there are a lot more which are having great repute. Multan Fort: Origins of Multan Fort are not known. It was built on a detached, rather high mound of earth separated from the city
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by the bed of an old branch of River Ravi. There is no fort now as British Garrison destroyed it. The fort site now looks as a part of the city because instead of the river it is now separated by a road, which looks like, a bazaar. The Fort stands on the biggest part of the mound, on which the town is built. The walls of the fort flanked by thirty towers and enclose numerous houses, mosques and shrines, the beauty of which was damaged by the Guns of Ranjit Singh in 1818. A beautiful panoramic view of Multan city can be had from Damdama, the highest point in the Fort. Murre e: It is one and half hours drive to Murree from Islamabad via the 55 km well carpeted winding road. Murree, known as the Queen of Hills is 2,413 metres high. Beyond Murree, the hill resorts of Ayyubia, Khairagali, Bhurban, Patriata, Dongagali and Nathiagali also offer cool respite from the torrid heat of plains. The Galis are a string of hill resorts along the ridge between Murree and Abbottabad, on the Karakoram Highway. Founded as a hill station by the British in 1851. Murree remains, however, a little bit of England, complete with The Mall for promenading, parks, churches, schools, clubs and cafes. Since independence, Murree has become the summer retreat of the governor of Punjab and, since Islamabad became the capital of Pakistan in 1962, has expanded rapidly. Murree is lovely all year around. In summer it is cool-even chilly in the evening-and rain is common. In winter, the snow is piled high along the sides of the streets. But it is extremely popular with Punjabis escaping the heat of the plains in summer, so is too crowded for comfort from late May to early September, especially at weekends. To beat the crowds and still enjoy the walks, the best time to go in April-May and September-October. Murree spreads along the top of a ridge for about five kilometres (three miles). At the northeast end is Kashmir Point, with views across the valley of the Jhelum River into Azad Kashmir. At the southwest end is Pindi Point, looking back towards Rawalpindi and Islamabad. Between the two runs The Mall, at the centre of which is the main shopping area, where most people congregate. Numerous roads leave the Mall and either follow the contours of the ridge or descend to the principal road. Promenading and shopping are Murree's main amusements, or riding in the new chair-lifts, one from Bansara Gali (below Murree) to Pindi Point, the
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other to the top of Patriata hill (on the road to Karor); both rides cost about Rs. 50 and take half an hour with a change from open chair-lift to the enclosed bubble in the middle. Good buys in Murree are Kashmiri shawls, furs, walking sticks, fruits and nuts. Murree's pistachio nuts are reputed to be the best in Pakistan. Patria ta: The TOCP has developed a new resort at Patriata, about 15 km south east of Murree. It can be approa ched from Islamabad via the busier but better Murree Road through Lower Topa and Gulehra Gali or via Bhara Kahu, Karor and Ban (for light vehicles only). The resort has been developed on a virgin site at Patriata Ridge at 2,223 metres, the highest point in Punjab province. It offers a breathtaking view of high-forested ridges and deep intersecting valleys with terraced slopes. The climate remains remarkably cool and pleasant in summer and temperature rarely goes above average high of 26 C. The resort is equipped with the dual chair lift and cable car system from Gulehra Gali to Patriata Ridge for a total distance of 3.1 km. The Gondola cable cars, first of its kind in Pakistan, give an all round panoramic view of the valley. There are hotel and restaurant facilities available at the top. Bhurb an: Bhurban is a minor resort eight kilometre (five miles) from Murree on the road leading northeast to Kohala and the Jhelum Valley. The golf course here is open only to members. From near the Pearl Continental hotel you can take one of the many delightful paved walks through the woods. Ayubia : Khairagali, Changlagali, Khanspur and Ghora Ohaka, these four mini resorts spread over an area of 26 km have been developed into a resort complex called Ayubia. In addition to riding trails, hiking places and picnic spots, Ayubia has a chair lift, which like a ski lift takes you up to the summit of the nearby range for a panoramic view of the forested hills. Ayubia is 26 km from Murree. Karachi: Karachi the largest and the most populace city of Pakistan, presents an interesting and colourful combination of the old and new. The narrow twisting lanes and alleys of the old city throb with life alongside wide roads and elegant modern building. Within the city, talented artisans with age-old skills produce handicrafts of exquisite beauty. Karachi offers a variety of pleasant attractions, wide sunny beaches deep-sea fishing. Yachting, golf and horse-racing, all year round. Its restaurants cater to a wide choice of Pakistani and
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Western cuisines. Its markets and bazaars vIler an endless variety of exciting shopping, including indigenous handicrafts. Particularly rugs and carpets of rare designs and beauty. Karachi's recorded history goes back to the 18th century when its was a small fishing village known as Karachi-jo-Goth. With the development of its harbour it gradually grew into a large city and an important centre of trade and industry. Its selection as the capital of Pakistan in 1947 added to its importance and accelerated its growth and development. Though the seat of Government shifted to Islamabad, Karachi still remains the centre of commerce and industry.
Liaquat HalllBagh-e-Jinnah: Surrounded by the green Bagh-eJinnah, Liaquat Hall, originally the freer hall was once the Town Hall where Inc. colonial days, concerts and social events were held regularly. This two-storied Venetian Gothic building now houses the Liaquat Municipal Library on the ground floor and an art gallery on the upper story. Named after one of Pakistan's renowned artists, Sadequain the gallery displays a permanent collection of the artists work, Sadequain spent the last years of his life painting a huge mural on the ceiling of the gallery but, sadly, did not lived to complete it. National Museum of Pakistan / Burns Garden: This museum, on Dr. Ziauddin Ahmad Road, contains an important collection of items relating to Pakistan's ancient heritage. Well-arranged galleries display Indus Civilization, Gandhara sculptures, Islamic art, Miniature paintings, ancient coins and manuscripts documenting Pakistan's political history. There is also an interesting ethnological gallery. Empress Market: Built by the British to commemorate the Silver Jubilee of Queen Victoria's reign, this historic market is designed in the domestic Gothic style. From its centre rises a tall clock tower. The market contains shops that sell meat fish, poultry, vegetables and other groceries. For souvenirs of brassware carved silverware, gold and silver jewellery, embroidery, delicate mirror-work of Sind, handloom tapestries, printed fabrics. Lacquer-ware, camel skin articles and carved woodwork, tourists are advised to visit the All Pakistan Women's Association (APWA) shop on Abdullah Haroon Road and the P.I.D.C. Cottage Industries show room where prices are fixed and quality ensured. There are a number of other shops in all main markets of city.
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Bazaars and Shopping: Shopping in Karachi is a delight. There is the Sarafa Bazaar, a typical oriental market in the city's old quarter, which is the main market for gold and silver. Among the many colourful shopping areas offering a wide variety of local goods is the Zainab Market where cotton dresses and handicrafts are available. Shops in the Sadar Cooperative Market have a wide collection of handicrafts made from onyx, wood and brass. Since prices are not fixed, bargaining is advised. Leather goods and ready-made clothes usually have fixed prices but sell at a fraction of what they would cost overseas. Bohri Bazaar is typically oriental market where and endless variety of goods are available. Other modem shopping centres are at Clifton, Zaib-un-Nisa Street. Abdullah Haroon Road· and Muhammad Ali Jinnah Road. The Old Eastern bazar is the Juna Market, Khardar, Mithadar and Jodia Bazaar, which are worth visiting. Beaches: Karachi's golden, uncrowned beaches stretch tor miles. The more accessible of them are Sandspit Haeks Bay and Paradise Point, which are within a radius of 10 to 20 km from the city, and about 30 minutes drive away. A ride on a gaily-decorated camel is a must for most visitors. Beach huts are dotted along the shore. Some available for hire, for reasons of safety, care must be taken to swim only in the safe areas, as there is always a strong undercurrent, in May and June watch out for jellyfish. On moonlit nights, during the months of September and October, giant green turtles lumber ashore to lay eggs in the sand. The turtles are under the protection of the Wild Life Management Board. French Beach: The French beach, located half way ben..yeen Hawkes Bay and Paradise Point is, in fact a small fishing village known to the locals as Haji Abdullah Goth. Surrounded by a boundary wall, it has some 20 huts constructed by villagers for hire. The village has neither running water nor electric power. Its rocky beach and clear waters are ideal for snorkelling and skin-diving. Boats for scuba diving are available for hire. Visitors need to bring their own equipment as well as food and drink supplies. Boating and Fishing: Boating in Karachi is a pleasant experience. A catch of crabs and fish, is cooked and served aboard the boat by the crew. Bunder boats are available at Kemari and if required, the crew provides the bait as well as facilities for deep-sea
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fishing, but they must be arranged in advance. Prices should always be negotiated and fixed beforehand. On a moonlight night it is treat to sail up the sheltered harbour from Kemari to Sandspit. Mohenjodaro: Mohenjodaro (Mound of the Dead) is situated on the west bank of the River Indus. It was discovered in 1922, having one of the earliest and most developed urban civilisations of the ancient world. It is the part of the Indus River Civilization of Harappa discovered in 1921,1287.48 km away from Mohenjodaro. Indus Civilization flourished from somewhere third till the middle of second millennium B.C. before it vanished from the world. Mohenjodaro had mud-brick and backed-brick buildings. Covered drainage system in addition to this, soakpits for disposal bins, a large state granary, a spacious pillared hall, a collage of priests, a large and imposing building (probably a palace) and a citadel mound which incorporates in its margin a system of solid burnt brick tower. Mohenjodaro looks like a planed, organised and master architecture of urban settlement. Beneath the citadel, parallel streets, some 30 feet wide, stretched away and are crossed by other straight streets, which divide the town into a great oblong block, each 400 yards in length, and 200 to 300 yards in width. The most imposing remains are those of a Great Hall which consisted of an open quadrangle with verandahs on four sides, galleries and rooms on the back, a group of halls on the north and a large bathing pool. It was probably used for religious or ceremonial bathing. Nearby are the remains of Great Granary, possibly a public treasury where taxes were paid. It can be assumed that the sensibility of the artistic mind by the discovery of necklaces, pendants of beads, earring and ankles of ivory and mother of pearl, vessels of silver and bronze and stone weights and measures which suggests the existence of stringent civic regulations. When the first seal was found in Harappa in 1875 it was thought to be of a foreign origin. A humpless bull with an illegible inscription comprising six characters, were engraved on dark brown jasper. The significance of this, and the multitude of other seals to follow, was felt when it was realised that the engraved characters and pictures are not only in indigenous to the Indus Civilization but a thorough understanding of engravings can give a comprehensive account of the true nature of the Indus Civilization. First it was thought that the pictograph and the ideograms were
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related to Brahmi characters or where perhaps the forerunner of Brahmi. It was also suggested that the seal was ideo-phonographic and resembled the Hieroglyphic seal. On the other hand, work was being carried on to prove the Dravidian had inherit many Indus signs thus proving the Dravidic affinity of the Indus seal. Its destruction was by the hands of invading Aryan hordes, as some historians believe, or was triggered by an earthquake, or flood remains yet to be established. The Mohenjodaro museum, close to the site of excavation, houses priceless relics found there, including these engraved seals, ornaments utensils, pottery, weapons and toys. Some of the precious things have been recently shifted from the site museum to the local government treasury. Interestingly, the bullock carts, boats, drinking jars, toys used even today in the adjoining areas, bare strong resemblance to those used by the ancient citizens of Mohenjodaro as a visit to the museum makes plain. From coins and Potteries discovered, archeologists believe trade and cultural links existed between Mohenjodaro and the contemporary civilisations of Mesopotamia and Egypt. Various objects found at Mohenjodaro include burnt clay male and female figurines, and models of bird, a steatite bust a noble man or a priest-king, wearing a loose rob on which the trefoil pattern is engraved and small dancing girl bronze with slim figures and flat Negroid features. Steatite seals bearing lifelike representation animals and mythological creatures such as the unicorn best illustrate the figural. They bear short inscription in a remarkable pictographic script. which has yet to be deciphered. The various layers of the excavated site show that upon the debris of the ancient civilization rose the buildings and edifices of a much latter settlement dating back to Kushan period (between the first and the third centuries AD.). The remains of the Buddhist stupa and monastery, rising to the height of 10.66 metres (35 feet) above the surrounding area, are of this later period. How this remarkable civilization came to an end after 1800 B.C. remains a mystery. Human skeletons show signs of violent end. Weather this came as the result of massacre is not certain. According to Father Heras the vertical fish sign meant a star, because in most of the Dravidian languages both the star and the fish are referred to as mint. There are many other examples of a similar nature quoted in his works.
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All this inspired many scholars including, Soviet, Scandinavian and Pakistanis, to start looking into the matter more seriously. Larkana: A glance of the map of Sind reveals that Larkana, from location point of view enjoys a strategic position. After Karachi it is largest city on the west bank of river Indus in Sind. The city is located in upper Sind at a distance of about 85 km south west of Sukkur. Important towns in the vicinity of Larkana include Dokri, Naudero, Ratodero, Qambar, Bakrani, Shahdadkot, Badah and Miro Khan. Larkana was founded about 300 yrs. ago by a tribe of Sind called "Laraks" on the banks of the Ghaad Waah, which was dug at the behest of the Kalhora rulers, it had fruit and flower garden along it and in time settlers lite the sailors from 'Laar' came and settled down here which got the place christened Larkana. But this place actually progressed under the British rule in the early twentieth century and went to be the headquarter of the province in 1901 AD. with its main towns being Nao Deo Qamber and Rato Dero. Larkana got status of Municipal Committee in 1855 AD. With the completion of the Sukkur Barrage in 1931 towards the west of Larkana was the Dadu Canal and in the east the Rice Canal which went on to become a place for cultural gatherings in the initial days but with the onset of the Rice Canal the Ghaad Waah started drying up and the place lost its charm. This place has been often referred to as the 'Eden of Sind' or 'Shiraz of Sind' or even Bagh-e-Anam' which led to it being known as the Garden City. This probably came about on the basis of the numerous garden that were there in the city, the most famous being the 'Tajar Bagh' and 'Gyan Bagh' apart from 'Tolani Bagh', 'Riyali Bagh', Baaey-joBagh', Thanwar Bagh',' Karamam Bagh', 'Lahori Bagh', 'Dharami Bagh', 'Lekhraj Bagh'. Amongst these gardens the mangoes from Tolani Bagh and the beir from Dharami Bagh were famous throughout the world and much in demand. Two public parks also adorned the city namely 'Bolus Park' that was used for political and social gatherings and 'Mazdoor Park' which was a open air study place for the budding students.
Peshawar: Peshawar is the capital of North West Frontier Province of Pakistan; NWFP for short. Like most ancient cities, several theories abound about its name. Babur the founding emperor of Mughal dynasty, has referred to it as 'Pushpapura', meaning the 'city of
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flowers'. Another theory suggests that Peshawar has been derived from Persian words 'Pish' and 'Aawar" meaning a place you encounter en route. Strategically located at the mouth of the famous Khyber Pass, Peshawar has been the Northern invasion route to India for centuries. Peshawar was founded over 2,000 years ago and became the seat of the Kushan Kings and a cradle of Gandhara Civilization. With the advent of Islam, the Persian influence brought in by the Mughals, left a lasting impression that remains till today. Surrounded by hills and offering a mysterious charm, Peshawar has much to offer to its visitors. The population of NWFP is primarily Pathans, with a very distinctive language called 'Pushtu'. Pathans have handsome features and they are traditionally very hospitable, but fiercely independent and a race of proud warriors, who have proved to be unconquerable. The gun totting Pathans lend a 'Frontier Town' aura, compelling some writers to call NWFP the Wild West of Pakistan. Yet this charismatic city has a unique capacity for captivating its visitors, who keep returning to be mesmerised by its charms and adventurous spirit. Balahisar Fort: The name Balahisar is of Persian origin and most likely given by Afghan Ruler Taimur Shah Durrani (1773-1793). The origin of the fort is not clear, but it is as old as the city itself, 2000 to 2500 years. The main entrance faces the old route to India. A Chinese traveller Huen Tsang, visited Peshawar in 630 AD., and he has described it as a royal residence of the city. According to Dr. Dani, a channel of the old Bara River surrounded it once. Historically Peshawar has always been a city of strategic importance, frequently mentioned as the seat of Gandhara Civilization. Subuktagin captured Peshawar in 988 AD., Mahmood of Ghazni in 1001 AD., Ghori in 1179 AD., and then came Babur in the 15 century and established the Mughal empire. Afghan King Sher Shah Suri destroyed the fort after the overthrow of Babur's son Humayun. Upon his return Humayun rebuilt the fort. Ahmad Shah Durrani of Afghanistan finally took it from the Mughals and made it a residential palace. His son Taimur made Peshawar his winter capital. After his death in 1793, Shah Zaman lost it to the Sikhs in 1834, who destroyed it. Then Sher Singh on orders from his father Ranjeet Singh, rebuilt the fort. An inscription from the Sikh period still survives on a gate. The British annexed Punjab in 1849 after
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defeating Ranjeet Singh's son, and extended their rule to Peshawar. At the time Balahisar was a mud fort, the British reinforced it with bricks and gave it the present day look. Till 1947, the fort also housed the treasury. On 14 August 1947, the Pakistan flag hoisted over Balahisar, and the following year it became the Headquarters of the Frontier Corps (FC). A small museum has also been opened inside the Fort, which has a nice display of weapons, dresses, and photographs relating to the FC. Mahabat Khan Mosque: The mosque was built in mid 17th century, during the rule of the Mughal Emperor Shahjehan. Mahabat Khan was governor of the Peshawar region at the time, and he financed the building of the mosque, thus the eponym. It is a beautiful mosque in the traditional Mughal style. Set among the gold and silversmith shops, its narrow but massive entrance leads to a large prayer courtyard. In the middle of the courtyard is a cool blue tiled ablution pond, with a row of rooms on either side, or a main prayer hall towards the western side. The main hall is lavishly decorated inside and covered by three fluted domes. Two tall minars (towers) rise on either side of the main hall. In 1826, the Sikhs had to fight their way to Peshawar and let loose a reign of terror, which continued with the appointment of General Evitable, an Italian mercenary, as the governor of Peshawar. Every day before breakfast, he would have a few local men hurled from the top of the Minar of the Mahabat Khan Mosque to "teach a lesson to the unruly tribesmen". His cruelty has passed into the folklore of the walled city, for naughty children are often warned of the wrath of Abu Tabela, a local corruption of 'Evitable'. The top domes of the minars were destroyed by the Sikh rulers, and later rebuilt by British. Today it is well maintained by the faithful. Visitor remember to take off shoes before entering the mosque. Ensure that visitor are clothed to cover arms and legs. Also cover your head. The Mahabat Khan Mosque is located on the narrow street of Andarshar Baiaar, inside the Peshawar City. To get there, either take the Kachairy Road to Chowk Yadgar, park there and walk west 150 metres into the Bazaar; or park diagonally across the southeast end of Balahisar Fort on Hakim Ullah Jan Road, and walk up the alley of Andarshar Bazaar. The mosque is at the highest point on the street.
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Jamrud Fort: A well-known Sikh General Sardar Hari Singh Nalwa, proposed the construction of a big fort at Jamrud (originally Fattagarh) in 1836, in order to strengthen the base for further advances through the formidable defile. It is at the southern end of the Khyber Pass, where the Khyber gate stands across the road today. Construction was approved the following year and Hari Singh built a mud fort in an unbelievably short time of 54 days. However, Amir Muhammad Khan of Kabul (Afghanistan) sensed danger and attacked it in early 1837, he defeated the Sikhs and returned to Kabul. In April 1837, the local tribesmen followed suit and attacked the fort, killing Hari Singh. The fortress is situated on a mound covering a hundred square yards. It has an outer wall and an inner wall and had one entrance in each wall at the time. The route inside spirals to the top, from where one can get a commanding view of the stony barrenness that leads into the famous Khyber Pass. In 1924, the British took over the fort and constructed new barracks. Today it is part of the Peshawar garrison, and prior permission is required to visit inside. Peshawar Museum: The Victorian Memorial Hall was originally the built as a centre for cultural and social activities of British military and civil officers. However, when the archeolOgical mission started excavations in various parts of NWFp, the British realised the necessity for a museum and converted this monumental building to a museum in 1906. The red brick building of the Peshawar Museum is like a MUghal monument from the outside and a basilica from the inside. The style is typically Curzonian, amalgamated with oriental features. The interior consists of a long hall with side galleries on the ground floor and galleries on the first floor. At present there are four main galleries: • The Gandhara Gallery houses a major collection of the museum. These artifacts come from different Buddhist sites in the Mardan District, and all the episodes on display are related to Buddhism. At the entrance of the Gallery is huge painting depicting the Gandharan Empire. • The Muslim Gallery contains handwritten copies of the holy Quran, calligraphic specimens, manuscripts and Mug~.al miniature paintings. • The Ethnological Gallery contains the dresses, weapons, household objects, musical instruments and dummies from
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different tribes of NWFP. The most interesting collection comes from Kufaristan in Chitral, it consists of wooden effigies of men and women. • The Coins Gallery displays the coins of Muslim rulers of India and Indo-Greek rulers. Some specimen seals and jewels are also on display. Shops and Shopping: Peshawar offers an intensely interesting and varied shopping experience. The bazaars offer not only a wide range of merchandise but also a picturesque and entertaining arena to explore. These lively bazaars are representative of the everyday life and you can find an amazing number of people conversing in three to four languages at the same time. By far, the most interesting tour would be that of a bazaar in Peshawar. Most of these colourful bazaars are in the old city where tourist find a labyrinth of narrow lanes, a mosaic of traders, travellers, Pathan tribesmen and Afghans. Shops are generally open every day, except dUring Friday prayers between noon and 3:00 pm. A detailed tour of these bazaars would take no less than a full day. Khyber Bazaar: The bus terminal for the Khyber Pass and Tribal Agencies is located here. Kabuli Gate, one of the walled city's 16 gates is at the end of the Khyber Bazaar. Though the gate and the walls have disappeared for the most part, some remnants are still visible. Doctors, lawyers and dentists mostly occupy Khyber Bazaar. There are a number of inexpensive hotels with reasonable room service and air-conditioning. QIssa Khawani Bazaar: Derives its name from olden times when it served as the news centre for the area. It was a place where news and views were exchanged and professional raconteurs enthralled large audiences of passers-by. A walk down this bazaar is still an exciting experience. Although the storytellers are long gone the street still throbs with activity. Colourful fruit-stalls and sweatshops compete for visitor attention and wayside restaurants sell a bewildering variety of kebabs, grilled meats and freshly baked flat bread. The aroma of tea and cardamom fill the air mingled with sandalwood, incense and tobacco. In the mid-19th century, British Commissioner in Peshawar, Sir Edward Herbert described Qissa Khawani Bazaar as 'the Piccadilly of Central Asia'. Towering over the street are tall narrow buildings with intricately carved balconies
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and window frames enclosing wooden shutters. Most of the cheaper hotels can also be found here.
Bazaar of Goldsmiths and Silversmiths: Running off Chowk Yadgar to the west is Andarshah Bazaar, a narrow street of gold and silversmiths. The street is lined with tall old buildings on both sides that cast the whole area in perpetual dusk. The shops sell tribal as well as modern jewellery, antique silver, old coins and an assortment of historic military memorabilia such as buttons, buckles, regimental badges, powder cases and bayonets. The goods are displayed in showrooms, dazzlingly bright inside with mirrors and powerful lights. Jewellery can be made to order and quality is unreservedly guaranteed. The quality of precious stones or gold however may prove to be disappointing and is not reliably guaranteed. Antique and second hand silver items and semiprecious stones are much more interesting and also less risky buys for the casual shopper. While tourist rummage through the boxes of treasure, the shopkeeper offers visitor sweet green tea brewed in huge copper samovars. Northern Pakistan and Northwest Frontier Province: The faScinating areas of Northern Pakistan are spread over 72,496 sq. km. Amidst towering snow-clad peaks with heights varying from 1,000 m to 8, 000 metres, the regions of Gilgit, Hunza and Baltistan recall Shangri-La. Pakistan has some of the world famous peaks, such as, K-2 (world's second highest, 8,611 m), Gasherbrum-I (8,068 m), Broad Peak (8,047 m) and Gasherbrum-II (8,035 m). Moreover, there are 68 peaks over 7,000 m and hundreds others over 6,000 metres. The Northern Pakistan has some of the longest glaciers outside Polar region; Siachen, Hispar, Biafo, Baltoro and Batura.
Northern Areas: This unique little town of Gilgit is blessed with spectacular beauty. Though many tourists do not visit the region but still those who brave the unruly terrain prefer to visit Gilgit, the capital city, mostly. It is nearly 330 km from Islamabad There is a bazaar, full of Central Asian traders, that is an excellent base for alpine walks, trout fishing and pottering about for historical ruins in the countryside. Other destination is Baltistan, which is today attracting tourists for world-class mountaineering, fine treks and pristine scenery. The peak tourist season is from May to mid-October nevertheless, though tourists keep pouring in throughout.
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North West Frontier Province: This region attracts both native and foreign tourists because of its impenetrable high mountains, intractable people and impossibly romantic cities. One of the most visited sites is Peshawar, the provincial capital. In the north of Peshawar is the district of Swat, considered to have the loveliest scenery in Pakistan's northern valleys. This lush-green valley, with its rushing torrents, icy-cold lakes, fruit-laden orchards and flower-decked slopes is an ideal place for tourists, who intent to relax and enjoy in the lap of nature. From Swat, one can move to Chitral, a relatively unspoilt area of lush valleys, hot springs and great walks. The Chitral Valley located at an elevation of 1,128 metres is one of the most popular spots amongst mountaineers, anglers, hunters, hikers, naturalists and anthropologists. The attractions of the city are Chitral fort and Palace of Mehtar. Most famous is the Kalash valley, the home of the Kafir, or "Wearers of the Black Robes", a primitive pagan tribe.
Historical and Archaeological Sites Taxila: The most important archaeological site, a satrapy of modem empire, Taxila is 35 km north of Islamabad. For over one thousand years, Taxila remained famous as a centre of learning Gandhara art of sculpture, architecture, education and Buddhism in the days of Buddhist glory. There are the three distinct cities, which are nicely excavated and preserved in Taxila. Bhir Moundh was established around sixth century B.C; the Sirkap city, built around the 2nd century B.C., is on the opposite side of Tamara stream; and finally Sirsukh, built by Kushan kings in the first century AD., is the most modem city of all. There are over 50 archaeological sites scattered in a radius of 30 kms around Taxila. Some of the most important sites are; Dhamarajika Stupa and Monastery (300 B.c.200 AD.), Bhir Mound (600-200 B.C.), Sirkap (200 B.C.-600 AD.), Jandial Temple (c. 250 B.C.) and Jaulian Monastery (200-600 AD.). Harappa: Harappa is the site of an ancient and important settlement of the prehistoric Indus Valley Civilization dating from 3rd to 2nd millennium B.C. Thus, it stands witness to the 5000-year-old cultural continuity of civilization in Pakistan. Harappil is located about 200 Km from Lahore and about 30 km from Sahiwal. Harappa was the cradle of one of the earliest civilisations known to man and conjures up images of fifty centuries ago, a period about which very little is known. The visitor can also visit the interesting and well-
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maintained museum at the Harappa site that houses artifacts found in the area.
Mohenjodaro: Mohenjodaro (Mound ofthe Dead) is one of the earliest and the most developed urban civilisations of ancient world. Discovered in 1922, it is situated on the West Bank of the river Indus. It forms a part of the Indus River Civilization of Harappa. The Indus River Civilization flourished from somewhere third till the middle of second millennium B.C before it vanquished from the world. Mohenjodaro looks like a planned, organised and master architecture of urban settlement. The city has a separate area for Administration! state, a rich residential area, Industrial area and an area for poor or workers. All the streets present an excellent grid system and were maintained with covered drainage, dustbins and market places. Through the discovery of coins and Potteries, archeologists believe that trade and cultural links existed between Mohenjodaro and the contemporary civilisations of Mesopotamia and Egypt. Hund Excavations: Hund, the ancient city of Embolima, is believed to be founded by Alexander the Great. Located 80 km away from Peshawar on the western bank of the Indus River, Hund is also famous for being the birthplace of the celebrated Sanskrit grammarian, Panini. In the 7th century A.D., many Chinese pilgrims visited Hund, as it was a revered place for the Buddhists of the period. Later in its history, it was made the capital of Gandhara by Hindu Shahi kings. In the beginning of the 11th century, Sultan Mahmood of Ghazni conquered Hund. One can visit the remnants of this once famous city; floods have washed some of it away. Among the remains numerous coins belonging to the Indo-Scythion and Hindu Shahi Rulers, jewellery and other articles of immense historical value have been found. Takht-e-Bahi: The Buddhist monastic complex of Takht-e-Bahi (Throne of Origins) was founded in the early 1st century. It is located about 80 kms from Peshawar and 16 kms northwest of the city of Mardan. Its position on the crest of a high hill, helped it to escape successive invasions and is still exceptionally well preserved. Nearby are the ruins of Sahr-e-Bahlol, a small-fortified city of nearly the same period. The ruins of an ancient Buddhist monastery are situated on the top of a 500 feet high hill. This site has produced fragmentary sculptures in stone and stucco that indicate the highly developed
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sculptural sense of their creators. The design and arrangement of the range of small shrines, which surrounds the main stupa-court, is most remarkable. The group of buildings unearthed after archeological excavations at Takht-e-Bahi include; the court of many Stupas, the monastery, the main stupa, the assembly hall, the low-level chambers, the courtyard, the court of three stupas, the wall of colossi and the secular building. Trekking with Model Itineraries: The Northern Areas of Pakistan offer a trekking-wonderland unrivalled in the entire world. Four of the world's greatest mountain ranges, the Karakoram, the Hindu Kush, the Himalayas and the Pamirs converge in the north of Pakistan; covering an area of 40,000 sq. km. Almost 37 of the world's 100 highest peaks, including K-2 (8611 Mt./second highest in the world), are located in these mountains. Five of these peaks are over 8000 metres and about 108 over 7000 metres. In no other part of the world can be found such a complex of mountain ranges, glaciers, valleys and mountain folk. Each range is daunting in itself and worthy of exploration. Together, they represent the most interesting and exciting mountain destinations to be found anywhere in the world. The high mountain regions of Northern Pakistan are very different in character to the neighbouring Himalayas of Nepal and India. The Karakoram and Hindu Kush lie beyond the reach of the monsoon rains, resulting in a distinct lack of natural vegetation. Geology has also played a role in creating a unique mountain environment in the Karakorams. Whereas in the Himalayas there are gently graded slopes leading to the face of a mountain, here most of the mountains are simply huge monoliths of granite which rise abruptly and vertically for thousands of metres out of many a valley floor; creating aweinspiring and inimitable mountain vistas. There is little arable land left for the tiny population that inhabits this barren but beautiful wilderness therefore, wherever possible, their small villages perch on shelves of land. Every inch of arable land is carefully terraced and tended. Glacial water is brought to these fields by irrigation channels cut into the mountain walls. The Pakistan Himalayas, comprising the Swat valley, the Kaghan valley and the Nanga Parbat region, fall just inside the monsoon belt. So, they are green and forested and in vivid contrast to the other mountain regions of Northern Pakistan.
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Nestled among the mountains of Northern Pakistan are four main valleys: Balt:stan, Gilgit, Hunza and Chitral. Besides, there are numerous smaller valleys, which offer excellent trekking possibilities. The Northern Areas of Pakistan are rightfully becoming recognised as one of the most rewarding trekking destinations of the world. The concentration of mountains and glaciers in this region, the friendly and hospitable peoples and the innumerable possibilities of exploration only make it surprising, it has taken so long for adventure-trackers to become aware of what it has to offer. For the ardent tracker, seriously interested in relating to the unparalleled grandeur and majesty of Pakistani Mountains and valleys, Trans-Pakistan offers quite a cornuc opia of flexible Trekking Programmes. Aexible, because we are able to tailor our suite to the requirements of pre-calloused hikers as well as unflustered but intrepid debutantes! During the trek, porters carry all baggage/equipment. This enables the trackers to thoroughly enjoy the grandeur of the area. TransPakistan provides quality 2-person tents and close-cell sleeping mattresses. The trackers themselves must bring sleeping bags. The culinary standard of our field-kitchen and its general hygiene has been found above approach. Truly, the cooking and the cookies always receive commendations and felicitations! The facilities of a kitchen tent, mess tent, camp-furniture and a toilet tent are standard features of all our trekking itineraries.
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Index A Abul Kalam Azad, 73, 78. Administration, 41, 47, 48,51, 53, 54, 55, 57, 64, 85, 99, 103, 108, 115, 130, 133, 147, 148, 149,156, 163, 190, 191, 219,224, 324, 432, 437, 441,465, 468, 536, 544, 565,577, 657, 659, 689, 704. Afghanistan, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 11, 12, 43, 47, 51, 55, 68, 85, 130, 136, 145, 147, 148, 158, 162,163, 164, 165, 169, 174,175, 184, 192, 201, 202,203, 204, 207, 208, 221,222, 232, 235, 267, 268,277, 278, 279, 280, 282,285, 286, 288, 293, 295,314, 336, 341, 349, 363,384, 395, 396, 408, 429,430, 433, 434, 435, 440,449, 474, 476, 509, 513,515, 528, 529, 554, 555,557, 560, 562, 563, 564,566, 567, 573, 597, 623,672, 675, 690, 698, 700.
Agreement, 55, 81, 86, 87, 103, 111, 131, 145,169, 173, 175, 189, 202,203, 316, 377, 467, 474,476, 520, 565, 567, 573. Agriculture, 7, 14, 20, 65, 109, 117, 233, 283,328, 329, 376, 451, 454,455, 456, 462, 464, 470,479, 481, 482, 484, 487,492, 495, 500, 517, 542,543, 588, 592, 647. Airlines, 16, 179. Akbar, 40, 47, 48, 89, 278, 330, 333, 334, 355,363, 364, 680, 684. Alexander, 10, 43, 44, 198, 224, 267, 303, 315,329, 337, 393, 418, 419,436, 673, 675, 689, 704. Aligarh Movement, 36, 56. All India Muslim League, 37, 40, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 73, 442, 443, 531, 576. Allah,90, 94, 95, 101, 141, 143, 167, 283, 294,313, 314, 318, 319, 320,321, 356, 414, 530, 531,649.
726 Allama Iqbal, 59, 67, 296,361, 381, 649, 686. Allauddin Khalji, 330. Almani Tribe, 321, 323. ~ab,42, 46, 49, 147, 166, 174, 222, 236, 237,294, 295, 342, 366, 396,418, 426, 429, 436, 469,555, 556, 557, 558, 559,689. Arabic,45, 46, 224, 283,295, 344, 353, 354, 365,366, 397, 398, 399, 400,401, 402, 403, 404, 405,406, 407, 408, 414, 415,416, 417, 418, 421, 422,423, 426, 427, 430, 431,434, 435, 436, 438, 439,628. Architecture, 27, 31, 45, 230, 304, 327, 330, 333,342, 343, 344, 345, 346,356, 358, 359, 361, 364,366, 367, 368, 674, 678,685, 686. 690, 695, 703, 704. Army, 10, 14, 52, 54, 55, 80, 104, 106, 107, 108, 115, 117, 122, 126,128, 130, 131, 132, 133,138, 141, 146, 152, 156,158, 163, 164, 168, 169,170, 171, 177, 187, 188,189, 195, 250, 279, .349,379, 405, 411, 525, 527,537, 540, 546, 550, 556, 568, 569, 570, 626, 627,633, 635, 681, 682, 690. Art, 31, 43, 46, 170, 197, 199, 234, 297, 303,308,
Pakistan 327, 328, 329, 330,331, 332, 333, 335, 336,338, 339, 340, 341, 342,345, 346, 347, 350, 351,352, 353, 354, 355, 356,358, 368, 414, 415, 416,428, 597, 600, 606, 617,618, 623, 625, 631, 650,651, 673, 677, 678, 683,687, 693, 703. Artist, 304, 317, 331, 333, 340, 342, 344, 345,346, 347, 348, 349, 351,354, 355. Aryans, 31, 39, 42, 44, 198, 233, 234, 239, 267,306, 329, 392, 411, 425. Ashoka, 43, 199, 337, 393, 395, 673. Asian Games, 616, 620. 622, 623, 630, 631, 637,638, 639, 640, 648, 649,650, 651, 667. 668, 669. Atomic Energy, 145, 495. Aurangzeb,47, 48, 49, 361, 365, 419, 650, 684,685. Awami League, 88, 89, 98, 121, 123, 124, 125,126, 153, 576. Awami National Party, 180,582. Ayub Khan, 27, 87, 101, 102, 104, 106, 107, 108,109, 111, 112, 113, 114,115, 116, 118, 119, 120,121, 122, 128, 136, 226,230, 506, 507, .524, 537,540, 551, 568, 577, 579 ..
Index
B Babur, 47, 674, 680, 689, 697, 698. Balochi People, 270. Balochistan,3, 4, 9, 11, 12, 13, 17, '19, 21, 26, 30, 32, 40, 43, 44, 46, 54, 55, 58, 63, 66, 67, 68, 81, 83, 85, 99, 123, 124, 129, 130, 131,136, 180, 182, 196, 197,198, 201, 202, 203, 204,211, 221, 224, 225, 232,242, 243, 277, 278, 282,283, 285, 286, 296, 297,299, 300, 301, 307, 331,379, 390, 391, 398, 404,422, 430, 433, 440, 441,449, 482, 486, 487, 494,496, 497, 499, 502, 514,515, 527, 528, 532, 563,582, 583, 621, 634, 657,658, 660, 672, 673, 675. Bangladesh, 40, 84, 123, 124, 128, 131, 146, 153,205, 219, 287, 306, 320,345, 346, 351, 455, 474,476, 520, 526, 529, 538,553, 565, 595, 622, 644, 666, 667, 669. Benazir Bhutto, 4, 27, 136, 137, 138, 169, 171,172, 174, 192, 267, 278,456, 466, 468, 491, 540,541, 551, 607. Border, 3, 12, 84, 85, 146, 164, 201, 202, 203,204,
727
205, 210, 229, 285,286, 337, 366, 423, 450,494, 519, 528, 550, 569,570. Britain, 67, 80, 81, 85, 86, 250, 372, 442, 474,475, 480, 496, 564, 565,613, 619, 651, 675. British Government, 56, 59,61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 73, 76. British India, 4, 40, 46, 50, 53, 83, 86, 87, 130, 202, 224, 229, 243,277, 455, 490, 527, 553,576, 578. British Indian Army, 52, 54, 55, 80, 546. British Muslim Relations, 36. British Raj, 52, 53, 56, 281, 523. British Rule, 50, 56, 65, 68, 72, 80, 229, 267, 307, 348, 455, 550, 697. Buddhism, 42, 235, 236, 273, 293, 297, 337, 338,339, 394, 673, 703. Buddhist, 14, 42, 43, 143, 199, 205, 237, 297,303, 304, 308, 328, 331,332, 335, 338, 339, 340,394, 426, 681, 682, 696, 700, 703, 704. Budget, 7, 28, 120, 159,160, 173, 175, 189, 252,380, 448, 451, 452, 454,466, 467, 468, 543, 600,604, 605, 606.
728 Business, 69, 152, 179, 224, 231, 247, 271, 291,316, 432, 433, 434, 437,457, 459, 460, 471, 511,521, 522, 557, 559, 561,575, 598.
c Cabinet Mission Plan, 62, 73, 81. Cable News Network, 180, 219, 306, 444. Capital of Pakistan, 3, 10, 108, 675, 681, 691, 693. Chenab,6, 14, 15, 205, 208, 299, 315, 437, 483,573, 688, 689. China, 9, 34, 146, 175, 189, 267, 310, 311, 336,361, 396, 474, 495, 521,567, 595, 597, 603, 616,623, 624, 630, 633, 634,672, 674, 675. Cholistan, 15, 16, 210, 304, 390. Civil Service, 53, 57, 87, 101, 103, 104, 107, 108,120, 127, 131, 132, 168,186, 278, 281, 316, 379,545. Civil War, 82, 529, 566, 685. Climate, 5, 6, 10, 16, 17, 194, 204, 207, 212,213, 336, 345, 484, 601,629, 692. Cold War, 147, 519, 553,562, 565, 566, 567, 568.
Pakistan Collaboration, 22, 36, 37,458, 479, 572, 587, 592,599. Communication, 119, 327,349, 359, 415, 436, 440,444, 565, 587, 588, 597,674. Conference, 36, 59, 61, 67, 78, 91, 105, 125, 147, 158, 165, 244, 289,381, 453, 556, 559, 629,641. Congress, 36, 37, 40, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 88, 145, 164, 476, 567, 576,630. Crafts, 31, 234, 303, 304, 308, 328, 329, 330,331, 337, 338, 344, 352,355, 356, 414, 427, 678,688. Cricket, 146, 305, 308, 613, 636, 641, 642, 643,655, 663, 664, 665, 666,683. Cripps, 61, 80, 81. Crops, 3, 5, 7, 13, 15, 16, 41, 197, 207, 210, 242, 250, 437, 448, 451,454, 482, 484, 485, 486,487, 499, 500, 682. Culture, 32, 36, 40, 41, 46, 90, 119, 163, 172, 179, 181, 184, 196, 197,198, 219, 231, 234, 239,261, 266, 291, 296, 304,303, 305, 306, 307, 308,309, 310, 311, 312, 321,323, 327, 328, 335, 336,346, 347, 352, 365, 390,398,
729
Index 402, 423, 521, 557, 651, 677,
415, 424, 525, 561, 673, 678,
417, 420,421, 425, 427,429, 542, 550,552, 594, 598,638, 674, 675,676, 684.
D Defence, 50, 53, 54, 80, 81, 104, 107, 123, 128,158, 163, 173, 175, 187,197, 224, 248, 371, 451,466, 468, 506, 525, 542,544, 554, 555, 556, 565,567, 570, 573, 588, 589,597, 618, 664. Delhi Sultanate, 4, 44, 46, 199. Delphi Survey, 587. Deoband,36, 56, 65, 71, 75, 76, 77, 79, 582. Dhaka,37, 57, 91, 108, 121, 122, 125, 126, 127, 146, 219, 306, 345, 525,640, 647, 651, 692. Divorce, 26, 109, 113, 135, 167, 168, 243, 245,249, 252, 265, 271, 323. Dowry, 272, 379. Dynasty, 44, 47, 51, 338, 366, 367, 368, 396,625, 673, 674, 687, 690,697.
E Earthquake, 7, 206, 455, 557, 696.
East India Company, 4, 35, 46, 49, 50, 51, 52, 523. Economic Affairs, 175, 245, 502, 542, 547. Economic Development, 33, 109, 110, 115, 116, 120,131, 136, 177, 218, 227,287, 449, 465; 502, 510,514, 516, 533, 568, 569,570, 590, 591, 593, 602. Economic Growth, 20, 21, 23, 109, 116, 127, 131,173, 184, 185, 219, 229,287, 452, 453, 462, 463, 468, 507, 509, 516, 517,523, 558, 589, 590, 591,603. Economic Policy, 449. Economic Problems, 188, 605. Education, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, 36, 53, 56, 57, 65, 75,119, 168, 176, 177, 184,194, 218, 219, 220, 222,227, 244, 253, 254, 255,259, 260, 261, 274, 278,287, 288, 290, 291, 325,351, 352, 360, 371, 372,373, 374, 375, 376, 377,378, 379, 380, 385, 401,420, 422, 423, 432, 433,434, 437, 440, 442, 452,454, 466, 482, 513, 514,523, 525, 542, 543, 551,570, 589, 590, 591, 592,593, 594, 595, 598, 599,600, 601, 602, 607, 622,635, 662, 703. Educational Conference, 36, 244.
730 Educational Reform, 21, 36. Egypt, 35, 147, 174, 320, 525, 628, 631, 696,704. Eid-ul-Adha, 312, 319, 320, 321. Eid-ul-Fitr, 114, 308, 312,313, 317, 318, 319. Election, 27, 61, 80, 88, 96, 102, 111, 121, 122,124, 131, 132, 133, 135,137, 138, 139, 141, 151,156, 159, 179, 180, 183,191, 255, 534, 537, 541 543 551, 552, 576, 581: 583: Elements, 70, 76, 99, 106, 112, 118, 132, 197,283, 297, 307, 336, 340, 346, 348, 357, 359, 367,368, 392, 414, 441, 480,498, 550, 597. Employment, 14, 18, 177, 219, 231, 243, 246,251, 256, 257, 271, 281,291, 316, 443, 448, 452,481, 482, 492, 509, 512,517, 547, 549, 586, 588. Empowerment, 29, 30, 244, 290, 498, 514, 569. Empowerment of Women 29 290, 514. " Energy, 145, 182, 214, 352, 448, 455, 472, 483,490, 493, 495, 496, 518,557, 560, 592, 604, 611. England, 49, 59, 64, 352, 353, 470, 613, 614,616, 617, 620, 621, 623,624,
Pakistan 627, 628, 629, 642,643, 644, 648, 663, 691. English,6, 35, 56, 233, 235, 259, 300, 307, 308,341, 342, 343, 344, 349,351, 373, 374, 379, 381,382, 383, 385, 387, 392,401, 403, 404, 408, 409,415, 417, 419, 420, 421,423, 428, 430, 436, 440,441, 442, 443, 444, 478,625, 627, 628. Environment, 47, 71, 197, 218, 232, 283, 310,311, 325, 333, 338. 414,437, 443, 449, 458, 479,500, 501, 502, 516, 526,537, 542, 547, 549, 554,555, 589, 590, 601, 611,679, 705. Establishment, 14, 32, 55, 67, 69, 73, 76, 89, 90, 104, 135, 141, 169, 184,185, 196, 199, 202, 404,445, 514, 530, 536, 557,571, 578, 592, 593, 599,600, 605, 606, 611, 639,682. Europe, 47,164,174, 235,250, 330, 343, 344,345,486, 617, 619, 623,632.676. Evolution, 88, 154, 349, 420, 510, 597.
F Faisalabad,13, 15, 228, 229, 230, 235, 461, 489,494, 573, 647, 688, 689.
Index
Farmers, 108, 197, 206, 223, 224, 228, 282, 284,437, 451, 455, 458, 465,484, 485, 487, 488, 500, 506. Farsi, 408, 429, 436. Federal Shariah Court, 144, 167. Festivals, 277, 300, 308, 312, 315, 319. Financial Resources, 606. Five Year Plan, 115, 116, 226, 227, 247, 373, 490,499, 502, 503. Flag, 535, 645, 649, 6~0, 699. Foreign Policy, 33, 54, 88; 115, 131, 145, 553, 554,555, 564, 566, 568, 571. Forest, 208, 211, 215, 499, 603, 679. Forestry, 208, 456, 482, 498. Freedom, 30, 35, 70, 77, 91, 94, 120, 185, 248, 251, 257, 259, 317, 350,351, 354, 355, 429, 530,570, 573.
G Games, 445, 613, 614, 615, 616, 620, 622, 623,624. 628, 629, 630, 631,632, 633, 635, 636, 637, 638, 639, 640, 646, 647,648, 649, 650, 651, 652,653, 654, 655, 657, 658,659, 660, 661, 662, 667,668, 669, 677.
731 Gandhi,58, 61, 65, 66, 73, 80, 81, 82, 145, 146. Geography, 5, 77, 201, 283. Ghalib, 406, 409, 415, 417. 419, 420. Ghazal,409, 414, 416, 417, 418, 419. 420. Ghaznavids,32, 45, 46, 398. Ghazni, 11, 44. 418, 682. 698, 704. Ghulam Mohammad, 16, 88, 99. 103, 104, 536. 578. Ghulam MustafaJatoi, 177. 178. God, 85, 90, 91, S3, 144, 153,198, 294, 295,314, 320,322, 328, 360,365, 368,418, 438, 439,548, 687. Government of Pakistan, 24, 35. 39, 91, 276, 281, 457, 476. 499, 502, 503,504, 512, 516, 574, 575,606, 633, 656, 658. Government Policies, 7, 444, 448, 454, 462. 463. 485. 497, 590, 597. Governor, 4, 52, 53, 63, 65, 67, 83, 87, 88, 99,101, 102, 103. 104, 119.150. 186. 362, 460, 503,531, 532, 535, 536, 543,544. 578. 634, 685, 687,689, 691, 699. Governor General, 4, 52, 53, 67, 83, 87, 88, 99,101, 102, 103, 150, 531,532, 535, 536, 578.
Pakistan
732 Gulf States, 231, 555, 556.
286,
429,
H Hadrat Imam Bari, 312. Hajj, 300, 313, 319, 320. Hakim, 284, 285, 428, 686, 699. Hamdard Institute of Information Technology, 608. Handicapped, 28, 575. Handicrafts,30, 31, 32, 304, 331, 692, 693, 694. Harvard University, 507. Hasan Abdul, 300, 627. Heer Ranjha, 312. Heritage, 3, 32, 41, 198,277, 303, 304, 306, 308,313, 328, 346, 348, 351,356, 421, 429, 553, 671,678, 693. Hidayat Niazi, 185. Higher Education, 23, 254,260, 261, 274, 374, 375,376, 377, 378, 381, 401,434, 440, 590, 591, 593,635. Hindu Leaders, 570. Hinduism, 39, 41, 42, 45,56, 235, 267, 272, 296,297, 300. History, 4, 28, 30, 32, 39, 40, 42, 45, 47, 51, 52, 67, 69, 70, 72, 76,126, 133, 138, 189, 190,192, 196, 198, 204, 222,229, 239, 240, 241, 268,287,
289, 303, 306, 308,310, 311, 317, 327, 328,336, 337, 338, 342, 348,350, 353, 354, 381, 384,386, 387, 391, 395, 397,413, 414, 421, 422, 426,428, 429, 430, 435, 438,440, 442, 502, 508, 515,524. 527, 531, 547, 551,553, 557, 561, 568, 613,621, 622, 623, 625, 626,627, 630, 636, 637, 638,639, 641, 650, 663, 671,672, 673, 675, 676, 677,678, 683, 689, 693, 704. Hockey, 260, 305, 613, 614, 636, 637, 638, 639,654, 658, 662, 667, 668. Human Development, 23, 24, 219, 222, 513, 516. Human Resource Development, 20, 591, 609, 610. Human Rights, 147, 148, 163, 174, 263, 275, 276,289, 290, 321, 322, 323,324, 514, 546, 565, 572. Humayun, 47, 332, 698. Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, 62, 82, 89, 98.
I Iltutmish, 396. Independence, 3, 4, 26, 30, 35, 40, 52, 63, 66, 67, 68, 71, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 104, 129, 131, 153,
Index 159, 181, 186, 196,205, 208, 217, 218, 220,228, 229. 230, 244, 248,253, 257, 282, 283, 285,287, 288, 289, 296, 325,328, 331, 345, 348, 371.442, 443, 444, 454, 462,463, 470, 475, 482, 488,490, 492, 494, 502, 503,523, 529, 530, 531, 532,533, 545, 546, 553, 554,556, 559, 564, 576, 578,687, 690, 691 .. India, 4, 5, 6, 15, 33, 35, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 71, 72. 73, 78, 80, 81. 82, 83. 84. 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 104. 124, 127. 130. 131, 145. 146.162. 176, 177, 191, 201,202, 203, 204, 207, 220,222, 224, 228, 229, 230,233, 234, 236, 238, 239,240, 241, 243, 257, 267,268, 273, 274, 275, 276,277, 278, 282, 293, 296,297, 305, 306, 307, 309,310, 311, 315, 320, 334,341, 343, 345, 348, 357,358, 361, 362, 383, 386,393, 395, 397, 399, 402,403, 404, 405, 406, 407. 408. 411, 413, 419, 420,422, 423, 425, 429, 430.431, 433, 440, 441, 442,443,
733 447, 448, 450, 455,462, 468, 474, 476. 478,483, 490. 519, 520, 521,522, 523, 526, 527, 529,531, 535, 550, 553, 554, 555. 563, 564, 565, 566,567, 568, 570, 573, 576,578, 582, 586. 595, 597,609, 611. 613, 614, 615,617, 618, 621, 622, 624,627, 630, 635, 637, 638,641, 642. 643, 644, 646,648. 649, 653, 666, 672,675, 687, 698. 701, 705. Indian Civil Service, 53, 57, 87, 545. Indian Ocean, 5, 49, 162,202, 207, 306, 573. Indus, 3, 4, 5, 6, 11, 13, 14. 15. 16, 18, 31, 34, 39, 40. 41. 42, 44, 45. 54, 85. 146. 197. 198. 199, 201. 202. 203,204. 205, 206, 207, 208,209, 210, 211. 238, 267,293, 297, 304, 321, 328,329. 335, 336, 346, 352, 354, 386, 389, 390, 391,393, 395, 396, 397. 405, 424, 425. 435, 436, 437,440, 443, 451, 455. 462.465. 482, 483, 484, 495,671, 672, 673, 677. 693,695. 696, 697, 703. 704. Indus River, 40, 54. 85, 203, 204, 205, 206, 208,267, 297. 304, 451, 455,465, 482, 483, 484, 495,671, 672, 680, 695, 704.
734 Indus Valley, 4, 16, 31, 34, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 54, 197, 199, 293, 297, 328, 329, 346, 354,386, 389,390, 391, 424, 425, 435,436, 440, 618, 672, 673,703. Industry, 32, 109, 128, 136, 173, 215, 231, 260,305, 317, 452, 455, 456,457, 458, 462, 463, 464,478, 490, 492, 495, 517,520, 521, 522, 557, 561,588, 590, 592, 602, 604,608, 609, 689, 693. Information Technology, 22, 516, 590, 599, 607, 608. Institute of Computer Science, 608. Institutions, 21, 22, 25, 33, 35, 36, 46, 57, 64, 94, 102, 105, 107, 119,120, 128, 137, 143, 154,168, 172, 184, 189, 193,239, 260, 311, 346, 350,371, 372, 375, 376, 380,400, 447, 449, 450, 453.457. 460. 461. 462, 470.471. 472, 526, 527, 529,546, 547, 549, 551, 552,553, 576, 588, 590, 591,592, 599, 600, 601, 604,607, 608, 609, 610, 611,653, 654, 662. Investment, 7,21,54, 108, 109, 116, 117, 128,143,144, 173, 182, 184,281,286, 287, 289, 290,447,448,
Pakistan 449, 450, 451,453,454, 460, 462, 463,464,466, 470, 471, 472,480,491, 494, 507, 508,510,512, 519, 547, 558,588,590, 593, 596, 597,603,609. Iran, 5, 68, 130, 147, 163, 185, 198, 201, 202,207, 232, 235, 267, 268,282, 293, 306, 310, 320,329, 332, 338, 342, 357,358, 363, 364, 429, 430,433, 440, 474, 476, 494,505, 555, 556, 557, 559,560, 561, 562, 563, 564,566, 616, 619, 623, 631,634, 639, 651, 672, 675. Iraq, 31, 41, 147, 174, 185, 433, 555, 556, 639. Ishaq Khan, 138, 164, 168, 170, 171, 177, 178,183, 186, 187, 188, 189,281, 456, 540, 545, 581,608. IskandarMirza,101, 102, 104, 106, 122, 536, 537. Islah Uddin, 668. Islam, 3, 4, 31, 37. 40, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 55, 56, 59, 70, 71, 74. 75, 76, 77, 79, 84, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 110, 111,112, 114, 115, 118, 123,127, 128, 129, 135, 139,141, 143. 153, 154, 159,162, 165, 166, 169, 172,175, '180, 184, 196, 199,217,
735
Index
220, 221, 230, 235,236, 237, 239, 244, 246,248, 250, 255, 256, 259,263, 266, 267, 269, 273,274, 276, 277, 294, 295,296, 297, 305, 306, 307, 308, 312, 313, 314, 320,323, 328, 351, 359, 360,361, 364, 365, 366, 398,411, 417, 426, 427, 471.526, 541, 544, 569, 578,579, 580, 582, 685, 698. Islamabad,3, 7, 10, 14, 19, 108, 121, 135, 138,146, 149, 154, 158, 165,182, 201, 203, 213, 216,219, 221, 230, 235, 241. 245, 278, 299, 306, 312,353, 365, 376, 381, 448,454, 472, 488, 489, 490,494, 495, 521, 532, 538,542, 543, 548, 557, 562,563, 564, 566, 633, 635, 640, 657, 658, 659, 660,662, 674. 675, 676, 677,678, 679, 680, 681, 682,683, 688, 689, 691, 692,693, 702, 703. Islami Jamhoori ltiehad (IJI), 170, 176. 179, 180, 181,182, 183, 185, 186, 190,577. 578, 579, 581. Islami Jamhoori Mahaz, 583. Islamic Architecture, 344, 359, 366. Islamic Community, 137. Islamic Countries, 127, 342, 555, 617, 619.
Islamic Culture, 32, 90, 684. Islamic Education, 56. Islamic Heritage, 32, 348. Islamic Jihad, 509. Islamic JUrisprudence, 194. Islamic Law, 4, 47, 56, 71, 90, 97, 105, 135, 143, 166, 167, 169, 192,217, 224, 244, 245, 246,272, 298, 544, 579. Islamic Republic, 3, 89, 98,99, 104, 110, 154, 499,526, 528, 532, 533, 536,539, 583. Islamic Society, 114. 141, 153, 244, 579. Islamic State, 35, 71, 74, 84, 89. 90, 93, 94, 96, 98. 104, 111, 114, 169,221, 246, 311, 546, 576,578. Islamic Welfare, 178. Islamic World, 131, 344, 359, 606, 607. IT Companies, 593. 608, 609. IT Departments, 609. IT Industry, 608, 609.
J Jakarta, 630, 631, 669. Jamat-e-Islami.74, 75, 77,89, 90, 101, 105, 113, 155, 162. Jamiat-e-Tulaba-e-Islam. 579. Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Hind, 77, 78, 79.
736 Jehangir, 32, 263, 264, 323, 324, 334, 363, 625,644, 645, 674, 681, 684,686, 687. Jerusalem, 147, 344. Jewellery, 30, 31, 234, 272, 303, 304, 308, 318,329, 331, 337, 340, 356,357, 458, 678, 687, 688,693, 702, 704. Jhelum, 3, 6, 13, 14, 15, 205, 208, 236, 483,495, 640, 675, 681, 691,692. Jihad, 509, 609. Jinnah, 4, 27, 37, 46, 59, 61, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, BO, 82, 83, 87, 88, 92, 103, 121, 153, 169, 244, 273, 275, 296,361, 430, 529, 531, 532,535, 545, 550, 565, 576,639, 641, 651, 652, 677,693, 694. Journey, 587. Judiciary, 139, 151, 152, 159, 179, 196, 457, 517,530, 543. Jurisprudence, 79, 194, 293, 295. Justice, 53, 70, 74, 91, 94, 139, 140, 150, 151,152, 159, 161, 166, 184,194, 246, 265, 324, 325,367, 503, 504, 507, 510,517, 523, 530, 531, 535,536.. 537, 540, 541, 542,543,
Pakistan 544, 565, 640, 641,647, 651.
K Karachi,3, 4, 6, 13, 16, 19, 32, 34, 84, 85, 86, 91, 96, 117, 121, 136, 150, 155, 156, 163, 164,172, 174, 177, 192, 208,213, 216, 219, 220, 221,224, 225, 228, 229, 230,235, 241, 245, 247, 257,260, 278, 282, 284, 298,299, 304, 306, 322, 323,324, 346, 350, 351, 352,353, 354, 361, 377, 381,407, 430, 444, 449, 458,460, 461, 463, 469, 472,479, 488, 489, 490, 491,494, 495, 496, 500, 518,524, 535, 581, 582, 623,624, 640, 641, 646, 647,648, 651, 652, 663, 667,669, 682, 689, 692, 693,694, 697. Karakoram, 3, 9, 10, 34,201 , 203, 204, 209, 213,671, 672, 673, 674, 691,705. Kashmir, 4, 30, 51, 68, 83, 86, 131, 145, 146, 174, 177, 185, 191, 205,208, 277, 311, 348, 358,363, 365, 396, 408, 444,495, 553, 554, 573, 650,675, 677, 682, 688, 691. Kashmiri Bazaar, 362, 685, 686. Kazakhistan, 674.
Index
Khatib, 357. Khutba, 357. Khwaja Nazimuddin, 88, 99, 101, 532, 535. Khyber Bazaar, 70l. Khyber Pass, 5, 6, 11, 42, 203, 204, 207, 208,303, 698, 700, 701. Kinship, 221, 222, 249, 253, 270, 277, 278, 283. Kurdish, 429, 43l. Kushan Kings, 698, 703. Kyrgyzstan, 474, 674.
L Labour, 20, 24, 25, 30, 81, 128, 186, 196, 226,231, 243, 246, 247, 250,251, 253, 256, 274, 286,291, 330, 333, 353, 449,463, 464, 466, 481, 482,486, 487, 490, 492, 500,507, 508, 509, 510, 513,517, 544, 558, 597. Lahore, 3, 13, 15, 30, 32, 34, 40, 41, 44, 51, 60, 68, 84, 87, 91, 139, 149, 152, 180, 181,193, 203, 219, 225, 228,229, 230, 231, 235, 242,245, 247, 260, 266, 273,295, 297, 303, 304, 306,312, 316, 317, 328, 330,335, 346, 350, 351, 352,353, 355, 356, 361, 362,366, 381, 383, 385, 387,396,
737 398, 404, 411, 436,444, 458, 460, 461, 472,489, 490, 494, 536, 576,579, 623, 624, 634, 639,640, 641, 642, 643, 644,646, 647, 649, 650, 651,652, 653, 665, 671, 674,680, 682, 683, 684, 685,686, 687, 688, 689, 703. Lahore High Court, 139, 149, 180, 316, 65l. Laila and Majnoon, 418. Landscape, 5, 6, 9, 11, 207, 208, 282, 283, 286, 343, 344, 347, 672. Language, 6, 7, 35, 42, 45, 46, 67, 96, 108, 175, 220, 223, 224, 225,233, 235, 239, 270, 350,373, 374, 381, 382, 384,385, 386, 387, 389, 391,392, 393, 394, 395, 396,397, 398, 399, 400, 401,402, 403, 404, 405, 406,407, 408, 409, 410, 411,412, 413, 414, 415, 417,419, 420, 421, 422, 423,424, 425, 426, 427, 428,429, 430, 431, 432, 433,434, 435, 436, 437, 438,440, 441, 442, 443, 444,628, 675, 698. Law, 4, 20, 26, 27, 29, 35, 46, 47, 48, 49, 53, 54, 55, 56, 64, 69, 70, 71, 78, 83, 85, 88, 90, 91, 94, 97, 98, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107,108,
738
Pakistan
109, 114, 122, 133, 138, 143, 155, 160, 169, 176, 183. 195, 245, 262, 270, 322, 375, 479, 526, 538, 550, 578,
110, 115, 126, 134, 139, 144, 156, 161, 170, 177, 184, 217, 246, 263, 272, 323, 377, 486, 530, 540, 551, 579,
111, 112,113, 118, 119,120, 127, 128,132, 135, 136,137, 140, 141,142, 151, 152,154, 157, 158,159, 162, 166,167, 171, 174,175, 178, 181,182, 187, 192,193, 224, 242,244, 258, 259,260, 264, 265,266, 273, 289,298, 325, 332,361, 378, 450,451, 497, 523,524, 533, 535,537, 542, 544,548, 552, 562,572, 580, 685,687. Law of Evidence, 245, 259. Leadership, 35, 58, 60, 62, 64, 68, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 87, 88, 90, 103, 123, 127, 137, 156,179, 181, 193, 195, 221,224, 245, 258, 259, 275,545, 546, 551, 553, 566,569, 570, 576, 582, 609,641, 642. Uaquat Ali Khan, 26, 62, 71, 75, 87, 88, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 361, 532, 535, 576, 683. Literacy, 7, 19,20, 21, 23,25, 26, 217, 233, 235,243,
244, 288, 371,378,379, 432, 444, 453,514,589. Literature, 44, 45, 46, 61, 295, 308, 331, 337,375, 381, 383, 389, 400,401, 403, 405, 406, 409,410, 413, 414, 416, 420,421, 426, 427, 428, 429,434, 435, 436, 438, 440,617, 623, 628. Lodhi, 44, 47.
M Madrasa, 357, 385. Mafia, 547, 548. Mahar, 321, 322, 323, 324. Mahatma Gandhi, 58, 65, 73,
80, 82. Mahmood Ghazni, 418. Marriage, 25, 26, 27,
109, 245, 252,255, 270, 271,272, 322, 323,379. 27, 101, 103, 108, 110,115, 122, 126, 127, 133, 134,137, 140, 141,144, 154, 155,156, 159, 171,178, 192, 524,530, 540, 577.578.
113, 185, 263, 265, 284, 301, Martial Law, 4, 106, 107, 118, 120, 128, 132, 138, 139, 151, 152, 157, 158, 183, 187, 537, 538, 580. Masjid, 273, 304, 319, 684. Mecca, 294, 313, 319, 427, 566.
Index
Medals, 616, 635, 636, 648, 649, 651, 667, 668,669. Media, 153, 155, 174, 180, 184, 243, 266, 305,321, 349, 351, 358, 375,406, 415, 433, 443, 444,44 5, 459, 460, 585, 586. Medicinal Plants, 50l. Medina, 427. Middle East, 35, 146, 147, 201, 231, 234,.2 50, 268,305, 309, 405, 408, 464,475, 480, 488, 492, 555,557, 558, 559, 560, 572. Military, 5, 45, 47, 48, 50, 51, 83, 86, 87, 99,101 , 102, 103, 104, 106,108, 110, 113, 115, 125,126, 128, 130, 132, 133,138, 139, 146, 147, 148,155, 158, 162, 163, 164,166, 169, 170, 171, 175,176, 178, 179, 181, 182,184, 186, 187, 188, 189,192, 193, 196, 205, 218,219, 223, 224, 231, 248,278, 281, 285, 304, 309,310, 311, 317, 346, 348,349, 367, 371, 405, 444,45Q, 462, 468, 476, 495, 506, 508, 509, 525, 526,527, 530, 531, 545, 546,547, 548, 549, 551, 554,555, 561, 562, 564, 565,566, 567, 569, 571, 580,596, 609, 620, 634, 680,682, 700, 702. Minar-e-Pakistan, 685.
739 Mining, 233, 456, 497, 50l. Moeen Qureshi, 171, 189, 466. Mohammad Khan Junejo, 137, 157. Mosque, 230, 267, 269, 280, 282, 300, 303, 304,316, 317, 319, 333, 343,253, 359, 360, 361, 362,363, 365, 366, 367, 373,437, 566, 679, 685, 699. Mountain, 9, 17, 34, 42,201 , 203, 234, 328, 355,396, 405, 422, 482, 620,671, 672, 675, 705. Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD), 134, 151, 154, 155, 156,178, 580, 581, 583. Mughal, 4, 31, 32, 34, 39, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 65,107, 230, 233, 234, 236,237, 239, 268, 304, 306,308, 317, 328, 330, 332,334, 335, 342, 348, 350,355, 356, 357, 361, 362,363, 365, 389, 390, 405,410, 415, 419, 420, 427,441, 546, 619, 671, 674,678, 680, 684, 685, 686,687, 689, 690, 697, 698,699, 700. Mughal City, 230. Mughal Empire, 39, 47, 48, 51, 52, 55, 65, 335, 350, 362, 415, 420,546, 687, 698.
740
Pakistan
Mughal Period, 31, 32, 46, Music, 45, 295, 305, 307, 234, 330, 355, 356,362, 308, 312, 316, 317,420, 420, 441, 678. 427, 435, 672, 678. Mughal Rule, 47, 49, 362,687, Muslim, 4, 26, 31, 32, 34, 690. 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 44, 45, 46, 47, 50, 51, 52, Mughal Tradition, 32. 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, Mughalai CUisine, 268. 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, Muhajir, 6, 136, 175, 232, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 282, 581, 582. 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, Muhajir Community, 175, 581, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 582. 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz, 136,282, 93, 95, 97, 98, 100, 581. 103, 104, 105, 109,112, 113, 114, 120, 121,126, Muhammad (PBUH), 74, 193, 134, 137, 141, 143,147, 194, 294. 149, 155, 166, 168,170, MuhammadAli Bogra, 104,535. 171, 174, 179, 181,185, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, 4, 27, 190, 194, 196, 211,217, 37, 46, 59, 60, 64, 69, 218, 220, 221, 222,22 9, 75, 153, 244, 273, 296, 233, 234, 235, 236,23 7, 529, 531, 535, 550,565, 238, 239, 240, 241,24 3, 576, 639, 652, 694. 244, 245, 257, 261,264, Muhammad bin Qasim, 42, 44, 265, 267, 273, 274,275, 196, 307, 395, 489,689. 276, 291, 293, 294,295, Muhammad Ghori, 687. 296, 297, 298, 300,307, 308, 310, 311, 312,31 3, Muhammad Tughlaq, 330, 364. 314, 318, 319, 321,33 0, Muhammad Yusuf, 669. 342, 343, 356, 357,36 3, Muitan, 13, 15, 30, 34, 41, 44, 364, 366. 368, 381,39 5, 45, 144, 214, 229,23 7, 396, 397, 398, 409,411, 264, 304, 312,35 5,356, 412, 427, 438, 442,443, 363, 364, 365, 396, 397, 444, 469, 474, 526,52 7, 436, 439, 508, 640, 667, 531, 541, 542, 544,546, 671, 674, 689,69 0,691. 554, 576, 577, 578,586, Museum, 303, 304, 335, 356, 651, 671, 674, 681,682, 677, 678, 679, 681,685, 684, 690, 700. 701. 687, 693, 696, 699,700, Muslim Commu nity, 35, 61,65, 704. 76, 147.
Index
Muslim Countries, 100, 166, 291, 314, 651. Muslim Family Law, 245. Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 114, 168, 220, 245. Muslim Identity, 35, 64. Muslim League, 4, 37, 40, 46, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 67, 68, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 93, 98, 103, 104, 121, 134, 137, 155, 171, 179,185, 190, 196, 273, 296,442, 443, 531, 576, 577. Muslim Personal Law, 26, 78, 141, 244. Muslim Personal Law of Shariah, 244. Muslim Poets, 409. Muslim Power, 31, 35. Muslim Rule, 39, 45, 46, 234, 267, 395, 684. Muslim Society, 31, 56, 75, 100, 211, 233. Muslim Soldiers, 546. Muslim Women, 244, 257. Muslim World, 149, 318.
N National Assembly, 100, 110, 118, 119, 121, 125.126, 127, 128, 129, 132,133, 136, 137, 138, 156,157, 158, 159, 160, 161,162, 169, 170, 171, 176,177,
741 178, 180, 181, 188,190, 191, 195, 247, 526,529, 532, 533, 534, 536,537, 538, 539, 540, 541,542, 543, 577, 578, 579,580, 581, 582, 583. National Championship, 639, 657, 669. National Education, 22, 378. National Institute, 28, 287, 678. National Language, 35, 239, 381, 387, 401, 430,434, 435, 441, 442, 675. National Policy, 29, 298, 543. National Security, 128, 152, 163, 193, 195, 311. Natural Hazards, 5, 207. Natural Resources, 182, 501, 542. Nawab Salimullah Khan, 37. Nawab Syed Bukhari Khan, 685. Nawaz Sharif, 4, 106, 136, 146, 160, 164, 168,170, 171, 172, 173, 176,177, 179, 181, 182, 183,184, 185, 186, 188, 189,190, 191, 192, 275, 278. Nehru, 59, 60; 64, 65. 67, 78, 80," 81, 83, 146. New York Times, 188. Newspaper, 139, 182, 214, 264, 382, 443, 444. NGOs, 28, 218, 227, 232, 373. 515. Noorjehan, 322, 362, 674, 687.
742 North Western Frontier Province (NWFP), 6, 11, 19, 26, 32, 99, 123, 124, 164, 208, 239, 241, 270,299, 307, 331, 404, 449,487, 528. 532, 621, 634,657, 658, 660, 674, 679,697, 698, 700, 701. Nuclear Weapons, 145, 146, 147, 310, 348, 561,567, 571, 574.
o Olympic, 445, 613, 614, 615, 620, 622, 626, 629,630, 631, 632, 633, 634,636, 637, 638, 639, 646,647, 649, 650, 652, 653,661, 662, 667, 668, 669. Oman, 26, 32, 37, 58, 65, 121, 167, 168, 170,174, 199, 228, 241, 243,244, 245, 249, 299, 300,301, 315, 321, 323, 337,340, 343, 344, 345, 347,357. 378, 409, 414, 415,420, 421, 423, 427, 428,429, 431, 439, 442, 481,501, 511, 617, 618, 622,628, 632, 633, 634, 650, 703. Organisation, 26, 27, 28, 37, 56,57, 77, 90, 100,105, 109, 110, 146, 147, 164, 178, 224, 249,254,259, 270, 278, 280, 444, 461, 474, 479, 480,507,514, 521, 555, 557,559,560, 562, 576, 577,578,580.
Pakistan 581, 624, Ottoman, 344,
596, 614,615,623, 627, 636,647,651. 37, 58, 65, 343, 357.
p Pak-Indian Border, 210. Pakistan International Airlines, 179, 490, 509, 580. Pakistan Movement, 58, 61,68, 71, 73, 74, 77, 89,104, 224, 578. Pakistan Peoples Party, 508, 551. Pakistani CUisine, 268. Pakistani Flag, 645, 650, 699. Pakistani Food, 309. Pakistani Government, 280, 456, 558, 561, 563. Pakistani Issues. 347. Pakistani Language, 384, 404. Pakistani People, 269, 294,317. PakistaniSociety,85, 167, 169, 171, 172, 174, 190,195, 217, 226, 295, 347,350, 457, 521, 588. Pakistani Women, 27, 29, 30, 246, 248, 259, 260,266, 267, 346, 481. Panchayat System, 550. Parliament, 4, 28, 52, 63,99, 102, 136. 156, 157,159, 160, 161, 170, 183,187, 190, 191, 192, 375,450, 525, 526, 527, 529,533, 534, 536, 539, 540,541, 542, 621.
Index
Patel, 150. Pathans, 233, 234, 270, 336, 398, 698. Peaceful Environment, 414. Persian, 32, 43, 46, 51, 147, 185, 198, 199, 222,224, 231, 241, 283, 286,304, 308, 333, 334, 341,342, 343, 344, 345, 356,357, 365, 366, 385, 393,396, 397, 398, 399, 402,403, 405, 406, 407, 408,409, 410, 411, 413, 414,415, 417, 418, 419, 421,422, 426, 427, 429, 430,431, 432, 433, 434, 435,437, 438, 439, 441, 472,480, 555, 556, 559, 613,623, 682, 698. PervezMusharraf,5, 192, 193, 195, 526, 527, 569,570, 606, 607, 608. Peshawar,6, 11, 12, 30, 34, 43, 51, 163, 164, 174, 199, 204, 205, 208,229, 230, 239, 260, 268,299, 303, 329, 335, 339,351. 363, 393, 394, 396,398, 490, 494, 515, 528,624, 646, 647, 652, 671,673. 682, 689, 697, 698,699, 700, 701, 703, 704. Philosophy, 42, 74, 107, 116, 120, 327, 339, 351.427, 439, 673. Pilgrim, 338, 689. Policy, 22, 23, 29, 33, 34. Political Groups, 129, 139.
743 Political Inheritance, 53l. Political Parties, 27. 61, 62, 102, 103, 120, 121, 123. 132, 133, 137, 138, 142, 151, 153, 154, 156,179,183, 187, 530, 537,575,577. Political Power, 117, 176, 434, 569, 570. Polity,70, 74, 92, 127, 130, 195, 310, 523, 525,526, 527, 572, 579. Population, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 25, 28. 41, 46, 50, 53, 58, 84, 85, 86. 96. 97, 99. 114, 116, 118, 119, 120, 155, 172,175, 176, 177, 184, 204,208. 209, 210, 211, 212,214, 217, 218. 219, 222,223, 224, 225, 226, 227.228, 229, 230, 232, 233,234, 235, 236, 238, 239,249, 269, 273. 275. 276,277, 279, 282, 286, 287.288. 289, 290, 291. 293,296, 298, 299, 307. 371,411, 422, 441, 442, 444.449. 452. 454, 455. 462.481. 487, 492, 493, 494,499, 510, 512, 514. 528,533, 538, 539, 542, 550,576. 595, 600, 611, 675.684, 698, 705. President, 69, 77, 79. 87, 98, 100. 101, 102, 106,109. 110, 113, 114. 115,116. 117, 118, 119, 120,122, 124, 125, 126. 127,129, 133, 137, 138, 140, 146,
744
Pakistan
147, 152, 154, 155,157, 121, 123, 124, 128,129, 158, 160, 161, 162,163, 131, 138, 146, 170,171, 164, 168, 170, 171,176, 172, 176, 179, 180,181, 177, 178, 179, 182,183, 182, 184, 198, 199,201, 186, 187, 188, 189,190, 203, 204, 205, 206,209, 191, 195, 196, 278,281, 213, 214, 215, 220,22 3, 323, 324, 376, 456,466, 228, 229, 230, 232,234, 470, 504, 505, 506,521, 235, 236, 237, 238,24 0, 241, 242, 250, 268,273, 526, 527, 528, 529,532, 275, 277, 278, 281,296, 533, 534, 535, 536,537, 297, 299, 300, 303,307, 538, 539, 540, 541,542, 308, 312, 317, 328,329, 543, 544, 545, 565,566, 331, 336, 355, 356,36 2, 567, 568, 572, 573,580, 379, 383, 389, 390,39 3, 581, 582, 615, 616,639, 394, 395, 396, 398,39 9, 640, 647, 651, 660,669. 400, 411, 412, 420,421, Primary Education, 19, 24,373, 422, 430, 437, 442,449, 378. 460, 470, 482, 483,486, Prime Minister, 4, 26, 27, 66, 488, 493, 494, 495, 505, 80,82, 87,88, 91, 92,94, 508, 515, 519, 527,528, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 532, 577, 578, 621,633, 106, 124, 125, 128, 129, 634, 635, 646, 649,651, 136, 137, 138, 139, 146, 653, 657, 658, 660,672, 149, 153, 157, 158, 160, 675, 681, 682, 683,689, 164, 168, 169,17 0,171, 690, 691, 692, 698. 172, 173, 174,17 5,178, Punjab Univers ity, 181, 356, 179, 181, 182,18 3,184, 383, 505, 65l. 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, Punjabi,6, 39, 51, 54, 55, 195, 278, 361,45 6,465, 80, 103, 124, 130, 218, 467, 469, 470,50 2,508, 221, 223, 232, 233,235, 526, 529, 532,53 3,534, 236, 239, 243, 270,277, 535, 536, 539,54 0,541, 285, 296, 365, 383,385, 542, 548, 555,57 2,577, 387, 392, 397, 398,40 0, 578, 580, 581,60 7,683. 401, 403, 406, 412,420, Punjab,3, 4, 9, 11, 14, 15, 421, 426, 437, 438,441, 16, 19, 32, 37, 39, 40, 442, 576, 675. 43, 44, 46, 50, 51, 52, Pushto, 224, 233, 235,23 9,384, 54, 55, 58, 62, 63, 67, 386, 392, 398,40 1,403, 68, 81, 82, 85, 103, 404, 408, 429,43 0,431, 104, 105, 109, 117,118, 433, 434, 435,44 1,675.
745
Index
Q Qaseeda, 409, 414, 416, 417. Qissa Khawani Bazaar, 701. Quaed-e-Azam, 4, 27, 29, 37, 59, 60, 69, 70, 76, 83, 87, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 121, 175, 361, 529,531, 535, 639, 652, 687. Quetta, 11, 13, 54, 63, 134, 197, 204, 205, 286,297, 299, 398, 490, 494,500, 557, 560, 647, 651,652. Quran, 45, 48, 90, 93, 97, 98, 100, 101, 105, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114,120, 142, 153, 154, 162,183, 194, 291, 294, 313,314, 318, 320, 357, 358,360, 361, 426, 687, 700. Qutub-ud-Din Aibak, 237, 687, 688.
R Rahim, 126, 275, 363, 458, 627, 650. Rainfall,S, 6, 10, 13, 14, 17, 207, 212, 213, 283, 451, 455, 483, 499,515. Ramadan, 143, 294, 300,308, 313, 314, 318, 319,380, 649. Ravi,3, 6, 14, 15, 43, 205, 208, 483, 674, 683,684, 686, 688, 689, 690,691. Rawalpindi, 3, 13, 14, 30, 88, 89, 114, 150, 153, 193, 196, 216, 221,230,
242, 303, 312, 335,351, 352, 356, 363, 365,537, 640, 646, 647, 651,652, 675, 676, 677, 680,681, 682, 683, 691. Refugee, 84, 136, 180,228,232, 282, 286, 500, 528, 581. Relationship, 85, 115, 163, 170, 254, 272, 281,285, 306, 355, 385, 386, 400, 406, 417, 553, 562,564, 566, 567, 568, 569,571, 603, 641. Republic of Pakistan, 3, 99,110, 154, 499, 526, 528,532, 533, 537, 539. Revolution, 109, 154, 188, 250, 251, 420, 428,506, 556, 559, 562, 607. Rivers, 6, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17, 34, 205, 208, 210, 215, 315, 328,389, 398, 437, 483, 484,672, 675. 688. Role of Media, 443. Roman Empire, 340. Roman Script, 423, 431. Royal Quarters, 304. Russia, 9, 51, 54, 55, 146, 391, 425, 428, 476,618.
S Saudi Arabia, 105, 146, 166, 174, 185, 360, 365,408, 469, 474, 475, 480,496, 526, 555, 556, 557,558, 560, 689.
746 School, 22, 23, 25, 26, 43, 79, 111, 112, 218, 257,274, 288, 291, 293,295,316, 317, 321, 333,334,335, 342, 346, 350,351,352, '353, 354, 357,371,372, 373, 374, 378,379,403, 419, 432, 440,452,512, 593, 622, 646,662,682. Science and Technology, 542, 585, 588, 590, 591,593, 594, 595, 598, 599,602, 603, 604, 605, 606,607, 610, 611. Scientists, 516, 585, 588,589, 590, 601, 605, 606,610, 611. Second Marriage, 26, 113,265. Settlement, 65, 80, 87, 127, 131, 147, 236, 424,500, 527, 676, 695, 696,703, 704. Shahjehan, 32, 47, 48, 334, 335, 410. 635, 684,686, 687, 699. Shariah Court, 144. Shaukat Aziz, 547, 548. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, 123. Sher Khan, 312. Sher Shah Suri, 680, 681. 698. Shia, 6, 48, 78, 135, 144, 185, 221, 233, 293,294, 295, 298, 299, 315. Shimla, 37, 58, 61, 81, 131, 203. Sialkot, 15, 230, 239, 240, 300, 458, 646, 651.
Pakistan Sikh, 293, 436, 681, 685, 687, 688, 690. Sikh Civil War, 685. Sikh Period, 690, 698. Sikh Religion, 293, 297, 300, 315. Sind, 3, 4, 5, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 50, 51, 58, 66, 67, 68, 81, 85, 99,108,117, 123, 124, 129, 130, 136, 150, 157, 166,170,174, 184, 192, 196,197,201, 203, 204, 206,214,223, 224, 225, 228,229,230, 238, 240, 242,243,268, 294, 295, 296,297,299, 300, 301, 307,321,322, 323, 324, 328,329,331, 384, 385, 386,389,390, 394, 395, 396,397,408, 421, 422, 423,425,426, 427, 428, 429,430,437, 442, 449, 467,482,486, 493, 494, 495,508,514, 515, 527, 528,532,535, 536, 581, 582,621,624, 633, 634, 657,658,660, 672, 675, 690,693,697. Sindh,4, 9, 11, 15, 16, 19, 21, 27, 30, 45, 63,175, 176, 177, 178, 180,182, 191, 197, 198, 210,211, 233, 234, 273, 274,275, 276, 278, 281, 282. Sindhi,6, 39, 130, 136, 137, 179, 223, 225, 232,233, 235, 239, 270, 278,282, 283, 304, 383, 384, 386,
Index
392, 395, 396, 397,398, 400, 401, 403, 412,421, 422, 423, 424, 425,426, 427, 428, 429, 430,438, 441, 675. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, 36, 72, 76, 244. Siraiki,6, 233, 386, 395,397, 398, 400, 401, 435,436, 437, 438, 439, 440,441. Social Development. 153, 168, 217, 218, 286, 287,290, 291, 452, 502, 503,504, 573. Social Policies, 21. Social Problems, 173. Social Reform, 36, 243. Social System, 249, 510. Social Welfare, 27, 28, 29,119, 120, 221, 247, 542. Society, 21, 28, 29, 31, 36, 44, 56, 72, 75, 85, 89, 93, 96, 100, 109, 114, 118, 141, 153, 160,163, 165, 166, 167, 169,171, 172, 174, 181, 185,190, 194, 195, 198, 211,217, 222, 226, 231, 233,235, 239, 241, 242, 244,245, 248, 249, 250, 252,254, 259, 261, 271, 272,273, 275, 281, 284, 287,290, 294, 295, 309, 310,311, 316, 321, 324, 346,347, 350, 353, 355, 377,381, 386, 412, 417, 423,432, 450, 457, 516, 517,521, 523, 526, 531, 546,551,
747 552, 553, 572, 579,583, 585, 588, 594, 598,606. Solidarity Movement, 583. Soviet Union, 130, 131, 147, 148, 175, 232, 285,491, 619, 626. Sports, 246, 260,26 1, 295,308, 312, 458, 522,54 2,613, 623, 626, 627,62 9,633, 638, 640, 641,64 6,647, 648, 653, 654,65 5,656, 657, 658, 659,66 0,661, 662, 663, 672,67 7,683. Sufj Poetry, 414, 438, 439. Sufi Saints, 295, 312. Sufism, 295. Sultan, 47, 65, 312, 357,364, 396, 418, 439, 615,680, 681, 704. Summer, 10, 13, 14, 15, 17, 34, 41, 83, 184, 201, 213, 214, 379, 500,508, 620, 674, 679, 681,684, 691, 692. Sunni, 6, 48, 49, 65, 135, 233, 280, 284, 293,294, 295, 298, 299, 300,315, 562, 563. Supreme Court, 98, 121, 134, 136, 139, 140, 144,149, 151, 152, 159, 161,170, 188, 195, 321, 526,540, 543, 544, 578, 582. Sutlej Rivers, 205, 483. Syed Abul Ala Maudoodi, 403. SyedAhmadKhan, 36, 56, 72, 76, 244.
748 Syed Waris Shah, 312. Syria, 282, 342, 344.
T
Pakistan Travel, 204, 231, 282, 314, 341, 559. Tribal Culture, 321, 323. Turkey, 33, 35, 65, 66, 320, 343, 358, 359, 393,433, 474, 476, 555, 556,557, 559, 560, 595, 634. Turkmenistan, 429, 430, 474, 557, 560. Turkoman, 32. Two Nati0n Theory, 67, 76.
Taj Mahal, 47, 342, 343. Tajikistan, 201, 202, 433,474, 674. Technology, 22, 23, 104, 147, 344, 345, 458, 483,491, 495, 516, 542, 545,561, 562, 564, 566, 570,571, 585, 586, 587, 588,589, 590, 591, 592, 593,594, U 595, 597, 598, 599,600, Uch Sharif, 315. 602, 603, 604, 605,606, Ulema, 36, 47, 48, 56, 61, 607, 608, 610, 611. 71, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, Tehran, 563, 564, 616, 617. 79, 89, 91. 92, 94, 95, Telecommunication, 457, 359. 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 105, 109, 110, 111,112, Television, 33, 180, 243, 305, 113, 114, 120, 123,129, 349, 432, 442, 443,444, 135, 136, 144, 162,180, 445, 457, 551, 592,617. 544, 578, 582, 583. Temperature, 6, 13, 15, 16, Umayy ad, 44, 45. 17, 18, 82, 212, 213, 214, 499, 684, 692. UNICEF, 246. Terrorism, 57, 184, 547, 548, United States, 33, 94, 104, 106, 115, 136, 138, 145, 147, 568, 569, 571, 572,573, 148, 162, 164,165,174, 597. 175, 176, 185,189,191, Tikka Khan, 128. 216, 305, 311,32 1,348, Tourism, 32, 33, 34, 40, 542, 349, 380, 381,382,442, 557, 560, 561, 638,671. 449, 456, 469,47 0,474, Tourists, 16, 33, 308, 315, 475, 476, 480,483,496, 316, 684, 693, 702,703. 505, 506, 553,55 5,556, Transportation, 53, 86, 281, 564, 565, 566,56 7,568, 452, 455, 456, 473,474, 617, 622, 626,627,629. 488, 492, 497, 557,560, University, 14, 56, 76, 168, 580, 588, 589. 181, 235, 255, 260,345,
749
Index 346, 356, 360, 365,372, 373, 374, 376, 377,379, 380, 381, 383, 399,401, 404, 505, 506, 507,581, 590, 592, 595, 596,597, 598, 599, 602, 632,646, 647, 651, 662, 679,682, 687. Urban Areas,. 19, 20, 27, 105, 119, 223, 225, 228,232, 243, 246, 290, 308,349, 378, 442, 490, 582. Urban Women, 227, 242, 243, 245, 246. Urdu, 4, 6, 35, 36, 39, 46, 56, 72, 85, 220, 221, 223, 224, 233, 234,235, 239, 269, 283, 294,300, 307, 341, 373, 374,379, 383, 384, 385, 386,387, 392, 393, 399, 400,401, 402, 403, 405, 406,407, 408, 409, 410, 411,412, 413, 414, 415, 416.417, 418, 419, 420, 421. 423, 430, 436, 441, 442,444, 478, 675. Urdu Book, 384. Urdu Drama, 414. Urdu Ghazal, 417, 418, 419, 420. Urdu Language, 386, 405, 408, 415, 420, 441. UrduLiterature,403, 409, 413, 414. Urdu Poetry, 409, 410, 413, 414, 415, 416, 417,418, 419, 420.
Urdu Short Story, 414. Urdu Writers, 414. Urdu-speaking People, 403. Ushr, 143, 465. Uzbekistan,47. 474, 556,557, 559, 560, 561, 674.
v Viceregal System, 524, 550. Viceroy, 37, 61, 62, 82, 524. Victory, 5, 37, 50, 53, 57, 58, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 81, 82, 121, 126, 131, 133, 175, 180, 181,188, 191, 192, 317, 524,531, 553, 571, 641, 663. Villagers, 228, 496, 511, 631, 694. Violence, 29, 82, 83, 84, 126, 129, 136, 170, 172,174, 175, 177, 180, 184,188, 194, 219, 225, 230,247, 262. 264, 279, 281, 282, 289, 290, 300, 306,348, 350, 354, 547, 548,554, 566.
w Wali Khan, 582. Waris Shah, 312, 442. Wasim Jafari, 175. Water Conservation, 498. Wazir Khan, 686. Wealth, 13, 115, 117, 127, 174, 217, 218, 222,231,
750
Pakistan
278, 281, 282, 337,339, Yakshis, 340. 341, 415, 452, 463,465, Yaqub Khan, 175. 467, 497, 503, 504,509, Yunani, 393. 526, 569, 570, 586,588, 589, 617. Weather, 17, 18, 138, 213,21 4, Z 473, 482, 674,68 4,696. Zakat, 28, 100, 135, 143, Western Culture, 305, 552. 144, 274, 294, 313,31 4, Wildlife, 209, 210, 212, 671, 319, 322, 380, 465. 679. Zia, 4, 105, 106, 128, 131, Winter, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17, 132, 133, 134, 135,136, 18, 34, 146, 201, 210, 137, 138, 139, 140,141, 212, 213, 317, 500,515, 142. 143, 144, 145,146, 582, 615, 633, 634,641, 147, 148, 150, 151,152, 681, 684, 691, 698. 153, 154, 155, 156,157, World Bank, 7, 171, 189,219, 158, 161, 162, 165,166, 317, 376, 377, 447,450, 168, 169, 170, 176,178, 453, 455, 466, 467,468, 179, 182, 183, 187,192, 472, 475, 481, 483,484, 195, 218, 221, 227,245, 496, 505, 509, 510,525. 248, 259, 260, 261,262, 265, 266, 267. 278,285, World Cup, 305, 615, 624, 317, 323, 347, 373,429, 636, 637, 638, 639,642, 442, 465, 508, 509,525, 643, 644, 665, 666,667, 540, 541, 562, 566,569, 668, 669, 683. 579, 580, 582, 583. World Golf Championship, 669. World War, 56, 58, 61, 64, Zina, 142, 166, 167, 168, 245, 262, 263, 264,265, 65, 80, 206, 428, 429, 266, 267. 505, 614. 615. Zulfiqa r Ali Bhutto, 4, 87, 105, Worship, 95, 236, 294, 300, 122, 123, 124, 127,136, 320, 431, 526, 530,665. 138, 145. 150, 153,175, 178, 179, 187, 192,220, y 231, 278, 285, 463,508, Yahya Khan, 118, 122, 124, 538, 539, 550, 551,566, 125, 126, 127, 538,550. 578, 579.
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