Welsh Negation and Grammatical Theory

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WELSH NEGATION AND GRAMMATICAL THEORY

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WELSH NEGATION AND GRAMMATICAL THEORY

Robert D. Borsley and Bob Morris Jones

Published on behalf of the Language and Literature Committee of the Board of Celtic Studies

UNIVERSITY OF WALES PRESS CARDIFF 2005

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© Robert D. Borsley and Bob Morris Jones, 2005

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without clearance from the University of Wales Press, 10 Columbus Walk, Brigantine Place, Cardiff, CF10 4UP. www.wales.ac.uk/press

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 0-7083-1883-5

The right of Robert D. Borsley and Bob Morris Jones to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

Printed in Great Britain by Cambridge Printing, Cambridge

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To the memory of O. H. Fynes-Clinton

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgements Abbreviations

xi xiii

1.

Preliminaries 1.1. Introduction 1.2. Welsh 1.2.1. Some history 1.2.2. Some grammatical properties of Welsh 1.2.3. Varieties of Welsh 1.3. Negation 1.4. The nature of the book

1 1 2 2 5 8 13 15

2.

Some basic features of Welsh negation 2.1. Introduction 2.2. Negation in formal Welsh 2.3. Negative finite clauses in informal Welsh 2.4. Negative non-finite clauses and imperatives in informal Welsh 2.4.1. Negative non-finite clauses 2.4.2. Negative imperatives 2.5. Some negative words 2.6. Tests for negative sentences 2.7. Summary

18 18 18 26 32 32 36 37 40 41

Negative verbs 3.1. Introduction 3.2. Negative verbs in other languages 3.3. Weak negative verbs 3.3.1. The Negative Dependent Constraint 3.3.2. Distinctive weak negative forms 3.3.3. Non-distinctive weak negative forms 3.4. Strong negative verbs 3.5. Extra-strong negative verbs

42 42 42 43 44 45 53 56 63

3.

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3.6. Unambiguously positive verbs 3.7. Summary

65 69

4.

Negative dependents 4.1. Introduction 4.2. Negative dependents and n-words 4.3. The semantic status of n-words 4.4. The distribution of n-words 4.5. Some positive uses of n-words 4.6. Unrhyw and rhyw forms 4.7. Summary

70 70 70 72 77 84 89 94

5.

Negative adverbs and negative quantifiers 5.1. Introduction 5.2. Negative adverbs 5.2.1. Post-subject negative adverbs 5.2.2. Negative adverbs in other positions 5.2.3. Further constraints on ddim 5.2.4. The semantics of negative adverbs 5.2.5. The modification of negative adverbs 5.3. Negative quantifiers 5.3.1. Quantifier dim 5.3.2. Pseudo-quantifiers 5.3.3. Yr un 5.4. Summary

95 95 95 96 104 107 109 112 113 114 121 124 126

6.

Other forms of negation 6.1. Introduction 6.2. Heb 6.3. Premodifying ddim 6.4. Argument dim and sentence-final dim 6.5. Focus-negating dim 6.6. How many (d)dims are there? 6.7. Summary

128 128 128 133 139 145 151 153

7.

The big picture 7.1. Introduction 7.2. Negative heads 7.3. N-words 7.4. Constraints

154 154 154 156 160

8.

Formal analyses 1: Basic elements 8.1. Introduction 8.2. Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar

162 162 162

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9.

ix

8.3. Negative heads 8.4. N-words and their licensing 8.4.1. The basic analysis 8.4.2. An apparent problem 8.4.3. Single negation 8.4.4. N-words and ellipsis 8.5. Summary

166 176 176 184 186 190 192

Formal analyses 2: Further matters 9.1. Introduction 9.2. Some constraints 9.2.1. Finite and non-finite verbs 9.2.2. The Negative Dependent Constraint 9.2.3. Other constraints 9.3. Some lexical entries 9.3.1. Negative pronouns and adverbs 9.3.2. Quantifiers and pseudo-quantifiers 9.4. Summary

193 193 193 193 195 200 204 204 208 212

10. Principles and Parameters approaches 10.1. Introduction 10.2. P&P and negation 10.2.1. The Neg-criterion 10.2.2. AGREE and negation 10.3. P&P and Welsh negative dependencies 10.4. Constraints on ddim 10.5. Summary

213 213 213 214 215 218 223 225

11. Further issues 11.1. Introduction 11.2. Further phenomena 11.2.1. Waeth and wiw 11.2.2. Fawr 11.2.3. Dim ond 11.2.4. N-words in affirmative contexts 11.2.5. A few more phenomena 11.3. Sociolinguistic issues 11.4. Diachronic issues 11.5. Concluding remarks

227 227 227 227 230 232 235 237 240 241 244

Appendix Notes References Index

245 253 269 275

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book is the product of work carried out (rather sporadically) over a number of years. Early versions of some of the ideas presented here were included in two papers (Borsley and Jones 2000, 2001a) and in unpublished work, especially Jones (2000). Some of the ideas were presented in talks at the Welsh Syntax Seminar in Gregynog in 1999 and 2003, at the Negation: Syntax, Semantics and Pragmatics Conference at the University of Salford, October 1998, at a seminar at the University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology in February 1999, at the Pozna´n Linguistics Meeting in Pozna´n, Poland in April 1999, at the Spring Meeting of the Linguistics Association of Great Britain at the University of Manchester in April 1999, at the 6th International Conference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) at the University of Edinburgh in 1999, at the University of Tübingen in December 2001, at University College London in February 2002, and at Université Paris 7 in February 2003. We are grateful to members of the audiences on all these occasions for various helpful comments. We have also benefited from comments from and/or discussion with Emyr Davies, Jonathan Ginzburg, Danièle Godard, Adam Przepiórkowski, Andrew Radford, Frank Richter, Paul Rowlett, Ivan Sag, Manfred Sailer and Henriette De Swart, and the members of the East Anglian Welsh Syntax Circle: Ian Roberts, Louisa Sadler, and David Willis. We should also like to thank the Board of Celtic Studies of the University of Wales for supporting our submission to the University of Wales Press. We are also grateful to the Board’s anonymous reader for constructive comments on the typescript which was submitted. We are appreciative, too, of the support of Nia Peris of the University of Wales Press and Ruth Dennis-Jones during the production stage. We are extremely grateful to all those who have patiently and helpfully given judgements on the data which are in this study. We are especially thankful to Bethan Bryn, Elgan Davies, Emyr Davies, Meirion Davies, Angharad Gwyn, Jayne Henley, Bleddyn Huws, Delyth Ifan, Meinir McDonald, Eirlys Roberts, Enlli Môn Thomas, Gwenda Lloyd Wallace, and Elin Wiliams.

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Acknowledgements

Robert D. Borsley is grateful to the University of Essex for granting him a sabbatical in spring 2003, which was largely devoted to work on this book. He is also grateful to the linguistics department of Université Paris 7 for welcoming him as a guest in February 2003. Bob Morris Jones is grateful to the University of Wales, Aberystwyth for allowing him a sabbatical in the first semester of 2003–4. Many of the ideas presented here were thrashed out during meetings at the Grapes Hotel, Maentwrog, Gwynedd, whose food we can recommend. We would like to dedicate this book to the memory of O. H. Fynes-Clinton (1869–1941), whose The Welsh Vocabulary of the Bangor District is a sustained demonstration of the fascination of colloquial Welsh. We hope we convey some of this fascination here. Robert D. Borsley, University of Essex Bob Morris Jones, University of Wales, Aberystwyth

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ABBREVIATIONS

These abbreviations are used in the grammatical glosses to the examples. 1PL 1SG 2PL 2SG 3PL 3SG ACC ADV AFF AP

AspP COMP COND CONJ DECL EQ EXCL F FUT IMPF IMPV M NEG

NegP NP PAST PASTP PERF PL

1st person plural 1st person singular 2nd person plural 2nd person singular 3rd person plural 3rd person singular Accusative Adverb marker Affirmative (and declarative) Adjective phrase Aspect phrase Complement Conditional Conjunctive Declarative Equative Exclamative Feminine Future tense Imperfect tense Imperative Masculine Negative word Negative phrase Noun phrase Past tense Past participle Perfect aspect Plural

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Abbreviations

Prepositional phrase Predicative adjective/noun marker Present tense Progressive aspect Question Quantifier phrase Responsive Singular Subjunctive Tag Topic Verb phrase

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1.1. INTRODUCTION In A Natural History of Negation, Larry Horn observes that All human systems of communication contain a representation of negation. No animal communication system includes negative utterances, and consequently none possesses a means for assigning truth value, for lying, for irony, or for coping with false or contradictory statements. (Horn 2001: xiii)

Thus, negation is a fundamental feature of human languages. In this book we will provide an in-depth discussion of the expression of negation in Welsh, and especially in colloquial or informal Welsh. Why should Welsh negation be the subject of a book? Because it is an extremely rich and largely unexplored area of Welsh grammar with potential implications for general theories of negation. The following examples, in which the negative elements are in bold, give an indication of the richness: 1a

Dydy Megan ddim yn canu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Megan NEG PROG sing ‘Megan isn’t singing.’

1b

Welish i neb. see.PAST.1SG I no-one ‘I didn’t see anyone.’

1c

Megan erioed wedi mynd i Waunfawr. Megan never PERF go to Waunfawr ‘Megan has never been to Waunfawr.’ Dydy

NEG.be.PRES.3SG

1d

1e

Mae Megan heb fynd i Waunfawr. be.PRES.3SG Megan without go to Waunfawr ‘Megan has never been to Waunfawr.’ i ’n gweithio heno. I PROG work tonight ‘I’m not working tonight.’ Sa

NEG.be.PRES

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2 1f

1g

1. Preliminaries Dw i ’n disgwyl i Sioned beidio bod yn yr ardd. be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect for Sioned NEG be in the garden ‘I expect Sioned not to be in the garden.’ â dod yma. with come here ‘Don’t come here.’

Paid

NEG.IMPV.SG

1h

Welish i ’r un aderyn. see.PAST.3SG I the one bird ‘I didn’t see a bird.’

The Welsh data (and data from other languages except English) are normally given on three separate lines: the example is given on the first line; a wordfor-word gloss is given on the second line; and an English translation is given on the third line. These examples show that negation is expressed in many different ways in Welsh. Example (1e) is a south Walian form. The other examples represent widespead colloquial usage. We should point out that in this chapter forms from northern Welsh predominate in the examples from colloquial Welsh. For instance, welish ‘(I) saw’ is distinctively northern and contrasts with southern welesh or weles. The latter would do just as well. There are, of course, various generalizations underlying the data in (1a–h), but the complexity is real. In this book, we propose to give a complex array of data the attention it deserves. We have two main goals. Firstly, we want to provide precise and detailed descriptions of the facts. Secondly, we want to develop formal analyses of the main phenomena and consider their implications for grammatical theory. We hope that what follows will be of interest both to readers with an interest in Welsh but with little knowledge of grammatical theory, and to specialists in grammatical theory with little or no knowledge of Welsh. In this chapter we will do three things. First we will say something about Welsh for readers who know little about the language. Then, we will introduce the subject of negation, highlighting some relevant literature. Finally, we will spell out more fully what we hope to do in the book and how we hope to do it.

1.2. WELSH 1.2.1. SOME HISTORY Welsh is a member of the Brythonic subgroup of the Celtic group of languages. The other members of the group are Breton, spoken in western areas of Brittany (in north-west France), and Cornish, which after dying out in the late eighteenth century has been revived in recent decades in Cornwall (in the

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south-west peninsula of the UK). The other subgroup is Goedelic, whose members are Irish, Scots Gaelic and Manx (which was once spoken in the Isle of Man and which, like Cornish, has been revived in recent decades). The principal distinguishing feature of the two subgroups is the reflex of IndoEuropean *kw, which becomes p in Brythonic and k in Goidelic. For example, Welsh pump ‘five’ corresponds to Irish cúig.1 The history of Welsh is conventionally traced through four main periods (see Willis 1998: 1–3): Early Welsh from 550 to 800, Old Welsh from 800 to 1100, Middle Welsh from 1100 to 1400, and Modern Welsh from 1400 to the present day. The latter period is divided into Early Modern Welsh from 1400 to 1600, and Late Modern Welsh from 1600 onwards (and Morris-Jones 1913: 8 and Willis 1998: 1–3 also provide labels for the language contemporaneous with their time of writing, namely Recent Welsh and Contemporary Welsh, respectively). These periods reflect historical and cultural phenomena as well as linguistic considerations (for example, the beginning of Early Modern Welsh is associated with the writings of the poet Dafydd ap Gwilym c.1325–80, and that of Late Modern Welsh with William Morgan’s Bible, published in 1588). Up to the late thirteenth century, what we now refer to as Wales existed as a set of kingdoms, with intermittent attempts at unification by various means. However, even by the early twelfth century, the Normans had established control in the border areas and the southern coastland areas, while the remainder of modern Wales remained under the control of the Welsh dynasties. In 1282–3, the English king Edward I defeated Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, a powerful leader enjoying the title, prince of Wales, and began a process of military conquest which terminated the control of the Welsh dynasties. The Acts of Union in 1536 and 1542 effectively incorporated Wales into England, and established English as the sole official language of all courts and officials in Wales. From that time English began to establish itself in Wales as the language of commerce, education, law, and administration. Welsh survived as the language of the mass of Welsh people, but was limited to domestic and local domains, to religion (especially through the later Nonconformist tradition), and to cultural pursuits, especially literature. Over time, and to varying degrees in different regions and different sectors of society, such dominance in crucial domains saw the spread of English, the development of bilingualism, and, eventually, language shift from Welsh to English. It was not until the mid-twentieth century that significant changes began to occur in the domains of the language: Welsh-medium or bilingual education began to be officially designated by local education authorities in state-funded schools from the late 1940s, gathering momentum in the 1960s and continuing today; the Welsh Language Act of 1967 gave the right to use Welsh in courts in Wales; and protest movements in the 1960s, especially Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg

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(The Welsh Language Society) began to work for the wider use of Welsh in the domains of administration, broadcasting, commerce, and education. In 1979 and 1982 respectively, publically funded Welsh-medium radio and television channels were established, although not all their output was (nor is today) in Welsh. In 1988, the Education Reform Act established Welsh as a core subject like English on the new National Curriculum in so far as it applied to Wales, a requirement which was subsequently weakened for the more English-speaking areas of Wales. Further promotion of Welsh was provided by the Welsh Language Act 1993 which gives equal status to Welsh and English in public sector bodies in Wales, and the implementation of which is overseen by the Welsh Language Board. In 2000 the UK Government signed the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, and the European Community recognizes Welsh as one of the lesser-used languages. Thus, comparing the beginnings of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, Welsh today has far greater official recognition and can be used in a far greater number of domains. But against these contextual changes, we can also consider census statistics about the numbers of Welsh speakers. Until the industrial revolution, almost all of Wales was Welsh speaking. Official statistics about the numbers of Welsh speakers are not available until the census of 1891, but Davies (1993: 36–7) states that in 1801 (the year of the first census) out of a population of 587,000 it is likely that 80 per cent were Welsh speakers (470,000). By the census of 1851, the population had surged to 1,163,000, and it is likely that some 67 per cent (800,000) spoke Welsh: a rise in the absolute number of speakers but a fall in the proportion of the total. Aitchison and Carter (2000: 35, 42), in a study of various influences on the use of Welsh, provide the following figures: by 1901, when Wales had a population of 2,012,876, the percentage of Welsh speakers was 49.9 per cent (929,824), but with a steadily increasing population, the absolute numbers begin to fall. The following figures, taken from copies of UK-government census reports on the official website of the Welsh Language Board (http://www.bwrdd-yriaith.org.uk/), show statistical trends for Welsh speakers in the second half of the twentieth century: 1951 – 28.9 per cent (714,686), 1961 – 26.0 per cent (656,002), 1971 – 20.8 per cent (542,425), 1981 – 19.0 per cent (508,207), 1991 – 18.6 per cent (508,098), 2001 – 20.8 per cent (582,368). These figures are offered as very general background indicators, and it is not part of our aims to consider the various factors which are necessary to interpret them, including changes in census questions, demographic influences, and educational developments (interested readers are referred to the works above by Aitchison and Carter and, for an outline discussion, by Davies).

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1.2.2. SOME GRAMMATICAL PROPERTIES OF WELSH Perhaps the most notable grammatical property of Welsh is that it is a VSO (verb-subject-object) language with a verb or an auxiliary in pre-subject position in all finite clauses, both main and subordinate.2 The following, in which the subordinate clauses are bracketed, illustrate this: 2

Welish i ddraig. see.PAST.1SG I dragon ‘I saw a dragon.’

3

Dw i wedi gweld draig. dragon be.PRES.1SG I PERF see ‘I have seen a dragon.’

4

Wn i [hoffe Gwyn fynd adre]. know.PRES.1SG I like.COND.3SG Gwyn go home ‘I know Gwyn would like to go home.’

5

Dw i ’n gwbod [bydd Sioned yn canu]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know be.FUT.3SG Sioned PROG sing ‘I know Sioned will be singing.’

Typical Welsh verbs have three tense forms: future, past, and conditional (or counterfactual). The copula, bod, has these three (respectively bydd, bu, and byddai / buasai) and also has two additional tense forms: present, mae, and imperfect past, oedd. A fuller study of tense in Welsh would say much more than this, but this broad outline captures the main details for our purposes. Unlike finite clauses, non-finite clauses have subject-verb order.3 The subject is preceded by an element homophonous with the preposition i ‘to, for’. The bracketed sequences in the following illustrate this: 6

Disgwyliodd Megan [i Sioned fynd adre]. expect.PAST.3SG Megan to Sioned go home ‘Megan expected Sioned to go home.’

7

Hoffe Mair [i Gwyn aros]. like.COND.3SG Mair to Gwyn stay ‘Mair would like Gwyn to stay.’

Non-finite verbs are called verb-nouns in Welsh grammars because of certain ways in which they resemble nouns.4 However, we will use the term nonfinite verb in subsequent discussion. This is the only non-finite form in Welsh. There are no participles. Like most languages, Welsh also has what can be seen as non-finite clauses with no overt subject, for example the bracketed sequences in the following: 8

Dw i ’n disgwyl [gweld Sioned]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect see Sioned ‘I expect to see Sioned.’

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1. Preliminaries Hoffe Mair [aros]. like.COND.3SG Mair stay ‘Mair would like to stay.’

A feature of Welsh that is also important is what we can call aspectual sentences. These involve a form bod ‘be’ and a non-finite verb phrase preceded by an aspectual particle, most commonly either yn (progressive) or wedi (perfect). We have examples in (3) and (5) and (8). Here are some further examples: 10

Mae Rhiannon yn cysgu. be.PRES.3SG Rhiannon PROG sleep ‘Rhiannon is sleeping.’

11

Mae Rhiannon wedi mynd adre. home be.PRES.3SG Rhiannon PERF go ‘Rhiannon has gone home.’

Another distinctive property of Welsh is a variety of agreement phenomena. A finite verb agrees with a following subject but only if it is a pronoun. Consider the following: 12

Welson nhw ddraig. see.PAST.3PL they dragon ‘They saw a dragon.’

13

*Welson y dynion ddraig. dragon see.PAST.3PL the men ‘The men saw a dragon.’

14

Welodd y dynion ddraig. dragon see.PAST.3SG the men ‘The men saw a dragon.’

In (12) we have a third person plural form with a third person plural pronominal subject but, as (13) and (14) show, with non-pronominal plural subject we have what we see as the basic, unmarked form of the verb which appears with third person singular pronominal subjects. In a similar way, most prepositions agree with a following object if it is a pronoun. The following illustrate this: 15

arnyn nhw on.3PL they ‘on them’

16

*arnyn y dynion on.3PL the men ‘on the men’

17

ar y dynion on the men ‘on the men’

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Unlike finite verbs, prepositions have a basic form used with non-pronominal objects and separate forms used with third person singular pronominal objects (one for masculine objects and one for feminine objects). Welsh has a rather different kind of agreement with non-finite verbs. When a non-finite verb is followed by a pronominal object it is preceded by an agreeing clitic in formal Welsh. There is no clitic with a non-pronominal object: 18

Mae Megan wedi eu gweld nhw. be.PRES.3SG Megan PERF 3PL see they ‘Megan has seen them.’

19

*Mae Megan wedi eu gweld y dynion. the men be.PRES.3SG Megan PERF 3PL see ‘Megan has seen the men.’

20

Mae Megan wedi gweld y dynion. the men be.PRES.3SG Megan PERF see ‘Megan has seen the men.’

We have a similar situation with nouns. When a noun is followed by a pronominal possessor, it is preceded by an agreeing clitic in formal Welsh. There is no clitic with a non-pronominal possessor: 21

eu ceffyl nhw 3PL horse they ‘their horse’

22

*eu ceffyl y dynion 3PL horse the men ‘the men’s horse’

23

ceffyl y dynion horse the men ‘the men’s horse’

This similarity between nouns and non-finite verbs is the main reason why the latter are known as verb-nouns. In informal varieties there is variability in the use of clitics in these contexts. While Welsh has extensive agreement, it has no morphological case (unlike Irish). Some pronouns have a number of different forms. For example, the first person singular pronoun may be i, fi, or mi. But there is no reason to think that these are cases. However, words are affected by a rather different sort of variation in form. This is a result of so-called mutations, certain morphophonological alternations affecting the initial consonants of words. There are three different mutations: soft, aspirate, and nasal. Their effects are set out in Table 1.1. As a result of the mutations a word may have as many as four different forms appearing in different contexts. For example, ‘father’ may be tad, dad, thad, or nhad. The mutations are triggered by a variety of elements

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such as prepositions, clitics, and numerals, and among other factors they reflect gender. Thus, we have the basic form of an adjective after a masculine noun but a soft mutated form after a feminine; ci mawr ‘a big dog’ but cath fawr ‘a big cat’.

Table 1.1 Root p t c b d g m ll rh

Soft [p] [t] [k] [b] [d] [g] [m] [
] [rh]

b d g f dd Ø f l r

Nasal [b] [d] [g] [v] [ð] [v] [l] [r]

mh nh ngh m n ng

Aspirate [mh] [nh] [ŋh] [m] [n] [ŋ]

ph th ch

[f] [θ] [x]

1.2.3. VARIETIES OF WELSH There are considerable differences between different varieties of Welsh. Varieties can be classified in various ways. We will limit ourselves here to style and dialect. We use these labels to refer to particular sets of language forms associated with particular types of use and particular users respectively, but our main interest at this point is in differences of syntax, morphology, lexis, and phonology (including mutations) which the language forms exhibit. The distinctions we will draw will allow us to identify more carefully the variety of Welsh that our study of negation is mainly based on, and to characterize the data that figure in other studies of Welsh. Under style, we distinguish between formal Welsh and informal Welsh (alternative labels are literary Welsh and colloquial Welsh, respectively). We shall present these two styles as two contrasting extremes, but a more detailed account would present them on a cline with intervening degrees of formality. Formal Welsh is typically found in literary works, religious texts, academic writings, official publications, the press, and news broadcasts (although the media may reject some of the more formal grammatical characteristics). Formal Welsh is mainly, but not exclusively, written. Informal Welsh

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is found in spontaneous contexts, such as everyday conversations. It is mainly, but not exclusively, spoken. The grammatical differences between formal and informal Welsh are extensive. Here we shall provide only a few illustrations (Jones (B.) M. 1974, 1979, 1993, and Fife 1986 provide fuller accounts). Consider the following related examples: 24a Fe ’th wêl bob dydd. AFF 2SG see.PRES/FUT.3SG every day ‘He sees/will see you every day.’ 24b Gwêl di bob dydd. see.PRES/FUT.3SG you.SG every day ‘He sees / will see you every day.’ 24c Fe welith e di bob dydd. AFF see.FUT.3SG he you.SG every day ‘He’ll see you every day.’ 24d Welith e di bob dydd. see.FUT.3SG he you.SG every day ‘He’ll see you every day.’ 24e Ma’ fe ’n dy weld ti bob dydd. be.PRES.3SG he PROG you.SG see you.SG every day ‘He sees you every day.’ 24f

Ma’ fe ’n gweld ti bob dydd. be.PRES.3SG he PROG see you.SG every day ‘He sees you every day.’

The first point to note is that the finite verb paradigm which is represented by gwêl can be used either as a present tense or future tense, as in (24a–b) (gwêl is soft-mutated to wêl in (24a)). In informal Welsh, these two tense functions are differently realized. The present tense in informal Welsh is conveyed by bod ‘be’ in an aspectual sentence, as in (24e). The morphological paradigm in informal Welsh which is related to gwêl, for example gwelith as in (24c–d) – in which it occurs as the mutated form welith – is confined to the future tense (with a very small number of exceptions). The second point to note is that the morphophonology of the tense forms is different: for example, gwêl occurs as the third person singular form in formal Welsh in (24a), whereas a related form in informal Welsh is gwelith, soft mutated to welith in (24c–d). The third difference is that formal Welsh is a null-subject language, as in (24a–b), whereas informal Welsh predominantly uses overt pronouns as in (24c–e). The fourth difference is based on a set of preverbal particles that convey features of mood (declarative versus interrogative) and negation. In (24a) and (24c), the particle fe, which is homophonous with one form of the third person, masculine, singular pronoun, denotes declarative and affirmative. It is a trigger for the soft mutation of the following word. In informal Welsh, this

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particle can be omitted and the finite verb can be either mutated or unmutated – the norm is a mutated verb as in (24d). The particle can be omitted in formal Welsh, but in that case the verb would have to be unmutated as in (24b). The fifth difference is related to the previous point. When a preverbal particle occurs in formal Welsh, a pronominal object of the finite verb is realized as a clitic between the particle and the verb, as illustrated by th in (24a). It can be noted that these particular clitics need to be preceded by certain words, such as a preverbal particle – example (24b) shows that a personal pronoun otherwise occurs in canonical object position. The difference is that informal Welsh always follows this pattern with or without a preverbal particle, as in (24c–d). The sixth and final point is related to clitics. They can also occur before non-finite verbs as in (24e). This is also the case in formal Welsh (although we have not given a formal version of 24e). But unlike formal Welsh, some speakers can omit the clitic in informal Welsh as in (24f). In addition to these points, there are also many phonological differences between formal Welsh, when spoken, and informal Welsh. A general difference relates to one of the plural suffixes, -au, which appears in nouns like llyfrau ‘books’. In formal Welsh this is [ai] or [a+· ], but in informal Welsh it can occur as [ε], and can be spelled as e. Another difference involves the third singular of the present tense of bod, mae. In the formal language, this contains a diphthong [ai], but this vocalic element occurs as a simple vowel [a] in informal Welsh. Finally, we can conclude this brief outline by providing data on negation in the two styles (only the barest of details are provided here as fuller analyses are provided in the following chapters): 25a Nid aeth y bachgen i ’r dref. NEG go.PAST.3SG the boy to the town ‘The boy didn’t go to town.’ 25b Nid aeth y bachgen ddim i ’r dref. NEG go.PAST.3SG the boy NEG to the town ‘The boy didn’t go to town.’ 25c Aeth y bachgen ddim i ’r dre. go.PAST.3SG the boy NEG to the town ‘The boy didn’t go to town.’

(25a) and (25b) represent formal Welsh, and (25c) informal Welsh. In formal Welsh, a preverbal particle is necessary to form a negative clause, and it can be accompanied by some other negative element, in this case the negative adverb ddim. In informal Welsh, the equivalent of this clause involves ddim alone as the only overt distinctive marker of negation. These and many other differences make formal Welsh and informal Welsh quite different. What is the relation between formal and informal Welsh? It is clear that formal Welsh is in part the product of prescriptive rules (see Willis 2000,

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section 3 for some relevant discussion). However, it seems likely that it is in most respects a reflection of an earlier form of informal Welsh. This certainly seems to be the case in the area of negation. Thus, Poppe (1995) argues that the historical equivalents of examples which contain a single preverbal particle (as in (25a)) are reinforced at a later time by ddim (as in (25b)), originally positive in meaning; the particle weakens and the original positive reinforcing word acquires negative meaning; and eventually the particle is discarded leaving ddim (as in (25c)). Dialect traditionally and typically refers to those grammatical characteristics which can be related to geographical areas, and this is how the term is used here (although it can also be used to refer to ‘social dialects’ based on distinctions of social class). Thomas (1973: 13–16), preferring the expression speech-area, identifies six major speech-areas – North East, North West, Midlands East, Midlands West, South East and South West – and sixteen minor speech-areas. He holds that the main division is between the south and the rest of the country. The boundary is fluid, and Thomas (1973: 16–20) places its most northerly isogloss from the Dyfi estuary on the west coast of mid-Wales to the river Wye or the river Severn in the east, and its most southerly isogloss along the river Ystwyth which runs into the sea on the west coast, or just south of it. We shall refer to this major binary division as north and south. There is some limited regional variation within formal Welsh, but it is in respect of informal, spoken Welsh that regional variation mostly occurs. Regional variation can be selectively and briefly illustrated in relation to the examples of informal Welsh given above in (24): 26a Mi welith o di bob dydd. AFF see.FUT.3SG he you.SG every day ‘He’ll see you every day.’ 26b Fe weliff e di bob dydd. AFF see.FUT.3SG he you.SG every day ‘He’ll see you every day.’

In northern areas, the preverbal affirmative (and declarative) particle is typically mi, while in southern areas, fe typically occurs. We can underline the point, already made, that both are commonly omitted but the verb is still softmutated. The 3rd singular ending of the future tense of the majority of finite verbs is -ith, but in some southern areas -iff occurs. In northern areas, the 3rd person masculine form of the personal pronoun is either o or fo (depending on context); in southern areas, e or fe typically occurs. Another difference involves the plural suffix -au. As already mentioned this can be [ε] in the majority of areas. But in parts of north Wales it is [a] (this contrast is part of a wider realization of vowels and diphthongs in final syllables). These are only

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a few of the many dialect contrasts which are to be found in Welsh (a more extensive outline is available in Thomas and Thomas 1989). Much work on Welsh has focused on the formal language. Particularly influential here have been the grammars of Morris-Jones (1913, 1922, 1931). These works are monostylistic and prescriptive: they concentrate upon formal Welsh, and they promote this variety of Welsh as a model of correctness. Morris-Jones looked for his norms to a literary tradition which has its origins in bardic writing of the Early Modern period (1400–1600), William Morgan’s Bible of 1588, and John Davies’s revised version of 1620; and he largely ignored the usage of his own day (which he called Recent Welsh), and in this sense he has prescribed contemporary formal Welsh. The Morris-Jones tradition has exerted great influence, and his monostylistic and prescriptive analyses are reproduced by later writers, Evans (1946), Jenkins (1959), Williams (1959), and Jones M. D. (1965). More recent reference grammars by Thomas (1996) and Thorne (1993, 1996), although influenced to some extent by contemporary linguistic and sociolinguistic values, are more devoted to describing formal Welsh than informal Welsh. Much work on Welsh syntax, based on contemporary linguistic theories and values, has also taken its data from the formal language, as in Awbery (1976), Sadler (1988), and Rouveret (1994). Informal Welsh has also had some attention over the decades. Other writers, contemporaneous with Morris-Jones, either described informal Welsh or questioned Morris-Jones’s prescribed standard. Sweet (1882–4) had already provided a description of spoken north Welsh. Fynes-Clinton (1913) gives an account of the spoken Welsh of the Bangor area, written in the form of a lexicon, and Smith (1925, 1929, 1933) provides an elementary pedagogical grammar which focuses on spoken Welsh. Anwyl (1914) criticized MorrisJones for basing his standard on past usage, and for prescribing rules which are difficult to master. Watkins (1961) promoted techniques and values from the school of structural linguistics of his day. Jones and Thomas (1977) present a description of the syntax of informal Welsh in terms of an early model of transformational grammar. Awbery (1988, 1990) and Tallerman (1998) also present analyses of informal Welsh. Jones (B.)M. (1974, 1979, 1993) and Fife (1986) have drawn attention to the monostylistic bias of traditional reference books, and provide information about informal Welsh. A more recent pedagogical grammar by King (1993) is based more on informal Welsh. Over the decades, too, there has been extensive research on Welsh dialects, mainly as research theses. However, this work has concentrated on lexical, phonological, and morphophonological variation, and syntax, in particular, has been neglected. This is not to undervalue such work, but there are few ready sources of data and analysis for those who are interested in syntax.

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1.3. NEGATION Negation is first and foremost a property of sentences. A negative sentence is normally the negative counterpart of some affirmative sentence from which it differs in some general, rule-governed way, and it is used to communicate that some proposition communicated by the affirmative sentence is false. Consider, for example, (27): 27

Kim is tall.

Both (28) and (29) could be used to communicate that a proposition communicated by (27) is false: 28

Kim is short.

29

Kim is not tall.

Clearly, however, only (29) differs from (27) in a general, rule-governed way. Thus, only (29) is a negative counterpart of (27). In addition to differing from affirmative sentences in a rule-governed way, negative sentences normally license certain distinctive phenomena. Klima (1964) highlights a number of phenomena which occur in negative sentences in English and which can be seen as tests for negative sentences, allowing us to distinguish negative sentences from affirmative sentences which contain some sort of negative element. For example, an affirmative tag question is normal with a negative sentence whereas it is marked with an affirmative sentence. Thus, (30a) is a normal sentence, whereas (30b) is quite marked: 30a Kim is not happy, is he? 30b Kim is unhappy, is he?

Similarly, conjoined negative sentences and not conjoined affirmative sentences may be modified by either: 31a Kim isn’t happy, and Lee isn’t happy, either. 31b *Kim is unhappy, and Lee is unhappy, either.

In much the same way, a negative sentence but not an affirmative sentence can be followed by an elliptical clause containing neither or not even: 32a Kim isn’t happy, and neither is Lee. 32b *Kim is unhappy, and neither is Lee. 33a The boys aren’t here, not even Kim. 33b *The boys are absent, not even Kim.

Negation is not limited to main clauses. We have negative subordinate clauses, and other clause-like constituents may also be negated. Thus we have

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pairs of examples like the following, where the relevant constituents are bracketed: 34a I think [Kim is tall]. 34b I think [Kim is not tall]. 35a [Being tall] Kim is suitable. 35b [Not being tall] Kim is not suitable.

We also find negative nominals such as no one in (36) and negative adverbs such as never in (37): 36

No one saw Kim.

37

We never saw Kim.

We can say, however, that such elements give us a negative sentence. They can take an affirmative tag, as the following show: 38

No one saw Kim, did they?

39

We never saw Kim, did we?

Notice also that (36) and (37) can be paraphrased as follows: 40

It is not the case that anyone saw Kim.

41

It is not the case that we ever saw Kim.

Again we see that negation is primarily a property of sentences. As Horn (2001) emphasizes, negation has had considerable attention from philosophers and logicians over the centuries. The main focus of attention has been the meaning of negation. Thus, a central concern has been the fact that a proposition and its negation cannot both be true (the Law of Contradiction), and the fact that they cannot both be false (the Law of the Excluded Middle). Also of concern have been pairs of sentences like the following, both of which might be seen as negative counterparts of Someone is asleep: 42a Someone is not asleep. 42b No one is asleep.

Another important concern has been pairs of sentences like the following: 43a The prince of Gwynedd is bald. 43b The prince of Gwynedd is not bald.

Here both sentences seem to presuppose that there actually is a prince of Gwynedd and are arguably neither true nor false if this is not the case. There are many live questions about the meaning of negation and these are actively debated within semantics and pragmatics. See Horn (2001) for discussion.

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Within generative linguistics Klima (1964) provided a detailed study of English negation, but negation received relatively little attention until the late 1980s. Since then it has been a major concern in grammatical theory. It has been particularly prominent within Principles and Parameters theory, where major discussions are Pollock (1989), Haegeman (1995) and Zanuttini (1997), but has also had considerable attention within the rather different Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) framework. Important works here are Kim (2000), Warner (2000), Kim and Sag (2002) and De Swart and Sag (2002). The main emphasis of generative work has been on the formal expression of negation rather than on its semantic and pragmatic properties although semantic matters have also received attention within the HPSG literature. There has been extensive discussion of negation in English and French, and other Germanic and Romance languages. However, there has been little work on negation in the Celtic languages and very little work on negation in Welsh. Jones and Thomas (1977: 317–42) provide some discussion within an early transformational framework, Awbery (1988, 1990) discusses the distinctive properties of negation in Pembrokeshire Welsh within a similar framework, and Rouveret (1994, 2.4.3) discusses the basic facts within a version of Principles and Parameters. There is also some discussion of negation in traditional grammars of Welsh, but it is quite limited and often scattered among a number of sections. Thomas (1996) devotes twenty pages to the subject, Thorne (1993) has about twelve pages and King (1993) has about eight. In contrast, Huddleston and Pullum’s (2002) grammar of English has a 64-page chapter on negation.

1.4. THE NATURE OF THE BOOK We want now to spell out more fully what we want to do in this book. In particular, we want to say something about the data that we are concerned with and what we intend to do with it. As indicated in the introduction, we seek to provide an in-depth discussion of the expression of negation in Welsh, and especially informal Welsh. We will include some reference to formal Welsh, but our main focus will be on the informal language. As we have noted, informal language shows considerable dialect variation. As we have also noted, research on Welsh dialects has paid little attention to syntactic features. Thus, we can only address dialect variation where the facts are known, as in Awbery (1988, 1990), and we will concentrate on grammatical characteristics of negation which are common, or are at least widespread, in the dialects. We hope, however, to provide an account of informal Welsh negation which, as far as access to data allows, is as comprehensive as possible.

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Our data come both from existing accounts and from the judgements of informants. These have been elicited through a standardized questionnaire (see Appendix 1), which was administered through an informal face-to-face interview in most instances and also through e-mail in two instances. The informants were asked to ignore formal Welsh and prescribed correctness, and to concentrate instead on everyday, vernacular usage. It was also emphasized that they should not supply a response which might be thought to please the interviewer best. They were asked to indicate whether they would use the examples in the vernacular context. They were allowed to frame their own responses, and were encouraged to provide further discussion if it appeared that they wanted to do more than give a simple judgement. It is, of course, difficult to determine whether judgement and comments are based on grammar or pragmatics, although the discussion could sometimes throw some light on these matters. We have interpreted the judgements in the light of overall trends in the responses and also our own understanding of the data. To reflect the informal style of the data, the spellings in the examples in this book go some way to conveying spoken pronunciations, for example welish instead of welais ‘I saw’ and llyfre instead of llyfrau ‘books’. As we noted in the last section, negation is a subject with syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic dimensions. Our main focus will be on the syntax of negation. Inevitably, however, we will make some reference to meaning, and hence will be concerned with semantic and also pragmatic matters. As we noted in the introduction, we have two main goals: to provide precise and detailed descriptions of the facts, and to develop formal analyses of the main phenomena and consider their implications for grammatical theory. Roughly, chapters 2–7 are concerned with description, while chapters 8–10 are concerned with analyses and implications. We hope that the more descriptive chapters will be accessible to readers with limited knowledge of modern grammatical theory. However, these chapters are informed in various ways by work in grammatical theory. It is not possible in our view to provide a reasonable description of the facts without drawing on the insights of this work. These chapters will also compare and contrast the Welsh data with comparable data from other languages.5 In our view an essential component of a satisfactory description is an indication of how the facts are like and unlike the facts in other languages. We will be concerned in these chapters not just with those features of Welsh negation which seem to be particularly interesting from a theoretical point of view but with all the main features of the syntax of Welsh negation. What does not seem of theoretical interest to us might be of interest to others, and what does not seem of theoretical interest right now might be of interest in a year or two. In chapters 8 and 9, we will build on the insights of earlier chapters to develop formal analyses of Welsh negation within the HPSG framework. We

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will argue that HPSG can accommodate the main phenomena very satisfactorily. In chapter 10, we will consider the possibility of providing an account of the data within the assumptions of Principles and Parameters theory and the minimalist programme. We will argue that the data are quite problematic. Finally, we will consider a number of further issues in chapter 11. We do not suppose for a moment that we have said the final word on Welsh negation here. Future work will undoubtedly produce more comprehensive and more sophisticated analyses. We hope, however, that the book will provide a solid basis for any future work in this area. A final point that we would like to make is that we hope that the book may be seen as an example of what can and should be done in Welsh syntax. Welsh syntax has had a fraction of the attention that it deserves.6 If this book stimulates others to do similar work on other aspects of Welsh, we will be very pleased.

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2.1. INTRODUCTION In this chapter we will provide a preliminary description of the most important realizations of negation in Welsh. We will look first at negation in formal Welsh, highlighting among other things the central role of preverbal particles. Then we will take a look at negative finite clauses in informal Welsh, and among other things, we will see that they sometimes involve two negative elements. Next we will consider negative non-finite clauses and negative imperatives and will see that they are quite different from negative finite clauses. Then we will look at some of the main non-verbal negative words of the language, before briefly introducing some tests for negative sentences in Welsh.

2.2. NEGATION IN FORMAL WELSH Although our main concern in this book is with informal Welsh, it is appropriate to begin with a brief look at negation in formal Welsh. As we have noted, formal Welsh is in most respects a reflection of the spoken language of an earlier period. Thus, modern informal Welsh derives through normal processes of linguistic change from something like formal Welsh, and certain features of the contemporary spoken language ‘make sense’ if one knows something about the formal language. In formal Welsh, the main expression of negation is a pre-verbal particle ni. Since Welsh has verb-subject order, this is commonly sentence initial. We have pairs of sentences like the following: 1a

1b

Soniodd Sioned am y digwyddiad. mention.PAST.3SG Sioned about the event ‘Sioned talked about the event.’ Ni soniodd Sioned am y digwyddiad. mention.PAST.3SG Sioned about the event ‘Sioned did not talk about the event.’

NEG

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Ni has four important properties. First, when ni occurs before a finite verb which begins with a vowel, it gains a final dental/alveolar plosive and occurs as nid (initial vowels resulting from the loss of /g/ are an exception as in (3c), where galwodd has been soft-mutated to alwodd): 2a

Nid oedd Sioned yn gweithio. NEG be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG work ‘Sioned was not working.’

2b

Nid agorodd Sioned ffenest. NEG open.PAST.3SG Sioned window ‘Sioned did not open a window.’

2c

Nid edrychodd Sioned ar y llun. look.PAST.3SG Sioned on the picture ‘Sioned did not look at the picture.’ NEG

There are a number of examples of Welsh words which have different forms before other words which begin with either a consonant or a vowel. For example, the article occurs as y before consonants and yr before vowels; the coordinating conjunction occurs as a before consonants and ac before vowels; and the preposition gyda occurs before consonants while gydag occurs before vowels. Second, ni is a trigger for soft and aspirate mutation, the former with b, d, g, m, ll, rh, and the latter with p, t, c.1 The following, where the basic forms of the verbs appear in brackets, illustrate this: 3a

Ni fydd Sioned yna. NEG be.FUT.3SG Sioned there. ‘Sioned will not be there.’

(bydd)

3b

Ni ddaw Sioned yn ôl. NEG come.FUT.3SG Sioned in track ‘Sioned will not come back.’

(daw)

Ni alwodd Sioned arnaf. call.PAST.3SG Sioned on.1SG ‘Sioned did not call me.’

(galwodd)

4a

Ni chaiff Sioned groeso cynnes. NEG have.FUT.3SG Sioned welcome warm ‘Sioned will not get a warm welcome.’

(caiff)

4b

Ni phrynodd Sioned afalau. NEG buy.PAST.3SG Sioned apples ‘Sioned did not buy apples.’

(prynodd)

4c

Ni thorrodd Sioned goed ar gyfer y tân. cut.PAST.3SG Sioned wood on direction the fire ‘Sioned did not cut wood for the fire.’

(torrodd)

3c

NEG

NEG

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Third, the third person forms of the present tense of bod ‘be’, namely mae ‘is’ and maent ‘are’, have different forms when ni appears. In the case of definite subjects, these forms are replaced respectively by yw (or a variant form ydyw) and ydynt in negatives: 5a

Mae hi ’n gweithio heno. be.PRES.3SG she PROG work tonight ‘She’s working tonight.’

5b

Nid yw hi ’n gweithio heno. be.PRES.3SG she PROG work tonight ‘She’s not working tonight.’ NEG

6a

Maent hwy ’n gweithio heno. be.PRES.3PL they PROG work tonight ‘They’re working tonight.’

6b

Nid ydynt hwy ’n gweithio heno. be.PRES.3PL they PROG work tonight ‘They’re not working tonight.’ NEG

In the case of indefinite but non-generic subjects, the singular form mae is replaced by oes: 7a

7b

Mae eira ar y mynyddoedd. be.PRES.3SG snow on the mountains ‘There is snow on the mountains.’ Nid oes eira ar y mynyddoedd. be.PRES.3SG snow on the mountains ‘There isn’t any snow on the mountains.’

NEG

But indefinite subjects which are generic are like definite subjects – mae is replaced by yw (or ydyw): 8a

8b

Mae eira yn wyn. be.PRES.3SG snow PRED white ‘Snow is white.’ Nid yw eira yn biws. be.PRES.3SG snow PRED purple ‘Snow is not purple.’

NEG

We shall refer to these as the m-forms, the y-forms, and the o-form. The y- and o-forms are not restricted to negative clauses. They also occur in interrogatives, both positive and negative (after the particles a and oni, respectively), and after the subordinating conjunction os ‘if’: 9a

Mae Mair yn aros heno. be.PRES.3SG Mair PROG stay tonight ‘Mair is staying tonight.’

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A yw Mair yn aros heno? Q be.PRES.3SG Mair PROG stay tonight ‘Is Mair staying tonight?’

9c

Os yw Mair yn aros heno . . . if be.PRES.3SG Mair PROG stay tonight ‘If Mair is staying tonight . . .’

21

10a Mae ystlumod yn y to. be.PRES.3SG bats in the roof ‘There are bats in the roof.’ 10b A oes ystlumod yn y to? Q be.PRES.3SG bats in the roof ‘Are there bats in the roof?’ 10c Os oes ystlumod yn y to . . . if be.PRES.3SG bats in the roof ‘If there are bats in the roof . . .’

(Examples with oni appear in (30a–e).) The y-forms also occur in copular sentences which have a complement phrase in initial position: 11a Mae Mair yn athrawes. be.PRES.3SG Mair PRED teacher.F ‘Mair is a teacher.’ 11b Athrawes yw Mair. teacher.F be.PRES.3SG Mair ‘Mair is a teacher.’ 12a Mae Mair yn ddeallus. be.PRES.3SG Mair PRED intelligent ‘Mair is intelligent.’ 12b Deallus yw Mair. intelligent be.PRES.3SG Mair ‘Mair is intelligent.’

Notice that when a predicative complement occurs in a fronted position, the predicative particle yn is dropped. The point to note, however, is that the yand o-forms are required by negation (among other grammatical properties) and do not occur in simple affirmative declarative clauses. Hence, the following are ungrammatical: 13

*Yw Mair yn athrawes. be.PRES.3SG Mair PRED teacher.F ‘Mair is a teacher.’

14

*Yw Mair yn ddeallus. be.PRES.3SG Mair PRED intelligent ‘Mair is intelligent.’

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Fourth, ni licenses various post-verbal negative elements, which we refer to from now on as negative dependents. For example, it licenses a post-subject negative adverb, as in (15), a negative subject, as in (16), and a negative object, as in (17): 15

Ni soniodd Sioned ddim am y digwyddiad. NEG mention.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG about the event ‘Sioned did not talk about the event.’

16

Ni soniodd neb am y digwyddiad. NEG mention.PAST.3SG no-one about the event ‘No one mentioned the event.’

17

Ni welodd Sioned neb. NEG see.PAST.3SG Sioned no-one ‘Sioned didn’t see anyone.’

We have here what is known as negative concord, the situation where a number of negative elements correspond to a single semantic negation (cf. Klima 1964, Labov 1972a).2 In formal Welsh, the negative dependents are not possible without ni. Thus, the following are ungrammatical: 18

*Soniodd Sioned ddim am y digwyddiad. mention.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG about the event ‘Sioned did not talk about the event.’

19

*Soniodd neb am y digwyddiad. mention.PAST.3SG no-one about the event ‘No one mentioned the event.’

20

*Welodd Sioned neb. see.PAST.3SG Sioned no-one ‘Sioned didn’t see anyone.’

We have similar data in many languages. In Polish, for example, a negative dependent is only possible if the verb is preceded by the negative particle nie. The following, where an asterisk before brackets means that the omission of the bracketed item is ungrammatical, illustrate this: 21

Nikt *(nie) widzia
Jana. no-one NEG see.PAST.3SG Jan ‘No one saw Jan.’

22

Jan *(nie) widzia
nikogo. Jan NEG see.PAST.3SG no-one ‘Jan didn’t see anyone.’

We can now look briefly at negation in finite subordinate clauses. Here we have na rather than ni. Thus, we have pairs of sentences like the following, where the subordinate clauses are in brackets:

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23a Gwn [y daw Sioned heno]. know.PRES.1SG AFF come.FUT.3SG Sioned tonight ‘I know that Sioned will come tonight.’ 23b Gwn [na ddaw Sioned heno]. know.PRES.1SG NEG come.FUT.3SG Sioned tonight ‘I know that Sioned will not come tonight.’

(daw)

Na is very much like ni. It takes the form nad before a vowel, it triggers soft mutation and aspirate mutation, and it requires y- and o-forms of the copula: 24a Gwn [nad erys Sioned heno]. know.PRES.1SG NEG stay.FUT.3SG Sioned tonight ‘I know that Sioned will not stay tonight.’ 24b Gwn [na ddaw Sioned heno]. know.PRES.1SG NEG come.FUT.3SG Sioned tonight ‘I know that Sioned will not come tonight.’

(daw)

24c Gwn [na chân Sioned heno]. know.PRES.1SG NEG sing.FUT.3SG Sioned tonight ‘I know that Sioned will not sing tonight.’

(cân)

24d Gwn [nad yw Sioned yn aros heno]. know.PRES.1SG NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG stay tonight ‘I know that Sioned is not staying tonight.’ 24e Gwn [nad oes pysgod yn yr afon]. know.PRES.1SG NEG be.PRES.3SG fish in the river ‘I know that there are no fish in the river.’

Like ni, na licenses negative dependents. The following illustrate this: 25

Gwn [na soniodd Sioned ddim am y digwyddiad]. know.PRES.1SG NEG mention.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG about the event ‘I know that Sioned did not talk about the event.’

26

Gwn [na soniodd neb am y digwyddiad]. know.PRES.1SG NEG mentioned.PAST.3SG no-one about the event ‘I know that no one mentioned the event.’

27

Gwn [na welodd Sioned neb]. know.PRES.1SG NEG saw.3SG Sioned no-one ‘I know that Sioned didn’t see anyone.’

We can now briefly consider negation in interrogative clauses. The preverbal particle oni occurs in place of ni in main clauses and in place of na in subordinate clauses. Thus, we have pairs of sentences like the following: 28a Soniodd Sioned am y digwyddiad? mention.PAST.3SG Sioned about the event ‘Did Sioned not talk about the event?’

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28b Oni soniodd Sioned am y digwyddiad? Q.NEG mention.PAST.3SG Sioned about the event ‘Did Sioned not talk about the event?’ 29a Mae hi ’n gofyn [a ddaw Sioned]. be.PRES.3SG she PROG ask Q come.FUT.3SG Sioned ‘She is asking whether Sioned will come.’ 29b Mae hi ’n gofyn [oni ddaw Sioned]. be.PRES.3SG she PROG ask Q.NEG come.FUT.3SG Sioned ‘She is asking whether Sioned will not come.’

The preverbal particle oni has the same charateristics as ni and na. It takes the form onid before a vowel, it triggers soft mutation and aspirate mutation, and it requires y- and o-forms of the copula: 30a Onid arhosodd Sioned ar ôl y digwyddiad? Q.NEG stay.PAST.3SG Sioned on track the event ‘Did Sioned not stay after the event?’ 30b Oni ddaw Mair heno? Q.NEG come.FUT.3SG Mair tonight ‘Will Mair not come tonight?’

(daw)

30c Oni chân Sioned heno? Q.NEG sing.FUT.3SG Sioned tonight ‘Will Sioned not sing tonight?’

(cân)

30d Onid yw Sioned yn aros heno? Q.NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG stay tonight ‘Is Sioned not staying tonight?’ 30e Onid oes pysgod yn yr afon? Q.NEG be.PRES.3SG fish in the river ‘Are there not any fish in the river?’

Oni also licenses negative dependents: 31a Onid yw Sioned ddim yn aros heno? Q.NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG stay tonight ‘Is Sioned not staying tonight?’ 31b Oni wêl Sioned neb heno? Q.NEG see.FUT.3SG Sioned no-one tonight ‘Will Sioned not see anyone tonight?’ 31c Oni wêl neb Sioned heno? Q.NEG see.FUT.3SG no-one Sioned tonight ‘Will no one see Sioned tonight?’

Finally, we can outline negation in imperative clauses in formal Welsh. An affirmative imperative in Welsh has two inflected forms, singular and plural:

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32a Symuda! move.IMPV.SG ‘Move!’ 32b Symudwch y car! move.IMPV.PL the car ‘Move the car!’

There are two ways of forming a negative imperative. One occurs in conservative formal Welsh, in which the particle na is placed before the imperative forms: 33a Na symuda! NEG move.IMPV.SG ‘Do not move!’ 33b Na symudwch y car! NEG move.IMPV.PL the car ‘Do not move the car!’

This particle has the following properties. It gains a consonant before vowels. But, unlike ni, na, and oni which gain a d as outlined above, na gains a final c: 34a Nac arhosa yma! NEG stay.IMPV.SG here ‘Don’t stay here!’ 34b Nac agorwch y drws! NEG open.IMPV.PL the door ‘Do not open the door!’

Like the other negative particles, it causes the soft and aspirate mutation: 35a Na fydd ’n hwyr! NEG be.IMPV.SG PRED late ‘Do not be late!’

(bydd)

35b Na cherddwch ar y glaswellt! NEG walk.IMPV.PL on the grass ‘Do not walk on the grass!’

(cerddwch)

The other way of forming a negative imperative is much more common and involves forms of peidio. These forms of peidio are also used in imperatives in informal Welsh, which are described in 2.4.2. We can also mention here that the negative verb peidio is also used with non-finite verbs, which are discussed in 2.4.1.

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2.3. NEGATIVE FINITE CLAUSES IN INFORMAL WELSH Having looked at the main features of negation in formal Welsh, we can now take a preliminary look at negation in informal Welsh. As we will see, things are rather different here. In this section, we look at negative finite clauses, and in the next section we will consider negative non-finite clauses and negative imperatives. We shall begin by looking at main clauses, first considering what happens with verbs, and then discussing negative dependents (they are present in the data but we shall ignore them when focusing on the verbs). Informal Welsh does not have the preverbal negative particle ni. However, some verbs have features which can be seen as a reflection of the particle. A few have an initial d or t, which can be seen as a remnant of nid. Thus, we have pairs of sentences like the following: 36a Oedd Gwyn yn cysgu. be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn PROG sleep ‘Gwyn was sleeping.’ 36b Doedd Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn was not sleeping.’

Doedd here corresponds to formal nid oedd. Other verbs show the aspirate mutation which is attributed in the formal language to ni. Thus, we have the following: 37a Geith Sioned fynd rw ˆ an. get.PRES.3SG Sioned go now ‘Sioned can/may go now.’ 37b Cheith Sioned ddim mynd rw ˆ an. NEG.get.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG go now ‘Sioned can/may not go now.’

Cheith here corresponds to formal ni chaiff. Where a verb has a distinctive form it is usually optional. Thus, d could be omitted from (36b) and geith could be retained in (37b). However, the present tense forms of the copula are different in affirmative and negative sentences, along the lines outlined in the description of formal Welsh. The third person m-forms are replaced by y- and o-forms – ydy (or yw), ydyn and oes (again these forms are not unique to negatives as they also occur in affirmative interrogatives and after os ‘if’). These forms can take an initial d/t to produce dydy (or dyw), dydyn, and does: 38a Ma’ Gwyn yn cysgu. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is sleeping.’

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38b Dydy Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’ 39a Ma’n nhw ’n cwyno. be.PRES.3PL they PROG complain ‘They’re complaining.’ 39b Dydyn nhw ddim yn cwyno. NEG.be.PRES.3PL they NEG PROG complain ‘They’re not complaining.’ 40a Ma’ ’na rywun yn yr ardd. be.PRES.3SG there someone in the garden ‘There’s someone in the garden.’ 40b Does ’na neb yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG there no-one in the garden ‘There’s no one in the garden.’

The selection of informal dydy (or dyw) or does is the same as the selection of formal yw and oes, which is outlined in 2.2. Dydy is used with definite subjects and indefinite generic subjects, while does is used with indefinite non-generic subjects. The use of d/t is optional (we shall qualify this statement in 3.3.2), but the use of the y- and o-forms is obligatory for most speakers. Thus, the following are generally not possible as an alternative to (38b), (39b) and (40b): 41a *Mae Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’ 41b *Ma’n nhw ddim yn cwyno. be.PRES.3PL they NEG PROG complain ‘They’re not complaining.’ 41c *Ma’ ’na neb yn yr ardd. be.PRES.3SG there no-one in the garden ‘There’s no one in the garden.’

Such examples are occasionally heard in the informal Welsh of some speakers, but for most speakers, a negative dependent does not occur with the m-forms. As we will see, this is one of a variety of situations in which a negative dependent like ddim is not grammatical. Examples like those in (36) to (40) show that some verbs have some distinctive negative forms. However, as we will see in 3.3, few verbs have a full set of distinctive main clause negative forms and most do not have any. It follows that we often have what looks like the same verb form in related affirmative and negative sentences. The following illustrate the typical situation: 42a Fydd Gwyn yn cysgu. be.FUT.3SG Gwyn PROG sleep ‘Gwyn will be sleeping.’

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42b Fydd Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. be.FUT.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn will not be sleeping.’

Thus, negative main clauses are normally identified as such only by some negative dependent. We can look now at negative dependents. Examples (36b), (37b), (38b) and (39b) contain the post-subject negative adverb ddim. Whereas this adverb is optional in formal Welsh, it is obligatory in informal Welsh. Thus, the following are ungrammatical: 43a *Doedd Gwyn yn cysgu. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn PROG sleep ‘Gwyn was not sleeping.’ 43b *Cheith Sioned fynd rw ˆ an. NEG.get.PRES.3SG Sioned go now ‘Sioned can/may not go now.’ 43c *Dydy Gwyn yn cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’ 43d *Dydyn nhw yn cwyno. NEG.be.PRES.3PL they PROG complain ‘They’re not complaining.’

Unlike nid oedd, ni chaiff, nid yw, and nid ydynt in formal Welsh, illustrated earlier in (2a), (4a), (5b), and (6b), doedd, cheith, dydy and dydyn cannot appear without a negative dependent of some kind. Examples like (36b), (37b), (38b), (39b), and (40b) involve a dual expression of negation. This is rather like the situation in French and Breton: 44a Robin n’ aime pas Stacey. Robin NEG like.PRES.3SG NEG Stacey ‘Robin does not like Stacey.’

(French)

44b N’ en deus ket lennet Tom al levr. NEG 3SG.M have.PRES.3SG NEG read Tom the book ‘Tom has not read the book.’

(Breton)

(The preverbal element is typically omitted in both colloquial French and colloquial Breton.) These examples also show that informal Welsh like formal Welsh has negative concord. Examples like (36b), (37b), (38b), (39b), and (42b) show that ddim plays an important role in informal Welsh negation. There are grammatical examples without ddim. However, these normally involve some other negative dependent. We have already illustrated one instance in (40b) without comment, namely neb ‘no one’. Here are some further examples:

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Does neb yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one in the garden ‘No one is in the garden.’

46

Welish i neb. see.PAST.3SG I no-one ‘I saw no one.’

29

In (40b) and (45) we have a negative subject, and in (46) we have a negative object. Does in (40b) and (45) corresponds to formal Welsh nid oes. Unlike nid oes, however, it may not appear without a negative dependent: 47

*Does dyn yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG man in the garden ‘There isn’t a man in the garden.’

Does is thus like doedd, cheith, dydy, and dydyn which are illustrated in (43). It seems, then, that negative main clauses in informal Welsh normally require a negative dependent and that this can be a post-subject adverb, a subject, or an object of the finite verb. (We will see in 3.4 that there are two types of exception in southern dialects.) Other kinds of negative dependents will not do. A negative dependent that is an object of a non-finite verb is not sufficient. Thus, the following are ungrammatical: 48

*Na’th Emrys weld neb. do.PAST.3SG Emrys see no-one ‘Emrys didn’t see anybody.’

49

*Dw i ’n byta dim byd. be.PRES.1SG I PROG eat NEG world ‘I’m not eating anything.’

The grammatical counterparts of these examples are the following with postsubject ddim: 50

Na’th Emrys ddim gweld neb. do.PAST.3SG Emrys NEG see no-one ‘Emrys didn’t see anybody.’

51

Dw i ddim yn byta dim byd. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG eat NEG world ‘I’m not eating anything.’

Again we see that Welsh is a negative concord language. Welsh has a number of negative adverbs, which may appear in sentence-final position. However, a sentence-final negative adverb is not sufficient here. Thus, the following is not possible as a negative sentence: 52

*Fuo’ fo ’n gweithio erioed. be.PAST.3SG he PROG work never ‘He has never worked.’

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(It is grammatical as an affirmative interrogative, as we will see in 5.2.4.) The grammatical counterpart of (52) is (53) with post-subject ddim or (54) with erioed in post-subject position: 53

Fuo’ fo ddim yn gweithio erioed. be.PAST.3SG he NEG PROG work never ‘He has never worked.’

54

Fuo’ fo erioed yn gweithio. be.PAST.3SG he never PROG work ‘He has never worked.’

The preceding examples show that negative main clauses in informal Welsh normally require a certain sort of negative dependent. This requirement will figure prominently in later chapters. While informal Welsh does not have ni in main clauses, it does allow na in finite subordinate clauses. This has the same properties in informal Welsh as in formal Welsh. It takes the form nad before a vowel as in (55a), it triggers soft and aspirate mutation as in (55b–c), and it requires y- and o-forms of the copula and not the m-forms as in (55d–e): 55a O’n i ’n gwbod [nad oedd Gwyn yn hapus]. be.IMPF.1SG I PROG know NEG be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn PRED happy ‘I knew that Gwyn wasn’t happy.’ 55b Dw i ’n gobeithio [na fydd Mair yna]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG hope NEG be.FUT.3SG Mair there ‘I hope that Mair will not be there.’ 55c Ma’n nhw ’n deud [na cheith Gwyn ’i benodi]. be.PRES.3PL they PROG say NEG get.PRES.3SG Gwyn 3SG.M appoint ‘They say that Gwyn will not be appointed.’ 55d Dw i ’n ofni [nad yw Sioned yn ddigon da]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG fear NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned PRED enough good ‘I’m afraid that Sioned is not good enough.’ 55e Dw i ’di clywed [nad oes bwyd ar ôl]. be.PRES.1SG I PERF hear NEG be.PRES.3SG food on track ‘I’ve heard that there is no food left.’

It does not require a negative dependent but it allows one, as the following illustrate: 56a

O’n i ’n gwbod [nad oedd Gwyn ddim yn hapus]. be.IMPF.1SG I PROG know NEG be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn NEG PRED hapus ‘I knew that Gwyn wasn’t happy.’

56b Dw i ’n gobeithio [na fydd neb yna]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG hope NEG be.FUT.3SG no-one there ‘I hope that no one will be there.’

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We will argue in 3.4 that na(d) + V in a subordinate clause is a negative verb, and hence that whereas only a few verbs have distinctive main clause negative forms almost all have distinctive subordinate clause negative forms. However, as well as the na patterns in the above examples, informal Welsh also allows negative subordinate clauses which take the same form as negative main clauses. The following illustrate this: 57a Fydd Mair ddim yna heno. be.FUT.3SG Mair NEG there tonight ‘Mair won’t be there tonight.’ 57b Dw i ’n gwbod [fydd Mair ddim yna heno]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know be.FUT.3SG Mair NEG there tonight ‘I know Mair won’t be there tonight.’ 58a Ddaw hi ddim yn ôl. come.FUT.3SG she NEG in track ‘She won’t come back.’ 58b Dw i ’n gobeithio [ddaw hi ddim yn ôl]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG hope come.FUT.3SG she NEG in track ‘I hope she won’t come back.’

Finally, we can look at interrogatives. We saw in the last section that formal Welsh uses the preverbal particle oni to form a negative interrogative clause. Informal Welsh forms a negative interrogative by using intonation. Thus all of the examples of negatives given above can be interrogatives without any change in syntax, for example: 59a Dydy Gwyn ddim yn cysgu? NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Isn’t Gwyn sleeping?’ 59b Cheith Sioned ddim mynd rw ˆ an? NEG.get.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG go now ‘Can’t Sioned go now?’ 59c Does neb yn yr ardd? NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one in the garden ‘Is no one in the garden?’ 59d Welish i neb? see.PAST.3SG I no-one ‘Did I see no one?’ 59e Na’th Emrys ddim gweld neb? do.PAST.3SG Emrys NEG see no-one ‘Didn’t Emrys see anybody?’ 59f

Dw i ddim yn byta dim byd? be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG eat NEG world ‘Am I not eating anything?’

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Affirmative interrogatives are also commonly identified solely by intonation although some forms of the copula are distinct from their declarative counterparts in other ways (see 3.3.2).

2.4. NEGATIVE NON-FINITE CLAUSES AND IMPERATIVES IN INFORMAL WELSH We saw in the last section that negative finite clauses in informal Welsh sometimes involve a distinctive form of the main verb but are normally marked as negative by a negative dependent. Negative non-finite clauses are quite different. So too are negative imperatives. In this section we will describe the central properties of both.

2.4.1. NEGATIVE NON-FINITE CLAUSES We begin with negative non-finite clauses. In the following, the first member of each pair contains an affirmative non-finite clause and the second contains a negative non-finite clause. In both cases the non-finite clause is in brackets: 60a Geisiodd Gwyn [ateb y cwestiwn]. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn answer the question ‘Gwyn tried to answer the question.’ 60b Geisiodd Gwyn [beidio ag ateb y cwestiwn]. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG with answer the question ‘Gwyn tried not to answer the question.’ 61a Dw i ’n disgwyl [i Mair fynd i Aberystwyth]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to Mair go to Aberystwyth ‘I expect Mair to go to Aberystwyth.’ 61b Dw i ’n disgwyl [i Mair beidio â mynd i Aberystwyth]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to Mair NEG with go to Aberystwyth ‘I expect Mair not to go to Aberystwyth.’

The examples in (60) contain a superficially subjectless non-finite clause, while those in (61) contain a non-finite clause with an overt subject. The (b) examples contain a negative element, which we will refer to as peidio since this is its basic form, and optionally what looks like the preposition â ‘with’. Peidio is standardly analysed as a non-finite verb, and there are a number of reasons for thinking that this is right. First, peidio looks like a non-finite verb. Many non-finite verbs end in -io, for example actio ‘act’, bodio ‘thumb’, ‘finger’, coginio ‘cook’, dawnsio ‘dance’, garddio ‘garden’, llacio ‘slacken’, pacio ‘pack’, safio ‘save’, tocio ‘hack, shorten’, ymlacio ‘relax’. Second, the fact that the various forms are optionally followed by the preposition â ‘with’ suggests that they are verbal forms. A variety of Welsh verbs take an infinitival complement introduced by a preposition, for example gwrando ar ‘listen to’, edrych

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ar ‘look at’, sôn am ‘talk about’, synnu at ‘surprise at’, mynd â ‘bring’, dod â ‘take’ We will see a further reason for favouring a verbal analysis later. Peidio is sometimes glossed as ‘stop’ or ‘cease’ (see, for example, Evans and Thomas 1971: 355). However, this is misleading. These verbs involve a presupposition that some activity is under way. There is no such presupposition with peidio. Thus (60b) does not mean ‘Gwyn tried to stop answering the question’, and (61b) does not mean ‘I expect Mair to stop going to Aberystwyth’. It seems, then, that negative non-finite clauses involve a negative verb in the sense of a verb whose only content is negation. Such verbs are found in other languages. In Finnish we have pairs of sentences like the following: 62a lue-n. read-1SG ‘I read.’ 62b e-n

lue. read ‘I don’t read.’

NEG-1SG

Similarly, Korean has pairs of sentences like the following from Kim (2000: 27): 63a John-un ka-ass-ta. John-TOP go-PAST-DECL ‘John went.’ 63b John-un ka-ci anh-ass-ta. John-TOP go-COMP NEG-PAST-DECL ‘John did not go.’

However, in both languages, it is finite negation that involves a verb whose only content is negation. Welsh appears to be rather unusual in using such a verb to express non-finite negation. Welsh is not unusual in expressing negation differently in finite and nonfinite clauses. English does things differently in the two contexts. It is widely accepted that to in English non-finite clauses occupies the same position as modal auxiliaries in finite clauses. If this is right, the following provide evidence that negation behaves differently in finite and non-finite clauses: 64

*Kim not may be here.

65

It is essential [for Kim not to be here]

French also has a difference between finite and non-finite negation. As we noted earlier, formal French finite clauses are negated by the pre-verbal particle ne and the post-verbal element pas. Example (44a), repeated here as (66) for convenience, illustrates this: 66

Robin n’ aime pas Stacey. Robin NEG like.PRES.3SG NEG Stacey ‘Robin does not like Stacey.’

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In contrast, non-finite clauses are negated by preverbal ne pas, for instance: 67

[Ne pas parler français] est un grand désavantage en ce cas. NEG NEG speak French be.PRES.3SG a big disadvantage in this case ‘Not speaking French is a big disadvantage in this case.’

Unlike most negative finite clauses, negative non-finite clauses do not require a negative dependent. However, they may contain one. Thus, we have examples like the following: 68a Geisiodd Gwyn beidio â deud dim byd. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG with say NEG world ‘Gwyn tried not to say anything.’ 68b Dw i ’n disgwyl i Mair beidio â gweld neb. be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to Mair NEG with see no-one ‘I expect Mair not to see anyone.’

It is important to note, however, that peidio only licenses a following negative dependent, a dependent, that is, within the predicate that it heads. Thus, (69) is ungrammatical: 69

*Dw i ’n disgwyl i neb beidio â mynd i Aberystwyth. to Aberystwyth be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to no-one NEG with go ‘I expect no one to go to Aberystwyth.’

A negative dependent in subject position must be licensed by a negative element in the main clause, as in (88e). Note that the examples in (68) show again that Welsh is a negative concord language. With certain exceptions, which we will discuss in 4.4, a non-finite clause without peidio may not contain a negative dependent. Thus, the following are ungrammatical: 70

*Geisiodd Gwyn ddeud dim byd. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn say NEG world ‘Gwyn tried not to say anything.’

71

*Dw i ’n disgwyl i Mair weld neb. be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to Mair see no-one ‘I expect Mair not to see anyone.’

Here, then, we have a second situation in which a negative dependent is impossible. As one might expect, finite clause negation and non-finite clause negation can co-occur: 72a Dw i ddim yn disgwyl peidio â gweld Sioned. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG expect NEG with see Sioned ‘I don’t expect not to see Sioned.’ 72b Alla’ i ddim peidio â chwerthin. with laugh can.PRES.1SG I NEG NEG ‘I can’t not laugh.’

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Notice that we have a double negation interpretation here: ddim negates the finite clause and peidio negates the non-finite clause. Double negation always arises where peidio is preceded by some negative dependent. The following is another relevant example: 73

Cheisiodd neb [beidio ag ateb y cwestiwn]. with answer the question try.PAST.3SG no-one NEG ‘No one tried not to answer the question.’

Sentences with finite and non-finite negation may look quite similar. Normally, however, they will differ in meaning. Consider, for example, the following pair: 74a Alla’ i ddim helpu. can.PRES.1SG I NEG help ‘I am not able to help.’ 74b Alla’ i beidio â helpu. can.PRES.1SG I NEG with help ‘I am able to not help.’

As the translations make clear, these examples differ in the scope of negation. In (74a), the modal is within the scope of negation, whereas in (74b) the negation is within the scope of the modal. A further point to note about peidio is that it is not possible in all positions in which a non-finite verb can appear. For example, it cannot follow an aspect marker, as the following illustrate: 75

*Mae Gwyn yn peidio â mynd i Aberystwyth. to Aberystwyth be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PROG NEG with go ‘Gwyn is not going to Aberystwyth.’

76

*Mae Gwyn wedi peidio â mynd i Aberystwyth. with go to Aberystwyth be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PERF NEG ‘Gwyn has not gone to Aberystwyth.’

Peidio can, however, be used following an aspect marker in formal Welsh. The following illustrate: 77a Yr oedd hi ’n siarad ac yn peidio â gwrando. AFF be.IMPF.3SG she PROG talk and PROG NEG with listen ‘She was talking and not listening.’ 77b Os bydd myfyrwyr yn peidio â sefyll arholiad ysgrifenedig if be.FUT.3SG students PROG NEG with stand examination written heb eglurhad boddhaol, . . . without explanation satisfactory ‘If students do not sit a written examination without a satisfactory explanation, . . .’

Example (77a) is from Williams (1959: 154) and (77b) from University of Wales, Aberystwyth examination regulations.

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2.4.2. NEGATIVE IMPERATIVES We have seen that in formal Welsh imperatives can be negated by the preverbal particle na(c) or by using imperative forms of peidio. In informal Welsh, imperatives are solely negated with imperative forms of peidio.3 Thus, corresponding to (33a–b) we have the following: 78a Paid â symud. NEG.IMPV.SG with move ‘Do not move.’ 78b Peidiwch â symud y car. NEG.IMPV.PL with move the car ‘Do not move the car.’

The fact that peidio has imperative forms provides further evidence that it is a verb. These are the only other forms that it has in informal Welsh.4 Thus, it is a defective verb. Like negative non-finite clauses, negative imperatives do not require a negative dependent, but they may contain one, as the following show: 79a Paid / Peidiwch â gweld neb. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with see no-one ‘Don’t see anyone.’ 79b Paid / Peidiwch â gneud dim byd. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with see NEG world ‘Don’t do anything.’

A negative dependent is not possible in an ordinary imperative without paid or peidiwch, as the following show: 80

*Dos ddim adre. go.IMPV.SG NEG home ‘Don’t go home.’

81

*Ffonia neb. phone.IMPV.SG no-one ‘Don’t phone anyone.’

82

*Gwna dim byd. do.IMPV.SG NEG world ‘Don’t do anything.’

83

*Dos byth. go.IMPV.SG never ‘Don’t ever go.’

Instead of these examples, we have the following: 84

Paid / Peidiwch â mynd adre. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with go home ‘Don’t go home.’

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Paid / Peidiwch â ffonio neb. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with phone no-one ‘Don’t phone anyone.’

86

Paid / Peidiwch â gneud dim byd. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with do NEG world ‘Don’t do anything.’

87

Paid / Peidiwch â mynd byth. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with go never ‘Don’t ever go.’

37

Here, then, we have a third situation in which a negative dependent is impossible.

2.5. SOME NEGATIVE WORDS In this section we will say more about some of the main non-verbal negative words of informal Welsh. An important negative word, which we have already seen, is neb ‘no one’. This can appear in the full range of nominal positions. The following, some of which are repetitions, illustrate: 88a Does neb yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one in the garden ‘No one is in the garden.’ 88b Welish i neb. see.PAST.3SG I no-one ‘I didn’t see anyone.’ 88c Na’th Emrys ddim gweld neb. do.PAST.3SG Emrys NEG see no-one ‘Emrys didn’t see anybody.’ 88d Dw i ddim yn edrych am neb. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG look for no-one ‘I’m not looking for anybody.’ 88e Dw i ddim yn disgwyl i neb fod yna. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG expect to no-one be there ‘I don’t expect anyone to be there.’

In (88a) neb is the subject of a finite verb. In (88b) it is the object of a finite verb. In (88c) it is the object of a non-finite verb. In (88d) it is the object of a preposition. Finally, in (88e) it is the subject of a non-finite verb. A similar negative word, which we have also seen, is dim byd ‘nothing’ (literally ‘nothing world’ – it derives etymologically from dim yn y byd ‘nothing in the world’5). This also can appear in the full range of nominal positions:

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89a Does dim byd yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG world in the garden ‘Nothing is in the garden.’ 89b Welish i ddim byd. see.PAST.1SG I NEG world ‘I didn’t see anything.’ 89c Na’th Emrys ddim gweld dim byd. do.PAST.3SG Emrys NEG see NEG world ‘Emrys didn’t see anything.’ 89d Dw i ddim yn edrych am ddim byd. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG look for NEG world ‘I’m not looking for anything.’ 89e Dw i ddim yn disgwyl i ddim byd fod yna. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG expect to NEG world be there ‘I don’t expect anything to be there.’

Despite appearances dim byd appears to be a single lexical item. It is not possible to separate dim and byd in the way that one would expect if they were two separate items. Slightly different negative words are nunlle and nunman both ‘nowhere’. The former derives from yn unlle ‘in one place’, and the latter from yn unman, also ‘in one place’.6 These can appear in the full range of nominal positions. We illustrate this with nunlle: 90a Does nunlle fel Brynsiencyn. NEG.be.PRES.3SG nowhere like Brynsiencyn ‘There’s nowhere like Brynsiencyn.’ 90b Chyrhaeddodd Mair nunlle. see.PAST.3SG Mair nowhere ‘Mair didn’t arrive anywhere.’ 90c Dydy hi ddim yn licio nunlle. NEG.be.PRES.3SG she NEG PROG like nowhere ‘She doesn’t like anywhere.’ 90d Dw i ddim yn mynd i nunlle. be.PRES.3SG I NEG PROG go to nowhere ‘I don’t go anywhere.’ 90e Dw i ddim yn disgwyl i nunlle fod yn well na Aber. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG expect to nowhere be PRED better than Aber ‘I don’t expect anywhere to be better than Aber.’

They also appear as sentence-final adverbs but not as post-subject adverbs. Again, we illustrate this with nunlle: 91a Dw i ddim wedi gweld Megan nunlle. Megan nowhere be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF see ‘I haven’t seen Megan anywhere.’

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91b *Dw i nunlle wedi gweld Megan. Megan be.PRES.1SG I nowhere PERF see ‘I haven’t seen Megan anywhere.’

Another important nominal negative word is a syntactic quantifier, which looks like the main negative adverb. This combines with either a bare indefinite NP or a PP containing o ‘of’ and a definite NP. Phrases that contain it can appear in the full range of nominal positions: 92a Does dim gafr yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG goat in the garden ‘No goat is in the garden.’ 92b Welish i ddim sêr. see.PAST.1SG I NEG stars ‘I didn’t see any stars.’ 92c Na’th Emrys ddim gweld dim sêr. do.PAST.3SG Emrys NEG see NEG stars ‘Emrys didn’t see any stars.’ 92d Dw i ddim yn edrych am ddim swydd. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG look for NEG job ‘I’m not looking for any job.’ 92e Dw i ddim yn disgwyl i ddim car fod yna. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG expect to NEG car be there ‘I don’t expect any car to be there.’ 93a Does dim o ’r geifr yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG of the goats in the garden ‘None of the goats are in the garden.’ 93b Welish i ddim o ’r sêr. see.PAST.1SG I NEG of the stars ‘I didn’t see any of the stars.’ 93c Na’th Emrys ddim gweld dim o ’r sêr. do.PAST.1SG Emrys NEG see NEG of the stars ‘Emrys didn’t see any of the stars.’ 93d Dw i ddim yn edrych am ddim swyddi. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG look for NEG jobs ‘I’m not looking for any jobs.’ 93e Dw i ddim yn disgwyl i ddim o ’r ceir fod yna. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG expect to NEG of the cars be there ‘I don’t expect any of the cars to be there.’

We will look in detail at this element in 5.3.1. As indicated earlier, a number of negative adverbs play an important role in informal Welsh. Most important is the basic negative adverb ddim. Other negative adverbs are erioed and byth, both ‘never’, which we have already

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seen. Byth is used in non-perfective contexts, whereas erioed is used in perfective contexts. Like erioed it can appear in post-subject position and be the only marker of negation in the sentence. We have both (94) and (95): 94

Fydd Sioned ddim yn canu byth. be.FUT.3SG Sioned NEG PROG sing ever ‘Sioned will never sing.’

95

Fydd Sioned byth yn canu. be.FUT.3SG Sioned never PROG sing ‘Sioned will never sing.’

We will consider negative adverbs in much more detail in 5.2.

2.6. TESTS FOR NEGATIVE SENTENCES We noted in 1.3 that negative sentences normally license certain distinctive phenomena, and that these allow us to distinguish negative sentences from affirmative sentences which contain some sort of negative element. This is just as true in Welsh as in English. For example, in the Welsh of north Wales, positive tags accompany positive clauses and negative tags accompany negative clauses. Thus, (96a) is grammatical but (96b) is not: 96a Dydy Mair ddim yn hapus, nac ydy? NEG.be.PRES.3SG Mair NEG PRED happy, NEG be.PRES.3SG ‘Mair is not happy, is she?’ 96b *Mae Mair yn anhapus, nac ydy? be.PRES.3SG Mair PRED unhappy, NEG be.PRES.3SG ‘Mair is unhappy, is she?’

Example (96b) would be grammatical with the positive tag (yn)dydy. Similarly, conjoined negative sentences and not conjoined affirmative sentences may be modified by chwaith ‘neither’: 97a Dydy Mair ddim yn hapus, a dydy Gwyn ddim NEG.be.PRES.3SG Mair NEG PRED happy, and NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG yn

hapus chwaith. happy neither ‘Mair isn’t happy and Gwyn isn’t happy either.’

PRED

97b *Mae Mair yn anhapus ac mae Gwyn yn anhapus chwaith. be.PRES.3SG Mair PRED unhappy and be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PRED unhappy neither *‘Mair is unhappy and Gwyn is unhappy either.’

In much the same way, negative sentences but not affirmative sentences can be followed by an elliptical clause containing na and chwaith or dim hyd yn oed:

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98a Dydy Mair ddim yn hapus, na Gwyn chwaith. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Mair NEG PRED happy NEG Gwyn neither ‘Mair isn’t happy and neither is Gwyn.’ 98b *Mae Mair yn anhapus, na Gwyn chwaith. be.PRES.3SG Mair PRED unhappy NEG Gwyn neither *‘Mair is unhappy and neither is Gwyn.’ 99a Doedd yr ymosodiadau ddim yn llwyddiannus, NEG.be.IMPF.3SG the attacks NEG PRED successful dim yr un olaf hyd yn oed. NEG the one final even ‘The attacks weren’t successful, not even the last one.’ 99b *Mi oedd yr ymosodiadau ’n aflwyddiannus, AFF be.IMPF.3SG the attacks PRED unsuccessful dim yr un olaf hyd yn oed. NEG the one final even *‘The attacks were unsuccessful, not even the last one.’

Here, then, we have three tests for negative sentences in Welsh.

2.7. SUMMARY In this chapter we have introduced some basic facts about Welsh negation. We looked first at negation in the formal language, where negation is expressed by a preverbal negative particle. We then turned to the informal language, which is our main focus of interest. Informal Welsh only has a preverbal negative particle in finite subordinate clauses. (We will qualify this statement in 3.4.) In main clauses, the verb sometimes has a distinctive negative form, but the main expression of negation is a negative dependent of some kind. Informal Welsh is a negative concord language, so a negative sentence may contain both a verb with a distinctive negative form and a negative dependent. After considering negative finite clauses, we looked at the expression of negation in non-finite clauses and imperatives. Both involve a verb whose only content is negation. Thus, we have a sharp contrast between negation in finite declarative clauses and negation in non-finite clauses and imperatives. Next, we looked at the main non-verbal negative words of Welsh, including among others neb ‘no one’ and dim byd ‘nothing’. Finally we introduced some tests for negative sentences in Welsh.

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3.1. INTRODUCTION We saw in the last chapter that verbs play an important role in the expression of negation in informal Welsh. On the one hand, some verbs have some distinctive negative forms. On the other hand, non-finite clauses and imperatives are negated by the special negative verb peidio. In this chapter we will look more closely at negative verbs in informal Welsh. We will first look briefly at negative verbs in other languages. Then we will consider the situation in Welsh. We noted in 2.3 that while a negative dependent is normally required in a main clause in informal Welsh, there is no such requirement in a subordinate clause introduced by na. We will suggest in the following sections that this contrast is one manifestation of an important contrast between weak and strong negative verbs, and that the former are required to have a negative dependent. We will also argue, however, that weak negative verbs are typically identical in form to positive verbs. We will show that Welsh has a number of types of strong negative verb and also certain extra-strong negative verbs. We will also highlight a number of types of unambiguously positive verbs.

3.2. NEGATIVE VERBS IN OTHER LANGUAGES A variety of languages have negative forms of ordinary verbs. In some cases these are formed from positive forms by a productive process involving a clitic or an affix. In other cases, there is no productive process. The former situation is exemplified by Polish, which has pairs of sentences like the following:1

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(Ja) rozumiem te˛ ksia˛z·ke˛. I understand.PRES.1SG this book ‘I understand this book.’

1b

(Ja) nie rozumiem tej ksia˛z·ki. I NEG understand.PRES.1SG this book ‘I don’t understand this book.’

43

In Polish almost all verbs are negated with nie, which Kup´s c´ and Przepiórkowski (forthcoming) argue is a prefix. We have a similar situation in Turkish, which has examples like the following: 2 2a

(ben) bugün her s¸ey-i yap-acag˘-im. I today every thing-ACC do-FUT-1SG ‘I shall do everything today.’

2b

(ben) bugün her s¸ey-i yap-ma-yacag˘-ım. I today every thing-ACC do-NEG-FUT-1SG ‘I shall not do everything today.’

Here, all verbs are negated by the suffix -ma. A good example of a language with negative verb forms which are not the result of a productive process is English. Zwicky and Pullum (1983) argue that -n’t in examples like the following is a suffix: 3

He isn’t well.

As Zwicky and Pullum emphasize, there is no productive process here. Only auxiliaries have forms with -n’t. Thus (4) is ungrammatical. 4

*He readn’t the book.

However, not all auxiliaries have such forms, as (5) shows: 5

*I amn’t well.

Rather like Modern English is Old English, where a small number of verbs have negative forms with an initial n-, for example nis ‘is not’, næbbe ‘have not’, nolde ‘would not’, cited in Horn (2001: 455). Where does Welsh fit in to this picture? Formal Welsh is rather like Polish and Turkish with all verbs being negated by ni(d) in main clauses. As we will see, informal Welsh looks rather like English in main clauses (although we will suggest that it is really rather different). In subordinate clauses, there is variability, but one option looks rather like Polish and Turkish.

3.3. WEAK NEGATIVE VERBS We noted in 2.3 that some verbs have some distinctive negative forms, but that few verbs have a full set of distinctive negative forms in main clauses and that most do not have any. We will assume, however, that all verb forms

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which can appear in a negative clause but must be accompanied by a negative dependent are weak negative verb forms whether or not they have a distinctive appearance. Thus, we assume that all verbs have a full set of weak negative forms.3 This is quite different from the superfically similar situation in English referred to above. It might seem a strange position to adopt. However, we will argue below that it is a well-motivated position.

3.3.1. THE NEGATIVE DEPENDENT CONSTRAINT Before we proceed, we need to say something about the basic restriction on weak negative verbs, which we will call the Negative Dependent Constraint. On the basis of the discussion in 2.3 we might formulate the constraint as follows: 6

Negative Dependent Constraint (first version) A weak negative verb form has a negative dependent, which may be a postsubject adverb, a subject, or an object of the verb.

The examples in (7) conform to the constraint while those in (8) violate it: 7a

Dydy Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’

7b

neb yn yr ardd. no-one in the garden ‘No one is in the garden.’

Does

NEG.be.PRES.3SG

7c

Welish i neb. see.PAST.3SG I no-one ‘I saw no one.’

8a

*Na’th Emrys weld neb. did.PAST.3SG Emrys see no-one ‘Emrys didn’t see anybody.’

8b

*Fuo’ fo ’n gweithio erioed. be.PAST.3SG he PROG work never ‘He has never worked.’

The latter can be made acceptable by the addition of post-subject ddim: 9a

Na’th Emrys ddim gweld neb. did.PAST.3SG Emrys NEG see no-one ‘Emrys didn’t see anybody.’

9b

Fuo’ fo ddim yn gweithio erioed. be.PAST.3SG he NEG PROG work never ‘He has never worked.’

There is evidence, however, for a slightly different formulation of the constraint. Specifically, there is evidence that not just a negative object but a

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negative complement can satisfy the requirements of a weak negative verb. Consider, for example, the following: 10

Gostiodd y llyfr ddim byd. cost.PAST.3SG the book NEG world ‘The book didn’t cost anything.’

11

Liciodd Gwyn ddim byd. like.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG world ‘Gwyn didn’t like anything.’

Here, we have a negative constituent which cannot be called an object. We assume that an object can become the subject of a passive sentence. This is not possible here. Affirmative counterparts of (10) and (11), namely (12) and (13), cannot be passivized, as (14) and (15) illustrate: 12

Gostiodd y llyfr ddeg punt. cost.PAST.3SG the book ten pounds ‘The book cost ten pounds.’

13

Liciodd Gwyn y rhaglen. like.PAST.3SG Gwyn the programme ‘Gwyn liked the programme.’

14

*Gafodd deg punt eu costio gan y llyfr. get.PAST.3SG ten pounds 3PL cost by the book *‘Ten pounds were cost by the book.’

15

*Gafodd y rhaglen ’i licio gan Gwyn. get.PAST.3SG the programme 3SG.M like by Gwyn ‘The programme was liked by Gwyn.’

Thus, (10) and (11) suggest that we should revise the Negative Dependent Constraint as follows: 16

Negative Dependent Constraint (second version) A weak negative verb form has a negative dependent, which may be a postsubject adverb, a subject, or a complement of the verb.

As we will see, this constraint plays a central role in the syntax of Welsh negation.4

3.3.2. DISTINCTIVE WEAK NEGATIVE FORMS We will now look at cases where weak negative verbs have a distinctive form. Then in the next section we will consider non-distinctive forms First, as noted in 2.3, the present tense of the copula bod ‘be’ has certain distinctive third person forms used in negative sentences. Tables 3.1 and 3.2 list all the forms of the present tense, except for sydd which is discussed below (the tables are based on Thomas and Thomas 1989: 61; we have given typical realizations and do not claim that these tables list every regional variant).

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Table 3.1 Full

1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL

Northern Reduced

ydw wyt ma’ ydy oes ydyn ydych ma’n ydyn

dw – – dy ’s dyn dych – dyn

Full

Southern Reduced

odw wyt ma’ ody oes, ôs odyn odych ma’n odyn

w – – yw ’s yˆn yˆch – yˆn

It can be seen from Table 3.1 that there are differences between northern and southern Welsh and that all persons and numbers except the second person singular have separate full and reduced forms. It can also be seen that we have a number of different third person forms. We shall refer to ma’ ‘is’ and ma’n ‘are’ as m-forms, to oes, ôs, ’s as o-forms and to the remainder as y-forms. We saw in 2.3 that the m-forms may generally not appear in negative sentences. The following provide a further illustration: 17a *Ma’ hi ddim yn gweithio heno. be.PRES.3SG she NEG PROG work tonight ‘She isn’t working tonight.’ 17b *Ma’n nhw ddim yn gweithio heno. be.PRES.3PL they NEG PROG work tonight ‘They aren’t working tonight.’

Instead of these, the reduced y-forms and o-forms may appear. The former appear with a subject that is definite or generic. We have examples like the following: 18a Dy hi ddim yn gweithio heno. be.PRES.3SG she NEG PROG work tonight ‘She’s not working tonight.’ 18b Yw hi ddim yn gweithio heno. be.PRES.3SG she NEG PROG work tonight ‘She’s not working tonight.’ 18c Dyn nhw ddim yn gweithio heno. be.PRES.3PL they NEG PROG work tonight ‘They’re not working tonight.’ 18d Yˆn nhw ddim yn gweithio heno. be.PRES.3PL they NEG PROG work tonight ‘They’re not working tonight.’

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The full forms may not appear in negatives: 19a *Ydy hi ddim yn gweithio heno. be.PRES.3SG she NEG PROG work tonight ‘She’s not working tonight.’ 19b *Ody hi ddim yn gweithio heno. tonight be.PRES.3SG she NEG PROG work ‘She’s not working tonight.’ 19c *Ydyn nhw ddim yn gweithio heno. tonight be.PRES.3PL they NEG PROG work ‘They’re not working tonight.’ 19d *Odyn nhw ddim yn gweithio heno. tonight be.PRES.3PL they NEG PROG work ‘They’re not working tonight.’

As we will see below, the full y-forms can occur in negatives when preceded by d/t. The reduced o-forms appear with an indefinite but non-generic subject. This is optionally preceded by the pleonastic pronoun yna ‘there’ (which can be reduced to ’na). In northern dialects at least, the use of yna is the norm. Thus, we have examples like the following: 20a ’S ’na neb yn yr ardd. be.PRES.3SG there no-one in the garden ‘There’s no one in the garden.’ 20b ’S dim byd yn y cwpwrdd. be.PRES.3SG NEG world in the cupboard ‘There’s nothing in the cupboard.’

Again the full forms may not appear in negatives: 21a *Oes ’na neb yn yr ardd. be.PRES.3SG there no-one in the garden ‘There’s no one in the garden.’ 21b *Oes dim byd yn y cwpwrdd. be.PRES.3SG NEG world in the cupboard ‘There’s nothing in the cupboard.’

Again, as we will see below, the full forms can occur in negatives when preceded by d/t. The reduced y-forms and o-forms are not limited to negative sentences. The reduced y-forms occur, as do the full forms, in interrogatives (22a), with the subordinating conjunction or complementizer os ‘if’ (22b), in responsives (22c), and also in copular sentences with a ‘fronted’ NP or AP complement (22d): 22a Dy/Ydy Sioned yn aros? be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG stop ‘Is Sioned staying?’

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22b Os dy/ydy Sioned yn aros . . . if be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG stop ‘If Sioned is staying . . .’ 22c Dy Sioned yn dod? Dy/Ydy. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG come be.PRES.3SG ‘Is Sioned coming? Yes.’ 22d Athro / deallus dy/ydy Sioned. teacher intelligent be.PRES.3SG Sioned ‘Sioned is a teacher/intelligent.’

The reduced o-forms appear in interrogatives (23a) although not after os (23b) or in responsives (23c): 23a ’S/oes ’na rywun yn yr ardd? be.PRES.3SG there someone in the garden ‘Is there someone in the garden?’ 23b Os *’s / oes ’na rywun yn yr ardd . . . if be.PRES.3SG there someone in the garden ‘If there is someone in the garden . . .’ 23c ’S ’na rywun yn yr ardd? *’S/oes. be.PRES.3SG there someone in the garden be.PRES.3SG ‘Is there someone in the garden? Yes.’

These examples show that reduced y- and o-forms are not just weak negative forms.5 We will return to examples like (22d) in 3.6. Second, as also noted in 2.3, some verbs have distinctive weak negative forms with an initial d or t, that is, /d/ or /t/, added to verb forms which have an initial vowel. Particularly important is the addition of d/t to various present tense forms of the copula. We have the forms shown in Table 3.2, some of which we have already seen. A comparison of Table 3.1 with Table 3.2 shows that only some southern forms allow an initial d/t, namely, the reduced forms (except ’ s), and the full forms wyt and oes/ôs. The following illustrate some of the forms in Table 3.2: Table 3.2 Full

1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL

Northern Reduced

dydw dwyt dydy does dydyn dydych dydyn

Full

Southern Reduced

dw dwyt dyw does, dôs dyˆn dyˆch dyˆn

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24a Dydy hi ddim yn gweithio heno. NEG.be.PRES.3SG she NEG PROG work tonight ‘She’s not working tonight.’ 24b Dydyn nhw ddim yn gweithio heno. NEG.be.PRES.3PL they NEG PROG work tonight ‘They’re not working tonight.’ 24c Dydw i ddim yn mynd fory. NEG.be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG go tomorrow ‘I’m not going tomorrow.’ 24d Dwyt ti ddim yn deall. NEG.be.PRES.2SG you.SG NEG PROG understand ‘You don’t understand.’ 24e Dydan ni ddim yn cytuno. NEG.be.PRES.1PL we NEG PROG agree ‘We don’t agree.’ 25a Dyw hi ddim yn gweithio heno. NEG.be.PRES.3SG she NEG PROG work tonight ‘She’s not working tonight.’ 25b Dyˆn nhw ddim yn gweithio heno. NEG.be.PRES.3PL they NEG PROG work tonight ‘They’re not working tonight.’ 25c Dw

i ddim yn mynd fory. I NEG PROG go tomorrow ‘I’m not going tomorrow.’ NEG.be.PRES.1SG

25d Dwyt ti ddim yn deall. NEG.be.PRES.2SG you.SG NEG PROG understand ‘You don’t understand.’ 25e Dyˆn ni ddim yn cytuno. NEG.be.PRES.1PL we NEG PROG agree ‘We don’t agree.’ 26

Does ’na neb yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG there no-one in the garden ‘There’s no one in the garden.’

Initial d/t may also occur with a very small number of verbs which otherwise have no distinctive weak negative form. A common verb form is the imperfect of the copula, including reduced forms of the latter, as in (29). Thus, we have pairs of sentences like the following: 27a Oedd Sioned yn gweithio. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG work ‘Sioned was working.’ 27b Doedd Sioned ddim yn gweithio. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work ‘Sioned was not working.’

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28a Oeddwn i ’n hwyr. be.IMPF.1SG I PRED late ‘I was late.’ 28b Doeddwn i ddim yn hwyr. NEG.be.IMPF.1SG I NEG PRED late ‘I was not late.’ 29a O’t ti ’n anghywir. be.IMPF.2SG you.SG PRED wrong ‘You were wrong.’ 29b Do’t ti ddim yn anghywir. NEG.be.IMPF.2SG you.SG NEG PRED wrong ‘You weren’t wrong.’

Two other verbs less commonly occur with d/t, namely, mynd ‘go’ and gwybod ‘know’: 30a A’ i yn ôl. go.FUT.1SG I in track ‘I will go back.’ 30b Da’

i ddim yn ôl. I NEG in track ‘I will not go back.’ NEG.go.FUT.1SG

31a Wn i am hynny. know.PRES.1SG I for that ‘I know about that.’ 31b Dwn i ddim am hynny. NEG.know.PRES.1SG I NEG for that ‘I don’t know about that.’

However, initial d/t does not productively occur with other verbs which begin with a vowel, so that many verbs which freely occur with nid in the formal style do not occur with d/t in the informal style: 32

*Dagorodd Sioned ddim ffenest. NEG.open.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG window ‘Sioned did not open a window.’

33

*Dedrychodd Sioned ddim ar y llun. NEG.look.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG on the picture ‘Sioned did not look at the picture.’

34

*Doedodd Sioned ddim am eiliad. NEG.pause.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG for second ‘Sioned did not pause for a second.’

35

*Dymunodd Sioned ddim â ’r undeb. NEG.join.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG with the union ‘Sioned did not join the union.’

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*Dwfftiod Sioned ddim byd. NEG.decry.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG world ‘Sioned did not decry anything.’

Finally, again as noted in 2.3, some verbs have distinctive weak negative forms with aspirate mutation. The following illustrate: 37a Geith Sioned fynd rw ˆ an. get.PRES.3SG Sioned go now ‘Sioned can/may go now.’ 37b Cheith Sioned ddim mynd rw ˆ an. NEG.get.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG go now ‘Sioned can/may not go now.’

However, the use of the aspirate mutation in informal Welsh is also very restricted. Whereas in formal Welsh, as noted in 2.2, ni (also na and oni) triggers the aspirate mutation on all finite verbs which begin with p, t or c, this mutation does not productively occur in spontaneous speech with the vast majority of words which have these beginnings (Thomas and Thomas 1989: 80–1). Verbs like colli ‘lose, spill’, prynu ‘buy’, and torri ‘break, cut’ which freely occur with the aspirate mutation in the formal style are not consistently aspirate-mutated in informal Welsh. Verbs which begin with c are more likely to be aspirate-mutated than words which begin with p, t: 38a ?Chanodd Sioned ddim yn dda iawn. NEG.sing.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG ADV good very ‘Sioned did not sing very well.’ 38b ?Chododd Sioned ddim ar ’i thraed. NEG.sing.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG on 3SG.F feet ‘Sioned did not get to her feet.’ 38c ?Phrynodd Sioned ddim byd. NEG.buy.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG world ‘Sioned did not buy anything.’ 38d ?Thorrodd Sioned ddim byd. NEG.cut.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG world ‘Sioned did not cut anything.’

In the above examples, ‘?’ is used rather than ‘*’ as this restriction is a stylistic one rather than a grammatical one, as aspirate mutation could be imported from the formal style. Of the verbs which begin with c, the verb cael ‘have, receive’ is the most likely to undergo aspirate mutation, but even this verb does not compulsorily mutate for the aspirate mutation. As noted by Thomas and Thomas (1989: 80–1), many speakers use the soft mutation on the finite verb instead of the aspirate mutation in a negative clause which contains ddim, including cael ‘have, receive’:

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39a Geith Sioned ddim mynd rw ˆ an. get.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG go now ‘Sioned can/may not go now.’ 39b Ganodd Sioned ddim yn dda iawn. sing.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG ADV good very ‘Sioned did not sing very well.’ 39c Gododd Sioned ddim ar ’i thraed. get-up.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG on 3SG.F feet ‘Sioned did not get to her feet.’ 39d Brynodd Sioned ddim byd. buy.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG world ‘Sioned did not buy any thing.’ 39e Dorrodd Sioned ddim byd. cut.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG world ‘Sioned did not cut anything.’

Thus, we have a number of types of distinctive weak negative verb forms. However, most of these forms are not obligatory. With the reduced y- and oforms of bod ‘be’, the imperfect forms of bod ‘be’, mynd ‘go’ and gwybod ‘know’ which have vocalic initial segments, d/t is not obligatory and is commonly absent. We have already seen examples of this with the y- and o-forms in examples (18) and (20). Illustrations with the remaining verbal forms are as follows: 40a Oedd Sioned ddim yn gweithio. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work ‘Sioned was not working.’ 40b A’ i ddim yn ôl. go.FUT.1SG I NEG in track ‘I will not go back.’ 40c Wn i ddim am hynny. know.PRES.1SG I NEG for that ‘I don’t know about that.’

We have also seen that the aspirate mutation is very restricted and even where it can commonly occur, namely with the verb cael ‘have, get’, it faces competition from the soft mutation, which occurs with the majority of verbs in both affirmatives and negatives. An example of this is provided by (39a). The only distinctive feature of a negative verb which is obligatory (at least for most speakers) is the use of the distinctive y- and o-forms of the third person of the present tense of the copula. We have seen that these forms are not distinctive with the first and second persons.

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3.3.3. NON-DISTINCTIVE WEAK NEGATIVE FORMS Although a number of verbs have distinctive weak negative forms most verbs have no such forms. They have no negative form like the third person forms of the present tense of bod ‘be’, they do not take initial d/t, even if they have a vocalic initial segment, and they do not undergo the aspirate mutation, even if they begin with p, t and c. There are many examples, and the following are only a few: 41a Alle Sioned weithio. can.COND.3SG Sioned work ‘Sioned could work.’ 41b Alle Sioned ddim gweithio. can.COND.3SG Sioned NEG work ‘Sioned could not work.’ 42a Fydd Sioned yn hapus. be.FUT.3SG Sioned PRED happy ‘Sioned will be happy.’ 42b Fydd Sioned ddim yn hapus. be.FUT.3SG Sioned NEG PRED happy ‘Sioned will not be happy.’ 43a Na’th hi edrych arna’ i. do.PAST.3SG she look on.1SG I ‘She looked at me.’ 43b Na’th hi ddim edrych arna’ i. do.PAST.3SG she NEG look on.1SG I ‘She didn’t look at me.’ 44a Soniodd Mair am y gwylie. mention.PAST.3SG Mair about the holidays ‘Mair talked about the holidays.’ 44b Soniodd Mair ddim am y gwylie. mention.PAST.3SG Mair NEG about the holidays ‘Mair didn’t talk about the holidays.’ 45a Swniodd Gwyn yn flin iawn. sound.PAST.3SG Gwyn PRED angry very ‘Gwyn sounded very angry.’ 45b Swniodd Gwyn ddim yn flin iawn. sound.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG PRED angry very ‘Gwyn didn’t sound very angry.’ 46a Fuo’ ’r gwin yn dda. be.PAST.3SG the wine PRED good ‘The wine was good.’ 46b Fuo’ ’r gwin ddim yn dda. be.PAST.3SG the wine NEG PRED good ‘The wine was not good.’

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47a Edrychodd Sioned ar y llun. look.PAST.3SG Sioned on the picture ‘Sioned looked at the picture.’ 47b Edrychodd Sioned ddim ar y llun. look.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG on the picture ‘Sioned did not look at the picture.’

Two other forms of the copula should be noted here. The first occurs in complement clauses. In affirmative complement clauses, the present tense forms are replaced by the non-finite form bod. This also normally happens with imperfect tense forms.6 Thus, corresponding to the main clauses in the following (a) examples, we have the bracketed complement clauses in the (b) examples: 48a Mae Sioned yn mynd. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG go ‘Sioned is going.’ 48b Dw i ’n gwbod [bod Sioned yn mynd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know be Sioned PROG go ‘I know that Sioned is going.’ 49a Oedd Sioned yn mynd. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG go ‘Sioned was going.’ 49b Dw i ’n gwbod [bod Sioned yn mynd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know be Sioned PROG go ‘I know that Sioned was going.’

Notice that the (b) examples here are identical. One way of negating these complement clauses, highlighted in 2.3, is to use the preverbal particle na with a finite verb form, as in (50a). (This is the only possibility in formal Welsh.) Another possibility is to use the weak negative finite forms, as in (50b): 50a Dw i ’n gwbod [nad ydy Sioned yn mynd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG go ‘I know that Sioned is not going.’ 50b Dw i ’n gwbod [’dy Sioned ddim yn mynd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG go ‘I know that Sioned is not going.’

A third possibility is to keep the non-finite verb and to introduce a negative dependent such as post-subject ddim: 51

Dw i ’n gwbod [bod Sioned ddim yn mynd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know be Sioned NEG PROG go ‘I know that Sioned is not going.’

The second noteworthy form of the copula occurs in clauses in which the subject has been fronted, for example cleft sentences and wh-questions. In such

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clauses, the present tense form sydd (commonly reduced to sy’) occurs, and the rules of person agreement for fronted subjects in Welsh determine that it occurs with all persons, singular and plural. Only a negative dependent overtly indicates that the clause is negative: 52a Sioned sy ’n canu. Sioned be.PRES.3SG PROG sing ‘It’s Sioned who is singing.’ 52b Sioned sy ddim yn canu. Sioned be.PRES.3SG NEG PROG sing ‘It’s Sioned who isn’t singing.’ 53a Pwy sy ’n mynd fory? who be.PRES.3SG PROG go tomorrow ‘Who is going tomorrow?’ 53b Pwy sy ddim yn mynd fory? who be.PRES.3SG PROG NEG go tomorrow ‘Who isn’t going tomorrow?’

As the preceding discussion has made clear, weak negative verbs normally look just like positive verbs. Why then should we assume that all verbs have weak negative forms? The answer is that it allows us to attribute the appearance of a negative dependent in a typical negative sentence to the Negative Dependent Constraint, to say that a negative sentence contains a negative dependent because a weak negative verb requires such a dependent. If we did not assume that all verbs have weak negative forms, we would need a more complex Negative Dependent Constraint. If we used the term X-verb form for verbs which are not clearly weak negative nor clearly positive, we might propose the following: 54

A weak negative verb form or an X-verb form has a negative dependent, which may be a post-subject adverb, a subject, or an object.

Here we have a disjunctive constraint. It seems to us that it is better to have a disjunction in the lexicon, that is to assume that certain forms are either weak negative or positive. Given this approach to negative dependents we must assume not only that weak negative verbs normally look just like positive verbs, but that they are sometimes invisible. Consider, first, example (55): 55

Wyt ti ddim yn hwyr. be.PRES.2SG you.SG NEG PRED late ‘You aren’t late.’

Here on the approach that we are taking we have a weak negative form that looks like a positive form. Consider, now, example (56): 56

Ti ddim yn hwyr. you.SG NEG PRED late ‘You aren’t late.’

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It is possible to omit some forms of the present tense of the copula in both affirmative and negative sentences. In a negative sentence, as here, we have a negative dependent. If we want to attribute this to the Negative Dependent Constraint, we must assume that there is a phonologically empty weak negative verb here.7 This is another non-distinctive weak negative form. Summarizing the preceding discussion we can say that we have the following weak negative verbs: • • • •

reduced y-forms and o-forms of the copula forms with an initial d- or tforms with aspirate mutation forms that are identical to positive verbs.

3.4. STRONG NEGATIVE VERBS We can turn now to strong negative verbs. We apply this term to verbs in a negative clause which do not require a negative dependent. There are a number of types of strong negative verb, some found in most or all dialects, others more restricted. As we noted in the last chapter, informal Welsh like formal Welsh has subordinate clauses introduced by na(d). We find such clauses as verbal complements and following os ‘if’, gan ‘because’, and er ‘although’ and also am ‘for’, fel ‘so, like’, rhag ‘lest’, rhag ofn ‘in case’. Thus, we have examples like the following: 57a Wn i [na fydd Sioned yn gweithio heno]. know.PRES.1SG I NEG be.FUT.3SG Sioned PROG work tonight ‘I know that Sioned will not be working tonight.’ 57b Wn i [nad oes lle ar y bws]. know.PRES.1SG I NEG be.PRES.3SG place on the bus ‘I know that there is no room on the bus.’ 57c Wn i [na werthith Mair ’i llyfre]. know.PRES.1SG I NEG sell.FUT.3SG Mair 3SG.F books ‘I know that Mair will not sell her books.’ 58a Os [na fydd Sioned yn gweithio heno] na’ i fynd. if NEG be.FUT.3SG Sioned PROG work tonight do.FUT.1SG I go ‘If Sioned isn’t working tonight, I’ll go.’ 58b

Gan [nad oes lle ar y bws] dw i ddim yn dod. with NEG be.PRES.3SG place on the bus be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG come ‘As there isn’t any room on the bus, I’m not coming.’

58c Er [na werthith Mair ’i llyfre] fydd hi ddim although NEG sell.FUT.3SG Mair 3SG.F books be.FUT.3SG she NEG

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yn

brin o arian. short of money ‘Although Mair will not sell her books, she won’t be short of money.’

PRED

As these examples make clear, there is no need for a negative dependent in these clauses (although one may occur, as we saw in 2.3). Thus, a verb which normally requires a negative dependent does not require one when it is preceded by na(d). We propose that na(d) combines with a verb, more precisely that it combines with a weak negative verb to form a strong negative verb, and hence that the subordinate clause in (57a) has the structure in (59).8 59 V na

Sioned yn gweithio heno V fydd

Roberts (2005) proposes that Welsh preverbal particles are complementizers rather like the English complementizer that, which combine with a clause. On this view, the subordinate clause in (57a) would have the structure in (60). 60 na

S fydd Sioned yn gweithio heno

Unlike that, however, na(d) is intimately associated with the following verb, changing its status in the way we have illustrated. Moreover, whereas that can introduce conjoined clauses, this is not possible with na(d), as the following illustrate: 61

Kim says that he went to London and he saw Lee.

62

*Mae Gwyn yn dweud na ddaw o i Lundain be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PROG say NEG come.FUT.3SG he to London a welith o Megan. and see.FUT.3SG he Megan ‘Gwyn says that he won’t come to London and see Megan.’

It seems to us, then, that there are quite good reasons for adopting the analysis in (59). A similar type of strong negative verb is found in negative answers to yesno questions. Welsh has a complex answering system, which is constrained by word order, tense, and verb types (a detailed account is available in Jones 1999). One notable characteristic of this system is that it can form an answerword by repeating, or echoing, the finite verb in the question (with

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appropriate adjustments for agreement and mutation). Another characteristic of responsives is that they typically have a null subject (in contrast to finite clauses, which typically have an overt subject, as we pointed out in 1.2.3). Echoing mainly occurs with bod ‘be’ and so-called auxiliary verbs in normalorder clauses with tenses other than the past. For example: 63

Ydy Sioned yn gweithio heno? tonight be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG work ‘Is Sioned working tonight?’ Ydy, ma’ hi. be.PRES.3SG be.PRES.3SG she ‘Yes, she is.’ Nac ydy, dydy hi ddim. be.PRES.3SG NEG.be.PRES.3SG she not ‘No, she isn’t.’ NEG

64

Oedd Sioned yn aros? be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG stay ‘Was Sioned staying?’ Oedd, mi oedd hi. be.IMPF.3SG AFF be.IMPF.3SG she ‘Yes, she was.’ Nac oedd, doedd hi ddim. be.IMPF.3SG NEG.be.IMPF.3SG she NEG ‘No, she wasn’t.’ NEG

65

Fydd Sioned yn aros? be.FUT.3SG Sioned PROG stay ‘Will Sioned be staying?’ Bydd, mi fydd hi. be.FUT.3SG AFF be.FUT.3SG she ‘Yes, she will.’ Na fydd, fydd hi ddim. NEG be.FUT.3SG be.FUT.3SG she NEG ‘No, she won’t.’

66

All Sioned ganu? can.PRES.3SG Sioned sing ‘Can Sioned sing?’ Gall, mi all hi can.PRES.3SG AFF can.PRES.3SG she ‘Yes, she can.’ Na all, all hi ddim. can.PRES.3SG can.PRES.3SG she NEG ‘No, she can’t.’ NEG

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Nei di agor y drws? do.FUT.2SG you.SG open the door ‘Will you open the door?’ Gnaf, mi na’ i. do.FUT.1SG AFF do.FUT.1SG I ‘Yes, I will.’ Na naf, na’ i ddim. do.FUT.1SG do.FUT.1SG I NEG ‘No, I won’t.’ NEG

68

Ddylwn i aros? should.1SG I stay ‘Should I stay?’ Dylet, mi ddylet ti. should.2SG, AFF should.2SG you.SG ‘Yes, you should.’ Na ddylet, ddylet ti ddim. NEG should.2SG, should.2SG you.SG NEG ‘No, you should not.’

The answers show how the finite verb is repeated. The verbs have no dependents. Clearly, then, they do not have a negative dependent.9 Hence we have strong negative verbs here, formed by the prefixing of na(c) to a weak negative verb. Yes-no answers can optionally be accompanied by reduced clauses subject to pragmatic considerations. In the negative examples, the reduced clauses provide a useful contrast in that they obligatorily contain a negative dependent. The same strong negative verbs occur in negative question tags in northern Welsh. Both positive and negative tags involve a verb preceded by a particle. We are concerned here only with negative tags, but the complete system of preverbal tags can be summarized as in Table 3.3. Table 3.3 Positive Negative Preconsonantal Prevocalic Preconsonantal Prevocalic Full Reduced yn oni

ynd onid

d

na na

nac nac

The first line of data in Table 3.3 gives the forms of informal northern Welsh and the second the forms of formal Welsh. We are concerned only with the informal forms (formal oni has already been mentioned in the outline of negative interrogatives in chapter 2). The prevocalic form ynd, which is realized as

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ond in southern dialects, can be reduced to d, which is then attached to the following verb. This plosive can be voiceless in both full and reduced forms, giving ynt and t. The reduced tag d/t is phonologically identical with the negative verb-initial d/t which we have already discussed in the outline of weak negative verbs above. Negative tags are identical to negative yes-no answerwords. The positive tags accompany positive clauses and the negative tags accompany negative clauses. We shall concentrate on the data which is given in the table. The question tag forms can be illustrated as follows (although our interest is in negative tags, positive examples are also supplied): 69a Ma’ Sioned yn gweithio, ynd ydy / dydy? be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG work Q.NEG be.PRES.3SG Q.NEG.be.PRES.3SG ‘Sioned’s working, isn’t she?’ 69b Oedd Sioned yn aros, ynd oedd / doedd? Q.NEG.IMPF.3SG be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG stay Q.NEG be.IMPF.3SG ‘Sioned was staying, wasn’t she?’ 69c Fydd Sioned yn aros, yn bydd? be.FUT.3SG Sioned PROG stay Q.NEG be.FUT.3SG ‘Sioned will be staying, won’t she?’ 69d All Sioned ganu, yn gall? can.PRES.3SG Sioned sing Q.NEG can.PRES.3SG ‘Sioned can sing, can’t she?’ 69e Nei di agor y drws, yn gnei? do.FUT.2SG you.SG open the door Q.NEG do.FUT.FUT.2SG ‘You’ll open the door, won’t you?’ 69f

Ddylwn i aros, yn dylwn? should.1SG I stay Q.NEG should.1SG ‘I should stay, shouldn’t I?’

70a Dydy Sioned ddim yn gweithio, nac ydy? NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work NEG be.PRES.3SG ‘Sioned’s not working, is she?’ 70b Doedd Sioned ddim yn aros, nac oedd? NEG.be.IMPF.3SG Sioned NEG PROG stay NEG be.IMPF.3SG ‘Sioned was not staying, was she?’ 70c Fydd Sioned ddim yn aros, na fydd? be.FUT.3SG Sioned NEG PROG stay NEG be.FUT.3SG ‘Sioned will not be staying, will she?’ 70d All Sioned ddim canu, na all? can.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG sing NEG can.PRES.3SG ‘Sioned can’t sing, can she?’ 70e Nei di ddim agor y drws, na nei? do.FUT.2SG you.SG NEG open the door NEG do.FUT.2SG ‘You won’t open the door, will you?’

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Ddylwn i ddim aros, na ddylwn? should.1SG I NEG stay NEG should.1SG ‘I shouldn’t stay, should I?’

Like responsives, tags have no dependents. Hence they have no negative dependent and are strong negative verbs.10 A very different strong negative verb is peidio, which we discussed in 2.4.2. As we saw, this is used to produce negative non-finite clauses and imperatives. The following are typical examples: 71a Dw i ’n gobeithio peidio gorfod talu rhagor. be.PRES.1SG I PROG hope NEG have-to pay more ‘I hope not to have to pay more.’ 71b Ma’ hi ’n moyn i ti beidio agor y drws. be.PRES.3SG she PROG want to you.SG NEG open the door ‘She wants you not to open the door.’ 72a Paid â dod yn ôl. NEG.IMPV.SG with come in track ‘Don’t come back.’ 72b Peidiwch â gofyn eto. NEG.IMPV.PL with ask again ‘Don’t ask again.’

As we also saw, such examples may contain a negative dependent but a negative dependent is not required. Clearly, then, this a strong negative verb. We can now turn to some strong negative verbs which are restricted to certain dialects. First, in some southern areas, some speakers can use the preverbal particle na(g) in a main clause, especially before the present tense forms of bod ‘be’ (see Thomas and Thomas 1989: 78): 73a Nag yw Sioned yn gweithio heno. NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG work tonight ‘Sioned is not working tonight.’ 73b Nag yˆn ni ’n mynd mas. NEG be.PRES.1PL we PROG go out ‘We’re not going out.’ 73c Nag yw i ’n gwbod beth sy ’n digwydd. NEG be.PRES.1SG I PROG know what be.PRES.3SG PROG happen ‘I don’t know what’s happening.’

(Note the form yw in (73a) and (73c) has the same spelling but different pronunciations: the initial vocalic element of the third person form in (73a) is a front vowel, [iu], but in (73c) it is schwa in the first person form, [əu].) These may have a negative dependent, as the following illustrate: 74a Nag yw Sioned ddim yn gweithio heno. NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work tonight ‘Sioned is not working tonight.’

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74b Nag yw Sioned yn gneud dim byd. NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG do NEG world ‘Sioned is not doing anything.’

However, as the examples in (73) show, there is no requirement for a negative dependent here. Hence we have strong negative forms. Second, some southern areas (Awbery 1988 and Thomas and Thomas 1989: 79–80) have distinctive negative finite forms of the copula, for example present tense forms like sa, so, smo, sdimo, simo, and sana, as in the following examples (75d–g are from Thomas and Thomas): 75a Sa

i ’n gwbod. I PROG know ‘I don’t know.’ NEG.be.PRES

75b So

ni isie hwnna. we want that ‘We don’t want that.’

NEG.be.PRES

75c Smo fi ’n mynd â hwnna. NEG.be.PRES I PROG go with that ‘I’m not taking that.’ 75d Sdimo fe wedi nelu neud un tro dros ’i fam ’eddi. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he PERF aim do one time over 3SG.M mother today ‘He hasn’t aimed to do it once for his mother today.’ 75e Simoch chi ’n gwbod ych geni. NEG.be.PRES.2PL you.PL PROG know 2PL born ‘You don’t know your birth.’ 75f

San

nhw ’n gweithio mor galed. they PROG work so hard ‘They don’t work as hard.’ NEG.be.PRES

75g Sanoch chi ’n agos digon ciwt. be.PRES.2PL you.PL PRED near enough cute ‘You’re not near cute enough.’

We will refer to these forms as s-forms. Awbery (1988) and Thomas and Thomas (1989: 79–80) put forward the view that these present tense forms are historically derived from nid oes dim o ‘there is nothing of’. Again, a negative dependent is possible, as the following show: 76a Sa

i wedi gweld neb. I PERF see no-one ‘I haven’t seen anyone.’ NEG.be.PRES

76b Sa

i ’n gneud dim byd. I PROG do NEG world ‘I’m not doing anything.’ NEG.be.PRES

However, the important point in the present context is that there is again no requirement for a negative dependent here and hence we have further strong negative forms.

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3.5. EXTRA-STRONG NEGATIVE VERBS In this section we will show that some strong negative verbs are stronger than others. In particular, we will show that while all strong negative verbs do not require a dependent, there are some that do not even allow a specific negative dependent, namely the adverb ddim. We have seen that both subordinate na(d) and dialectal na(g) can be accompanied by ddim. The following provide further illustrations: 77

Wn i na fydd Sioned ddim yn gweithio heno. know.PRES.1SG I NEG be.FUT.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work tonight ‘I know that Sioned will not be working tonight.’

78

Nag yw Sioned ddim yn gweithio heno. NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work tonight ‘Sioned is not working tonight.’

Essentially, these forms can co-occur with any negative dependent. In contrast to na(d) and na(g), the imperative forms of peidio cannot co-occur with ddim: 79

*Paid / peidiwch ddim â mynd i Aberystwyth. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL NEG with go to Aberystwyth ‘Don’t go to Aberystwyth.’

Byth is fine here, as the following shows: 80

Paid / peidiwch byth â mynd i Aberystwyth. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL never with go to Aberystwyth ‘Don’t ever go to Aberystwyth.’

Erioed is not possible because it is confined to perfective contexts. Also contrasting with na(d) and na(g) are the southern s-forms of the copula. These do not allow ddim: 81a *Sa

i ddim yn gweithio. I NEG PROG work ‘I’m not working.’

NEG.be.PRES

81b *Smo Sioned ddim yn credu hynny. NEG.be.PRES Sioned NEG PROG believe that ‘Sioned does not believe that.’

Both byth and erioed are possible here: 82a Sa

i byth yn gweithio. I never PROG work ‘I’m never working.’ NEG.be.PRES

82b Smo Sioned byth yn credu hynny. NEG.be.PRES Sioned never PROG believe that ‘Sioned never believes that.’

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83a Sa

i erioed wedi gweithio. I never PERF work ‘I have never worked.’ NEG.be.PRES

83b Smo Sioned erioed wedi credu hynny. NEG.be.PRES Sioned never PERF believe that ‘Sioned has never believed that.’

We will say that all these forms are extra-strong negative forms, and we will limit the term strong negative verb to those strong negative forms which are not extra strong. Since paid and peidiwch are extra-strong negative forms, one might think that peidio should also be analysed as an extra-strong negative form. However, the distinction between a strong and an extra-strong negative form is only relevant for finite verbs, so we will continue to assume that peidio is just a strong negative form. There is one further point that we should note about the s-forms of the copula. This is that they are incompatible with a negative subject, as shown by the following: 84a *So

neb yn gweithio. no-one PROG work ‘No one is working.’

NEG.be.PRES

84b *Smo dim byd yn y cwpwrdd. NEG.be.PRES NEG world in the cupboard ‘Nothing is in the cupboard.’

This is because negative nominals are indefinite and these forms are incompatible with an indefinite subject, as the following illustrate: 85a *So

dyn yn gweithio. man PROG work ‘No man is working.’ NEG.be.PRES

85b *Smo caws yn y cwpwrdd. NEG.be.PRES cheese in the cupboard ‘There isn’t any cheese in the cupboard.’

In this, these forms are like dydy, which is also incompatible with an indefinite subject, as noted in chapter 2. Summarizing the preceding discussion we can say that we have the following strong negative verbs: • • • • •

forms preceded by na(d) negative responsives negative question tags peidio southern forms with na(g);

and the following extra-strong negative verbs:

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• paid and peidiwch • southern s-forms of the copula.

3.6. UNAMBIGUOUSLY POSITIVE VERBS On the approach that we developed in 3.3, most finite verb forms are ambiguous between a positive and a weak negative status. We have seen however, that m-forms of the copula are unambiguously positive for most speakers. Certain preverbal particles also create unambiguously positive verbs. We noted in chapter 1 that Welsh has two affirmative particles, mi typically used in northern areas and fe typically used in southern areas. (Thomas and Thomas 1989: 74–7 discuss the geographical distribution of mi and fe in greater detail, and also list other dialect forms.) A verb that is preceded by one of these particles may not have a negative dependent although the same verb can have a negative dependent when it is not preceded by a particle. The following illustrate: 86a Mi/Fe alle Sioned weithio. AFF can.COND.3SG Sioned work ‘Sioned could work.’ 86b *Mi/Fe alle Sioned ddim gweithio. AFF can.COND.3SG Sioned NEG work ‘Sioned could not work.’ 86c Alle Sioned ddim gweithio. can.COND.3SG Sioned NEG work ‘Sioned could not work.’ 87a Mi/Fe fydd rhywun yma. AFF be.FUT.3SG someone here ‘Someone will be here.’ 87b *Mi/Fe fydd neb yma. AFF be.FUT.3SG no-one here ‘No one will be here.’ 87c Fydd neb yma. be.FUT.3SG no-one here ‘No one will be here.’ 88a Mi/Fe welish i rywun. AFF see.PAST.1SG I someone ‘I saw someone.’ 88b *Mi/Fe welish i neb. AFF see.PAST.1SG I no-one ‘I saw no one.’

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88c Welish i neb. see.PAST.1SG I no-one ‘I saw no one.’

It seems, then, that finite verb forms that are ambiguous between a positive and a weak negative status become unambiguously positive when preceded by mi and fe. These particles eliminate an ambiguity in much the same way as English this and these eliminate an ambiguity when combined with sheep or fish. We will assume therefore that they combine with a verb and hence that (86a) has the structure in (89). 89 Sioned weithio mi/fe

V alle

Mi and fe are intimately associated with the following verb. They give verbs an unambiguously positive status in the way highlighted. Moreover, in southern dialects fe cannot co-occur with any present forms of the copula. Thus while northern dialects allow mi with dw (be.PRES.1SG) and wyt (be.PRES.2SG) but not with mae (be.PRES.1SG), southern dialects do not allow fe with any of these forms. It seems to us, then, that there are quite good reasons for thinking that mi and fe form a constituent with the following verb. There are a number of other types of unambiguously positive finite verb forms. Firstly, there are unmutated verbs in subordinate clauses sometimes preceded by the particle y. Again a negative dependent is impossible (we will qualify this statement in 4.4): 90a Wn i [(y) gwerthith Mair lyfre]. know.PRES.1SG I AFF sell.FUT.3SG Mair books ‘I know that Mair will sell books.’ 90b *Wn i [(y) gwerthith Mair ddim byd]. know.PRES.1SG I AFF sell.FUT.3SG Mair NEG world ‘I know that Mair won’t sell anything.’ 90c *Wn i [(y) gwerthith neb lyfre]. know.PRES.1SG I AFF sell.FUT.3SG no-one books ‘I know that no one will sell books.’

Secondly, as noted by Thomas and Thomas (1989: 75), some speakers allow unmutated verbs in main clauses, and these do not allow a negative dependent. Thus, they have contrasts like the following: 91a Clywish i sw ˆ n. hear.PAST.1SG I sound ‘I heard a sound.’

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91b *Clywish i ddim byd. hear.PAST.1SG I NEG world ‘I didn’t hear anything.’

Thirdly, in more formal contexts, some speakers may use non-third person present tense forms of the copula with an initial r-.11 With such forms, ddim is not possible. The following, where an asterisk within brackets means that the bracketed item may not occur, illustrate: 92a Rydw/Rw i (*ddim) yn gadel. AFF.be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG leave ‘I’m not leaving.’ 92b Rwyt ti (*ddim) yn gadel. AFF.be.PRES.2SG you.SG NEG PROG leave ‘You are not leaving.’ 92c Rydyn/Ryˆn ni (*ddim) yn gadel. AFF.be.PRES.1PL we NEG PROG leave ‘We are not leaving.’ 92d Rydych/Ryˆch chi (*ddim) yn gadel. AFF.be.PRES.2PL you.PL NEG PROG leave ‘You are not leaving.’

Thus, we have a variety of unambiguously positive verbs, which do not allow a negative dependent. We can summarize the situation as follows: • • • • •

m-forms of the copula forms preceded by mi or fe unmutated verbs in subordinate clauses (sometimes preceded by y) unmutated verbs in main clauses non-third person present tense forms of the copula with an initial r-.

One might think that there is a further class of uambiguously positive verbs. We noted in 3.3.2 that y-forms of the copula can appear in sentences with a fronted NP or AP complement. Such sentences may not contain a negative dependent, as the following show: 93a *Athro dy/ydy Sioned ddim. teacher be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG ‘Sioned is not a teacher.’ 93b *Athro dy/ydy neb. teacher be.PRES.3SG no-one ‘No one is a teacher.’ 94a *Deallus dy/ydy Sioned ddim. intelligent be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG ‘Sioned is not intelligent.’ 94b *Deallus dy/ydy neb. intelligent be.PRES.3SG no-one ‘No one is intelligent.’

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It seems, however, that the ungrammaticality of these examples is the result of a ban on fronting a non-subject in a negative sentence. The following provide further evidence for such a ban: 95a Yng Nghymru mae Gwyn. in Wales be.PRES.3SG Gwyn ‘In Wales Gwyn is.’ 95b *Yng Nghymru dydy Gwyn ddim. in Wales NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG ‘In Wales Gwyn is not.’ 95c *Yng Nghymru does neb. in Wales NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one ‘In Wales no one is.’ 96a Palu ’r ardd nesh i. dig the garden do.PAST.3SG I ‘Dig the garden I did.’ 96b *Palu ’r ardd nesh i ddim. dig the garden do.PAST.3SG I NEG ‘Dig the garden I didn’t.’ 96c *Palu ’r ardd na’th neb. dig the garden do.PAST.3SG no-one ‘Dig the garden no one did.’

Fronting of the subject of a negative sentence is perfectly acceptable, as the following show: 97

Pwy sy ddim yn athro? who be.PRES.3SG NEG PRED teacher ‘Who isn’t a teacher?’

98

Pwy sy ddim yng Nghymru? who be.PRES.3SG NEG in Wales ‘Who isn’t in Wales?’

99

Pwy sy ddim yn palu ’r ardd? who be.PRES.3SG NEG PROG dig the garden ‘Who isn’t digging the garden?’

It is not clear to us how the ban on fronting a non-subject in a negative sentence should be explained. However, it seems likely that this is a different phenomenon from the ungrammaticality of a negative dependent with an unambiguously negative verb. The fact that unambiguously positive verbs do not allow a negative dependent might lead one to think that the Negative Dependent Constraint should be reformulated as a biconditional constraint not only requiring a weak negative verb to have a negative dependent but also requiring a verb to be weakly negative if it has a negative dependent. However, this cannot be

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right because we can also have a negative dependent with a strong negative verb, as we have seen in various places. Moreover, as we will see in 4.4, there are cases where an unambiguously positive verb may in fact have a negative dependent. We will suggest a unified approach to the licensing of negative dependents in 4.4.

3.7. SUMMARY In this chapter we have looked in some detail at negative verbs. We have distinguished three types of negative verbs: weak negative verbs, strong negative verbs and extra-strong negative verbs. Weak negative verbs are verbs in a negative clause which are subject to the Negative Dependent Constraint. They normally look just like positive verbs, but there are a number of types of distinctive weak negative verb. Strong negative verbs are verbs in a negative clause which do not require a negative dependent. Extrastrong negative verbs are verbs which not only do not require a negative dependent but do not even allow a specific negative dependent, namely the adverb ddim. We have also discussed a number of types of unambiguously positive verbs.

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4.1. INTRODUCTION In previous chapters we have emphasized that negative dependents play a major role in negative sentences in informal Welsh. As we have seen, negative sentences are commonly identified as such only by the negative dependent. In this chapter, we will look more closely at negative dependents. We will consider exactly what a negative dependent is, introducing the notion of an n-word. Then we will look at the semantic properties of n-words, arguing that they may be semantically negative. Next we will consider their distribution, highlighting a second negative dependency distinct from that between a weak negative verb and the associated negative dependent. Then we will consider a number of cases where n-words seem to have a positive interpretation. Finally we will compare n-words with certain related positive elements.

4.2. NEGATIVE DEPENDENTS AND N-WORDS What exactly is a negative dependent? Commonly a negative dependent is a single negative word or an n-word, as we will say from now on, following a widespread practice (originating apparently with Laka 1990). We have been particularly concerned in the preceding chapters with the following n-words: • Negative pronouns: neb ‘no one’, dim byd ‘nothing’, nunlle ‘nowhere’; • Negative adverbs: ddim NEG, byth ‘(n)ever’, erioed ‘(n)ever’. However, a negative dependent may be more than just a single n-word. Consider, for example, the following: 1a

Does bron neb yn y stafell. NEG.be.PRES.3SG almost no-one in the room ‘There is almost no one in the room.’

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Welish i bron neb. see.PAST.1SG I almost no-one ‘I saw almost no one.’

Here we have the phrase bron neb as a subject and as an object. Consider also the following: 2a

Does neb diddorol yn y stafell. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one interesting in the room ‘There is no one interesting in the room.’

2b

Welish i ddim byd arall. see.PAST.1SG I NEG world other ‘I saw nothing else.’

Here, we have neb diddorol and dim byd arall as subject and object, respectively.1 We will look at another important class of complex negative dependents in chapter 5. Thus, a negative dependent can be more than just a single n-word. It cannot, however, be just any phrase that contains an n-word. The following, in which the crucial phrases are bracketed, are ungrammatical: 3a

*Doedd ’na [gar neb] ar y ffordd. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG there car no-one on the road ‘There was no one’s car in the road.’

3b

*Welish i [gar neb] ar y ffordd. see.PAST.1SG I car no-one on the road ‘I saw no one’s car on the road.’

4a

*Does [llyfr am neb] ar y bwrdd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG book about no-one on the table ‘There is a book about no one on the table.’

4b

*Welish i [lyfr am neb]. see.PAST.1SG I book about no-one ‘I saw a book about no one.’

5

*Nesh i [weld neb]. do.PAST.1SG I see no-one ‘I didn’t see anyone.’

6

*Dw i [’n byta dim byd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG eat NEG world ‘I’m not eating anything.’

In (3) and (4) the n-word is inside an NP, in (5) is inside a VP, and in (6) it is inside an aspect phrase. The obvious suggestion is that a negative dependent must have a negative word as its head. This is what we have in (1) and (2). We will see that this is also what we have in the complex negative dependents that we will be concerned with in 5.3. There is evidence, however, that this is not quite right for some speakers. For some speakers, examples like the

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following are acceptable (‘%’ is used to indicate that speakers vary in their judgments): 7

%Soniodd Sioned [am neb]. mention.PAST.3SG Sioned about no-one ‘Sioned talked about no one.’

8

%Edrychodd Gwyn [am ddim byd]. look.PAST.3SG Gwyn for NEG world ‘Gwyn didn’t look for anything.’

Here the n-word is inside a prepositional phrase, whose head obviously is the preposition. It seems, then, that a prepositional phrase containing an n-word as the object of the preposition is a negative dependent for some speakers. Apart from these cases, however, it seems that a negative dependent must have a negative word as its head.

4.3. THE SEMANTIC STATUS OF N-WORDS N-words have had considerable attention in recent years. At least three different views of their character can be found in the literature. One view, developed, for example, in Zanuttini (1991), Haegeman and Zanuttini (1996), and De Swart and Sag (2002), is that they are negative quantifiers or operators. Another, advocated in such works as Laka (1990), Ladusaw (1992), Rowlett (1998), and Richter and Sailer (1998), is that they are indefinites which must appear within the scope of negation. A third view, advanced especially in Giannakidou (2000), is that they are universal quantifiers which must take scope over negation. It may well be that each of these views is right for n-words in some languages. It may also be that they are ambiguous in some languages, that is, that they are associated in the lexicon with two distinct meanings. Giannakidou (2000) suggests that this is the case in French. In this section, we will consider Welsh n-words and argue that they are often semantically negative. It does not follow, of course, that they are always semantically negative. We will consider some data in 4.5, which suggests that they may be ambiguous, although it is hard to come to a firm conclusion here. We will see in the next chapter that there is strong evidence that the negative adverbs byth and erioed are ambiguous. An important fact about n-words is that with the exception of ddim they can be used as an elliptical negative answer to a question. The following illustrate this: 9

Pwy welest ti? who see.PAST.2SG you.SG ‘Who did you see?’

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Neb. ‘No one.’ 10

Be welest ti? what see.PAST.2SG you.SG ‘What did you see?’ Dim byd. ‘Nothing.’

11

Lle fuost ti neithiwr? where be.PAST.2SG you.SG last-night ‘Where were you last night?’ Nunlle. ‘Nowhere.’

12

Pa mor aml wyt ti ’n gweld Sioned? which so often be.PRES.2SG you.SG PROG see Sioned ‘How often do you see Sioned?’ Byth. ‘Never.’

13

Pa mor aml wyt ti wedi bod yn Los Angeles? which so often be.PRES.2SG you.SG PERF be in Los Angeles ‘How often have you been in Los Angeles?’ Erioed. ‘Never.’

This is only to be expected if n-words can be semantically negative. In contrast, it seems problematic for the view that they are indefinites or universal quantifiers taking scope over negation. These views require some sort of interpretive process introducing negation either with the n-word within its scope or within the scope of the n-word. In the former case it is not clear why the same process should not operate with the Welsh equivalent of an English any word, but such words cannot be used as a negative answer to a question, as the following show: 14

Pwy welest ti? who see.PAST.2SG you.SG ‘Who did you see?’ *Unrhyw un. ‘Anyone.’

15

Be welest ti? what see.PAST.2SG you.SG ‘What did you see?’ *Unrhyw beth. ‘Anything.’

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74 16

4. Negative dependents Lle fuost ti neithiwr? where be.PAST.2SG you.SG last-night ‘Where were you last night?’ *Unrhyw le. ‘Anywhere.’

There is nothing unusual about Welsh here. We have just the same contrast between n-words and any-words in English and French: 17

Who did you see? No one. *Anyone.

18

What did you see? Nothing. *Anything.

19

Qui est ce que tu as vu? who be.PRES.3SG it what you.SG have.PRES.2SG see.PASTP ‘Who have you seen?’ Personne. ‘No one.’ *Qui que ce soit. ‘Anyone.’

20

Qu’ est ce que tu as vu? what be.PRES.3SG it what you.SG have.PRES.2SG see.PASTP ‘What have you seen?’ Rien. ‘Nothing.’ *Quoi que ce soit ‘Anything.’

The use of n-words in elliptical negative answers does not show conclusively that they can be semantically negative, but it does pose a problem for alternative approaches. However, two other facts suggest rather strongly that they can be semantically negative. First, the fact that weak negative verbs are commonly identical in form to positive verbs means that an n-word is often the only element which distinguishes a negative sentence from an affirmative sentence. Consider, for example, the following: 21a Fydd Gwyn ddim yma. be.FUT.3SG Gwyn NEG here ‘Gwyn will not be here.’ 21b Fydd Gwyn yma. be.FUT.3SG Gwyn here ‘Gwyn will be here.’

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22a Fydd neb yn cysgu. be.FUT.3SG no-one PROG sleep ‘No one will be sleeping.’ 22b Fydd Gwyn yn cysgu. be.FUT.3SG Gwyn PROG sleep ‘Gwyn will be sleeping.’ 23a Welish i neb. see.PAST.3SG I no-one ‘I didn’t see anyone.’ 23b Welish i Gwyn. see.PAST.3SG I Gwyn ‘I saw Gwyn.’

In all the (a) examples it is only the n-word that shows that we have a negative sentence. On the face of it, it would be odd to claim that it is the verbs in these examples and not the n-words that are semantically negative. Second, sentences with two n-words can often have a double negation interpretation given the right intonation. Those in (24a–f) are relevant examples: 24a Does neb yn caru neb. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one PROG love no-one ‘No one loves anyone.’ (single negation) ‘No one loves no one.’ (double negation) 24b Alla’ i ddim gneud dim byd. can.PRES.1SG I NEG do NEG world ‘I can’t do anything.’ (single negation) ‘I can’t do nothing.’ (double negation) 24c Does neb yn dweud dim byd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one PROG say NEG world ‘No one is saying anything.’ (single negation) ‘No one is saying nothing.’ (double negation) 24d Does neb byth yn gweld Megan. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one never PROG see Megan ‘Nobody ever sees Megan.’ (single negation) ‘Nobody never sees Megan.’ (double negation) 24e Dydy Megan byth yn gweld neb. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Megan never PROG see no-one ‘Megan never sees anyone.’ (single negation) ‘Megan never sees no one.’ (double negation) 24f

Dw i erioed wedi gweld neb yma. be.PRES.1SG I never PERF see no-one here ‘I have never seen anyone here.’ (single negation) ‘I have never seen no one here.’ (double negation)

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Similar facts have been observed in French (De Swart and Sag 2002, Mathieu 2001). It is hard to see how double negation interpretations could arise if nwords were never semantically negative. It is fairly clear, then, that they can be semantically negative. There is an obvious question here: how can examples with two (or more) n-words have a single negation interpretation? One possibility is that nwords are ambiguous with negative and positive meanings in the lexicon. There is, however, an alternative possibility. This is that there is a mechanism which reduces a number of negatives to a single negative. Various proposals about such mechanisms have been advanced in the literature. See for example Zanuttini (1991), Haegeman and Zanuttini (1996), De Swart and Sag (2002). Thus, examples with two (or more) n-words and a single negation interpretation do not necessarily show that n-words are ambiguous. However, we will see in 4.5 that there are other data which might suggest that n-words are ambiguous, and we will see in the next chapter that there is strong evidence that the negative adverbs byth and erioed are ambiguous. A further point that we should note here is that a double negation interpretation is also possible in at least some examples containing a strong negative head and an n-word. Those in 25a and 25b following illustrate this. 25a Mi geisiodd Gwyn beidio (â) deud dim byd. AFF try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG with say NEG world ‘Gwyn tried not to say anything.’ (single negation) ‘Gwyn tried not to say nothing.’ (double negation) 25b Paid / Peidiwch (â) gweld neb. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with see no-one ‘Don’t see anyone.’ (single negation) ‘Don’t see no one.’ (double negation)

This is expected, given that both n-words and strong negative heads appear to be semantically negative. In contrast, we never have a double negation interpretation in examples containing a weak negative head and an n-word even if the weak negative head has a distinctive form. The following examples only have the single negation interpretations, indicated by the translations: 26a Dydy Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’ 26b Does neb yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one in the garden ‘No one is in the garden.’ 26c Doedd Sioned ddim yn gweithio. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work ‘Sioned was not working.’

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26d Cheith Sioned ddim mynd rw ˆ an. NEG.get.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG go now ‘Sioned can/may not go now.’

It seems, then, that weak negative heads are not semantically negative.

4.4. THE DISTRIBUTION OF N-WORDS We turn now to the distribution of n-words. There are a variety of situations in which they cannot occur, some highlighted in the last chapter and some highlighted in chapter 2. We will list the full set here. First, for most speakers they cannot co-occur with an m-form of the copula: 27

*Mae Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’

Second, they cannot co-occur with the affirmative particles mi and fe: 28

*Mi/Fe fydd neb yma. AFF be.FUT.3SG no-one here ‘No one will be here.’

Third, for some speakers they cannot appear with unmutated verbs either in a subordinate clause (optionally preceded by y) or a main clause: 29a *Wn i [(y) gwerthith neb lyfre]. know.PRES.1SG I AFF sell.FUT.3SG no-one books ‘I know that no one will sell books.’ 29b *Clywish i ddim byd. hear.PAST.1SG I NEG world ‘I didn’t hear anything.’

Fourth, they cannot appear with a present tense form of the copula with an initial r-: 30

*Rydw/Rw i ddim yn gadel. AFF.be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG leave ‘I’m not leaving.’

Fifth, they cannot occur with a full y-form of the copula: 31

*Ydy/Ody hi ddim yn gweithio heno. tonight be.PRES.3SG she NEG PROG work ‘She’s not working tonight.’

Sixth, they cannnot occur in certain examples of non-finite clauses which do not include the negative verb peidio (see further discussion of examples (40–7) below): 32

*Geisiodd Gwyn ddeud dim byd. NEG world. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn say ‘Gwyn tried to say nothing.’

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Finally, they cannot occur in affirmative imperatives: 33

*Ffonia / Ffoniwch neb. phone.IMPV.SG phone.IMPV.PL no-one ‘Phone no one.’

It seems, then, that n-words are restricted to a specific set of contexts in Welsh. It is not unusual for n-words to be restricted to specific contexts. All the following examples from Giannakidou (2000) are ungrammatical if the negative particle is not present (the upper-case letters in the Greek n-word in (38) indicate that it is pronounced emphatically): 34

Gianni *(non) ha visto niente. Gianni not have.PRES.3SG seen nothing ‘Gianni didn’t see anything.’

(Italian)

35

*(No) he dit res. not have.PRES.1SG said NEG ‘I didn’t say anything.’

(Catalan)

36

Balázs *(nem) látott semmit. Balázs not see.PAST.3SG NEG ‘Balázs didn’t see anything.’

(Hungarian)

37

Janek *(nie) pomaga nikomu. Janek NEG help.PRES.3SG no-one ‘Janek doesn’t help anybody.’

(Polish)

38

*(Dhen) ipa TIPOTA not say.PAST.1SG NEG ‘I didn’t say anything.’

(Greek)

Matters may, however, be rather complex. Thus, a negative particle is impossible in the following Italian example: 39

Nessuno (*non) ha telefonato. no-one NEG has telephoned ‘Nobody has telephoned.’

In Italian, a negative particle is required with a post-verbal n-word but is excluded with a pre-verbal n-word. As we will see, Welsh is considerably more complex. Welsh allows n-words in clauses headed by a weak, strong or extra strong negative verb. In the first case the verb is commonly indistinguishable from a positive verb and hence an n-word typically appears with no separate marking of negation. Welsh also allows n-words in a variety of other situations where there is no separate negative element. First, there are non-finite clause complements of non-finite verbs. The following, where the non-finite clauses are bracketed, illustrate:

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dim byd]. world

NEG

40b Dw i ’n gobeithio [gweld neb]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG hope see no-one ‘I hope to see nobody.’

Peidio could be added here but it is not required.2 41a Dw i ’n licio [peidio gneud dim byd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG like NEG do NEG world ‘I like doing nothing.’ 41b Dw i ’n gobeithio [peidio gweld neb]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG hope NEG see no-one ‘I hope to see nobody.’

Second, there are non-finite clause complements of adjectives (In some cases the constituent in question contains a prepositional element and arguably the non-finite clause proper is a complement of this element.) The following examples illustrate this: 42a Mae ’n well [deud dim byd]. be.PRES.3SG PRED better say NEG world ‘It’s better to say nothing.’ 42b Dw i ’n awyddus [i weld neb]. be.PRES.1SG I PRED eager to see no-one ‘I’m eager to see no one.’ 42c Dw i ’n falch [o dalu dim byd]. be.PRES.1SG I PRED proud of pay NEG world ‘I am proud to pay nothing.’ 42d Fydda’ i ’n siwr [o fynd i nunlle]. be.FUT.1SG I PRED sure of go to nowhere ‘I’ll be sure to go nowhere.’

Again peidio could be added, as in the following, but at least for some speakers it is not required: 43a Mae ’n well [peidio deud dim byd]. be.PRES.3SG PRED better NEG say NEG world ‘It’s better to say nothing.’ 43b Dw i ’n awyddus [i beidio gweld neb]. be.PRES.1SG I PRED eager to NEG see no-one ‘I’m eager to see no one.’ 43c Dw i ’n falch [o beidio talu dim byd]. be.PRES.1SG I PRED proud of NEG pay NEG world ‘I am proud to pay nothing.’

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43d Fydda’ i ’n siwr [o beidio mynd i nunlle]. to nowhere be.FUT.1SG I PRED sure of NEG go ‘I’ll be sure to go nowhere.’

Third, there are non-finite clauses in subject position, such as the following: 44a Ma’ [byta dim byd] yn ddrwg i ti. for you.SG be.PRES.3SG eat NEG world PRED bad ‘Eating nothing is bad for you.’ 44b Ma’ [gweld neb yma] yn od. be.PRES.3SG see no-one here PRED odd ‘Seeing no one here is odd.’ 44c Ma’ [canmol nunlle] yn annheg. be.PRES.1SG praise nowhere PRED unfair ‘Praising nowhere is unfair.’

Once more peidio could be added but it is not required: 45a Ma’ [peidio byta dim byd] yn ddrwg i ti. eat NEG world PRED bad for you.SG be.PRES.3SG NEG ‘Eating nothing is bad for you.’ 45b Ma’ [peidio gweld neb yma] yn od. be.PRES.3SG NEG see no-one here PRED odd ‘Seeing no one here is odd.’ 45c Ma’ [peidio canmol nunlle] yn annheg. be.PRES.1SG NEG praise nowhere PRED unfair ‘Praising nowhere is unfair.’

Fourth, there are certain non-finite adverbial clauses: 46

[Ar ôl gneud dim byd trwy ’r bore], mi weithiodd yn NEG world through the morning AFF work.PAST.3SG ADV on track do galed yn y p’nawn. hard in the afternoon ‘After doing nothing in the morning, he worked hard in the afternoon.’

Again peidio can be added but is not required: 47

[Ar ôl peidio gneud dim byd trwy ’r bore], do NEG world through the morning on track NEG mi weithiodd yn galed yn y p’nawn. AFF work.PAST.3SG ADV hard in the afternoon ‘After doing nothing in the morning, he worked hard in the afternoon.’

Another relevant example is the following: 48

A’th llawer o bobl i Fangor [er i neb fynd go.PAST.3SG many of people to Bangor although for no-one go i Aberystwyth] to Aberystwyth ‘Many people went to Bangor although no one went to Aberystwyth.’

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Here the position of neb means that there is no possibility of introducing some other negative element into the subordinate clause to license it. A slightly different example is the following: 49

Oedd Gwyn yn hapus er i Mair fyta dim byd. be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn PRED happy although for Mair eat NEG world ‘Gwyn was happy although Mair ate nothing.’

Here the position of dim byd means that peidio could be introduced to license it, as in (50), but this is not necessary: 50

Oedd Gwyn yn hapus er i Mair beidio byta dim byd. be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn PRED happy although for Mair NEG eat NEG world ‘Gwyn was happy although Mair ate nothing.’

Fifth, there are what traditional Welsh grammars refer to as ‘absolute clauses’ (Anwyl 1899: 121–2) and ymadroddion annibynnol ‘independent phrases’ (Richards 1938: 26–8, Williams 1959: 230). These are typically introduced by a co-ordinating conjunction, especially a ‘and’, and contain a subject and the kind of phrase that can appear as the complement of the copula, that is an aspect phrase, a predicate phrase containing the particle yn and an AP or NP, or a PP. We have examples like the following: 51

O’n i ’n llithro yn araf dros yr ochr, be.IMPF.1SG I PROG slip ADV slow over the side a neb yn poeni o gwbl. and no-one PROG worry of all ‘I was slipping slowly over the side and no one was worried at all.’

52

O’n i ’n llithro yn araf dros yr ochr, be.IMPF.1SG I PROG slip ADV slow over the side a Megan yn dweud dim byd. and Megan PROG say NEG world ‘I was slipping slowly over the side and Megan was saying nothing.’

It seems, then, that Welsh n-words are excluded from a number of contexts, but possible in a number of others. We will call the contexts that allow an nword ‘negative contexts’. Thus we have the following constraint: 53

Negative Context Requirement An n-word must appear in a negative context.

This is a second negative dependency quite distinct from that between a weak negative verb and the associated negative dependent. Welsh is not unusual in restricting n-word to certain contexts. However, it is perhaps unusual in the variety of different contexts which license an n-word. Roughly, we have the following contexts: • a finite clause headed by a negative verb (weak, strong, or extra strong)

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• a non-finite predicate headed by peidio • an imperative containing paid/peidiwch • a non-finite clause not containing peidio in the following positions: • complement of a non-finite verb • complement of an adjective • subject position • within certain adverbials • an absolute clause. Where an n-word is not in a negative context, the result is ungrammaticality. This is why (27)–(33) are ungrammatical. It is also why examples like the following are ungrammatical: 54

*Na’th Emrys weld neb. do.PAST.3SG Emrys see no-one ‘Emrys didn’t see anybody.’

55

*Dw i ’n byta dim byd. be.PRES.1SG I PROG eat NEG world ‘I’m not eating anything.’

The verbs in these examples cannot be weak negative verbs because they do not obey the Negative Dependent Constraint. Therefore, they must be positive verbs and the n-words are not in a negative context. The assumption that n-words must appear in a negative context accounts for the ungrammaticality of certain cases of fronting. Parallel to (56a) we have (56b), where the object has been fronted: 56a Welish i Gwyn. see.PAST.1SG I Gwyn ‘I saw Gwyn.’ 56b Gwyn welish i. Gwyn see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was Gwyn I saw.’

However, we do not have (57b) parallel to (57a): 57a Welish i neb. see.PAST.1SG I no-one ‘I saw no one.’ 57b *Neb welish i. no-one see.PAST.1SG I *‘It was no one I saw.’

We can assume that (57b) is ungrammatical because neb has been moved out of the negative context. An important question to ask here is: how deeply embedded can an nword be in a negative context? In a number of languages an n-word cannot

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be separated from the licensing context by the boundary of a finite clause. Polish, for example, has contrasts like the following, discussed by Przepiórkowski and Kup´sc´ (1997): 58

*Jan nie powiedzia
, [z·e niczego widzia
]. Jan NEG say.PAST.3SG that NEG see.PAST.3SG ‘Jan didn’t say that he saw anyone.’

Here the n-word niczego in the subordinate clause cannot be licensed by the negative verb in the main clause. We have a similar situation in French, as the following from Mathieu (2001) shows: 59

*Il n’ a pas mentionné [qu’ il avait he NEG have.PRES.3SG NEG mention.PASTP that he have.PAST.3SG vu personne]. see.PASTP no-one ‘He didn’t mention that he had seen anyone.’

Welsh is different. Consider the following: 60

Dw i ddim yn meddwl [bydd neb yna]. be.PRES.SG I NEG PROG believe be.FUT.3SG no-one there ‘I don’t think anyone will be there.’

Here the verb in the subordinate clause must be positive since it is unmutated. Hence neb is not licensed within the subordinate clause and so must be licensed by the weak negative verb in the main clause. Again we would have an ungrammatical sentence if the main clause verb were positive: 61

*Dw i ’n meddwl [bydd neb yna]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG believe be.FUT.3SG no-one there ‘I think that anyone will be there.’

We suggested in 3.6 that an unambiguously positive verb may not have a negative dependent. We now see that such a verb may have a negative dependent provided the larger context is negative. In (60), the n-word in the subordinate clause is licensed by a weak negative verb in the main clause. Not surprisingly it is also possible for the n-word to be licensed by a strong negative verb in the main clause. The following illustrate: 62

Paid â meddwl [bydd neb yna]. NEG.IMPV.SG with think be.FUT.3SG no-one there ‘Don’t think that anyone will be there.’

63

Sa

i ’n meddwl [bydd neb yna]. I PROG think be.FUT.3SG no-one there ‘I don’t think anyone will be there.’

NEG.be.PRES

Although an n-word can be separated from the licensing context by the boundary of a finite clause, there are limits on how deeply embedded an n-

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word can be. In particular, the n-word may not be inside a relative clause. Thus, (64), in which both the relative clause and the noun phrase containing it are bracketed, is ungrammatical: 64

*Dw i ddim yn nabod [y dyn [mae be.PRES.3SG I NEG PROG know the man be.PRES.3SG neb yn ’i hoffi]]. no-one PROG 3SG.M like ‘I don’t know the man who no one likes.’

We use the present tense form mae here rather than the future form bydd as in (60). This is because both affirmative and negative relative clauses may contain the mutated form fydd. We cannot use mae in a complement clause because, as noted in 3.3.3, this is replaced by the non-finite form bod in affirmative complement clauses. To turn (64) into a grammatical sentence we must substitute does for mae, to give (65): 65

Dw i ddim yn nabod [y dyn [does be.PRES.3SG I NEG PROG know the man NEG.be.PRES.3SG neb yn ’i hoffi]]. no-one PROG 3SG.M like ‘I don’t know the man who no one likes.’

Just as (64) contrasts with (60), so the following contrast with (62) and (63): 66

*Paid â siarad efo [’r dyn [mae NEG.IMPV.SG with talk with the man be.PRES.3SG neb yn ’i hoffi]]. no-one PROG 3SG.M like ‘Don’t talk to the man who no one likes.’

67

*Sa NEG.be.PRES.3SG

i ’n nabod [y dyn [mae I PROG know the man be.PRES.3SG

neb yn ’i hoffi]]. no-one PROG 3SG.M like ‘I don’t know the man who no one likes.’

It seems, then, that Welsh n-words can be more deeply embedded in a negative context than their Polish and French counterparts. However, they cannot be separated from the licensing context by the boundary of a relative clause.

4.5. SOME POSITIVE USES OF N-WORDS In 4.3 we considered how sentences with two n-words can have a single negation interpretation. We noted that such examples might be seen as evidence that n-words are ambiguous with both negative and positive meanings in the

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lexicon but that they might also be the result of a mechanism which reduces a number of negatives to a single negative. In this section, we will look at a number of other situations in which an n-word seems to have a positive meaning. It may be that these uses show that n-words are ambiguous. Again, however, it may be that we have mechanisms which eliminate a negative interpretation. An interesting type of example which has an n-word that seems to have a positive interpretation is exemplified by (68): 68

Adawodd Sioned cyn gweld neb. leave.PAST.3SG Sioned before see no-one ‘Sioned left before seeing anyone.’

This contrasts with the following: 69

Adawodd Sioned ar ôl gweld neb. leave.PAST.3SG Sioned on track see no-one ‘Sioned left after seeing no one.’

Here, the n-word has a negative interpretation. This example is rather like (46). What, then, of (68)? Notice there is a negative implication here. If Sioned left before seeing anyone, then she did not see anyone at the location which she left. Thus, while the n-word has a positive interpretation, negation is lurking in the background. We have much the same contrast in the following: 70

Adawodd Sioned cyn i neb ’i gweld hi. leave.PAST.3SG Sioned before to no-one 3SG.F see she ‘Sioned left before anyone saw her.’

71

Adawodd Sioned ar ôl i neb ’i gweld hi. leave.PAST.3SG Sioned on track to no-one 3SG.F see she ‘Sioned left after no one saw her.’

The n-word has a positive interpretation in (70) and a negative interpretation in (71). There is a negative implication in (70). If Sioned left before anyone saw her, then no one saw her at the location in question. We have a similar situation in the following: 72a Ma’n nhw ’n gwrthod prynu dim byd. be.PRES.3PL they PROG refuse buy NEG world ‘They refuse to buy anything.’ 72b Ma’ Sioned yn ’cau/pallu gweld neb. be.PRES.3sg Sioned PROG refuse see no-one ‘Sioned won’t see anyone.’ 72c Ma’ Sioned yn methu/ffili clywed dim byd. be.PRES.3sg Sioned PROG fail hear NEG world ‘Sioned can’t hear anything.’

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In (72b) and (72c), the first verb is a northern form and the second southern. Again we have a negative implication. If they refused to buy anything, then they presumably did not buy anything on the occasion under discussion. If Sioned refused to see anyone, then she saw no one. If she can’t hear anything, then she doesn’t hear anything. Consider now the following: 73a Mi na’th o rwystro fi rhag mynd â dim byd. AFF do.PAST.3SG he prevent I from go with NEG world ‘He prevented me from taking anything.’ 73b Mi nesh i rwystro Sioned rhag gweld neb. AFF do.PAST.1SG I prevent Sioned from see no-one ‘I prevented Sioned from seeing anyone.’

Once more there is a negative implication. If he prevented me from taking anything, I didn’t take anything. The following are similar: 74a Na’th o wadu cymryd dim byd. do.PAST.3SG he deny take NEG world ‘He denied taking anything.’ 74b Na’th hi wadu gweld neb. do.PAST.3SG she deny see no-one ‘She denied seeing anyone.’

Here if he denied taking anything, he says he didn’t take anything. Consider next the following: 75a Mae ’n rhy hwyr i neud dim byd. be.PRES.3SG PRED too late to do NEG world ‘It’s too late to do anything.’ 75b Mae ’n rhy dywyll i weld neb. be.PRES.3SG PRED too dark to see no-one ‘It’s too dark to see anyody.’

Once more we have negative implications. If it’s too late to do anything, then nothing is done. If it’s too dark to see anybody, then nobody is seen. A final type of example in which a negative implication appears to be crucial is exemplified by the following:3 76

Mae ’n anodd gweld dim byd. be.PRES.3SG PRED difficult see NEG world ‘It’s difficult to see anything.’

If it is difficult to see anything, it does not follow that nothing is seen. However, it does follow that it is not easy to see anything. Thus, we again seem to have a negative implication although of a somewhat different kind. A rather different type of example involving an n-word with a positive interpretation is exemplified by the following:

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77a Ma’ Sioned yn well na neb. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PRED better than no-one ‘Sioned is better than anyone.’ 77b Ma’ brechdan cig yn flasach na dim byd. be.PRES.3SG sandwich meat PRED tastier than NEG world ‘A meat sandwich is tastier than anything.’ 78a Ma’ Sioned cystal â neb. be.PRES.3SG Sioned good.EQ with no-one ‘Sioned is as good as anyone.’ 78b Ma’ smocio cyn waethed â dim byd. be.PRES.3SG smoke as bad.EQ with NEG world ‘Smoking is as bad as anything.’

The examples in (77) contain an n-word with a positive interpretation within the complement of a comparative adjective, and those in (78) contain an nword with a positive interpretation within the complement of an equative adjective. In the case of the comparatives one might suppose that a negative implication is relevant. If Sioned is better than anyone, then no one is better than Sioned. However, there is no such negative implication in the case of the equatives. It seems unlikely, then, that the negative implication is important in the case of the comparatives. In the preceding paragraphs we have emphasized the negative pronouns neb and dim byd. It is worth noting that we have some of the same positive uses with other n-words. Here are some examples with nunlle ‘nowhere’: 79

Adawodd Sioned cyn mynd i nunlle. leave.PAST.3SG Sioned before go to nowhere ‘Sioned left before going anywhere.’

80

Ma’n nhw ’n gwrthod mynd i nunlle. be.PRES.3PL they PROG refuse go to nowhere ‘They refuse to go anywhere.’

81

Mi na’th o rwystro fi rhag mynd i nunlle. AFF do.PAST.3SG he prevent me from go to nowhere ‘He prevented me from going anywhere.’

82

Na’th o wadu mynd i nunlle. do.PAST.3SG he deny go to nowhere ‘He denied going anywhere.’

83

Mae ’n rhy hwyr i fynd i nunlle. be.PRES.3SG PRED too late to go to nowhere ‘It’s too late to go anywhere.’

84

Mae ’n anodd mynd i nunlle. be.PRES.3PL PRED difficult go to nowhere ‘It’s difficult to go anywhere.’

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Ma’ Brynsiencyn yn well na nunlle. be.PRES.3SG Brynsiencyn PRED better than nowhere ‘Brynsiencyn is better than anywhere.’

86

Ma’ Brynsiencyn cystal â nunlle. be.PRES.3SG Brynsiencyn good.EQ as nowhere ‘Brynsiencyn is as good as anywhere.’

Some speakers also allow erioed and byth in some of these contexts, accepting examples like the following: 87a Na’th o rwystro fi rhag erioed mynd yna. do.PAST.3SG he prevent me from never go there ‘He prevented me from ever going there.’ 87b Na’th o rwystro fi rhag mynd yna erioed. do.PAST.3SG he prevent me from go there never ‘He prevented me from ever going there.’ 88a Na’th o wadu erioed mynd yna. do.PAST.3SG he deny never go there ‘He denied ever going there.’ 88b Na’th o wadu mynd yna erioed. do.PAST.3SG he deny go there never ‘He denied ever going there.’ 89a Neith o rwystro fi rhag byth mynd yna. do.FUT.3sg he prevent I from ever go there ‘He will prevent me from ever going there.’ 89b Neith o rwystro fi rhag mynd yna byth. do.FUT.3sg he prevent I from go there ever ‘He will prevent me from ever going there.’

Speakers generally prefer the (b) examples to the (a) examples. Although we have a number of types of example where an n-word appears to have a positive interpretation, it is worth emphasizing that this phenomenon is quite restricted and more restricted than in some other languages. In Italian, for example, negative pronouns have a variety of positive uses, some of which are not found in Welsh. Italian has n-words in the following examples:4 90

Ha telefonato nessuno? have.PRES.3SG phone.PASTP no-one ‘Has anyone phoned?’

91

Dubito che nessuno venga. doubt.PRES.1SG that no-one arrive.SUBJ.3SG ‘I doubt anyone will come.’

In both cases, Welsh does not allow an n-word, as the following show:

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4. Negative dependents 92a *Oes neb wedi be.PRES.3SG no-one PERF ‘Has no one phoned?’

89

ffonio? phone

92b Oes rhywun wedi ffonio? be.PRES.3SG someone PERF phone ‘Has someone/anyone phoned?’ 93a *Dw i ’n ame os oes neb yna. be.PRES.1SG I PROG doubt if be.PRES.3SG no-one there ‘I doubt whether anyone is there.’ 93b Dw i ’n ame os oes unrhyw un yna. be.PRES.1SG I PROG doubt if be.PRES.3SG any one there ‘I doubt whether anyone is there.’

Interestingly, however, it seems that interrogatives like (92a) were acceptable in nineteenth-century Welsh. Thus, Fynes-Clinton (1913: 392), which is based on data from informants born in the middle of the nineteenth century, gives the following example: 94

Oes neb yn y tyˆ? be.PRES.3SG no-one in the house ‘Is there anyone in the house?’

It looks, then, as if there have been changes in this area.5 Although positive uses of n-words are relatively restricted in Welsh, they need to be accommodated in a full account of the language. There would seem to be two approaches that could be taken. It could be assumed that nwords are ambiguous with negative and positive meanings in the lexicon and that the latter is quite restricted in its distribution. Alternatively, it could be assumed that they are always semantically negative and that there are a number of mechanisms like the mechanism alluded to earlier which eliminate a negative meaning in various situations. We will not try to choose between these alternatives.

4.6. UNRHYW AND RHYW FORMS As we have seen in a number of places, Welsh has not only a set of n-words, but also a set of words corresponding to English any and its derivatives, for example unrhyw un ‘anyone’. As we have also seen in various examples, Welsh has a set of words corresponding to English some and its derivatives, for example rhywbeth ‘something’. In this section, we will look more closely at these items. Unrhyw ‘any’ and rhyw ‘some’ can occur with a range of forms including amser ‘time’, ffordd ‘way’, lle ‘place’, maint ‘quantity’, man ‘place’, modd

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‘method’, peth ‘thing’, pryd ‘time’, rhai ‘ones’, sut ‘how’, and un ‘one’. Of these combinations, we are concerned with un ‘one’, peth ‘thing’, and lle ‘place’ or man ‘place’, as these correspond to n-words. Table 4.1 summarizes the forms. Table 4.1 n-word

unrhyw-form

rhyw-form

neb ‘no one’ dim byd ‘nothing’ nunlle ‘nowhere’

unrhyw un ‘anyone’ unrhyw beth ‘anything’ unrhyw le ‘anywhere’

rhywun ‘someone’ rhywbeth ‘something’ rhywle ‘somewhere’

There are similarities and differences between these forms. We saw in 4.3 that unrhyw forms unlike n-words cannot be used as a negative answer to a question. In many situations, however, it is possible to have either an n-word or an unrhyw form. Essentially, an unrhyw form can replace an n-word where the latter is not required either to satisfy the Negative Dependent Constraint or to ensure a negative meaning. In (95) and (96), examples from 2.3, neb is required to satisfy the Negative Dependent Constraint. Hence, it cannot be replaced by unrhyw un, as (97) and (98) show: 95

Does neb yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one in the garden ‘No one is in the garden.’

96

Welish i neb. see.PAST.3SG I no-one ‘I saw no one.’

97

*Does unrhyw un yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG any one in the garden

98

*Welish i unrhyw un. see.PAST.3SG I any one

In contrast, in (99) and (100), also from 2.3, neb is not required to satisfy the Negative Dependent Constraint because it is satisfied by ddim. Hence it can be replaced by unrhyw un, as (101) and (102) show: 99

Na’th Emrys ddim gweld neb. do.PAST.3SG Emrys NEG see no-one ‘Emrys didn’t see anybody.’

100 Dw i ddim yn byta dim byd. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG eat NEG world ‘I’m not eating anything.’ 101 Na’th Emrys ddim gweld unrhyw un. do.PAST.3SG Emrys NEG see any one ‘Emrys didn’t see anybody.’

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102 Dw i ddim yn byta unrhyw beth. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG eat any thing ‘I’m not eating anything.’

We also have a contrast with the following examples, also from 2.3: 103 Gwn [na soniodd neb am y digwyddiad]. know.PRES.1SG NEG mention.PAST.3SG no-one about the event ‘I know that no one mentioned the event.’ 104 Gwn [na welodd Sioned neb]. know.PRES.1SG NEG see.PAST.3SG Sioned no-one ‘I know that Sioned didn’t see anyone.’

These examples contain a strong negative verb, and consequently neb is not required by the Negative Dependent Constraint. Not surprisingly, then, it can be replaced by unrhyw un: 105 Gwn [na soniodd unrhyw un am y digwyddiad]. one about the event know.PRES.1SG NEG mention.PAST.3SG any ‘I know that no one mentioned the event.’ 106 Gwn [na welodd Sioned unrhyw un]. one know.PRES.1SG NEG see.PAST.3SG Sioned any ‘I know that Sioned didn’t see anyone.’

We have a further contrast with the following examples from 2.4.1: 107 Geisiodd Gwyn beidio â deud dim byd. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG with say NEG world ‘Gwyn tried not to say anything.’ 108 Dw i ’n disgwyl i Mair beidio (â) gweld neb. no-one be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to Mair NEG with see ‘I expect Mair not to see anyone.’

As we have seen, peidio is another strong negative verb. Hence the n-words in these examples are not required by the Negative Dependent Constraint and they can be replaced by unrhyw forms: 109 Geisiodd Gwyn beidio â deud unrhyw beth. thing try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG with say any ‘Gwyn tried not to say anything.’ 110 Dw i ’n disgwyl i Mair beidio (â) gweld unrhyw un. with see any one be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to Mair NEG ‘I expect Mair not to see anyone.’

The examples in (107) and (108) could also have the double negation interpretations ‘Gwyn tried not to say nothing’ and ‘I expect Mair not to see no one’. Naturally this is not possible with the examples in (109) and (110). In 4.5 we saw that there are a variety of examples where an n-word seems to have a positive interpretation which cannot be attributed to a mechanism

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reducing two negatives to a single negative. Some examples are repeated here for convenience: 111 Adawodd Sioned cyn gweld neb. leave.PAST.3PL Sioned before see no-one ‘Sioned left before seeing anyone.’ 112 Ma’n nhw ’n gwrthod prynu dim byd. be.PRES.3PL they PROG refuse buy NEG world ‘They refuse to buy anything.’ 113 Mi na’th o rwystro fi rhag mynd â dim byd. AFF do.PAST.3SG he prevent I from go with NEG world ‘He prevented me from taking anything.’ 114 Na’th o wadu cymeryd dim byd. do.PAST.3SG he deny take NEG world ‘He denied taking anything.’ 115 Mae ’n rhy hwyr i neud dim byd. be.PRES.3SG PRED too late to do NEG world ‘It’s too late to do anything.’ 116 Mae ’n anodd gweld dim byd. be.PRES.3PL PRED difficult see NEG world ‘It’s difficult to see anything.’ 117 Ma’ Sioned yn well na neb. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PRED better than no-one ‘Sioned is better than anyone.’

Obviously the n-words in these examples are not required to ensure a negative meaning. Not surpringly, then, they can be replaced by unrhyw forms, as the following show: 118 Adawodd Sioned cyn gweld unrhyw un. leave.PAST.3PL Sioned before see any one ‘Sioned left before seeing anyone.’ 119 Ma’n nhw ’n gwrthod prynu unrhyw beth. be.PRES.3PL they PROG refuse buy any thing ‘They refuse to buy anything.’ 120 Mi na’th o rwystro fi rhag mynd ag unrhyw beth. AFF do.PAST.3SG he prevent I from go with any thing ‘He prevented me from taking anything.’ 121 Na’th o wadu cymeryd unrhyw beth. do.PAST.3SG he deny take any thing ‘He denied taking anything.’ 122 Mae ’n rhy hwyr i neud unrhyw beth. be.PRES.3SG PRED too late to do NEG world ‘It’s too late to do anything.’

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123 Mae ’n anodd gweld unrhyw beth. be.PRES.3PL PRED difficult see any thing ‘It’s difficult to see anything.’ 124 Ma’ Sioned yn well nag unrhyw un. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PRED better than any one ‘Sioned is better than anyone.’

There are, then, a variety of situations in which either an n-word or an unrhyw form is possible. There are also a variety of situations in which an unrhyw form is possible but not an n-word. We saw earlier that n-words cannot appear in (affirmative) interrogatives (at least in contemporary Welsh). A rhyw form is possible here, as we saw above. So is an urhyw form, as (125) illustrates: 125 Oes unrhyw un wedi ffonio? be.PRES.3SG any one PERF phone ‘Has anyone phoned?’

As we also saw earlier, we can have an unrhyw form but not an n-word within the clausal complement of cerain verbs, for example ame ‘doubt’. It is also possible to have an unrhyw form but not an n-word within the antecedent of a conditional construction. The following illustrates: 126 Os bydd unrhyw un / *neb yn y tyˆ, wela’ i fo. if be.FUT.3SG any one no-one in the house see.FUT.1SG I him ‘If anyone is in the house, I will see him.’

While unrhyw forms are possible in various situations where n-words are not possible, they are themselves restricted in a similar way to English any forms. Essentially they cannot appear in simple affirmative environments. Thus, while (135) with the modal verb gallu is fine, (136) is not possible: 127 All unrhyw un neud hynna. can.PRES.3SG any one do that ‘Anyone can do that.’ 128 *Na’th unrhyw un hynna. do.PAST.3SG any one that *‘Anyone did that.’

In simple affirmative environments, rhyw forms must be used, just as some forms must be used in English. Thus, instead of (128), we have (129): 129 Na’th rhywun hynna. do.FUT.3SG someone that ‘Someone did that.’

Unlike unrhyw forms, rhyw forms are unacceptable in a negative context unless a specific interpretation is intended. Thus all the following are generally unacceptable:

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130 *Edrychodd Gwyn ddim am rywun. look.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG for someone ‘Gwyn did not look for someone.’ 131 *Na’th Emrys ddim gweld rhywun. do.PAST.3SG Emrys NEG see someone ‘Emrys did not see someone.’ 132 *Gwn [na soniodd rhywun am y digwyddiad]. know.PRES.1SG NEG mention.PAST.2SG someone about the event ‘I know that someone did not mention the event.’ 133 *Gwn [na welodd Sioned rywun]. know.PRES.1SG NEG see.PAST.3SG Sioned someone ‘I know that Sioned didn’t see someone.’ 134 *Geisiodd Gwyn beidio â deud rhywbeth. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG with say something ‘Gwyn tried not to say something.’ 135 *Dw i ’n disgwyl i Mair beidio (â) gweld rhywun. be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to Mair NEG with see someone ‘I expect Mair not to see someone.’

It is likely that the unacceptability of these examples is semantic or pragmatic in nature and that they are not actually ungrammatical.6

4.7. SUMMARY In this chapter we have looked in detail at negative dependents, introducing the notion of an n-word and considering both their semantic properties and their distribution. We have argued that they may be semantically negative. We have also noted that the fact that a sentence with two n-words or an nword and a strong negative head can have a single negation interpretation does not necessarily show that n-words are ambiguous with negative and positive meanings in the lexicon. We have shown that n-words are excluded from a number of contexts, but are possible in a number of others. Thus, we have a dependency between an n-word and the licensing context. This is a second negative dependency quite different from that between a weak negative verb and the associated negative dependent, which we have called the negative context requirement. We have also considered a number of cases where an n-word seems to have a positive interpretation. These might be evidence that n-words are ambiguous. However, they might be the result of certain mechanisms which eliminate a negative meaning in various situations. It is not easy to choose between these possibilities. Finally we have compared n-words with related non-negative elements involving unrhyw ‘any’ and rhyw ‘some’.

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5.1. INTRODUCTION In the last chapter we looked at some of the central properties of negative dependents. Negative dependents contain an n-word, and we looked at some of the basic properties of n-words. In this chapter we will look more closely at negative adverbs, focusing in particular on differences between the basic adverb ddim and the semantically more complex elements byth and erioed. We will also look at certain negative quantifiers and at what we call pseudoquantifiers.

5.2. NEGATIVE ADVERBS In this section, we will look more closely at three negative adverbs: the basic negative adverb ddim, and the two words that correspond to ‘never’, byth and erioed, the former appearing in non-perfective contexts and the latter in perfective contexts.1 Thus, we are concerned with examples like the following: 1

Dydy Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’

2

Fydd Sioned byth yn canu. be.FUT.3SG Sioned never PROG sing ‘Sioned will never sing.’

3

Fuo’ fo erioed yn gweithio. be.PAST.3SG he never PROG work ‘He has never worked.’

We will show that there are important similarities between the three adverbs, but that there are also contrasts between ddim on the one hand and byth and erioed on the other. As we have already seen, all three appear in post-subject

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position and they are rather similar in this use. However, byth and erioed can also appear in two other positions, clause-final position and pre-subject position, in which ddim cannot appear. Moreover, ddim is subject to two constraints to which byth and erioed are not subject. In general, then, ddim is more restricted than byth and erioed. This is not really surprising. We have something similar in English, where not is more restricted than never, and French, where pas is more restricted than jamais.

5.2.1. POST-SUBJECT NEGATIVE ADVERBS Post-subject negative adverbs play a major role in the expression of negation in informal Welsh. As we have seen extensively in the preceding chapters, the most basic realization of negation in Welsh is the post-subject negative adverb ddim. The negative adverbs byth and erioed can also be the main expression of negation when they appear in post-subject position. In this section, we will set out the basic facts about post-subject negative adverbs and argue that they should be analysed as complements of the preceding verb, an analysis which has been proposed for English not and French pas. One point that we should note at the outset is that ddim can be reduced to m after vowels and im after consonants provided it is followed by another phrase. Thus, we have the examples in (4) but not those in (5): 4a

Alla’ i ’m agor y drws. can.PRES.SG I NEG open the door ‘I can’t open the door.’

4b

Allith Siôn ’im agor y drws. can.PRES.3SG Siôn NEG open the door ‘Siôn can’t open the door.’

5a

*Esh i ’m. go.PAST.1SG I NEG ‘I didn’t go.’

5b

*A’th Siôn ’im. go.PAST.3SG Siôn NEG ‘Siôn didn’t go.’

This is reminiscent of the situation with English auxiliaries, where we have contrasts like the following: 6a

I’ll be there.

6b

The party’s at 9 o’clock.

7a

*Mary will be there and I’ll.

7b

*Tell me when the party’s.

There is, however, one case where reduction is possible when ddim is not followed by another phrase. Dwn i ddim ‘I don’t know’ can become dwn i’m with no following constituent.

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Ddim, byth, and erioed are somewhat unusual in being able to appear in post-subject position. We noted in 2.5 that nunlle can appear in sentence-final position but not in post-subject position.2 It seems that most adverbs are restricted in this way, as the following illustrate:3 8a

Dw i ’n licio cwrw yn fawr iawn. be.PRES.1SG I PROG like beer ADV big very ‘I like beer very much.’

8b

*Dw i yn fawr iawn yn licio cwrw. be.PRES.1SG I ADV big very PROG like beer

9a

Mae ’r dynion yn siarad yn uchel. be.PRES.1SG the men PROG talk ADV high ‘The men are talking loudly.’

9b

*Mae ’r dynion yn uchel yn siarad. be.PRES.1SG the men ADV high PROG talk

10a Mae hi ’n gyrru ’r car yn ofalus iawn. be.PRES.3SG she PROG drive the car ADV careful very ‘She drives the car very carefully.’ 10b *Mae hi yn ofalus iawn yn gyrru ’r car. be.PRES.3SG she ADV careful very PROG drive the car

A small number of non-negative adverbs commonly appear in post-subject position, notably wastad ‘always’, bob tro ‘every time’, o hyd ‘still’, (yn) bendant ‘definitely’, and eisoes ‘already’. The following illustrate: 11a Ga’ i sefyll yma wastad. get.PRES.1SG I stand here always ‘I can always stand here.’ 11b Ga’ i wastad sefyll yma. get.PRES.1SG I always stand here ‘I can always stand here.’ 12a Dw i ’n ca’l uwd i frecwast bob tro. be.PRES.1SG I PROG have porridge for breakfast every turn ‘I have porridge for breakfast every time.’ 12b Dw i bob tro ’n ca’l uwd i frecwast. be.PRES.1SG I every turn PROG have porridge for breakfast ‘I have porridge for breakfast every time.’ 13a Maen nhw ’n cwyno am y tywydd o hyd. be.PRES.3PL they PROG complain about the weather of length ‘They’re still/always complaining about the weather.’ 13b Maen nhw o hyd yn cwyno am y tywydd. be.PRES.3PL they of length PROG complain about the weather ‘They’re still/always complaining about the weather.’

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14a Mae o ’n dod yfory yn bendant. be.PRES.3SG he PROG come tomorrow ADV definite ‘He is definitely coming tomorrow.’ 14b Mae o bendant yn dod yfory. be.PRES.3SG he definite PROG come tomorrow ‘He is definitely coming tomorrow.’ 15a Mae hi wedi gadel eisoes. be.PRES.3SG she PERF leave already ‘She has left already.’ 15b Mae hi eisoes wedi gadel. be.PRES.3SG she already PERF leave ‘She has left already.’

However, post-subject position is one in which only a few adverbs can appear, notably the three negative adverbs ddim, byth and erioed. One might wonder whether it is possible to have more than one adverb in post-subject position. Example (16a) shows that this is possible, although interestingly (16b) is ungrammatical: 16a Dw i ddim bob tro ’n ca’l uwd i frecwast. be.PRES.1SG I NEG every turn PROG have porridge for breakfast ‘I don’t always have porridge for breakfast.’ 16b *Dw i bob tro ddim yn ca’l uwd i frecwast. be.PRES.1SG I every turn NEG PROG have porridge for breakfast ‘I always don’t have porridge for breakfast.’

Is it possible to have two negative adverbs in post-subject position? It seems that there is variation here. South Wales speakers accept examples like the following: 17a Dw i ddim byth yn mynd i wisgo ’r sgidie ’ma eto. to wear the shoes here again be.PRES.1SG I NEG never PROG go ‘I’m never going to wear these shoes again.’ 17b Dw i ddim erioed wedi gweld hyn o ’r blaen. this of the front be.PRES.1SG I NEG never PERF see ‘I’ve never seen this before.’

North Wales speakers typically do not accept such examples. South Wales speakers only allow the orders ddim byth and ddim erioed. Hence, the following are ungrammatical: 18a *Dw i byth ddim yn mynd i wisgo ’r sgidie ’ma eto. be.PRES.1SG I never NEG PROG go to wear the shoes here again ‘I’m never going to wear these shoes again.’ 18b *Dw i erioed ddim wedi gweld hyn o ’r blaen. be.PRES.1SG I never NEG PERF see this of the front ‘I’ve never seen this before.’

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We will see later that there are acceptable examples with two negative adverbs, the second of which is ddim, and a double negation interpretation. We will argue, however, in 6.3 that ddim in such examples is in a sense not a post-subject adverb. A fundamental fact about post-subject negative adverbs is that they are not linked in any way with the following constituent. In particular, there is no reason to think that a post-subject negative adverb is a premodifier of the following constituent (although, as we will see in 6.3, ddim may be a premodifier of certain constituents elsewhere). There may be no such constituent. There is none in the following, where we have a simple intransitive verb, which takes no complement: 19a Agorodd y drws ddim. open.PAST.3SG the door NEG ‘The door didn’t open.’ 19b Stopiodd y car ddim. stop.PAST.3SG the car NEG ‘The car didn’t stop.’

There may also be no following constituent as a result of ellipsis. Consider, for example, the following, where the final complement may be omitted: 20a Welodd Sioned y car, ond nesh i ddim (’i weld o). see.PAST.3SG Sioned the car but do.PAST.1SG I NEG 3SG.M see he ‘Sioned saw the car, but I didn’t (see it).’ 20b Fedar Mair ganu, ond fedra’ i ddim (canu). can.PRES.3SG Mair sing but can.PRES.1SG I NEG sing ‘Mair can sing, but I can’t (sing).’

Unless we allow premodifiers of empty elements, examples like these argue that ddim cannot be a premodifier. It is worth noting here that Kim and Sag (2002) point out that the material following English not can be omitted when not immediately follows an auxiliary. They cite examples like the following: 21

Although you want to have another cookie, you may not.

They conclude from this and other data that this not is not a premodifier of the following material. Further evidence that a post-subject negative adverb is not a premodifier of the following phrase comes from the fact that in most cases, negative adverb + X is only possible where X is the complement of a finite verb. Thus, while the examples in (22) are fine, those in (23) are ungrammatical: 22a A’th Gwyn ddim i Aberystwyth. go.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG to Aberystwyth ‘Gwyn didn’t go to Aberystwyth.’

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22b Edrychodd Gwyn ddim am Megan. look.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG for Megan ‘Gwyn didn’t look for Megan.’ 23a *Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi mynd ddim i Aberystwyth. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF go NEG to Aberystwyth ‘Gwyn has not gone (not) to Aberystwyth.’ 23b *Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi edrych ddim am Megan. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF look NEG for Megan ‘Gwyn has not looked (not) for Megan.’

Similarly, while (24) is fine, (25) is ungrammatical. 24

Chredodd Gwyn ddim bod Megan wedi bod ym Mangor. NEG.believe.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG be Megan PERF be in Bangor ‘Gwyn didn’t believe that Megan had been in Bangor.’

25

*Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi credu ddim bod Megan wedi bod NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF believe NEG be Megan PERF be ym Mangor. in Bangor ‘Gwyn hasn’t believed (not) that Megan has been in Bangor.’

In much the same way, while (26) is grammatical, (27)–(29) are not: 26

Nesh i ddim mynd i Aberystwyth. do.PAST.1SG I NEG go to Aberystwyth ‘I did not go to Aberystwyth.’

27

*Mae Gwyn yn debyg o ddim mynd i Aberystwyth. to Aberystwyth be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PRED likely of NEG go ‘Gwyn is likely not to go to Aberystwyth.’

28

*Mae Gwyn yn awyddus i ddim mynd i Aberystwyth. to NEG go to Aberystwyth be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PRED eager ‘Gwyn is eager not to go to Aberystwyth.’

29

*Dw i ’n disgwyl i Mair ddim mynd i Aberystwyth. to Aberystwyth be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to Mair NEG go ‘I expect Mair not to go to Aberystwyth.’

All these contrasts would be surprising if a post-subject negative adverb was a premodifier of the following phrase. The preceding examples illustrate the situation with ddim. We have a somewhat similar situation with byth and erioed, as the following show: 30a Eith Gwyn byth i Aberystwyth. go.FUT.3SG Gwyn never to Aberystwyth ‘Gwyn will never go to Aberystwyth.’ 30b Edrychith Gwyn byth am Megan. look.FUT.3SG Gwyn never for Megan ‘Gwyn will never look for Megan.’

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31a *Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi mynd byth i Aberystwyth. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF go never to Aberystwyth ‘Gwyn hasn’t gone (never) to Aberystwyth.’ 31b *Dydy Gwyn ddim yn edrych byth am Megan. NEG.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG look never for Megan ‘Gwyn doesn’t look (never) for Megan.’ 32a A’th Gwyn erioed i Aberystwyth. go.PAST.3SG Gwyn never to Aberystwyth ‘Gwyn never went to Aberystwyth.’ 32b Edrychodd Gwyn erioed am Megan. look.PAST.3SG Gwyn never for Megan ‘Gwyn never looked for Megan.’ 33a *Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi mynd erioed i Aberystwyth. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF go never to Aberystwyth ‘Gwyn hasn’t gone (never) to Aberystwyth.’ 33b *Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi edrych erioed am Megan. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF look never for Megan ‘Gwyn hasn’t looked (never) for Megan.’

Interestingly, byth and erioed can precede a non-finite VP which does not follow the subject of a finite clause. The following illustrate this: 34

Dw i ddim yn disgwyl i Mair byth fynd i Aberystwyth. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG expect to Mair never go to Aberystwyth ‘I don’t expect Mair ever to go to Aberystwyth.’

35

Dw i ddim yn meddwl i mi erioed glywed hynna o ’r blaen. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG think to me never hear that of the front ‘I don’t think I’ve ever heard that before.’

We saw some similar examples in 4.5. It seems, then, that there are no real links between a post-subject negative adverb and the following constituent, and in particular that there is no reason to think that it is a premodifier of the following constituent. In the circumstances, there is no reason to think that a post-subject negative adverb forms a constituent with a following complement. We will assume, then, that we have structures like (36) and not structures like (37). 36 dydy

Gwyn

ddim

yn cysgu

dydy

Gwyn

ddim yn cysgu

37

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Interestingly, it has been proposed within Principles and Parameters theory that ddim and a following complement form part of a complex constituent from which the initial verb or auxiliary has been extracted. For Rouveret (1991), this constituent is a Negative Phrase (NegP), giving structures like (38), where ‘t’ is a trace of the moved verb: 38

[dydyi Gwyn [NegP ddim ti yn cysgu]]

For Rouveret (1994), it is a VP, giving structures like (39): 39

[dydyi Gwyn [VP ddim ti yn cysgu]]

As far as we can see, however, there is no evidence for such structures independent of the assumptions of Principles and Parameters theory. We will discuss these analyses further in chapter 10. While there are no links between post-subject negative adverbs and the following constituent, there are important links between post-subject negative adverbs and the preceding finite verb. As we saw in chapter 3, a post-subject negative adverb is often the way that the Negative Dependent Constraint is satisfied. Without the post-subject negative adverbs the following violate the constraint: 40

Dydy Gwyn *(ddim / byth) yn cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG never PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not/never sleeping.’

41

Dydy Gwyn *(ddim / erioed) wedi cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG never PERF sleep ‘Gwyn has not/never slept.’

As we also saw, there is a rather different link between post-subject negative adverbs and the preceding finite verb when the finite verb is an extra-strong negative verb. In this situation, ddim is not possible although both byth and erioed are. We have data like the following: 42

Sa

i *ddim / byth yn gweithio. I NEG never PROG work ‘I am not/never working.’

NEG.be.PRES

43

Sa

i *ddim / erioed wedi gweithio. I NEG never PERF work ‘I have not/never worked.’ NEG.be.PRES

44

Paid / peidiwch *ddim / byth â mynd i Aberystwyth. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL NEG never with go to Aberystwyth ‘Don’t (ever) go to Aberystwyth.’

Erioed is not possible with paid/peidiwch because of its restriction to perfective contexts. Given these links it is natural to propose that a post-subject negative adverb is a complement of the preceding verb. Similar analyses have been

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proposed for English not and French pas in Abeillé and Godard (1997), Kim (2000), Kim and Sag (2002), and Warner (2000). It seems to us, then, that this is a very plausible approach. There is another link between post-subject negative adverbs and the preceding finite verb, which provides support for such an analysis. This is a semantic link. Consider first the following from 2.4.1 (examples 74a–b): 45a Alla’ i ddim helpu. can.PRES.1SG I NEG help ‘I am not able to help.’ 45b Alla’ i beidio (â) helpu. can.PRES.1SG I NEG with help ‘I am able to not help.’

As the translations make clear, these examples differ in the scope of negation. In (45a), the verb is within the scope of negation, whereas in (45b) the negation is within the scope of the verb. Consider now the following: 46a Ddylet ti ddim ymddiheuro. should.2SG you.SG NEG apologize ‘You should not apologize.’ 46b Ddylet ti beidio (ag) ymddiheuro. should.2SG you.SG NEG with apologize ‘You should not apologize.’

In both these examples, the negation is within the scope of verb. Thus, whether or not a verb is within the scope of the negation associated with a following ddim varies from verb to verb. Similar variation has been observed in English by Warner (2000) and Kim and Sag (2002). Some modal verbs, for example could, are within the scope of negation associated with a following not but others, for example should, are not. Thus, He could not be here means ‘It was not possible for him to be here’, whereas He should not be here means ‘It should be the case that he is not here’. As Warner and Kim and Sag note, this is not surprising if not is a complement of the modal. In the same way, the Welsh facts are not surprising if ddim is a complement of the preceding verb. In Borsley and Jones (2001a), we advanced an additional argument for a complement analysis of post-subject negative adverbs, which we now think was not a good one. We suggested that if these elements were complements this would account for the fact that we have ddim and not dim, given the argument in Borsley (1999) that there is a rule which assigns soft mutation to a complement immediately preceded by a phrasal sister. Given plausible assumptions, this rule accounts inter alia for the mutation in the following examples, where the mutated element is in bold and the basic form given in brackets:

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47

Weles i gi. see.PAST.1SG I dog ‘I saw a dog.’

(ci)

48

Ddechreuodd Emrys [ddarllen y llyfr]. begin.PAST.3SG Emrys read the book ‘Emrys began to read the book.’

(darllen)

49

Cyn i Megan [fynd i Aberystwyth] . . . before to Megan go to Aberystwyth ‘Before Megan went to Aberystwyth . . .’

(mynd)

However, there is only an argument here if we can assume that ddim is a mutated form. There is evidence that it is a basic form. Consider first (50): 50

Dw i ddim ddim yn poeni. be.PRES.1SG I NEG NEG PROG worry ‘I don’t not worry.’

Here we have two negative adverbs and a double negation interpretation. We alluded to such examples earlier. The first adverb is immediately preceded by a phrasal sister, but the second is not in such a position. Both, however, take the form ddim. Consider now (51): 51

ddim yn

gweithio working ‘not working’ NEG

PROG

This occurs as a notice on faulty machines. Again ddim is in a position where no mutation is expected, but it is still ddim. It seems to us that the basic negative adverb always takes the form ddim. We will return to examples like (50) in 6.3. We conclude, then, that ddim is the basic form of the negative adverb and hence that there is no evidence from the fact that it takes the form ddim for the idea that it is a complement. The fact that one argument for a complement analysis of post-subject negative adverbs is not a good one is of course not an objection to the analysis. It just means that the case for it is not quite as strong as one might suppose. It still seems to us that the case for the analysis is quite strong.

5.2.2. NEGATIVE ADVERBS IN OTHER POSITIONS Speakers generally prefer byth and erioed in post-subject position, but, as we have mentioned before, they may also appear in sentence-final position (in which case the sentence must contain some other expression of negation). We will show that they can also appear in pre-subject position. In contrast, ddim seems to be restricted to post-subject position. This is an important difference between ddim on the one hand and byth and erioed on the other, but not the only difference, as we will see in 5.2.3.

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We have already seen a number of examples of byth and erioed in sentencefinal position. Here are some further examples: 52a Dydy Mair ddim yn gweithio byth. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Mair NEG PROG work never ‘Mair never works.’ 52b Dw i ddim yn byta caws byth. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG eat cheese never ‘I never eat cheese.’ 53a Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi mynd i Aberystwyth erioed. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF go to Aberystwyth never ‘Gwyn has never gone to Aberystwyth.’ 53b Dw i ddim wedi gweld morfil erioed. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF see whale never ‘I’ve never seen a whale.’

All these examples have ddim in post-subject position. Without it, they would violate the Negative Dependent Constraint and would be ungrammatical. One might suppose, given examples like the following, that ddim too can appear in sentence-final position: 54a Dw i ddim yn poeni dim. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG worry NEG ‘I don’t worry at all.’ 54b Dw i ddim wedi cysgu dim. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF sleep NEG ‘I haven’t slept at all.’

One thing that casts doubt on this assumption is the fact that the sentencefinal element is not ddim but dim. The following show that we cannot have ddim here: 55a *Dw i ddim yn poeni ddim. 55b *Dw i ddim wedi cysgu ddim.

As we saw in 5.2.1, there is evidence that the basic form of the negative adverb is ddim. If this is right, dim in (54) must be a different element. We will discuss this element further in 6.4. As mentioned above, we also find byth and erioed in pre-subject position when the subject is indefinite. We have examples like (56) and (57) but not examples like (58) and (59) – note that the subject is soft-mutated in (56) and (57): 56

Does byth lefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG never milk in the fridge ‘There is never milk in the fridge.’

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57

Fuodd erioed lefrith yn y ffrij. be.PAST.3SG never milk in the fridge ‘There was never milk in the fridge.’

58

*Dydy byth y llefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG never the milk in the fridge ‘The milk is never in the fridge.’

59

*Fuodd erioed y llefrith yn y ffrij. be.PAST.3SG never the milk in the fridge ‘The milk was never in the fridge.’

Ddim cannot appear in pre-subject position in most dialects. (As noted in the next section, Pembrokeshire Welsh is an exception.) Thus, the following is ungrammatical for many speakers: 60

*Does ddim lefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG milk in the fridge ‘There is no milk in the fridge.’

We do, however, have examples like the following: 61

Does dim llefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG milk in the fridge ‘There is no milk in the fridge.’

Such examples might make one wonder whether ddim is really the basic form of the negative adverb. However, we will argue in 5.3.1 that what we have in such examples is a negative quantifier within the subject. Byth and erioed are not the only adverbs that can precede an indefinite subject. Bob tro and wastad can also do this (note that the subject is soft-mutated in this context, as in (56) and (57)): 62

Ma’ bob tro blant yn yr ardd. be.PRES.3SG every turn children in the garden ‘Children are always in the garden.’

63

Mae wastad lefrith yn y ffrij. be.PRES.3SG always milk in the fridge ‘Milk is always in the fridge.’

Thus, the behaviour of byth and erioed is not surprising. All these adverbs are ungrammatical or at least questionable after an indefinite subject: 64

*Does llefrith byth yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG milk never in the fridge

65

??Fuodd llefrith erioed yn y ffrij. be.PAST.3SG milk never in the fridge

66

*Does llefrith ddim yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG milk NEG in the fridge

67

??Ma’ plant bob tro yn yr ardd. be.PRES.3SG children every turn in the garden

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107

??Mae llefrith wastad yn y ffrij. be.PRES.3SG milk always in the fridge

The preceding paragraphs show that while byth and erioed can appear in various positions, ddim is restricted to post-subject position. We have a similar contrast between never and not in English. Both can appear after a finite auxiliary, as the examples in (69) show, but only never can appear before a finite verb, as those in (70) show: 69a I have not seen Mary. 69b I have never seen Mary. 70a *I not saw Mary. 70b I never saw Mary.

5.2.3. FURTHER CONSTRAINTS ON DDIM We saw in the last section that ddim is restricted to post-subject position whereas byth or erioed can appear in certain other positions. We will now highlight two further contrasts between ddim on the one hand and byth and erioed on the other. The first contrast is that ddim but not byth or erioed is impossible following a negative subject. Thus, (71) is ungrammatical, but (72) and (73) are fine: 71

*Fydd neb / dim byd ddim yma. be.FUT.3SG no-one NEG world NEG here ‘No one/nothing will be here.’

72

Fydd neb / dim byd byth yma. be.FUT.3SG no-one NEG world never here ‘No one/nothing will ever be here.’

73

Fuodd neb / dim byd erioed yma. be.PAST.3SG no-one NEG world never here ‘No one/nothing has ever been here.’

We will refer to the restriction as the Negative Subject Constraint. We can formulate it as follows: 74

Negative Subject Constraint The negative adverb ddim may not follow a negative subject.

We will see in 5.3.1 that not just simple negative subjects like neb and dim byd but also more complex negative subjects are relevant here. One might suppose that French has something like the Negative Subject Constraint. Just as, in Welsh, ddim cannot co-occur with a negative subject although byth and erioed can, so pas cannot co-occur with a negative subject although jamais ‘never’ can in French. Thus, (75) is ungrammatical with pas, but (76) is fine:

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Personne n’ est (*pas) venu. no-one NEG be.PRES.3SG NEG come.PASTP ‘No one has come.’

76

Personne ne sera jamais riche. no-one NEG be.FUT.3SG never rich ‘No one will ever be rich.’

It seems, however, that French in fact has a more general constraint. The following is also ungrammatical with pas: 77

Je n’ ai (*pas) vu personne. I NEG have.PRES.1SG NEG see.PASTP no-one ‘I haven’t seen anyone.’

In contrast, Welsh examples like the following are fine: 78

Dw i ddim wedi gweld neb. be.PRES.3SG I NEG PERF see no-one ‘I haven’t seen anyone.’

It seems that pas may not appear in the same clause as an n-word whereas ddim is only impossible with a negative subject. The second contrast is that ddim but not byth or erioed is impossible with an immediately following object NP: 79

*Wela’ i ddim y dynion eto. see.FUT.1SG I NEG the men again ‘I won’t see the men again.’

80

Wela’ i byth y dynion eto. see.FUT.1SG I never the men again ‘I will never see the men again.’

81

Welish i erioed y dynion eto. see.PAST.1SG I never the men again ‘I never saw the men again.’

It is important to note that it is an immediately following NP that is excluded. Thus, (82) – with suitable intonation – is better than (79): 82

Wela’ i ddim bob tro ’r dynion. see.FUT.1SG I NEG every turn the men ‘I won’t always see the men.’

Similarly, while (83a) is ungrammatical, (83b) is fine: 83a *Fytodd hi ddim y siocled hyd yn oed. eat.PAST.3SG she NEG the chocolate even ‘She didn’t eat the chocolate even.’ 83b Fytodd hi ddim hyd yn oed y siocled. eat.PAST.3SG she NEG even the chocolate ‘She didn’t even eat the chocolate.’

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We will call the relevant constraint the Ddim NP Constraint and formulate it as follows: 84

Ddim NP Constraint The adverb ddim may not be immediately followed by an NP.

Notice that this will not only rule out ddim before an object NP, as in (80), but will also rule out ddim before a subject NP, as in (60). It appears that not all dialects have this constraint. Thus, Pembrokeshire Welsh, as described in Awbery (1988, 1990), seems to have clear examples of both objects and subjects immediately following the adverb ddim. Awbery (1990: 4, 6, 14, 19) gives the examples in (85), which appear to involve ddim followed by an object NP, and the examples in (86), which appear to involve ddim followed by a subject NP: 85a Weles i ddim y fudde honno ariôd. see.PAST.1SG I NEG the churn that.F ever ‘I didn’t see that churn ever.’ 85b Chlywes i ddim y ceiliog eriôd. hear.PAST.1SG I NEG the cockerel ever ‘I never heard the cockerel.’ 86a Alle ddim i ceffyl a ’r cart i ddw ˆ ad lawr . . . can.IMPF.3SG NEG the horse and the cart to come down ‘The horse and cart couldn’t come down.’ 86b Wê ddim y llâth gystel. be.IMPF.3SG NEG the milk good.EQ ‘The milk was not as good.’

Awbery notes, however, that Pembrokeshire Welsh does not allow a pronoun immediately following ddim. It looks, therefore, as if we have the following constraint here: 87

Ddim Pronoun Constraint (Pembrokeshire) The adverb ddim may not be immediately followed by a pronoun.

We will see below that this is not the only distinctive property of negation in Pembrokeshire Welsh.

5.2.4. THE SEMANTICS OF NEGATIVE ADVERBS We want now to look more closely at the semantics of the negative adverbs ddim, byth and erioed. We will see that there is a big difference between ddim on the one hand and byth and erioed on the other. We saw in 4.5 that n-words have certain positive uses which might suggest that they are ambiguous with positive and negative meanings although this is not necessarily the right conclusion. An important fact about ddim is that it does not have any of these uses. The only sorts of example that might lead

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one to think that ddim is ambiguous are examples such as the following, where it is preceded by a strong negative verb and we have a single negation interpretation: 88a O’n i ’n gwbod nad oedd Gwyn ddim yn hapus. be.IMPF.1SG I PROG know NEG be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn NEG PRED happy ‘I knew that Gwyn wasn’t happy.’ 88b Nag yw Sioned ddim yn gweithio heno. NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work tonight ‘Sioned is not working tonight.’

Such examples do not require the assumption that ddim is ambiguous if we have a mechanism reducing two negatives to a single negative. We cannot exclude the possibility that ddim is ambiguous, but the case for an ambiguous analysis is weaker than for any other n-word. The situation is quite different with byth and erioed. There is strong evidence that both are ambiguous. We saw in 4.5 that n-words are not generally possible in interrogatives. The following show that erioed appears in interrogatives in both post-subject and clause-final position with the meaning of ‘at any time’ (and is broadly equivalent to o gwbl ‘at all’, weithiau ‘sometimes’, or rhywbryd ‘some time’): 89a Ydy o erioed wedi cwyno? be.PRES.3SG he ever PERF complain ‘Has he ever complained?’ 89b Fuo’ fo erioed yn gweithio? be.PAST.3SG he ever PROG work ‘Has he ever worked?’ 90a Ydy o wedi cwyno erioed? be.PRES.3SG he PERF complain ever ‘Has he ever complained?’ 90b Fuo’ fo ’n gweithio erioed? ever be.PAST.3SG he PROG work ‘Has he ever worked?’

We had a negative sentence identical to (89b) in (54) in 2.3, and we noted that we cannot have a negative sentence identical to (90b) because of the Negative Dependent Constraint. Jones (1972: 101) and Thomas (1996: 441), who focuses on the formal style, give similar examples with byth: 91a Fyddi di byth yn mynd yna? be.FUT.2SG you.SG ever PROG go there ‘Do you ever go there?’ 91b A ydyw Phyllis byth yn siarad? Q be.PRES.3SG Phyllis ever PROG speak ‘Does Phyllis ever speak?’

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However, not all speakers are happy with such examples, and (91a) is read by such speakers as a negative interrogative. Such speakers would prefer one of the equivalents such as o gwbl ‘at all’.4 Byth is found with the meaning of ‘at any time’ in conditionals, in both post-subject and clause-final position: 92a Os ewch chi byth i Lundain, mi welwch chi if go.FUT.2PL you.PL ever to London AFF see.FUT.2PL you.PL dyˆ Mair ar lan yr afon. house Mair on bank the river ‘If you ever go to London, you will see Mair’s house by the river.’ 92b Os ewch chi i Lundain byth, mi welwch chi dyˆ Mair if go.FUT.2PL you.PL to London ever AFF see.FUT.2PL you.PL house Mair ar lan yr afon. on bank the river ‘If you go to London at all, you’ll see Mair’s house by the river.’

Erioed can also occur in conditionals, although it may be much less common than byth: 93a Os aethoch chi erioed ar y trên oeddech chi ’n gweld if go.PAST.2PL you.PL ever on the train be.IMPF.2PL you.PL PROG see tyˆ Mair ar lan yr afon. house Mair on bank the river ‘If you ever went on the train, you saw Mair’s house by the river.’ 93b Os aethoch chi ar y trên erioed oeddech chi ’n gweld if go.PAST.2PL you.PL on the train ever be.IMPF.2PL you.PL PROG see tyˆ Mair ar lan yr afon. house Mair on bank the river ‘If you ever went on the train, you saw Mair’s house by the river.’

Erioed and byth have one use each which occurs in both interrogative and affirmative declarative sentences. These uses may be more typical of northern dialects, with other dialects preferring an equivalent expression. Erioed establishes that a situation is or has been ongoing over an extended period of time, and is broadly similar to wastad ‘always’. It is limited to clause-final position: 94a Ydy o wedi sgwennu ’n dda erioed? be.PRES.3SG he PERF write ADV good ever ‘Has he always written well?’ 94b Ydy o ’n byw ’ma erioed? be.PRES.3SG he PROG live here ever ‘Has he always lived here?’ 95a Mae o wedi sgwennu ’n dda erioed. ADV good ever be.PRES.3SG he PERF write ‘He has always written well.’

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95b Mae o ’n byw ’ma erioed. be.PRES.3SG he PROG live here ever ‘He has always lived here.’

Byth can also be used to convey an enduring situation but it is broadly equivalent to o hyd ‘still, continuing’ and can be paraphrased by examples which contain dal i ‘continue to’. In this use, byth cannot occur in post-subject position, but is limited to clause-final position: 96a Ydy hi ’n byw ’ma byth? be.PRES.3SG she PROG live here still ‘Does she still live here?’ 96b Ydy o ’n cysgu byth? be.PRES.3SG he PROG sleep still ‘Is he still sleeping?’ 97a Ma’ hi ’n byw ’ma byth. be.PRES.3SG she PROG live here still ‘She still lives here.’ 97b Mae o ’n cysgu byth. be.PRES.3SG he PROG sleep still ‘He is still sleeping.’

There is some semantic similarity between these two uses of erioed and byth in sentences which describe a habitual situation, as in (95b) and (97a). The difference is that erioed is essentially retrospective. Finally, continuative byth can occur in non-habitual examples as in (96b) and (97b) above.5 There is more that could be said about byth and erioed. However, the data discussed in the preceding paragraphs make it very clear that whatever the situation may be with other n-words like neb, dim byd and nunlle, byth and erioed are quite clearly ambiguous.

5.2.5. THE MODIFICATION OF NEGATIVE ADVERBS The preceding discussion has highlighted a variety of ways in which ddim differs from byth and erioed. To conclude our discussion of negative adverbs, we want to note one way in which ddim and byth are similar and contrast with erioed. We noted in 4.2 that n-words may be modified by certain expressions. This seems to be true of both ddim and byth. Byth is readily modified by the near synonymous bron ‘almost, nearly’ and prin ‘rarely, scarcely, seldom’. (Of these two, bron is the more typical in informal Welsh). The following illustrate this: 98a Dw i bron / prin byth yn gweld Mair y dyddie ’ma. be.PRES.1SG I almost rarely never PROG see Mair the days here ‘I hardly ever see Mair these days.’

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98b Dan ni bron / prin byth yn ca’l bacwn ac wy i frecwast. be.PRES.1PL we almost rarely never PROG get bacon and egg for breakfast ‘We hardly ever have bacon and egg for breakfast.’

Interestingly, the order of bron and byth can be reversed: 99a Dw i byth bron yn gweld Mair y dyddie ’ma. be.PRES.1SG I never almost PROG see Mair the days here ‘I hardly ever see Mair these days.’ 99b Dan ni byth bron yn ca’l bacwn ac wy i frecwast. be.PRES.1PL we never almost PROG get bacon and egg for breakfast ‘We hardly ever have bacon and egg for breakfast.’

For most speakers, modification would seem to be marginal, at best, with erioed: 100a ??Dw i bron / prin erioed wedi gweld Mair ers iddi briodi. be.PRES.1SG I almost rarely never PERF see Mair since to.3SG.F marry ‘I’ve hardly ever seen Mair since she married.’ 100b ??Dan ni bron / prin wedi defnyddio ’r car ers symud be.PRES.1PL we almost rarely PERF use the car since move i ’r dre. to the town ‘We’ve hardly ever used the car since moving to town.’

However, modification is possible with ddim, as the following illustrate: 101a Dan ni bron / prin ddim yn ’i goelio fo. be.PRES.1PL we almost rarely NEG PROG 3SG.M believe he ‘We hardly believe him.’ 101b Dw i bron / prin ddim yn gallu symud. be.PRES.1SG I almost rarely NEG PROG can move. ‘I can hardly move.’

It is not clear to us why erioed should be the odd one out in this area.

5.3. NEGATIVE QUANTIFIERS We can now look more closely at negative nominals. So far we have only considered the simple negative nominals neb, dim byd, and nunlle. Welsh also has more complex negative nominals. Particularly important here are nominals containing the negative quantifier dim, which we have referred to in a number places. We will look at this element in some detail. We will also discuss certain other elements that play a role in negative nominals.

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5.3.1. QUANTIFIER DIM We argued in the last section that the adverb ddim cannot be immediately followed by an object. This raises an obvious question: how can a simple transitive sentence be negated? The answer is that the negative quantifier, which we have referred to on a number of occasions, is used here. This takes either a bare indefinite NP or a PP containing o ‘of’ and a definite NP as a complement. We have examples like the following, where (103) is a grammatical counterpart of (79): 102 Welish i ddim dyn. see.PAST.1SG I NEG man ‘I saw no man.’ 103 Welish i ddim o ’r dynion. see.PAST.1SG I NEG of the men ‘I saw none of the men.’

Like other prepositions, o agrees with a pronominal object, as (104) illustrates: 104 Welish i ddim ohonyn nhw. see.PAST.1SG I NEG of.3PL they ‘I saw none of them.’

One might suppose that these sentences in fact involve the adverb ddim and that this requires a definite object to be preceded by o.6 However, it is quite easy to argue against this idea. Some rather simple evidence that we have a different element here comes from the following: 105 Welodd neb ddim llyfr. see.PAST.3SG no-one NEG book ‘No one saw a book.’

Here, we see that this element, unlike the adverb ddim, can be preceded by a negative subject. This is essentially an emphatic form of (106): 106 Welodd neb lyfr. see.PAST.3SG no-one book ‘No one saw a book.’

Further evidence that this is a different element comes from the following contrast: 107a Wela’ i byth ddim o ’r dynion eto. see.FUT.1SG I never NEG of the men again ‘I will never see the men again.’ 107b Dydy hi byth ddim yn deall. NEG.be.PRES.3SG she never NEG PROG understand ‘She never doesn’t understand.’

Unlike (107a), (107b) can only have the double negation interpretation indicated.

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Evidence that the sequences dim NP[indef] and dim o NP[def] are nominal constituents comes from the fact that they can appear in any NP position within a negative context, for example subject of a finite verb (108), object of a non-finite verb (109), object of a preposition (110), and subject of a non-finite verb (111): 108a Does dim dyn yn yr ystafell. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG man in the room ‘There is no man in the room.’ 108b Does dim o ’r dynion yn yr ystafell. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG of the men in the room ‘None of the men is in the room.’ 109a Dw i ddim wedi prynu dim llyfr. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF buy NEG book ‘I haven’t bought any book.’ 109b Dw i ddim wedi prynu dim o ’r llyfre. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF buy NEG of the books ‘I haven’t bought any of the books.’ 110a Dydy Sioned ddim yn chwilio am ddim llyfre. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG look for NEG books ‘Sioned is not looking for any books.’ 110b Dydy Sioned ddim yn chwilio am ddim o ’r llyfre. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG look for NEG of the books ‘Sioned is not looking for any of the books.’ 111a Dydy Gwyn ddim yn disgwyl i ddim bechgyn fynd adre. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG expect for NEG boys go home ‘Gwyn doesn’t expect any boys to go home.’ 111b Dydy Gwyn ddim yn disgwyl i ddim o ’r bechgyn NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG expect for NEG of the boys fynd adre. go home ‘Gwyn doesn’t expect any of the boys to go home.’

Thus, there is quite strong evidence that dim NP and dim o NP are constituents. In both cases dim must be the head, since otherwise we would not have a negative constituent which can satisfy the Negative Dependent Constraint. It is natural, then, to assume that dim is a quantifier with an NP or PP complement. In other words, it is natural to assume that we have structures like those in (112). Notice that it follows that quantifier phrases are one type of nominal constituent. Thus, we have a number of types of nominal constituent, and NPs in the narrow sense are just one type. In (108) the negative nominal satisfies the Negative Dependent Constraint and hence is obligatory. In (109)–(111), however, the Constraint is satisfied by

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QP

112 Q dim

NP

Q dim

PP P

NP [+DEF]

o

the adverb ddim and it is possible to replace the negative nominal by a nonnegative noun phrase, as the following illustrate (note that unrhyw, if selected, would mutate llyfr to lyfr in (113a)): 113a Dw i ddim wedi prynu (unrhyw) llyfr. book be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF buy any ‘I haven’t bought a book.’ 113b Dw i ddim wedi prynu unrhyw un o ’r llyfre. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF buy any one of the books ‘I haven’t bought any of the books.’ 114a Dydy Sioned ddim yn chwilio am (unrhyw) lyfre. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG look for any books ‘Sioned is not looking for (any) books.’ 114b Dydy Sioned ddim yn chwilio am unrhyw un o ’r llyfre. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG look for any one of the books ‘Sioned is not looking for any of the books.’ 115a Dydy Gwyn ddim yn disgwyl i (unrhyw) fechgyn fynd NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG expect for any boys go adre. home ‘Gwyn doesn’t expect (any) boys to go home.’ 115b Dydy Gwyn ddim yn disgwyl i unrhyw un o ’r NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG expect for any one of the bechgyn fynd adre. boys go home ‘Gwyn doesn’t expect any of the boys to go home.’

Examples (109)–(111) are essentially emphatic versions of these examples. The quantifier dim is rather like the quantifiers peth and rhai, both meaning ‘some’. Peth occurs with mass nouns and rhai occurs with plural count nouns, but like dim, both combine with a bare indefinite NP or a PP containing o ‘of’ and a definite NP. We have examples here like the following: 116a Mae o wedi colli rhai llyfre ar y trên. be.PRES.3SG he PERF lose some books on the train ‘He has lost some books on the train.’ 116b Mae o wedi colli rhai o ’r llyfre ar y trên. be.PRES.3SG he PERF lose some of the books on the train ‘He has lost some of the books on the train.’

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117a Mae o wedi colli peth siwgr ar y llawr. be.PRES.3SG he PERF lose some sugar on the floor ‘He has spilled some sugar on the floor.’ 117b Mae o wedi colli peth o ’r siwgr ar y llawr. be.PRES.3SG he PERF lose some of the sugar on the floor ‘He has spilled some of the sugar on the floor.’

Like rhai and peth, the quantifier dim cannot take a definite NP, or o and an indefinite NP as its complement. Thus, the examples in (118) are ungrammatical for the same reasons as those in (119) and (120): 118a *Dw i ddim wedi prynu dim y llyfr. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF buy NEG the book 118b *Dw i ddim wedi prynu dim o lyfre. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF buy NEG of books 119a *Mae o wedi colli rhai y llyfr ar y trên. be.PRES.3SG he PERF lose some the book on the train 119b *Mae o wedi colli rhai o lyfre ar y trên. be.PRES.3SG he PERF lose some of books on the train 120a *Mae o wedi colli peth y siwgr ar y llawr. be.PRES.3SG he PERF lose some the sugar on the floor 120b *Mae o wedi colli peth o siwgr ar y llawr. be.PRES.3SG he PERF lose some of sugar on the floor

All three quantifiers take as complements either a bare indefinite NP or a PP containing o and a definite NP and do not allow a bare definite NP or a PP containing o and an indefinite NP. A further similarity between dim, peth and rhai is that they allow the omission of the following phrase, leaving these words to stand alone in a pronoun-like fashion. We have examples like the following: 121 Wyt ti ddim yn cymryd dim? be.PRES.2SG you.SG NEG PROG take NEG ‘Don’t you take any?’ 122 Wyt ti yn cymryd peth? some be.PRES.2SG you.SG PROG take ‘Do you take some?’ 123 Wyt ti ddim yn gwerthu rhai? some be.PRES.2SG you.SG NEG PROG sell ‘Aren’t you selling some?’

Thus, the assumption that dim is sometimes a negative quantifier with an NP or a PP complement seems quite well motivated. It seems, then, that Welsh has both simple negative NPs containing neb or dim byd and also more complex negative NPs containing the quantifier dim.

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The complement of dim may contain a mass noun or a singular or plural count-noun. Hence we have all the following possibilities: 124a Dydy o ddim wedi yfed dim cwrw. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he NEG PERF drink NEG beer ‘He hasn’t drunk any beer.’ 124b Dydy o ddim wedi darllen dim llyfr. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he NEG PERF read NEG book ‘He hasn’t read any book.’ 124c Dydy o ddim wedi darllen dim llyfre. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he NEG PERF read NEG books ‘He hasn’t read any books.’ 124d Dydy o ddim wedi yfed dim o ’r cwrw. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he NEG PERF drink NEG of the beer ‘He hasn’t drunk any of the beer.’ 124e Dydy o ddim wedi darllen dim o ’r llyfr. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he NEG PERF read NEG of the book ‘He hasn’t read any of the book.’ 124f Dydy o ddim wedi darllen dim o ’r llyfre. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he NEG PERF read NEG of the books ‘He hasn’t read any of the books.’

Dim may be followed by un ‘one’ when the associated noun is a count-noun and is either singular indefinite or plural definite. Some speakers prefer dim un to dim in this situation. 125 Dw i ddim wedi darllen dim un llyfr. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF read NEG one book ‘I haven’t read any one book.’ 126 Dw i ddim wedi darllen dim un o ’r llyfre. NEG one of the books be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF read ‘I haven’t read any one of the books.’

These possibilities reflect occurrences of un ‘one’ itself, which can occur with a singular indefinite count-noun, as in un llyfr ‘one book’, or a PP containing o and a plural definite count-noun, as in un o’r llyfre ‘one of the books’. Dim produces negative versions of these phrases. We shall not attempt to determine whether there are any semantic differences between examples with and without un. Nominals containing dim have a number of properties that one might expect. First, dim may appear in elliptical negative answers to questions. Thus we have examples like the following: 127 Faint o ’r sgidie sydd yn ffitio? how-many of the shoes be.PRES.3SG PROG fit ‘How many of the shoes fit?’

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Dim ohonyn nhw. NEG of.3PL them ‘None of them.’

Second, for many speakers dim may be contracted like the adverb ddim. The following illustrate: 128 Welish i ’m adar. see.PAST.1SG I NEG birds ‘I didn’t see any birds.’ 129 Brynodd o ’m dillad. buy.PAST.3SG he NEG clothes ‘He didn’t buy any clothes.’ 130 Gollish i ’m arian. lose.PAST.1SG I NEG money ‘I didn’t lose any money.’

Third, the Negative Subject Constraint applies just as much to such nominals as to simple negative nominals such as neb and dim byd. Thus, the following is ungrammatical: 131 *Fydd dim dynion ddim yn gweithio yn yr ardd. NEG PROG work in the garden be.FUT.3SG NEG men ‘No men will be working in the garden.’

Fourth, a negative nominal containing dim can appear in subject position after byth and erioed. The following illustrate (note that subjects in this context are soft-mutated, so that ddim occurs and not dim): 132 Does byth ddim llefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG never NEG milk in the fridge ‘There’s never milk in the fridge.’ 133 Fuodd erioed ddim llefrith yn y ffrij. be.PAST.3SG never NEG milk in the fridge ‘There was never milk in the fridge.’

Finally, it is impossible to move a nominal containing dim out of the licensing negative context. Thus, (134) is ungrammatical: 134 *Dim o ’r dynion welish i. NEG of the men see.PAST.1SG I ‘I saw none of the men.’

Interestingly, (135) is grammatical: 135 Dim dyn welish i. NEG man see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not a man that I saw.’

There is evidence, however, that such examples involve not quantifier dim but a different element. Unlike quantifier dim this element can be followed by a definite NP:

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136 Dim y dyn welish i. NEG the man see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not the man that I saw.’

Moreover, this element can also be replaced by nid: 137 Nid dyn welish i. NEG man see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not a man that I saw.’

We will discuss this element further in 6.5.7 A further point that we should note here is that dim may be replaced by neb when it has a PP complement containing a noun which refers to humans. The following illustrates this: 138 Dw i ddim wedi gweld neb o ’r dynion eto. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF see no-one of the men yet ‘I have not seen any of the men yet.’

A final point to note is that dim has the kinds of positive use that we discussed in 4.5. We have examples like the following: 139a Adawodd Sioned cyn casglu dim arian. leave.PAST.3SG Sioned before collect NEG money ‘Sioned left before collecting any money.’ 139b Adawodd Sioned cyn casglu dim o ’r arian. leave.PAST.3SG Sioned before collect NEG of the money ‘Sioned left before collecting any of the money.’ 140a Ma’n nhw ’n gwrthod prynu dim tocynne. be.PRES.3PL they PROG refuse buy NEG tickets ‘They refuse to buy any tickets.’ 140b Ma’n nhw ’n gwrthod prynu dim o ’r tocynne. be.PRES.3PL they PROG refuse buy NEG of the tickets ‘They refuse to buy any of the tickets.’ 141a Mi na’th o rwystro fi rhag mynd â dim arian. AFF do.PAST.3SG he prevent I from go with NEG money ‘He prevented me from taking any money.’ 141b Mi nesh i rwystro Sioned rhag weld dim o ’r lluniau. AFF do.PAST.1SG I prevent Sioned from see NEG of the pictures ‘I prevented Sioned from seeing any of the pictures.’ 142a Na’th o wadu cymryd dim bwyd. do.PAST.3SG he deny take NEG food ‘He denied taking any food.’ 142b Na’th o wadu cymryd dim o ’r bwyd. do.PAST.3SG he deny take NEG of the food ‘He denied taking any of the food.’

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143a Mae ’n rhy hwyr i neud dim gwaith. be.PRES.3SG PRED too late to do NEG work ‘It’s too late to do any work.’ 143b Mae ’n rhy dywyll i weld dim o ’r olion traed. be.PRES.3SG PRED too dark to see NEG of the tracks feet ‘It’s too dark to see any of the footprints.’ 144a Mae ’n anodd gweld dim sêr. NEG stars be.PRES.3SG PRED difficult see ‘It’s difficult to see any stars.’ 144b Mae ’n anodd deall dim o ’r geiriau. be.PRES.3SG PRED difficult understand NEG of the words ‘It’s difficult to understand any of the words.’ 145a Ma’ Sioned yn well na dim (un) dyn. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PRED better than NEG one man ‘Sioned is better than any man.’ 145b Ma’ Sioned yn well na dim (un) o ’r dynion. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PRED better than NEG one of the men ‘Sioned is better than any of the men.’ 146a Ma’ Sioned cystal â dim (un) dyn. be.PRES.3SG Sioned good.EQ as NEG one man ‘Sioned is as good as any man.’ 146b Ma’ Sioned cystal â dim (un) o ’r dynion. be.PRES.3SG Sioned good.EQ as NEG one of the men ‘Sioned is as good as any of the men.’

This might mean that dim is ambiguous. Alternatively, it might mean that these contexts involve certain mechanisms which eliminate a negative meaning.

5.3.2. PSEUDO-QUANTIFIERS In this section, we will look at two elements which we will call pseudo-quantifiers. These elements seem to be syntactically quantifiers but semantically pure negative elements comparable to adverbial ddim. Both are restricted to finite object position. An important fact about phrases of the form (d)dim o NP is that they normally have a partitive interpretation. This means that they are only acceptable where it is possible for the referent of the NP to be partially involved in the process or state denoted by the verb. There is no problem where the NP is plural or contains a singular mass noun, but there may be where the NP contains a singular count-noun. Hence, the following are unacceptable: 147a *Dw i ddim wedi agor dim o ’r drws. be.PRES.3SG I NEG PERF open NEG of the door ‘I haven’t opened any of the door.’

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147b *Dw i ddim wedi prynu dim o ’r car. be.PRES.3SG I NEG PERF buy NEG of the car ‘I haven’t bought any of the car.’ 148a *Soniodd Sioned ddim am ddim o ’r car. talk.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG for NEG of the car ‘Sioned didn’t talk about any of the car.’ 148b *Edrychish i ddim ar ddim o ’r teledu. look.PAST.1SG I NEG on NEG of the television ‘I didn’t look at any of the television.’ 149a *Fydd dim o ’r goriad dan y llechan. be.FUT.3SG NEG of the key under the slate ‘None of the key will be under the slate.’ 149b *Fydd dim o ’r llyfr ar y silff. be.FUT.3SG NEG of the book on the shelf ‘None of the book will be on the shelf.’

These examples show that a partitive interpretation is required when phrases of the form (d)dim o NP appear as the object of a non-finite verb or preposition or as the subject of a finite verb. However, when ddim o NP appears as the complement of a finite verb, it need not have a partitive interpretation. Hence, any kind of NP is acceptable here. Unlike (147)–(149), the following are perfectly acceptable. 150a Agoresh i ddim o ’r drws. open.PAST.1SG I NEG of the door ‘I didn’t open the door.’ 150b Brynesh i ddim o ’r car. buy.PAST.1SG I NEG of the car ‘I didn’t buy the car.’

One might wonder if such examples really involve a quantifier. We saw earlier that the adverb ddim cannot appear before an object NP. One might suggest that it is the adverb ddim that we have here and that o is obligatorily introduced when a definite object NP follows. In other words one might suggest that (150a) has not the structure in (151a) but that in (151b). 151a Agoresh i [QP ddim [PP o [NP ’r drws]]]. 151b Agoresh i [Adv ddim] [PP o [NP ’r drws]].

On the face of it, this would explain why there is no need for a partitive interpretation in the examples in (150). There is no need for such an interpretation because there is no quantifier structure. It seems, however, that there is a serious objection to this proposal. We saw earlier that a negative subject may not be followed by the negative adverb ddim. Notice now that the following is possible:

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152 Agorodd neb ddim o ’r drws. open.PAST.3SG no-one NEG of the door ‘No one opened the door.’

If examples like those in (150) really involved the adverb ddim, this example would be ungrammatical. Since it is grammatical, we can conclude that these examples involve a quantifier. However, it is only syntactically a quantifier. Semantically it seems to be a pure negative element comparable to adverbial ddim. Hence, it seems appropriate to call it a pseudo-quantifier. It seems that pseudo-quantifier ddim may be less restricted in Pembrokeshire Welsh. Awbery (1990) gives the following example: 153 A’th ddim o ’i sw ˆ n hi. go.PAST.3SG NEG of 3SG.F sound she ‘Its sound didn’t go.’

It is hard to be sure, but it looks as if this contains pseudo-quantifier ddim in subject position. Normally in finite object position we have not dim o but the reduced form mo. Thus, rather than (150) we have the following: 154a Agoresh i mo ’r drws. open.PAST.1SG I NEG the door ‘I didn’t open the door.’ 154b Brynesh i mo ’r car. buy.PAST.1SG I NEG the car ‘I didn’t buy the car.’

Mo agrees with a following pronominal object just like o. Thus, we have examples like the following: 155a Agoresh i mohono fo. open.PAST.1SG I NEG.3SG.M he ‘I didn’t open it.’ 155b Brynesh i mohono fo. buy.PAST.1SG I NEG.3SG.M he ‘I didn’t buy it.’

Like pseudo-quantifier ddim, mo is confined to finite object position. It does not occur in non-finite object position or prepositional object position. 156 *Fydd Sioned ddim yn yfed mo ’r gwin. be.FUT.3SG Sioned NEG PROG drink NEG the wine ‘Sioned won’t be drinking any of the wine.’ 157 *Edrychith Sioned ddim ar mo ’r rhaglenni eto. look.FUT.3SG Sioned NEG on NEG the programmes again ‘Sioned will look at none of the programmes again.’

Nor is it possible in subject position.

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158 *Fydd mo ’r gwin yn ca’l ’i yfed. be.FUT.3SG NEG the wine in get 3SG.M drink ‘None of the wine will be drunk.’

We assume that mo is a second pseudo-quantifier. It is worth noting that mo had a less restricted distribution in earlier forms of Welsh. Thus, Fynes-Clinton (1913: 88) gives the following examples: 159a Neith mo hwnna chwaith. do.FUT.3SG NEG that either ‘That won’t do either.’ 159b Toes mo ’r help. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG the help ‘There’s no help for it.’

Similarly, Mittendorf and Willis (2003) cite the following example from ‘Y Rhyfel Cartrefol’ (The Civil War), a text from the second half of the seventeenth century: 160 Nid oes mo ’r dadle wedi barnu. NEG be.PRES.3SG NEG the arguments PERF judge ‘The arguments have not been judged.’

5.3.3. YR UN We can now consider another negative element, yr un, literally ‘the one’, ‘the same’.8 Consider the following example: 161 Welish i ’r un aderyn. see.PAST.1SG I the one bird ‘I saw the same bird/didn’t see a bird.’

As the translation makes clear, this is ambiguous. It has a positive interpretation, which is unproblematic, but it also has a negative interpretation. How is a negative interpretation possible? The only plausible answer is that yr un may be a negative. In (161), yr un can be negative, but it need not be. In the following, it must be negative:9 162 Does yr un car yn y stryd. be.PRES.3SG the one car in the street ‘There is no car in the street.’

This is because does can only be a weak negative verb and hence must have a negative dependent. There are also sentences where yr un cannot be negative, for example the following: 163 Mae ’r un car yn y stryd. be.PRES.3SG the one car in the street ‘The same car is in the street.’

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In this example yr un cannot be negative because it is not in a negative context. The following is similar: 164 Mae Gwyn wedi gweld yr un dyn. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PERF see the one man ‘Gwyn has seen the same man.’

Here again, yr un cannot be negative because it is not in a negative context. Compare (164) with the following: 165 Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi gweld yr un dyn. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF see the one man ‘Gwyn hasn’t seen any man/the same man.’

Here, yr un is in a negative context and hence can be negative. However, it need not be because ddim satisfies the Negative Dependent Constraint. Yr un seems to be very similar to dim un. Like dim un it combines with a singular indefinite count-noun or PP containing o and a plural definite count-noun. As we would expect, it can appear in an elliptical negative answer to a question. The following illustrate this: 166 Welist ti unrhyw un o ’r dynion? see.PAST.2SG you.SG any one of the men ‘Did you see any of the men?’ Yr un ohonyn nhw. the one of.3PL they ‘None of them.’

As we would also expect, yr un is subject to the Negative Subject Constraint, the restriction that adverb ddim may not follow a negative subject. Consider first (163): 167 Fydd yr un dyn ddim yn gweithio yn yr ardd. in the garden be.FUT.3SG the one man NEG PROG work ‘The same man will not be working in the garden.’

Here, yr un cannot be negative, and hence can only mean ‘the same’. Consider now (168): 168 *Fydd yr un o ’r dynion ddim yn gweithio yn yr ardd. be.FUT.3SG the one of the men NEG PROG work in the garden ‘None of the men will not be working in the garden.’

Again yr un cannot be negative, and since it cannot be positive either, this example is ungrammatical. As we also expect, a nominal containing negative yr un cannot be moved out of the licensing context. Hence, while (161) is ambiguous, (169) has only the affirmative reading indicated: 169 Yr un aderyn welish i. the one bird see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was the same bird that I saw.’

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One further unsurprising feature of yr un is that like dim, it has the kinds of positive use that we discussed in 4.5. We have examples like the following: 170a Adawodd Sioned cyn casglu ’r un tocyn. leave.PAST.3SG Sioned before collect the one ticket ‘Sioned left before collecting any ticket.’ 170b Ma’n nhw ’n gwrthod prynu yr un tocyn. be.PRES.3PL they PROG refuse buy the one ticket ‘They refuse to buy any ticket.’ 170c Mi na’th o rwystro fi rhag mynd â ’r un llyfr. AFF do.PAST.3SG he prevent I from go with the one book ‘He prevented me from taking any book.’ 170d Na’th o wadu cymryd yr un llyfr. do.PAST.3SG he deny take the one book ‘He denied taking any book.’ 170e Mae ’n rhy dywyll i weld yr un aderyn. be.PRES.3SG PRED too dark to see the one bird ‘It’s too dark to see any bird.’ 170f Mae ’n anodd deall yr un o ’r geiriau. be.PRES.3PL PRED difficult understand the one of the words ‘It’s difficult to understand any of the words.’ 170g Ma’ Sioned yn well na ’r un dyn. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PRED better than the one man ‘Sioned is better than any man.’ 170h Ma’ Sioned cystal â ’r un dyn. be.PRES.3SG Sioned good.EQ as the one man ‘Sioned is as good as any man.’

As before, this might mean that we have a lexical ambiguity or it could mean that certain mechanisms that eliminate a negative meaning are operative in these contexts.

5.4. SUMMARY In this chapter we have looked more closely at negative adverbs and negative quantifiers. We have argued that post-subject negative adverbs are not linked in any way with the following constituent but that there are important links with the preceding finite verb, and we have proposed that they should be analysed as complements of these verbs. We have also highlighted differences between the basic negative adverb ddim and the semantically more complex elements byth and erioed. Byth and erioed can appear in sentence-final position and can precede an indefinite subject but ddim is restricted to post-subject

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position. We have also shown that ddim is subject to the Negative Subject Constraint, which states that it may not follow a negative subject, and the Ddim NP constraint, which states that it may not be immediately followed by an NP. In connection with negative quantifiers, we have emphasized the important role in Welsh negation of the quantifier dim. We have also highlighted the role of two pseudo-quantifiers: ddim and mo. Finally, we have discussed yr un, literally ‘the one’, ‘the same’, which seems to be another negative quantifier.

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6.1. INTRODUCTION In this chapter, we will consider a number of other realizations of negation. We will look first at heb, a negative preposition and aspect marker. Next we will consider a second use of the adverb ddim – as a premodifier of certain predicative phrases. We will then look at what we will call argument and sentence-final dim. Next we will consider what we will call focus-negating dim. Finally we will ask how many different words dim or ddim play a role in Welsh negation.

6.2. HEB We have seen in previous chapters that Welsh has a number of types of strong negative verb, which on their own create a negative clause. It is natural to wonder whether there are any other sorts of head which can create a negative constituent in the same way. The answer is clearly yes. An important example of a non-verbal head which creates a negative constituent is the word heb ‘without’, which may be either a preposition or an aspect marker. Like most prepositions, heb can take an NP complement. Thus, we have examples like (1), which looks a lot like (2): 1

Oedd Sioned yn gadel heb arian. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG leave without money ‘Sioned was leaving without money.’

2

Oedd Sioned yn gadel efo arian. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG leave with money ‘Sioned was leaving with money.’

Notice, however, that there is a negative implication with (1). It implies that Sioned had no money with her when she left. There is no such implication

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with (2). Thus heb, unlike efo, gives rise to a negative implication. Heb also licenses n-words, as (3) shows:1 3

Oedd Sioned yn gadel heb ddim byd. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG leave without NEG world ‘Sioned was leaving without anything.’

Here, then, we have a further context, in addition to those listed in 4.4, in which they are licensed. Again heb contrasts with efo, as the following shows: 4

*Oedd Sioned yn gadel efo dim byd. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG leave with NEG world ‘Sioned was leaving with nothing.’

The contrast between (3) and (4) is rather like the following contrast: 5

Does dim byd yn y cae. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG world in the field ‘Nothing is in the field.’

6

*Mae dim byd yn y cae. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG world in the field ‘Nothing is in the field.’

Both members of each pair contain an n-word, and the first member of each pair contains a word that creates the necessary negative context. There is no such word in the second member and as a result it is ungrammatical. As we would expect, we have the same contrast between heb and efo when the complement contains quantifier dim: 7

Oedd Sioned yn gadel heb ddim arian. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG leave without NEG money ‘Sioned was leaving without any money.’

8

*Oedd Sioned yn gadel efo dim arian. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG leave with NEG money ‘Sioned was leaving with no money.’

We also have a contrast involving unrhyw beth ‘anything’ and rhywbeth ‘something’. Heb allows the former but not the latter as its complement, while with efo it is the other way round: 9

Oedd Sioned yn gadel heb unrhyw beth / *rywbeth. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG leave without any thing *something ‘Sioned was leaving without anything/*something.’

10

Oedd Sioned yn gadel efo rhywbeth / *unrhyw beth. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG leave with something / *any thing ‘Sioned was leaving with something/*anything.’

This is also as we would expect.

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Consider now what happens if we negate (3) and (4) in the standard way (with a weak negative verb and ddim): 11

Doedd

Sioned ddim yn gadel heb ddim byd. Sioned NEG PROG leave without NEG world ‘Sioned wasn’t leaving without anything.’ NEG.be.IMPF.3SG

12

Doedd Sioned ddim yn gadel efo dim byd. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG Sioned NEG PROG leave with NEG world ‘Sioned wasn’t leaving with anything.’

Example (11) shows double negation. It suggests either that Sioned was leaving with something or that she wasn’t leaving at all. Like peidio and premodifying ddim, heb always gives rise to a double negation interpretation where it is preceded by some n-word. The following provides a further illustration: 13

Doedd neb yn gadel heb arian. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG no-one PROG leave without money ‘No one was leaving without money.’

Example (12), unlike (4), is grammatical. This as we would expect. Like many Welsh prepositions heb is not limited to taking an NP complement. It also takes an infinitival complement either without or with a subject. We have examples like the following: 14

Groesodd Sioned y ffordd heb edrych. cross.PAST.3SG Sioned the road without look ‘Sioned crossed the road without looking.’

15

Heb i Sioned wbod, fytodd Mair y caws. without to Sioned know eat.PAST.3SG Mair the cheese ‘Without Sioned knowing, Mair ate the cheese.’

A number of prepositions can take an infinitival complement, for example cyn ‘before’, ar ôl ‘after’, gan ‘because’ and wrth ‘as’. (The first two were discussed in 4.5.) As when it has an NP complement, heb gives rise to a negative implication. Thus, (14) implies that Sioned did not look when she crossed the road and (15) implies that Sioned did not know that Mair ate the cheese. There is no such implication with the other prepositions which take an infinitival complement. (We saw in 4.5 that there is a negative implication with cyn when it co-occurs with an n-word, but there is no such implication normally.) As we would expect, an infinitival complement of heb may contain an nword. It may also contain unrhyw, but not rhyw (unless a specific interpretation is intended): 16

Groesodd Sioned y ffordd heb weld dim byd / unrhyw beth / thing cross.PAST.3SG Sioned the road without see NEG world any *rhywbeth. *something ‘Sioned crossed the road without seeing anything/*something.’

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The facts that we have just been looking at are not really surprising. A number of languages have prepositions with very similar properties. French sans, discussed in De Swart and Sag (2002), is very similar. Example (17) shows that it allows an infinitival complement, and (18) shows that this complement may contain an n-word: 17

Anne est partie sans chanter. Anne be.PRES.3SG leave.PASTP without singing ‘Anne left without singing.’

18

Anne est partie sans rien dire. Anne be.PRES.3SG leave.PASTP without anything say ‘Anne left without saying anything.’

A distinctive property of heb is that it also occurs as a negative aspect marker. We have examples like the following: 19

Ma’ Sioned heb gyrredd. be.PRES.3SG Sioned without arrive ‘Sioned has not arrived.’

Example (19) means the same as (20), which is preferred by some speakers: 20

Dydy Sioned ddim wedi cyrredd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PERF arrive ‘Sioned has not arrived.’

Unlike (20), however, (19) does not contain a negative form of the copula.2 For many speakers, a negative verb is impossible with heb, and examples like (21) are ungrammatical: 21

*Dydy Sioned heb gyrredd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned without arrive ‘Sioned has not arrived.’

Many speakers also allow the affirmative particle mi with heb, as in (22): 22

Mi oedd Sioned heb gyrredd. AFF be.PRES.3SG Sioned without arrive ‘Sioned had not arrived.’

For some speakers heb may co-occur with a negative verb as in (21), and for others it may co-occur with wedi as in (23): 23

Dydy Sioned heb ’di cyrredd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned without PERF arrive ‘Sioned has not arrived.’

In the first case heb is behaving like a combination of ddim and wedi, and in the second it is behaving like a special form of ddim. We can say, however, that these uses fall outside a traditional informal style for many speakers. As we would expect, heb in its use as an aspect marker licenses an n-word. The following illustrate a range of possibilities:

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24a Ma’ Sioned heb fyta dim byd. be.PRES.3SG Sioned without eat NEG world ‘Sioned has not eaten anything.’ 24b Ma’ Sioned heb holi neb. be.PRES.3SG Sioned without ask no-one ‘Sioned has not asked anyone.’ 24c Ma’ Sioned heb fynd i nunlle. be.PRES.3SG Sioned without go to nowhere ‘Sioned has not gone anywhere.’ 24d Ma’ Sioned heb fynd i ddim parti ers wsnose. be.PRES.3SG Sioned without go to NEG party since weeks ‘Sioned has not gone to a party for weeks.’

As we would also expect, heb in this use allows unrhyw, but not rhyw in its complement: 25

Ma’ Sioned heb fyta unrhyw beth / *rhywbeth. thing / something be.PRES.3SG Sioned without eat any ‘Sioned has not eaten anything/*something.’

There are other prepositions which double as aspect markers. Ar ‘on’, which means ‘about to’ as an aspect marker, is an example, as (26) illustrates: 26

Ma’ Sioned ar gyrredd. be.PRES.3SG Sioned on arrive ‘Sioned is about to arrive.’

This does not allow an n-word or unrhyw in its complement but does allow rhyw: 27

Ma’ Sioned ar neud *dim byd / *unrhyw beth / rhywbeth. thing something be.PRES.3SG Sioned on do NEG world any ‘Sioned is about to do *nothing/*anything/something.’

This is as we would expect. A further point that we should note is that heb may appear as an aspect marker in an ordinary negative sentence. We have examples like the following: 28

Dydy Sioned ddim heb gyrredd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG without arrive ‘Sioned has not not arrived.’

29

Does neb heb gyrredd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one without arrive ‘No one has not arrived.’

As we expect, these examples have a double negation interpretation. A final point to note is that an infinitival complement of heb may contain peidio, in which case we again have a double negation interpretation. Example (30) illustrates this:

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Dw i heb beidio penderfynu. be.PRES.1SG I without NEG decide ‘I haven’t not decided.’

6.3. PREMODIFYING DDIM We noted in 5.2.1 that Welsh has examples with two negative adverbs, the second of which is ddim, and a double negation interpretation. Examples like the following are acceptable in appropriate contexts and with appropriate intonation: 31

Dw i ddim ddim yn poeni. be.PRES.1SG I NEG NEG PROG worry ‘I don’t not worry.’

32

Dw i byth ddim yn poeni. be.PRES.1SG I never NEG PROG worry ‘I’m never not worrying.’

33

Dydy hi erioed ddim wedi helpu. NEG.be.3SG she never NEG PERF help ‘She has never not helped.’

Given that Welsh is a negative concord language, it is surprising that a single negation interpretation should not be possible here. We suggest that this is a reflection of the fact that the second adverb is not another complement of the preceding finite verb, but a premodifier of the following phrase. In other words, we suggest that (30) has not the structure in (34) but that in (35). 34

Dw

i

ddim

ddim

yn poeni

Dw

i

ddim

ddim

yn poeni

35

There is quite good evidence that ddim can be a premodifier of certain instances of the kind of phrase that can appear as the complement of the copula, aspect phrases, predicate phrases containing the particle yn and an AP or NP, and prepositional phrases. In this situation, ddim negates the following constituent and double negation results if any n-word precedes it.

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There are a variety of situations in which ddim does not follow the subject of a finite clause but precedes one of these phrases. We can look first at absolute clauses, which we referred to briefly in 4.4. Here we have examples like the following: 36a Oedd hi ’n amser mynd a Sioned ddim yn barod i be.IMPF.3SG she PRED time go and Sioned NEG PROG ready to gychwyn. start ‘It was time to go and Sioned was not ready to start.’ 36b Ofynish i gwestiwn i Gwyn a fynta ddim yn medru ateb. ask.PAST.1SG I question to Gwyn and he.CONJ NEG PROG can answer ‘I asked Gwyn a question and he couldn’t answer it.’ 36c Oedd disgwyl mawr o Sioned a hithe ddim yn siomi. be.IMPF.3SG expect big of Sioned and she.CONJ NEG PROG disappoint ‘There were great expectations of Sioned and she did not disappoint.’

In these examples, ddim follows a subject but it is not the subject of a finite clause. Thus, it is not licensed by a finite verb. It is natural, then, to suggest that it is a premodifier of the following phrase. Next we have typically northern examples where ddim negates the complement of a non-finite form of the copula bod. Consider the following: 37a Mae Sioned wedi bod yn dda. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PERF be PRED good ‘Sioned has been well.’ 37b Dydy Sioned ddim wedi bod yn dda. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PERF be PRED good ‘Sioned has not been well.’ 37c Mae Sioned wedi bod ddim yn dda. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PERF be NEG PRED good ‘Sioned has been unwell.’ 37d Dydy Sioned ddim wedi bod ddim yn dda. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PERF be NEG PRED good ‘Sioned has not been unwell.’

Example (37a) is an affirmative sentence and (37b) is the standard negative counterpart with post-subject ddim. In (37c) ddim appears after bod and negates the following predicate phrase. In (37d) ddim appears in both positions and the sentence has a double negation interpretation. We can turn now to examples containing the non-finite verb dal ‘continue, last’. This can take a number of types of complement phrase. Consider first the following:

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38a Ma’ Sioned yn dal yn iawn. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG continue PRED right ‘Sioned is still all right.’ 38b Dydy Sioned ddim yn dal yn iawn. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG continue PRED right ‘Sioned is not still all right.’ 38c Ma’ Sioned yn dal ddim yn iawn. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG continue NEG PRED right ‘Sioned is still not all right.’ 39a Ma’ Sioned yn dal yn y dw ˆ r. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG continue in the water ‘Sioned is still in the water.’ 39b Dydy Sioned ddim yn dal yn y dw ˆ r. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG continue in the water ‘Sioned is not still in the water.’ 39c Ma’ Sioned yn dal ddim yn y dw ˆ r. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG continue NEG in the water ‘Sioned is still not in the water.’

The examples in (38) contain a predicate phrase and those in (39) a prepositional phrase. The (a) examples are affirmative sentences, and the (b) examples are negative counterparts with post-subject ddim. The (c) examples show that the complement of dal can also be negated with ddim. They indicate that a negative state – ddim yn iawn ‘not all right’ or ddim yn y dwˆr ‘not in the water’ – still continues. Consider now the following: 40a Dw i ’n dal i goelio hynny. be.PRES.1SG I PROG continue to believe that ‘I still believe that.’ 40b Dydw i ddim yn dal i goelio hynny. NEG.be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG continue to believe that ‘I don’t still believe that.’ 40c Dw i ’n dal i beidio coelio hynny. be.PRES.1SG I PROG continue to NEG believe that ‘I still don’t believe that.’ 40d Dw i ’n dal ddim yn coelio hynny. be.PRES.1SG I PROG continue NEG PROG believe that ‘I still don’t believe that.’

Example (40a) contains a subjectless infinitival complement introduced by i ‘to, for’. Example (40b) is a negative counterpart of (40a), and (40c) shows that the complement can be negated with peidio, as we would expect. Example (40d) shows an alternative way of expressing the same meaning. Here, we have an aspect phrase negated by ddim. For many speakers a similar sentence

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without ddim is ungrammatical. For such speakers, it seems, dal cannot have an aspect phrase as its complement unless it is negated. Finally we can consider examples containing what some scholars would refer to as a small clause, a pair of post-verbal constituents which are understood as a subject and a predicate: 41a Fedra’ i weld Mair yn helpu. can.PRES.1SG I see Mair PROG help ‘I can see Mair helping.’ 41b Fedra’ i ddim gweld Mair yn helpu. can.PRES.1SG I NEG see Mair PROG help ‘I can’t see Mair helping.’ 41c Fedra’ i weld Mair ddim yn helpu. can.PRES.1SG I see Mair NEG PROG help ‘I can see Mair not helping.’ 42a Dw i ’n cofio Mair yn flin. be.PRES.1SG I PROG remember Mair PRED angry ‘I remember Mair angry.’ 42b Dw i ddim yn cofio Mair yn flin. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG remember Mair PRED angry ‘I don’t remember Mair angry.’ 42c Dw i ’n cofio Mair ddim yn flin. be.PRES.1SG I PROG remember Mair NEG PRED angry ‘I remember Mair not angry.’ 43a Fedra’ i gofio Mair ar y llwyfan. can.PRES.1SG I remember Mair on the stage ‘I can remember Mair on the stage.’ 43b Fedra’ i ddim cofio Mair ar y llwyfan. can.PRES.1SG I NEG remember Mair on the stage ‘I can’t remember Mair on the stage.’ 43c Fedra’ i gofio Mair ddim ar y llwyfan. can.PRES.1SG I remember Mair NEG on the stage ‘I can remember Mair not on the stage.’

In (41) the predicate is an aspect phrase, in (42) it is a predicate phrase, and in (43) it is a prepositional phrase. The (a) examples are affirmative sentences, and the (b) examples are negative counterparts with post-subject ddim. The (c) examples show that the predicate can be negated with ddim. It is important to note that there are a variety of restrictions in this area. Consider, for example, complements of bod. Here, a predicate phrase containing the adjective da ‘good’ can be modified by ddim, but this is marginal with predicate phrases containing other adjectives and with predicate phrases containing nouns:

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44a ??Ma’ Sioned wedi bod ddim yn amyneddgar erioed. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PERF be NEG PRED patient ever ‘Sioned has been not patient always.’ 44b ??Ma’ Sioned wedi bod ddim yn athrawes dda ers amser. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PERF be NEG PRED teacher good since time ‘Sioned has been not a good teacher for some time.’

Consider now the following: 45a ??Ma’ Sioned yn swnio ddim yn hapus. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG sound NEG PRED happy ‘Sioned sounds not happy.’ 45b ??Ma’ Sioned yn edrych ddim yn dda. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG look NEG PRED good ‘Sioned looks not well.’ 45c ??Ma’ Sioned yn teimlo ddim yn dda. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG feel NEG PRED good ‘Sioned feels not well.’

These look like the examples in (38c) and (39c) but they are marginal. Consider next the following: 46a *Dw i ’n paentio ’r drws ddim yn wyrdd. be.PRES.1SG I PROG paint the door NEG PRED green ‘I’m painting the door not green.’ 46b *Dw i wedi rhoi ’r arian ddim ar y bwrdd. be.PRES.1SG I PERF give the money NEG on the table ‘I’ve put the money not on the table.’

These are quite like the examples in (42) and (43) but they are ungrammatical. Finally we should note that complements of finite forms of the copula cannot normally be modified by ddim. We noted earlier that premodifying ddim is an n-word where there is no separate marker of negation. Thus, if it could generally appear within the complement of finite forms of bod, examples like the following would be possible: 47

*Mae Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’

We have seen before that such examples are ungrammatical. We must now say that this is not just because post-subject ddim cannot appear with an unambiguously positive verb but also because complements of finite forms of bod cannot generally be modified by ddim. Of course, we cannot say that complements of finite forms of the copula can never be modified by ddim since this is what we have in (31).3 Although there are various restrictions, it is clear that ddim can premodify

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some aspect phrases, predicate phrases, and prepositional phrases. Thus, it has two roles; it may be a complement of a finite verb and it may be a premodifier of a number of types of phrase. Notice that it follows that it should only be possible to have two successive instances of ddim in between the subject of a finite clause and one of the phrases that can have ddim as a premodifier. Thus, we predict correctly that the following are ungrammatical: 48

*Nesh i ddim ddim canu ’r anthem. do.PAST.1SG I NEG NEG sing the anthem ‘I did not not sing the anthem.’

49

*Chredodd Gwyn ddim ddim bod Megan wedi bod ym Mangor. believe.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG NEG be Megan PERF be in Bangor ‘Gwyn did not not believe that Megan had been in Bangor.’

In (48), the complement is a non-finite verb phrase and in (49) it is a subordinate clause. There is no evidence that ddim can modify either, so we would not expect such examples to be grammatical. In a sense, it is not surprising that ddim has two different roles. The same seems to be true of English not. We noted earlier that it has been proposed in Kim (2000), Warner (2000), and Kim and Sag (2002) that English not is a complement. They propose that it is a complement of a finite auxiliary. This accounts for the fact that (50a) is grammatical but not (50b): 50a Kim does not know the answer. 50b *Kim knows not the answer.

It is clear, however, from examples like the following from Kim and Sag (2002: 355) that not is not always a complement of a finite auxiliary: 51a Kim regrets not having read the book. 51b We asked him not to try to read the book. 51c Duty made them not miss the weekly meeting.

It is proposed in these references that not is also a premodifier of non-finite VPs of various kinds. This is not quite the same as ddim, but it is similar. A final point that we should note here is that the various examples show that premodifying ddim is another example of an n-word where there is no separate marker of negation. In 4.4, we proposed that Welsh n-words must appear in a negative context. It follows that premodifying ddim is an n-word that creates its own negative context. It also creates a context for other nwords, as the following show: 52a Dw i ’n dal ddim yn gweld dim byd. NEG world be.PRES.1SG I PROG continue NEG PROG see ‘I still don’t see anything.’ 52b Dw i ’n cofio Mair ddim yn helpu neb. be.PRES.1SG I PROG remember Mair NEG PROG help no-one ‘I remember Mair not helping anyone.’

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6.4. ARGUMENT DIM AND SENTENCE-FINAL DIM In previous chapters we have discussed three different elements of the form dim or ddim. In this section we consider two more, which we call argument dim and sentence-final dim. We use the term argument dim to refer to occurrences of dim by itself in argument positions, such as subject, object of a finite or non-finite verb, or object of a preposition. The following illustrate this: 53a Does dim yn y bocs. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG in the box. ‘There’s nothing in the box.’ 53b Fytish i ddim. eat.PAST.1SG I NEG ‘I ate nothing.’ 53c Dw i ddim yn gneud dim. NEG be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG do ‘I’m not doing anything.’ 53d Dw i ddim yn chwilio am ddim. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG search for NEG ‘I’m not looking for anything.’

Argument dim is equivalent to dim byd ‘nothing’, which can substitute for dim in the above examples: 54a Does dim byd yn y bocs. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG world in the box ‘There’s nothing in the box.’ 54b Fytish i ddim byd. eat.PAST.1SG I NEG world ‘I ate nothing.’ 54c Dw i ddim yn gneud dim byd. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG do NEG world ‘I’m not doing anything.’ 54d Dw i ddim yn chwilio am ddim byd. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG search for NEG world ‘I’m not looking for anything.’

Like dim byd ‘nothing’, it can be qualified by an adjective or arall ‘other’: 55a Does dim gwerthfawr yn y bocs. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG valuable in the box ‘There’s nothing valuable in the box.’ 55b Fytish i ddim blasus. eat.PAST.1SG I NEG tasty ‘I ate nothing tasty.’

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55c Dw i ddim yn gneud dim arall diddorol. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG do NEG other interesting ‘I’m not doing anything else interesting.’ 55d Dw i ddim yn chwilio am ddim pwysig. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG search for NEG important ‘I’m not looking for anything important.’

Argument dim is subject to the same licensing conditions as dim byd. Examples (56)–(58) show that it can appear in a variety of negative contexts, while (59) and (60) show that it is excluded from unambiguously positive contexts: 56

Geisiodd Gwyn beidio (â) gneud dim. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG with do NEG ‘Gwyn tried not to do anything.’

57

Paid / peidiwch (â) gneud dim. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with do NEG ‘Don’t do anything.’

58

Mae Gwyn heb neud dim. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn without do NEG ‘Gwyn has not done anything.’

59

*Mae o ’n gneud dim. be.PRES.1SG he PROG do NEG ‘He doesn’t do anything.’

60

*Mi fydd o ’n gneud dim. AFF be.FUT.1SG he PROG do NEG ‘He will not do anything.’

It seems, then, that argument dim is essentially an alternative form of dim byd. Our impression is that dim byd is the main choice, but there may be variation among speakers in this area. However, we have no clear understanding of the sociolinguistic or dialectological factors, if any, which influence the choice of one form or the other. Not all instances of dim standing alone in an argument position are argument dim. We noted in 5.3.1 that quantifier dim may appear without a complement. This is what we have in the following: 61a Ma’ ’na ddigon o datws ar ôl ond dw i be.PRES.3SG there enough of potatoes on track but be.PRES.1SG I ddim wedi ca’l dim. PERF have NEG ‘There are enough potatoes left but I haven’t had any.’ NEG

61b Faint o siwgr sydd ar ôl? How-much of sugar be.PRES.3SG on track ‘How much sugar is left?’

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Does dim ar ôl. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG on track ‘There’s none left.’ 61c Ma’ ’na ddynion sy ’n gallu defnyddio peiriant be.PRES.3SG there men be.PRES.3SG PROG can use machine golchi ond does ’na ddim yn yr ystafell yma. wash but NEG.be.PRES.3SG there NEG in the room here ‘There are men who can use a washing machine but there are none in this room.’

Quantifier dim cannot be modified by an adjective or arall ‘other’: 62a *Ma’ ’na ddigon o datws ar ôl ond dw i ddim be.PRES.3SG there enough of potatoes on track but be.PRES.1SG I NEG wedi ca’l dim blasus. PERF have none tasty ‘There are enough potatoes left but I haven’t had any tasty.’ 62b Faint o siwgr sydd ar ôl? How-much of sugar be.PRES.3SG on track ‘How much sugar is left?’ *Does

dim sylweddol ar ôl. none substantial on track. ‘There’s none substantial left.’ NEG.be.PRES.3SG

62c *Ma’ ’na ddynion sy ’n gallu defnyddio peiriant be.PRES.3SG there men be.PRES.3SG PROG can use machine golchi ond does ’na ddim breintiedig yn yr ystafell yma. wash but NEG.be.PRES.3SG there NEG privileged in the room here ‘There are men who can use a washing machine but there are none privileged in this room.’

Replacing quantifier dim by dim byd ‘nothing’ produces a change of meaning: 63a Ma’ ’na ddigon o datws ar ôl ond dw i be.PRES.3SG there enough of potatoes on track but be.PRES.1SG I ddim wedi ca’l dim byd. NEG PERF have NEG world ‘There are enough potatoes left but I haven’t had anything.’ 63b Faint o siwgr sydd ar ôl? How-much of sugar be.PRES.3SG on track ‘How much sugar is left?’ Does dim byd ar ôl. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG world on track ‘There’s nothing left.’ 63c Ma’ ’na ddynion sy ’n gallu defnyddio peiriant be.PRES.3SG there men be.PRES.3SG PROG can use machine

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6. Other forms of negation golchi ond does ’na ddim byd yn yr ystafell yma. wash but NEG.be.PRES.3SG there NEG world in the room here ‘There are men who can use a washing machine but there is nothing in this room.’

We turn now to sentence-final dim. This looks rather like argument dim. Consider, for example, the following examples, highlighted in 5.2.2: 64a Dw i ddim yn poeni dim. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG worry NEG ‘I don’t worry at all.’ 64b Dw i ddim wedi cysgu dim. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF sleep NEG ‘I haven’t slept at all.’

These look very similar to (53c). Here, however, dim follows an intransitive verb and is not in an argument position. Hence, it cannot be argument dim. We argued in 5.2.2 that it is not a form of the negative adverb ddim because the latter is always ddim. We will argue that it is different negative adverb. The first point to note is that sentence-final dim like argument dim is restricted to negative contexts. Thus, we have data like (65)–(69) (if â is selected in (65) and (66) poeni would mutate to phoeni): 65

Geisiodd Gwyn beidio (â) poeni dim. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG with worry NEG ‘Gwyn tried not to worry (at all).’

66

Paid / peidiwch (â) poeni dim. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with worry NEG ‘Don’t worry (at all).’

67

Mae Gwyn heb boeni dim. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn without worry NEG ‘Gwyn has not worried (at all).’

68

*Mae o ’n poeni dim. be.PRES.3SG he PROG worry NEG ‘He doesn’t worry at all.’

69

*Mi fydd o ’n poeni dim. AFF be.FUT.3SG he PROG worry NEG ‘He will not worry at all.’

It seems that sentence-final dim is rather like o gwbl ‘at all’. As the following show, it can be replaced by o gwbl: 70a Dw i ddim yn poeni o gwbl. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG worry of all ‘I don’t worry at all.’ 70b Dw i ddim wedi cysgu o gwbl. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF sleep of all ‘I haven’t slept at all.’

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However, dim is more restricted than o gwbl. Hence o gwbl cannot always be replaced by dim. Neither o gwbl nor dim can appear in an affirmative declarative sentence, as the following show: 71

*Mae o ’n poeni o gwbl / dim. be.PRES.3SG he PROG worry of all NEG ‘He doesn’t worry at all.’

However, o gwbl can appear in an interrogative, which is not possible with dim: 72a Wyt ti ’n canu o gwbl? be.PRES.2SG you.SG PROG sing of all ‘Do you sing at all?’ 72b *Wyt ti ’n canu dim? be.PRES.2SG you.SG PROG sing NEG ‘Do you sing at all?’

O gwbl may also occur with both finite and non-finite verbs, whereas dim may only occur with a non-finite verb. (We assume that dim would be realized as ddim if it could follow the subject of a finite verb.) 73a A’th neb o gwbl. go.PAST.3SG no-one of all ‘No one went at all.’ 73b *A’th neb ddim. go.PAST.3SG no-one NEG ‘No one went at all.’

Dim typically immediately follows a non-finite verb, and examples in which it is separated from the verb by a complement are often unacceptable, as the following illustrate: 74

*Dydy hi ddim wedi newid ’i ffrog dim. NEG.be.PRES.3SG she NEG PERF change 3SG.F dress NEG ‘She has not changed her dress at all.’

75

*Dw i ddim yn cerdded i ’r dre dim. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG walk to the town NEG ‘I don’t walk to town at all.’

This is unlike o gwbl, as the following show: 76

Dydy hi ddim wedi newid ’i ffrog o gwbl. NEG.be.PRES.3SG she NEG PERF change 3SG.F dress of all ‘She has not changed her dress at all.’

77

Dw i ddim yn cerdded i ’r dre o gwbl. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG walk to the town of all ‘I don’t walk to town at all.’

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Examples like (74) and (75) might lead one to think that sentence-final dim can only appear with a simple intransitive verbs which takes no complements. However, some examples containing sentence-final dim and a complement are acceptable, for example the following:4 78

Dyw Mair ddim wedi newid ’i agwedd dim. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Mair NEG PERF change 3SG.F attitude NEG ‘Mair hasn’t changed her attitude at all.’

It seems, then, that sentence-final dim modifies a non-finite VP but that it is subject to additional restrictions, whose precise nature is rather unclear. Welsh has many verbs such as newid ‘change’ or symud ‘move’ which may be either transitive or intransitive. When such verbs are followed by dim, it may be either sentence-final dim or argument dim. Hence, examples like the following are ambiguous: 79a Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi newid dim. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF change NEG ‘Gwyn hasn’t changed anything/at all.’ 79b Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi symud dim. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF move NEG ‘Gwyn hasn’t moved anything/at all.’

Replacing dim by o gwbl or dim byd disambiguates these examples, as the following show: 80a Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi newid o gwbl. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF change of all ‘Gwyn hasn’t changed at all.’ 80b Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi symud o gwbl. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF move of all ‘Gwyn hasn’t moved at all.’ 81a Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi newid dim byd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF change NEG world ‘Gwyn hasn’t changed anything.’ 81b Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi symud dim byd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF move NEG world ‘Gwyn hasn’t moved anything.’

Finally in this section, we want to look at some puzzling data highlighted by Thomas (1996: 540–2, 546). Consider the following examples: 82a Dydy Sioned yn poeni dim. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG worry NEG ‘Sioned is not worried at all.’ 82b Doedd Sioned yn synnu dim. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG surprise NEG ‘Sioned was not surprised at all.’

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Both examples contain a weak negative verb and both contain sentence-final dim. Crucially, however, neither contains post-subject ddim, and they look like violations of the Negative Dependent Constraint comparable to the following: 83a *Dydy Sioned yn poeni neb. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG worry no-one ‘Sioned isn’t worrying anyone.’ 83b *Dydy Sioned wedi poeni erioed. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG worry never ‘Sioned has never worried.’

Hence, it is quite surprising that they are acceptable. It looks as though an aspect phrase containing sentence-final dim somehow counts as a negative dependent even though dim is not the head.5

6.5. FOCUS-NEGATING DIM We turn now to what we will call focus-negating dim, another negative element, which we have already touched on in 5.3.1. This element appears in clause-initial position in sentences with a fronted phrase of some kind and in what we see as elliptical clauses. The first use is exemplified by examples like the following, which we discussed in 5.3.1 (135): 84

Dim dyn welish i. NEG man see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not a man that I saw.’

One might suppose that such examples involve the quantifier dim. However, as we noted in 5.3.1, it is clear that this is a different element. This element can be followed by a definite NP, as in the following: 85a Dim y dyn welish i. NEG the man see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not the man that I saw.’ 85b Dim Gwyn welish i. NEG Gwyn see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not Gwyn that I saw.’ 85c Dim ti welish i. NEG you.SG see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not you that I saw.’

The following show that this is not possible with quantifier dim:

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86a *Welish i ddim y dyn. see.PAST.1SG I NEG the man 86b *Welish i ddim Gwyn. see.PAST.1SG I NEG Gwyn 86c *Welish i ddim ti. see.PAST.1SG I NEG you.SG

This element can also be replaced by nid, especially, but not uniquely, in the formal style: 87a Nid dyn welish i. NEG man see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not a man that I saw.’ 87b Nid y dyn welish i. NEG the man see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not the man that I saw.’

In some southern dialects, nage can be used in place of this dim: 88a Nage dyn weles i. NEG man see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not a man that I saw.’ 88b Nage y dyn weles i. NEG the man see.PAST.1SG I ‘It was not the man that I saw.’

Quantifier dim cannot be replaced by either of these elements: 89a Welish i ddim / *nid / *nage dyn. see.PAST.1SG I NEG man ‘I didn’t see a man.’ 89b Welish i ddim / *nid / *nage o ’r dyn. see.PAST.1SG I NEG of the man ‘I didn’t see the man.’

Further evidence that we do not have quantifier dim here comes from the fact that it can be followed by either a PP or a VP. The following illustrate: 90

Dim yn yr ardd mae Gwyn. NEG in the garden be.PRES.3SG Gwyn ‘Gwyn isn’t in the garden.’

91

Dim darllen llyfr na’th Gwyn. NEG read book do.PAST.3SG Gwyn ‘Gwyn didn’t read a book.’

It is quite clear, then, that clause-initial dim is not quantifier dim. Could it be the adverb ddim? Again the answer must be no. First, the fact that it is dim argues against this, given the evidence presented in 5.2.1 that the

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basic form of the adverb is ddim. (However, this element may take the form ddim for some speakers.) Second, the fact that it can be followed by NP and VP argues that it is not the adverb. We have suggested that the adverb is either a complement of a finite verb or a premodifier of certain constituents. Clause-initial dim is not the complement of a finite verb, so if it were the adverb it would be a premodifier. However, as a premodifier it does not combine with either an NP or a VP. It is clear, then, that we do not have the adverb ddim. In Borsley and Jones (2000) we proposed that clause-initial dim is a negative complementizer. However, this appears to be wrong given that it can co-occur with another complementizer, mai: 92

Dywedodd Megan mai dim Gwyn welish i. say.PAST.3SG Megan COMP NEG Gwyn see.past.1SG I ‘Megan said it was not Gwyn that I saw.’

Unless we allow two adjacent complementizers, this suggests that clauseinitial dim is not a complementizer. It seems to us that clause-initial dim is an element that negates certain focused constituents. The fronted phrase in the sentences that we have been looking at is a focused constituent, i.e. one that provides new information. Moreover, it seems that the same element negates focused constituents in other situations. A second use of focus-negating dim is exemplified by examples like the following: 93

Welish i Gwyn, dim Emrys. see.past.1SG I Gwyn NEG Emrys ‘I saw Gwyn, not Emrys.’

94

A’th Gwyn i Aberystwyth, dim i Fangor. go.PAST.3SG Gwyn to Aberystwyth NEG to Bangor ‘Gwyn went to Aberystwyth, not to Bangor.’

95

Nesh i ddarllen llyfr, dim sgrifennu llyfr. do.PAST.1SG I read book NEG write book ‘I read a book, I didn’t write a book.’

These examples contain a full clause followed by dim and a phrase of some kind, an NP in (93), a PP in (94) and a VP in (95). In each case the combination of dim and phrase is interpreted as a clause. Thus, dim Emrys in (93) is understood as ‘I didn’t see Emrys’. In short, what we have here is a kind of elliptical clause. It seems to us that we have essentially the same sort of elliptical clause in the English translations in (93) and (94).6 Differences between English and Welsh force us to give two full clauses in the English translation in (95). We also find ellipical clauses with dim as answers to questions. The following illustrate:

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6. Other forms of negation Pwy welest ti? who see.PAST.2SG you.SG ‘Who did you see?’ Dim Emrys. NEG Emrys ‘Not Emrys.’

97

Lle a’th Gwyn? where go.PAST.3SG Gwyn ‘Where did Gwyn go?’ Dim i Fangor. to Bangor ‘Not to Bangor.’

NEG

98

Be na’th Gwyn? what do.PAST.3SG Gwyn ‘What did Gwyn do?’ Dim sgrifennu llyfr. write book ‘Not write a book.’

NEG

In elliptical clauses, as in the earlier examples, dim can be replaced by nid and nage: 99

Welish i Gwyn, nid/nage Emrys. see.past.1SG I Gwyn NEG Emrys ‘I saw Gwyn, not Emrys.’

100 A’th Gwyn i Aberystwyth, nid/nage i Fangor. go.PAST.3SG Gwyn to Aberystwyth NEG to Bangor ‘Gwyn went to Aberystwyth, not to Bangor.’ 101 Nesh i ddarllen llyfr, nid/nage sgrifennu llyfr. do.PAST.1SG I read book NEG write book ‘I read a book, I didn’t write a book.’ 102 Pwy welest ti? who see.PAST.2SG you.SG ‘Who did you see?’ Nid/nage Emrys. NEG Emrys ‘Not Emrys.’ 103 Lle a’th Gwyn? where go.PAST.3SG Gwyn ‘Where did Gwyn go?’ Nid/nage i Fangor. NEG to Bangor ‘Not to Bangor.’

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104 Be nest ti? what do.PAST.2SG you.SG ‘What did you do?’ Nid/nage sgrifennu llyfr. NEG write book ‘Not write a book.’

Moreover, in these examples as in the earlier examples, dim negates a focused constituent, a constituent that would be giving new information if it was not negated. It seems to us, then, that we have the same element here as in the earlier sentences. A third use of focus-negating dim is illustrated by examples like the following: 105 Dw i wedi cael llythyr dim oddi wrth Mair be.PRES.1SG I PERF get letter NEG of by Mair ond oddi wrth Sioned. but of by Sioned ‘I have received a letter not from Mair but from Sioned.’ 106 Mae Mair yn aros dim yn neuadd y myfyrwyr the students be.PRES.3SG Mair PROG stay NEG in hall ond yn y gwesty. but in the hotel ‘Mair is staying not in the student hall but in the hotel.’ 107 Dw i wedi rhoi ’r arian dim yn y drôr ond yn y cwpwrdd. be.PRES.1SG I PERF put the money NEG in the drawer but in the cupboard ‘I have put the money not in the drawer but in the cupboard.’

Again dim can be replaced by nid and nage: 108 Dw i wedi cael llythyr nid/nage oddi wrth Mair be.PRES.1SG I PERF get letter NEG of by Mair ond oddi wrth Sioned. but of by Sioned ‘I have received a letter not from Mair but from Sioned.’ 109 Mae Mair yn aros nid/nage yn neuadd y myfyrwyr in hall the students be.PRES.3SG Mair PROG stay NEG ond yn y gwesty. but in the hotel ‘Mair is staying not in the student hall but in the hotel.’ 110 Dw i wedi rhoi ’r arian nid/nage yn y drôr in the drawer be.PRES.1SG I PERF put the money NEG ond yn y cwpwrdd. but in the cupboard ‘I have put the money not in the drawer but in the cupboard.’

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Again too it seems that dim is negating a focused constituent. A complication is that an ond-phrase is more or less obligatory here. Without the ond-phrase, the examples are marginal at best: 111 ??Dw i wedi cael llythyr dim oddi wrth Mair. be.PRES.1SG I PERF get letter NEG of by Mair ‘I have received a letter not from Mair.’ 112 ??Mae Mair yn aros dim yn neuadd y myfyrwyr. be.PRES.3SG Mair PROG stay NEG in hall the students ‘Mair is staying not in the student hall.’ 113 ??Dw i wedi rhoi ’r arian dim yn y drôr. be.PRES.1SG I PERF put the money NEG in the drawer ‘I have put the money not in the drawer.’

The English translations are also very odd, so perhaps the Welsh data is not very surprising. A further point that we should note here is that there are certain constituents which can appear after clause-internal dim but not after clause-initial dim. Neither an aspect phrase containing the aspect marker yn nor a predicate phrase containing the predicative particle yn can appear in sentence-initial position. A non-finite verb phrase appears instead of the former and an AP or an NP instead of the latter. The following illustrate this (note that cynnar would soft-mutate to gynnar in (115) if yn were selected): 114 Dim *(yn) sgwennu mae Gwyn. NEG PROG write be.PRES.3SG Gwyn ‘Gwyn is not writing.’ 115 Dim *(yn) cynnar oedd Gwyn. NEG PRED early be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn ‘Gwyn was not early.’ 116 Dim *(yn) athro ydy Gwyn. NEG PRED teacher be.PRES.3SG Gwyn ‘Gwyn is not a teacher.’

Both types of constituent can appear in elliptical clauses, as the following show: 117 Mae Gwyn yn darllen, dim yn sgrifennu. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PROG read NEG PROG write ‘Gwyn is reading, not writing.’ 118 Oedd Gwyn yn hwyr, dim yn gynnar. be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn PRED late NEG PRED early ‘Gwyn was late, not early.’ 119 Mae Gwyn yn feddyg, dim yn athro. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PRED doctor NEG PRED teacher ‘Gwyn is a doctor, not a teacher.’

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A final point that we should emphasize is that focus-negating dim is not an n-word. We have seen that an n-word must be in a negative context, and we have noted that this accounts for the ungrammaticality of examples like the following: 120 *Neb welish i. no-one see.PAST.1SG I ‘I saw no one.’ 121 *Dim o ’r dynion welish i. NEG of the men see.PAST.1SG I ‘I saw none of the men.’

These contrast with the examples in (84) and (85). It seems, then, that focusnegating dim is a negative head of some kind, more like peidio and heb than the quantifier dim.

6.6. HOW MANY (D)DIMS ARE THERE? A question that arises early on in any investigation of Welsh negation is how many words dim or ddim there are. We are now in a position to answer this question. Beginning in chapter 2, we have looked in detail at the adverb ddim. In chapter 5, we argued that there is a quantifier dim (to which we referred briefly in chapter 2) and a pseudo-quantifier ddim. In the present chapter we have introduced argument dim and sentence-final dim, and also focusnegating dim. It seems, then, that we have the following picture:

Adverb ddim • is always ddim • can only appear after the subject of a finite clause or as a premodifier of certain predicative expressions7 • may not follow a negative subject • may not be followed by an NP • may not co-occur with an extra strong negative verb

Quantifier dim • may be dim or ddim • can appear in any nominal position within a negative context • combines with an indefinite NP or a PP containing o and a definite NP, and has a partitive interpretation in the latter case8 • may follow a negative subject

Pseudo-quantifier ddim • is always ddim

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• can only appear within the object of a finite verb (within a negative context) • combines with a PP containing o and a definite NP, and does not have a partitive interpretation • may follow a negative subject

Argument dim • may be dim or ddim • is essentially an alternative form of dim byd

Sentence-final dim • is always dim • modifies a non-finite VP (within a negative context) and is subject to additional restrictions

Focus-negating dim • is always dim • combines with various focused constituents There seems little doubt that it is necessary to draw all these distinctions. There are also certain idiomatic positive uses of dim. For example, we have it in pob dim ‘everything’, seen in the following: 122 Mae o wedi colli pob dim. be.PRES.3SG he PERF lose every thing ‘He has lost everything.’

Evidence that this is indeed an idiomatic use comes from the ungrammaticality of the following, where dim is preceded by other specifier elements: 123 *Mae o wedi colli rhai dim. be.PRES.3SG he PERF lose some thing ‘He has lost something.’ 124 *Mae ’r dim ar y bwrdd. be.PRES.3SG the thing on the table ‘The thing is on the table.’

Further idiomatic uses are seen in the following: 125 Mae ’n gweddu Sioned i ’r dim. Sioned to the thing be.PRES.3SG PROG suit ‘It suits Sioned down to the ground.’ 126 Wela’ i di mewn dim. see.FUT.1SG I you.SG in thing ‘I will see you in no time at all.’

In (125), dim is preceded by the definite article, which is not generally possible, as (124) shows.

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It seems, then, that there are six different words dim or ddim and a number of idiomatic positive uses. Some might be unhappy with this conclusion. However, it seems to us that we have similar conclusions elsewhere. Consider the question of how many sos there are in English. Data like the following are relevant here: 127a Kim is irritable, and he has been so for weeks. 127b Kim is so clever that no one understands a word he says. 127c I don’t think so. 127d I will do so next week. 127e Kim is a linguist, and so is Lee. 127f Kim is a linguist, so he understands Chomsky.

Serious research would be necessary to determine how many distinct words we have here. On the face of it, however, we have a number of rather different elements. Thus, we do not think that our conclusions about dim and ddim are problematic. We conclude, then, that the answer to the question that forms the title of this section is ‘about six’.

6.7. SUMMARY In this chapter, we have looked at a number of other realizations of negation. We first considered heb, a negative preposition and aspect marker. We then showed that the adverb ddim in addition to being a complement of a finite verb can premodify some aspect phrases, predicate phrases, and prepositional phrases. We then looked at what we call argument dim and sentence-final dim. Next we considered what we call focus-negating dim. Finally we looked at how many different words dim or ddim play a role in Welsh negation and concluded that there are about six.

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7. THE BIG PICTURE

7.1. INTRODUCTION In the preceding chapters we have provided a detailed description of the facts of Welsh negation. Before we turn to more theoretical matters, we want to bring together all our main conclusions. Central to our description is a distinction between negative heads and negative dependents. The latter involve an n-word. We will first summarize our conclusions about negative heads and then bring together our conclusions about n-words. Finally we will list the various constraints that affect the form of negative sentences.

7.2. NEGATIVE HEADS We have distinguished three types of negative heads: weak negative heads, strong negative heads, and extra-strong negative heads. The first and last of these are always verbs. The second also includes the preposition and aspect marker heb. Weak negative verbs are subject to the Negative Dependent Constraint, which we have formulated as follows: 1

Negative Dependent Constraint (Second version) A weak negative verb form has a negative dependent, which may be a postsubject adverb, a subject, or a complement of the verb.

Weak negative verbs sometimes have a distinctive form but most are identical in form to related positive verbs. Example (2a) illustrates a weak negative verb which is distinct in form from the related positive verb shown in (2b), while (3a) shows a weak negative verb which is identical in form to the related positive verb, shown in (3b). 2a

Dydy hi ddim yn gweithio heno. NEG.be.PRES.3SG she NEG PROG work tonight ‘She’s not working tonight.’

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Ma’ hi ’n gweithio heno. be.PRES.3SG she PROG work tonight ‘She’s working tonight.’

3a

Alle Sioned ddim gweithio. can.IMPF.3SG Sioned NEG work ‘Sioned could not work.’

3b

Alle Sioned weithio. can.IMPF.3SG Sioned work ‘Sioned could work.’

155

Strong negative heads are not subject to the Negative Dependent Constraint. Hence, while they may have a negative dependent, they do not require one. The strong negative verbs are verbs in subordinate clauses preceded by the particle na(d), as in (4), negative responsives and question tags, as in (5) and (6), the non-finite negative verb peidio, as in (7), and southern forms with na(g), as in (8): 4

Wn i [na fydd Sioned yn gweithio heno]. know.PRES.1SG I NEG be.FUT.3SG Sioned PROG work tonight ‘I know that Sioned will not be working tonight.’

5

Ydy Sioned yn gweithio heno? be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG work tonight ‘Is Sioned working tonight?’ Nac ydy. NEG be.PRES.3SG ‘No.’

6

Dydy Sioned ddim yn gweithio, nac ydy? be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work NEG be.PRES.3SG ‘Sioned isn’t working tonight, is she?’

7

Dw i ’n gobeithio peidio gorfod talu rhagor. be.PRES.1SG I PROG hope NEG have-to pay more ‘I hope not to have to pay more.’

8

Nag yw Sioned ddim yn gweithio heno. NEG be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work tonight ‘Sioned is not working tonight.’

The strong negative preposition heb is illustrated by (9) and the homophonous aspect marker is illustrated by (10): 9

Oedd Sioned yn gadel heb ddim byd. be.IMPF.3SG Sioned PROG leave without NEG world ‘Sioned was leaving without anything.’

10

Ma’ Sioned heb gyrredd. be.PRES.3SG Sioned without arrive ‘Sioned has not arrived.’

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Extra-strong negative verbs not only do not require a negative dependent but also do not allow the adverb ddim as a negative dependent. They include negative imperatives paid and peidiwch and the southern negative forms of the copula. The following illustrate this: 11

Paid

/ peidiwch *(ddim) â mynd i Aberystwyth. NEG.IMPV.PL NEG with go to Aberystwyth ‘Don’t go to Aberystwyth.’ NEG.IMPV.SG

12

Sa

i *(ddim) yn gweithio. I NEG PROG work ‘I’m not working.’

NEG.be.PRES

There is one other element that we should mention here, namely focusnegating dim. As noted at the end of 6.5, this seems to be a negative head. However, it is different in various ways from the other negative heads and we will have little more to say about it.

7.3. N-WORDS We provided a list of n-words in 4.2. We can now provide a fuller list: • • • •

Negative pronouns: neb, dim byd, nunlle, argument dim; Negative adverbs: ddim, byth, erioed, sentence-final dim; Negative quantifiers: dim, yr un; Negative pseudo-quantifiers: ddim, mo.

The four negative pronouns have quite similar properties. Neb and dim byd appear in the full range of nominal contexts. Nunlle appears in these positions and also appears as a sentence-final adverb, as in (13a), but not as a post-subject adverb, as in (13b): 13a Dw i ddim wedi gweld Megan nunlle. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF see Megan nowhere ‘I haven’t seen Megan anywhere.’ 13b *Dw i nunlle wedi gweld Megan. Megan be.PRES.1SG I nowhere PERF see

As we saw in 6.4, argument dim is essentially an alternative form of dim byd. The four negative adverbs differ in various ways. Ddim, byth, and erioed can all appear in post-subject position, as the following show: 14

Dydy Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’

15

Fydd Sioned byth yn canu. be.FUT.3SG Sioned never PROG sing ‘Sioned will never sing.’

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Fuo’ fo erioed yn gweithio. be.PAST.3SG he never PROG work ‘He has never worked.’

However, there are many differences between ddim on the one hand and byth and erioed on the other. The latter but not the former can appear in sentencefinal position and before an indefinite subject: 17a Dydy Mair ddim yn gweithio byth. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Mair NEG PROG work never ‘Mair never works.’ 17b Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi mynd i Aberystwyth erioed. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PERF go to Aberystwyth never ‘Gwyn has never gone to Aberystwyth.’ 17c *Dw i ddim yn cerdded ddim. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG walk NEG ‘I don’t walk at all.’ 18a Does byth lefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG never milk in the fridge ‘There is never milk in the fridge.’ 18b Fuodd erioed lefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PAST.3SG never milk in the fridge ‘There was never milk in the fridge.’ 18c *Does ddim lefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG milk in the fridge ‘There isn’t milk in the fridge.’

Moreover, the former is subject to certain constraints to which the latter are not subject, as we will note below. Sentence-final dim is the most restricted of the negative adverbs. As we saw in 6.4, it can only appear with a non-finite verb and is often unacceptable with a complement. Hence, we have (19a) but not (19b) or (19c): 19a Dw i ddim yn cerdded dim. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG walk NEG ‘I don’t walk at all.’ 19b *Dydy hi ddim wedi newid ’i ffrog dim. NEG.be.PRES.3SG she NEG PERF change 3SG.F dress NEG 19c *Dw i ddim yn cerdded i ’r dre dim. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG walk to the town NEG ‘I don’t walk to town at all.’

The negative quantifier dim takes either a bare indefinite NP or a PP containing o ‘of’ and a definite NP as a complement. The following illustrate:

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20a Welish i ddim dyn. see.PAST.1SG I NEG man ‘I saw no man.’ 20b Welish i ddim o ’r dynion. see.PAST.1SG I NEG of the men ‘I saw none of the men.’

A phrase headed by dim can appear in any NP position within a negative context. Yr un combines with a singular indefinite count-noun or PP containing o and a plural definite count-noun. The following illustrate this: 21a Welish i ’r un aderyn. see.PAST.1SG I the one bird ‘I didn’t see a bird.’ 21b Welish i ’r un o ’r adar. see.PAST.1SG I the one of the birds ‘I didn’t see any of the birds.’

Like phrases headed by dim, phrases headed by yr un can appear in any NP position within a negative context. The two negative pseudo-quantifiers are illustrated by the following: 22a Agorish i ddim o ’r drws. open.PAST.1SG I NEG of the door ‘I didn’t open the door.’ 22b Agorish i mo ’r drws. open.PAST.1SG I NEG the door ‘I didn’t open the door.’

They are quantifiers syntactically but seem to be a pure negative element comparable to adverbial ddim semantically. They can only appear in finite object position. N-words have a restricted distribution. In 4.4 we listed the following negative contexts: • • • •

a finite clause headed by a negative verb (weak, strong or extra strong) a non-finite predicate headed by peidio an imperative containing paid/peidiwch a non-finite clause not containing peidio in the following positions: • complement of a non-finite verb • complement of an adjective • subject position • within certain adverbials • an absolute clause In 6.2 we noted that phrases headed by heb such as those in (23) are another negative context:

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23a Groesodd Sioned y ffordd heb weld dim byd. cross.PAST.3SG Sioned the road without see NEG world ‘Sioned crossed the road without seeing anything.’ 23b Ma’ Sioned heb fyta dim byd. be.PRES.3SG Sioned without eat NEG world ‘Sioned has not eaten anything.’

In 6.3 we noted that premodifying ddim, as in (24), is an n-word which creates its own negative context: 24

Mae Sioned wedi bod ddim yn dda. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PERF be NEG PRED good ‘Sioned has been unwell.’

Thus, we can add the following to the contexts to those above: • a phrase headed by heb • a phrase containing premodifying ddim Sentences such as the following, in which an n-word that is not in one of these contexts, are normally ungrammatical: 25a *Mae Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’ 25b *Mi/Fe fydd neb yma. AFF be.FUT.3SG no-one here ‘No one will be here.’ 25c *Geisiodd Gwyn ddeud dim byd. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn say NEG world. ‘Gwyn tried not to say anything.’ 25d *Ffonia / Ffoniwch neb. phone.IMPV.SG phone.IMPV.PL no-one ‘Don’t phone anyone.’

We noted in 4.5 that there are a number of contexts in which an n-word seems to have a positive interpretation. The following illustrate this: 26a Adawodd Sioned cyn gweld neb. leave.PAST.3SG Sioned before see no-one ‘Sioned left before seeing anyone.’ 26b Ma’n nhw ’n gwrthod prynu dim byd. be.PRES.3PL they PROG refuse buy NEG world ‘They refuse to buy anything.’ 26c Mi na’th o rwystro fi rhag mynd â dim byd. AFF do.PAST.3SG he prevent I from go with NEG world ‘He prevented me from taking anything.’

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26d Na’th o wadu cymryd dim byd. do.PAST.3SG he deny take NEG world ‘He denied taking anything.’ 26e Mae ’n rhy hwyr i neud dim byd. be.PRES.3SG PRED too late to do NEG world ‘It’s too late to do anything.’

Such examples suggest that n-words are ambiguous with both negative and positive meanings. However, it is conceivable that they are always negative and only acquire positive meanings in certain contexts as a result of mechanisms which eliminate a negative interpretation. In 5.2.4 we noted that there is almost no reason to think that ddim may be ambiguous, but that there is very clear evidence from examples like the following that this is the case with byth and erioed: 27a Ydy o erioed wedi cwyno? be.PRES.3SG he ever PERF complain ‘Has he ever complained?’ 27b Ydy o wedi sgwennu ’n dda erioed? be.PRES.3SG he PERF write ADV good ever ‘Has he always written well?’ 27c Mae o wedi sgwennu ’n dda erioed. be.PRES.3SG he PERF write ADV good ever ‘He has always written well.’ 27d Ydy hi ’n byw ’ma byth? be.PRES.3SG she PROG live here still ‘Does she still live here?’ 27e Ma’ hi ’n byw ’ma byth. be.PRES.3SG she PROG live here still ‘She still lives here.’

7.4. CONSTRAINTS We have proposed a number of constraints that affect the form of negative sentences, we will now list the full set. A particularly important constraint is the Negative Context Requirement, which we have stated as follows: 28

Negative Context Requirement An n-word must appear in a negative context.

This accounts inter alia for the ungrammaticality of the examples in (25). Also of considerable importance is the Negative Dependent Constraint, which we stated in 7.2. It accounts for the ungrammaticality of (29a) and the fact that (29b) can only be an affirmative sentence:

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29a *Dydy hi yn gweithio heno. NEG.be.PRES.3SG she PROG work tonight ‘She’s not working tonight.’ 29b Alle Sioned weithio. can.IMPF.3SG Sioned work ‘Sioned could work.’

Two constraints that we have proposed restrict the distribution of ddim. One is the Negative Subject Constraint, which we have formulated as follows: 30

Negative Subject Constraint The negative adverb ddim may not follow a negative subject.

This rules out examples like the following: 31

*Fydd neb / dim byd ddim yma. be.FUT.3SG no-one NEG world NEG here ‘No one/nothing will be here.’

A second constraint which affects ddim is the Ddim NP Constraint, which we have formulated as follows: 32

Ddim NP Constraint The adverb ddim may not be immediately followed by an NP.

This accounts for the ungrammaticality of examples like the following: 33

*Wela’ i ddim y dynion eto. see.FUT.1SG I NEG the men again ‘I won’t see the men again.’

34

*Does ddim lefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG milk in the fridge ‘There is no milk in the fridge.’

The final constraint is the constraint which rules out ddim with extra-strong negative verbs, accounting for the impossibility of ddim in examples like (11) and (12).

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8. FORMAL ANALYSES 1: BASIC ELEMENTS

8.1. INTRODUCTION In the preceding chapters, we have provided a detailed description of the facts of Welsh negation. We now turn to more theoretical matters. In this chapter and the next, we will develop a formal analysis of the main features of negation within the Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) framework (Pollard and Sag 1994), which we will argue is well equipped to accommodate the data. In this chapter we will introduce HPSG and consider how negative heads and n-words and their licensing can be analysed within the framework.

8.2. HEAD-DRIVEN PHRASE STRUCTURE GRAMMAR HPSG is a constraint-based theory, in which a grammar consists of a set of word and phrase types, and a set of constraints to which they are subject.1 The types may be very general or very specific, and many types have both subtypes and supertypes. The constraints are implicational statements, saying that if a linguistic object has some property or properties then it must have some other property or properties. HPSG is also a monostratal theory, in which the syntactic structure of a sentence is a single relatively simple constituent structure. Hence, there are no movement processes as in the various forms of transformational grammar, and what are seen as moved constituents in transformational work only ever occupy their superficial position. HPSG is also a framework which takes seriously the commitment to precision and explicitness which is the defining property of generative grammar. Thus, HPSG analyses are more formalized than those of some other theoretical frameworks. They are also very different from the informal analyses of traditional grammar. HPSG is head-driven in the sense that heads contain information about the non-heads with which they combine. This information is encoded in certain

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‘valence’ features, whose value is a list of synsem objects, which are combinations of syntactic and semantic information. The main ones are the COMPS feature, which generally indicates what complements a head takes, and the SUBJ feature, which generally indicates what subject a head requires. For HPSG, a simple transitive verb like saw will have the following category, where ‘NP’ is an abbreviation for a complex synsem object: 1

HEAD verb SUBJ < NP > COMPS < NP >

Similarly, a verb which takes an object NP and a PP complement, for example gave, will have something like the following category: 2

HEAD verb SUBJ < NP > COMPS < NP, PP >

Such categories interact with a number of phrase types and the associated constraints. The phrase types in (3) are particularly important. phrase

3

headed phrase head-complement phrase

head-subject phrase

Head-complement phrases are subject to the constraint in (4). 4

hd-comp-ph → DTRS < [1]

word COMPS < [2], . . . [n] >

, [SS[2]], . . . [SS[n]] >

HD-DTR [1]

The DTRS feature refers to the daughters of a phrase and the HD-DTR feature to the head daughter (which is one of the daughters). ‘SS’ stands for SYNSEM, a feature whose value is a synsem object, and the bracketed integers or ‘tags’ indicate that the same object appears in more than one position in the structure. In the present case, they indicate that the first member of the list that is the value of DTRS is also the value of HD-DTR and that the synsem objects in the COMPS list of the head daughter correspond to the SYNSEM values of the non-head daughters.2 We can paraphrase the constraint as follows: 5

A head-complement phrase has a head daughter which is a word and nonhead daughters whose SYNSEM values are identical to the synsem objects that form the COMPS list of the head.

If the COMPS list of the head is the non-head will be an NP, if the COMPS list is , the non-heads will be a NP and a PP, and so on.

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Thus, the constraint ensures that heads appear with the correct complement or complements, allowing phrases like see the light and look at the picture, while excluding phrases like *see at the picture and *look the light. Nothing in the constraint ensures that we have the right kind of head daughter, a V in a VP, an N in an NP, and so on. This is ensured by the following constraint on headed phrases, which is known as the Generalized Head Feature Principle: 6

hd-ph →

SS/[1] HD-DTR [SS/[1]]

The oblique symbol (/) indicates that this is a default constraint. We can paraphrase it as follows: 7

By default (that is when no constraint requires something different) the SYNSEM value of a phrase is the same as the SYNSEM value of its head daughter.

The Generalized Head Feature Principle also ensures that a head-complement phrase and its head daughter have the same value for the SUBJ feature. All phrases are subject to the constraint in (8): 8

phrase → [COMPS <>]

This requires a phrase to be [COMPS <>] and thus ensures that phrases do not require complements. Given this constraint, a head-complement phrase and the word that is its head will have different values for COMPS (unless the word is COMPS <> because it does not require any complements), but otherwise they will have the same SYNSEM value. Hence, a VP will have a V as its head, a PP will have a P as its head, and so on. Head-subject phrases are subject to the constraint in (9), which can be paraphrased as in (10). 9

SUBJ <> hd-subj-ph →

DTRS < [SS[1]],[2]

phrase SUBJ < [1] >

>

HD-DTR [2] 10

A head-subject phrase is SUBJ <> and has a non-head daughter and a head daughter, which is a phrase, and the SYNSEM value of the non-head is the synsem object in the SUBJ list of the head.

If the value of SUBJ is , the non-head will be a first person singular NP, if the value of SUBJ is , the non-head will be a third person plural, and so on. Thus, this constraint ensures that a predicate has the right kind of subject, allowing I know and It is raining, while excluding *I knows and *Kim is raining. Given an appropriate lexicon, the phrase types and constraints that we

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have just outlined will license structures like that in (11), where ‘H’ marks a head daughter. 11

hd-subj-ph HEAD [1] verb SUBJ <> COMPS <> H [2]NP

hd-comp-ph HEAD [1] SUBJ < [2] > COMPS <> H word HEAD [1] SUBJ < [2] > COMPS < [3] >

the cat

saw

[3]NP

the dog

Here we have a head-subject phrase, whose head daughter is a head-complement phrase. VP is analysed as a verbal phrase which requires a subject of some kind and S as a verbal phrase which does not require a subject. One further point to note is that (11) is an informal representation. As the constraints in (4), (6), and (9) indicate, HPSG analyses the structure of phrases in the same way as their other properties, that is in terms of features, and in the version of the framework assumed here the features DTRS and HD-DTR. The ‘official’ counterpart of (11) would be a feature structure of considerable complexity. It is often more convenient to use the more familiar tree format, and we will do this throughout this chapter and the next. How should a Welsh verb-initial clause be analysed within this framework? Borsley (1989, 1995) argues that the subjects of Welsh finite verbs are the realization not of the single member of the SUBJ list, but of an extra member of the COMPS list, in other words that they are extra complements. Thus, a verb like gwelodd (see.PAST.3SG) has not the category in (12) but that in (13): 12

HEAD verb SUBJ < NP[3SG] > COMPS < NP >

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8. Formal analyses 1: Basic elements HEAD verb SUBJ <> COMPS < NP[3SG], NP >

It follows that the sentence in (14) will be a head-complement phrase with the structure in (15): 14

Welodd y gath y ci. see.PAST.3SG the cat the dog ‘The cat saw the dog.’

15

hd-comp-ph HEAD [1] verb COMPS <> H word HEAD [1] COMPS < [2], [3] >

welodd

[2]NP

y gath

[3]NP

y ci

On this analysis, subjects of finite verbs follow those verbs simply because Welsh has head-complement order. Borsley (1989, 1995) argues that subjects of Welsh non-finite verbs are the realization of the single member of the SUBJ list and hence that they do have categories like (12). We will assume this position in subsequent discussion. HPSG is as much as concerned with semantics as with syntax. The meanings of words and phrases are represented as the value of a feature CONTENT and the CONTENT value of a phrase depends on the CONTENT values of the words or phrases that it consists of.3 We will be concerned with semantics in section 8.4.

8.3. NEGATIVE HEADS In previous chapters, we have distinguished three types of negative heads: weak negative heads, strong negative heads, and extra-strong negative heads. The first and last of these are always verbs. The second also includes the preposition and aspect marker heb. In addition to these negative heads we

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have a class of affirmative or positive heads. It looks, then, as if we have four types of head exemplified by the verbs in bold in the following examples: 16a Mae Gwyn yn cysgu. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is sleeping.’ 16b Dydy Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’ 16c Wn i na fydd Sioned yn gweithio. know.PRES.1SG I NEG be.FUT.3SG Sioned PROG work ‘I know that Sioned will not be working.’ 16d Sa

i ’n

NEG.be.PRES I PROG

gwbod. know

‘I don’t know.’

To formalize the distinctions that we see in (16) we will employ a feature POL(ARITY). This will have atomic values. It seems that we need at least the values pos(itive), weak-neg(ative), strong-neg(ative), and extra-strong-neg(ative). If we also assume a basic unspecified value pol(arity), we can represent the possible values as follows: 17

pol

pos

weak-neg

strong-neg

extra-strong-neg

There are, however, a number of reasons for thinking that this is too simple. We saw in 3.3.2 that the reduced y- and o-forms of the copula, which can appear with a negative dependent in a negative sentence, can also appear in interrogatives and conditionals. We also saw that full y- and o-forms, which cannot appear in a negative sentence, can appear in interrogatives and conditionals. Thus, we have data like the following: 18a ’Dy/ydy Sioned yn aros? be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG stop ‘Is Sioned stopping?’ 18b Os ’dy/ydy Sioned yn aros . . . if be.PRES.3SG Sioned PROG stop ‘If Sioned is stopping . . . ’ 19a ’S/Oes ’na rywun yn yr ardd? be.PRES.3SG there someone in the garden ‘Is there someone in the garden?’ 19b Os ’s/oes ’na rywun yn yr ardd . . . if be.PRES.3SG there someone in the garden ‘If there is someone in the garden . . . ’

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To accommodate these forms we can propose a value int(errogative)cond(itional) for verbs in interrogative clauses and positive verbs in conditional clauses, giving us the following system of values: 20

pol

pos

int-cond

weak-neg

strong-neg

extra-strong-neg

We can now analyse reduced y- and o-forms as either [POL weak-neg] or [POL int-cond] and full y- and o-forms as just [POL int-cond]. This system of features ignores the fact that there are similarities between some of the head types. For example, weak negative verbs, strong negative verbs and extra-strong negative verbs can all head a negative sentence. This suggests that they should be treated as three subclasses of a larger class. We can do this by introducing a value neg(ative), which is equivalent to weak-neg or strong-neg or extra-strong-neg. This gives (21). 21

pol neg pos

int-cond

weak-neg

strong-neg

extra-strong-neg

A further extension is suggested by the fact that not just int-cond forms such as ’dy and ydy but also the various types of negative verb can appear in interrogatives. The following illustrate (for some reason, (23c) is marginal): 22a Dydy o ddim yn gweithio? NEG.be.PRES.3SG he NEG PROG work ‘Isn’t he working?’ 22b Nag yw e ’n gweithio? NEG be.PRES.3SG he PROG work ‘Isn’t he working?’ 22c So

fe ’n gweithio? he PROG work ‘Isn’t he working?’

NEG.be.PRES.3SG

23a Os ’dy o ddim yn gweithio . . . if be.PRES.3SG he NEG PROG work ‘If he isn’t working . . . ’ 23b Os nag yw e ’n gweithio . . . if NEG be.PRES.3SG he PROG work ‘If he isn’t working . . . ’ 23c ??Os so fe ’n gweithio . . . if NEG.be.PRES.3SG he PROG work ‘If he isn’t working . . . ’

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This suggests that these forms should be treated as a subclass of a larger class. We can do this by introducing a value non-pos(itive), which is equivalent to int-cond or neg. This gives (24). pol

24

non-pos neg pos

int-cond

weak-neg

strong-neg

extra-strong-neg

A final extension is suggested by the fact that pos, int-cond, and weak-neg forms are very often identical. The following illustrate a typical finite verb form: 25a Fydd Gwyn yn cysgu. be.FUT.3SG Gwyn PROG sleep ‘Gwyn will be sleeping.’ 25b Fydd Gwyn yn cysgu? be.FUT.3SG Gwyn PROG sleep ‘Will Gwyn be sleeping?’ 25c Fydd Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. be.FUT.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn will not be sleeping.’

To accommodate such forms we will introduce a value gen(eral), which is equivalent to pos or int-cond or weak-neg. Instead of (24) this gives us (26). 26

pol gen

non-pos neg

pos

int-cond

weak-neg

strong-neg

extra-strong-neg

In the lexicon most finite verb forms including fydd will be listed as [POL gen], but in specific sentences they will be disambiguated as [POL pos], [POL intcond] or [POL weak-neg]. Given the feature system in (26), various forms of the copula will have the following POL features in the lexicon:

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8. Formal analyses 1: Basic elements mae dydy na fydd sa ’dy ydy fydd

[POL pos] [POL weak-neg] [POL strong-neg] [POL extra-strong-neg] [POL int-cond v weak-neg] [POL int-cond] [POL gen]

Notice that we have a disjunctive value for ’dy. This could be avoided if we introduced a feature value meaning int-cond or weak-neg. However, it is only the third person present tense of the copula which has forms which are intcond or weak-neg but not pos, so there is little motivation for such a value. We can now provide analyses for a variety of clauses and phrases. We can propose the structure in (28) for (16a). (Here and in subsequent structures, we will omit both type-labels like hd-comp-ph and word and the H-label].) 28

verb POL pos

HEAD [1] COMPS <>

HEAD [1] COMPS < [2], [3] >

mae

[2]NP

[3]AspP

Gwyn

yn cysgu

Notice that both the verb and the clause are [POL pos]. Example (16b) will have the structure in (29) given the assumption argued for in 5.2.1 that postsubject negative adverbs are extra complements. We will consider how the presence of ddim can be ensured in 9.2.2. Consider now the subordinate clause in (16c). We argued in 3.4 that na(d) combines with a weak negative verb to form a strong negative verb. Na(d) clauses can only be subordinate clauses and cannot be main or root clauses. We will assume, therefore, that they are [ROOT -]. This will give us something like the structure in (30). This will of course require a mechanism to combine na(d) and the verb, but we will not try to decide what form this should take.4 We will discuss sa and similar forms in the next chapter. ’Dy will appear in structures like (28) if it is [POL int-cond] (but with this feature instead of [POL pos]) and in structures like (29) if it is [POL weak-neg]. Ydy will appear in structures like (28) but with [POL

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int-cond] instead of [POL pos]. Fydd will appear in structures like (28) with either [POL pos] or [POL int-cond] or in structures like (29).5 29

verb POL weak-neg

HEAD [1] COMPS <>

HEAD [1] COMPS < [2], [3], [4] >

[2]NP

dydy

[3]Adv

o

30 HEAD [1]

ddim

[4]AspP

yn cysgu

verb POL strong-neg ROOT -

COMPS <>

HEAD [1] COMPS < [2], [3] >

Part HEAD

[2]NP

[3]AspP

Sioned

yn gweithio

verb POL weak-neg

COMPS < [2],[3] >

na

fydd

In 3.3.3, we suggested that the particles mi and fe combine with a verb which is ambiguous between an affirmative and a weak negative status and make it unambiguously affirmative. They only appear in main or root clauses. This suggests that (31) should have the structure in (32): 31

Mi/Fe alle Sioned weithio. AFF can.COND.3SG Sioned work ‘Sioned could work.’

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32 HEAD [1]

verb POL pos ROOT +

COMPS <>

HEAD [1] COMPS < [2], [3] >

Part HEAD

[2]NP

[3]VP

Sioned

weithio

verb POL gen

COMPS < [2],[3] >

mi/fe

alle

We cannot simply say, however, that mi and fe combine with a [POL gen] form because, by the logic of disjunction, a form that is [POL pos] or [POL weak-neg] is also [POL gen]. Thus, this would allow mi or fe with mae or dydy. Somehow, mi and fe must only be allowed with forms that are ambiguous between an affirmative and a weak negative status and not with forms that are unambiguously one or the other. In southern dialects, fe is actually more restricted than this. As we noted in 3.6, it does not appear with any present tense forms of the copula. It is not clear to us how exactly the observed restrictions should be imposed and we will leave this matter unresolved. We can now consider peidio, paid, and peidiwch, illustrated by the following: 33

Geisiodd Gwyn [beidio (ag) ateb y cwestiwn]. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG with answer the question ‘Gwyn tried not to answer the question.’

34

Paid / Peidiwch (â) dod yma. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with come here ‘Don’t come here.’

As these examples show, these forms take as their complement a non-finite VP optionally introduced by what looks like the preposition â ‘with’. How should we analyse â? One possibility is to take the approach taken in Pollard and Sag (1994) to the English complementizer that. Pollard and Sag analyse this as one of a set of markers, which are the realization of a feature MARKING and appear in structures of the following form:

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173

X [MARKING [1]] [MARKING [1]]

X

In other words, a marker combines with some category to form a category which is identical except that it has the MARKING feature of the marker.6 If peidio and the other forms take a complement which is optionally [MARKING â], â will be optional in the complement. We also assume that peidio is a raising verb, that is one whose subject is also the subject of its complement. Given these assumptions, we can propose the category in (36) for peidio. 36

verb HEAD VFORM inf POL strong-neg SUBJ < [1] > phrase COMPS <

verb HEAD VFORM inf (MARKING â) SUBJ < [1] >

>

Given this category, we will have the structure shown in (37) for the complement in (33) when it contains â. 37

verb HEAD [1] VFORM inf POL strong-neg SUBJ < [2] > COMPS < >

HEAD [1] SUBJ < [2] > COMPS < [3] >

phrase [3] HEAD

VFORM inf MARKING â

SUBJ < [2] >

beidio

ag ateb y cwestiwn

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We noted in 2.4.1 that peidio cannot follow the aspect markers yn and wedi in informal Welsh. The obvious way to account for this is by stipulating that these elements only allow a [POL pos] complement. We can assume that all other non-finite verbs are [POL pos] and hence are possible after an aspect marker. We turn now to paid and peidiwch. Here we can propose the category in (38). 38

verb HEAD VFORM imp POL extra-strong-neg SUBJ <> phrase COMPS < [1]NP,

verb HEAD VFORM inf (MARKING â) SUBJ < [1] >

>

We are assuming that the subject of an imperative like the subject of a finite verb is the realization of an extra member of the COMPS list. Imperatives may have an overt subject as in (39): 39

Paid / peidiwch neb â deud bod Sioned yn anodd. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL no-one with say be Sioned PRED difficult ‘Don’t anyone say that Sioned is difficult.’

Normally, however, there is no overt subject. There are at least three ways in which one might account for this. Firstly, one might assume that the first member of the COMPS list may be missing. Secondly, one might assume that there may be nothing in the structure corresponding to the first member of the COMPS list. Thirdly, the first member of the COMPS list might be optionally realized as an empty category, a syntactic constituent with no phonological content. We will provide some evidence in 9.2.1 and 9.2.3 that imperatives must have a subject in their COMPS list, thus excluding the first option.7 We turn finally to the preposition and aspect marker heb, illustrated in the following examples: 40

Groesodd Sioned y ffordd heb edrych. cross.PAST.3SG Sioned the road without look ‘Sioned crossed the road without looking.’

41

Ma’ Sioned heb gyrredd be.PRES.3SG Sioned without arrive ‘Sioned has not arrived.’

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As a preposition, this might have the category in (42). 42 HEAD

prep POL strong-neg

SUBJ < [1] > phrase COMPS <

HEAD

verb VFORM inf

>

SUBJ < [1] >

This will give us structures like those in (43). 43 HEAD [1]

prep POL strong-neg

SUBJ < [2] > COMPS <>

HEAD [1] SUBJ < [2] > COMPS < [3] >

phrase [3] HEAD

verb VFORM inf

SUBJ < [2] >

heb

edrych

As an aspect marker, heb will have a category like (42) but with asp instead of prep and it will appear in structures like (43) with asp instead of prep.8 We assume that the unexpressed subject of the PP in (40) will be co-indexed with the subject of the main clause by control theory and that lexical properties of the copula will identify the unexpressed subject of the aspect phrase in (41) with the subject of the copula. There is one further negative head that we might discuss here, namely focus-negating dim. However, it is not clear to us what sort of analysis would be appropriate here. Therefore, we will leave this to future research.

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8.4. N-WORDS AND THEIR LICENSING We have seen that negative dependents and hence n-words play a central role in Welsh negation. We looked in chapter 4 at the distribution and interpretation of n-words. We will now look more closely at these matters. We will concentrate on situations where an n-word may be semantically negative and where a non-negative interpretation is plausibly attributed to a mechanism reducing a number of negatives to a single negative. We will not try to develop an analysis for the positive uses of n-words highlighted in 4.5. We leave these to future research.

8.4.1. THE BASIC ANALYSIS We argued in 4.3 that Welsh n-words may be semantically negative, and in 4.4 we argued that they are subject to the Negative Context Requirement, which requires them to be in a negative context. We will now build on De Swart and Sag’s (2002) analysis of French negation to provide an analysis of the Welsh data. De Swart and Sag analyse most French n-words including personne ‘no one’, rien ‘nothing’ as negative semantic quantifiers and it seems plausible to assume the same analysis for most Welsh n-words. Following De Swart and Sag, we will represent the basic negative quantifier as ‘NO’. We can then represent no one and neb as [NO x, x a person] and nothing and dim byd as [NOx, x a thing]. For more complex negative dependents we will have more complex restrictions. Thus, no man and dim dyn will be [NOx, x a man]. Turning to sentences, the examples in (44) and their English translations might have the informal logical representations in (45): 44a Welish i neb. see.PAST.1SG I no-one ‘I didn’t see anyone.’ 44b Does neb yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one in the garden ‘There is no one in the garden.’ 45a NOx, x a person (I saw x) 45b NOx, x a person (x is in the garden)

For HPSG the CONTENT value of a clausal constituent has the attributes QUANTS, whose value is a list of restricted quantifiers, and NUCLEUS, whose value is a non-quantified open sentence. Thus, instead of the representations in (45) we will have something more like the following: 46a

QUANTS < [NOx, x a person] > NUCLEUS [I saw x]

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QUANTS < [NOx, x a person] > NUCLEUS [x is in the garden]

To associate sentences with CONTENT values like these, HPSG employs a storage mechanism of the kind proposed by Cooper (1983), which allows a quantifier to be integrated into the interpretation at a higher point than the word with which it is associated. Within this approach, the English sentence I saw no one will have the schematic representation in (47), where STORE is a feature whose value is a set of quantifiers. 47

S QUANTS < [NOx, x a person] > CONTENT NUCLEUS [I saw x] STORE {} NP

VP CONTENT … STORE {[NOx, x a person]}

I

V

NP CONTENT x STORE {[NOx, x a person]}

saw

no one

Here the CONTENT of the n-word no one is a variable but it is associated with a negative quantifier in storage. This quantifier remains in storage at the VP level but is retrieved at the sentence level and incorporated into the value of QUANTS. Turning to Welsh, (44a) will have the schematic representation in (48). 48

S QUANTS < [NOx, x a person] > CONTENT NUCLEUS [I saw x] STORE {} V

NP

NP CONTENT x STORE {[NOx, x a person]}

welish

i

neb

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Like no one, neb has a variable as its CONTENT, but it is associated with a quantifier in storage. The flat structure that we assume for a Welsh verbinitial clause means that this is retrieved from storage immediately. De Swart and Sag (2002) propose that French pas is interpreted as a negative operator which does not bind any variables and hence not a negative quantifier in the narrow sense. The same analysis seems appropriate for ddim. Thus, we can propose the schematic representation in (49) for (16b). 49

S QUANTS < [NO] > CONTENT NUCLEUS [Gwyn is sleeping] STORE {} V

NP

Adv [STORE {[NO]}]

AspP

dydy

Gwyn

ddim

yn cysgu

We will also assume that strong negative heads include this operator as part of their meaning. Thus, we suggest the representation in (50) for the complement in (16c). 50

S QUANTS < [NO] > CONTENT NUCLEUS [Sioned will be working] STORE {} V [STORE {[NO]}]

NP

na fydd

Sioned

AspP

yn gweithio

As noted in 4.3, there is no reason to think that weak negative verbs are semantically negative. In the rest of this section, we will use the term quantifier to refer both to quantifiers in the strict sense and to the negative operator. A central question for this approach is: where can negative quantifiers be retrieved from storage? Clearly, they can only be retrieved at positions with an appropriate CONTENT value, hence only at nodes with a clausal interpretation. We assume that both clauses of various kinds and certain PPs, including PPs headed by heb, have a clausal interpretation. However, there is

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more to be said here. We know that n-words are licensed in some contexts but excluded from others. We suggest that this is because the associated quantifier can only be retrieved at a subset of nodes with a clausal interpretation. The following examples suggest that the context that licenses an n-word is also the position at which the associated quantifier is retrieved: 51a Dw i ddim isio i ’r dynion helpu neb. be.PRES.1SG I NEG want to the men help no-one ‘I don’t want the men to help anyone/no one.’ 51b Dw i isio i ’r dynion beidio helpu neb. be.PRES.1SG I want to the men NEG help no-one ‘I want the men not to help anyone/no one.’

In (51a) neb is licensed by the weak negative verb dw in the main clause, whereas in (51b) it is licensed by the strong negative verb beidio in the subordinate clause. Alternative translations for these examples would be the following: 52a There is no one that I want the men to help. 52b I want there to be no one that the men help.

These translations make it fairly clear that we have a quantifier with the whole sentence as its scope in (52a) and a quantifier with just the subordinate clauses as its scope in (52b). Thus, it seems plausible to suggest that a context licenses an n-word if and only if it allows a negative quantifier to be retrieved from storage. Of course, we have to explain how the examples in (51) can have a single negation interpretation. We will consider this matter in section 8.4.3. We have identified a number of contexts in which an n-word is licensed. Ignoring those where the n-word has a positive interpretation, the full list is as follows: 53a a finite clause headed by a negative verb (weak, strong or extra strong); 53b a non-finite predicate headed by peidio; 53c an imperative containing paid/peidiwch; 53d a phrase headed by heb; 53e a non-finite clause not containing peidio in the following positions: (i) complement of non-finite verbs, (ii) complement of adjectives, (iii) subject position, (iv) within certain adverbials; 53f

an absolute clause;

53g a phrase containing premodifying ddim.

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Given the proposals developed in 8.3, (53a–d) are all [POL neg] phrases. Thus, we can say that one context in which a negative quantifier can be retrieved is the following: 54

phrase HEAD[POL neg]

Turning now to (53e), we will assume that those non-finite clauses not containing peidio which license an n-word are distinguished from those which do not by a feature specification. If we represent this as ‘F’, we can say that a negative quantifier can also be retrieved in the following context: 55

phrase HEAD[VFORM inf] 'F'

Further research will be necessary to determine what exactly ‘F’ might be. Turning next to (53f), we noted in 4.4 that absolute clauses contain a subject and the kind of phrase that can appear as the complement of the copula, an aspect phrase, a predicate phrase containing the particle yn and an AP or NP, or a prepositional phrase. We will assume that these phrases are all [PRED +] and that absolute clauses are head-subject phrases where the head is a [PRED +] phrase. Hence, we can say that a negative quantifier can be retrieved in the following context: 56

hd-subj-ph HEAD[PRED +]

Finally we can consider (53g). Ddim modifies a [PRED +] phrase, in other words combines with a [PRED +] phrase to form a larger [PRED +] phrase. If we assume that ddim is distinguished from other adverbs by the feature specification [FORM ddim], we can say that a negative quantifier can be retrieved in the context in (57). This, of course, includes the quantifier associated with ddim itself. 57

phrase HEAD[PRED +] DTRS < [FORM ddim], … >

Thus, we seem to have four contexts in which a negative quantifier can be retrieved. In other types of clausal context retrieval is not possible. Let us now consider how we can formalize the restriction on the retrieval of negative quantifiers. What we need to say is that if a negative quantifier is retrieved, then we have one of the contexts that we have identified above. Where a negative quantifier is retrieved, we have a structure which we can represent as follows:

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[STORE {. . . . . .}]

...

[STORE {. . . [neg-quant] . . .}]

...

Here the STORE of some consituent contains a negative quantifier but this does not appear in the STORE of its mother. We need to say that in this situation we have one of the contexts that we have just identified. We can do this with a constraint, which we will call the Negative Retrieval Constraint. This will take the form in (59). 59

Negative Retrieval Constraint STORE {. . . . . .} DTRS < . . ., [STORE {. . . [neg-quant] …}], . . . > (

phrase HEAD[POL neg] hd-subj-ph HEAD[PRED+]

∨

∨

phrase HEAD[VFORM inf] 'F'

→

∨

phrase ) HEAD[PRED+] DTRS < [FORM ddim], . . . >

We should now look briefly at some examples where an n-word is not licensed. We gave the following examples in 4.4: 60a *Mae Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’ 60b *Mi/Fe fydd neb yma. AFF be.FUT.3SG no-one here ‘No one will be here.’ 60c *Geisiodd Gwyn ddeud dim byd. NEG world try.PAST.3SG Gwyn say ‘Gwyn tried not to say anything.’ 60d *Ffonia / Ffoniwch neb. phone.IMPV.SG phone.IMPV.PL no-one ‘Don’t phone anyone.’

We proposed in 8.3 that mae and the combination of mi and a verb are [POL pos]. Thus, the main verbs in (60a) and (60b) are [POL pos]. The main verb in (60c) will also be [POL pos], whether or not mi is present. If it is present, the situation is as in (60b). If it is not present, we have a verb that could be [POL weak-neg] if it had a negative post-subject adverb, subject, or complement, but since it does not, it must be [POL pos]. We can assume that ordinary non-finite verbs like deud and ordinary imperatives like ffonia or ffoniwch are also [POL pos]. Thus, all the clausal contexts in (60) are [POL pos]. Given this, we do not have the context in (54). Nor do we have the context in (55), (56), or (57). The

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infinitive in (60c) will not have the ‘F’ specification required by (55), and we have no absolute clauses, so (56) is irrelevant. Finally, as noted in 6.3, ddim in (60a) cannot be a premodifying element, so (57) is not applicable. It follows that retrieval of a negative quantifier is not possible in any of these examples. Hence, they all have a negative quantifier in storage. We can assume that nonembedded or root constituents are required to have an empty STORE by the following constraint: 61

[ROOT +] → [STORE {}]

This, then, is why the examples in (60) are ungrammatical. The combination of the Negative Retrieval Constraint and (61) accounts for the ungrammaticality of examples like those in (60). However, we have not in fact ensured that the context that licenses an n-word is also the position at which the associated quantifier is retrieved. There is no problem with the examples in (51) because both only have a single retrieval context. Consider, however, the following: 62

Dw i ddim isio i ’r dynion beidio helpu neb. NEG help no-one be.PRES.1SG I NEG want to the men ‘I don’t want the men not to help anyone.’

This can be paraphrased as (63a) but not as (63b): 63a I don’t want there to be no one that the men help. 63b There is no one that I want the men not to help.

It seems, then, that the quantifier can only be retrieved in the subordinate clause although the main clause is also a retrieval context. It looks, then, as if we need to say that if a quantifier can be retrieved then it must be. We can do this by requiring that the contexts which allow retrieval may not have a negative quantifier in STORE. The constraint which we will call the Negative Context Constraint, and which is shown in (64), does this: 64

Negative Context Constraint phrase phrase ( ∨ HEAD[VFORM inf] HEAD[POL neg] 'F'

∨

∨

hd-subj-ph HEAD[PRED +]

phrase ) → ¬ ([STORE {… [neg-quant] …}]) HEAD[PRED +] DTRS < [FORM ddim], … >

The fact that we have the same contexts in the consequent in (59) and the antecedent in (64) suggests that they should be associated with a phrasal type of some kind. However, we will not consider how exactly this might be done. The constraint in (64) is also very relevant in connection with premodifying ddim. This negates the following constituent. Thus, (65) has the meaning indicated and cannot mean ‘Sioned has not been well’:

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Mae Sioned wedi bod ddim yn dda. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PERF be NEG PRED good ‘Sioned has been unwell.’

The structure of (65) is as shown in (66). S

66 V

NP

AspP Asp

mae

Sioned

wedi

VP V

PredP

bod

ddim yn dda

By the Negative Context Constraint, the PredP ddim yn dda must not have a negative quantifier in store. Hence, the negation associated with ddim is restricted to this constituent. The Negative Context Constraint also ensures that the negative operator associated with a strong negative head has the associated phrase as its scope. This will be important below. There is one further matter that we must consider here. De Swart and Sag (2002) propose that quantifiers are retrieved not at the phrasal level but at the lexical level. More precisely, they propose that the head of phrase may retrieve a quantifier from the store of one of the non-heads. This approach is viable where it is clear from the head that the phrase is one that can be negated. However, this is not the case in two of the contexts that are relevant here. The head of an absolute clause will be indistinguishable from the head of a [PRED +] phrase that is not the predicate of an absolute clause. Similarly, the head of [PRED +] phrase modified by ddim will be indistinguishable from a [PRED +] phrase not modified by ddim.9 It seems, then, that some retrieval must take place at the phrasal level, and one might assume that it all does.10 We need at least one further constraint here. We saw in 4.4 that an n-word can be separated from the licensing context by the boundary of a finite clause but not by the boundary of a relative clause. Thus, while the examples in (67) are grammatical, those in (68) are not: 67a Dw i ddim yn meddwl [bydd neb yna]. be.FUT.3SG no-one there be.PRES.3SG I NEG PROG think ‘I don’t think anyone will be there.’ 67b Paid â meddwl [bydd neb yna]. NEG.IMPV.SG with think be.FUT.3SG no-one there ‘Don’t think that anyone will be there.’ 68a *Dw i ddim yn nabod [y dyn [mae neb yn ’i hoffi]]. be.PRES.3SG I NEG PROG know the man be.FUT.3SG no-one PROG 3SG.M like ‘I don’t know the man who no one likes.’

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68b *Paid â siarad efo [’r dyn [mae neb yn ’i hoffi]]. NEG.IMPV.SG with talk with the man be.FUT.3SG no-one PROG 3SG.M like ‘Don’t talk to the man who no one likes.’

There is no problem about allowing the examples in (67), but we need a constraint to rule out those in (68). We need to ensure that an n-word and the position of the associated quantifier cannot be separated by the boundary of a relative clause. We can do this by stipulating that the quantifier store of a relative clause must be empty: 69

relative-clause → [STORE {}]

8.4.2. AN APPARENT PROBLEM We want now to consider what looks like some problematic data. We noted in 2.4.1 that peidio cannot license an n-word in the preceding subject position. The following illustrates: 70

*Dw i yn disgwyl i neb beidio (â) mynd i Aberystwyth. be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to no-one NEG with go to Aberystwyth ‘I expect no one not to go to Aberystwyth.’

If we look at some other languages this might seem surprising. We will argue, however, that there is no problem. In both French and Polish, an n-word may appear in subject position followed by a negative verb. The following illustrate this: 71

Personne n’ est venu. no-one NEG be.PRES.3SG come.PASTP ‘No one has come.’

(French)

72

Nikt nie przyszed
. no-one NEG come.PAST.3SG ‘No one has come.’

(Polish)

These examples have the structure shown in (76): S

73 NP

VP

personne nikt

n'est venu nie przyszed


One might suppose that the subordinate clause in (70) has a similar structure, as in (74).

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CP S

C

i

NP

VP

neb

beidio (â) mynd i Aberystwyth

Given such a structure, one would expect (70) to be grammatical. Peidio here is the head of the S. Hence, S will be [POL neg], and one would expect neb to be licensed. However, Borsley (1999) argues that the prepositional complementizer i is a head which takes two complements, an NP and VP. The NP functions as a subject of the VP although it does not combine with it to form a clause. On this view, the subordinate clause in (70) has the structure shown in (75).11 75

HEAD[1]

comp VFORM inf

COMPS <>

HEAD[1] COMPS < [2], [3] >

i

[2]NP

[3]VP VFORM inf SUBJ < [2] >

neb

beidio (â) mynd i Aberystwyth

Assuming the structure in (75), beidio is only the head of VP. Hence, only VP is [POL neg] and an n-word is only licensed within VP. It seems to us that the situation here is like that in the following French examples, drawn to our attention by Danièle Godard: 76a *Je vois personne ne venir. I see.PRES.1SG no-one NEG come ‘I see no one coming.’ 76b Je ne vois personne venir. I NEG see.PRES.1SG no-one come ‘I don’t see anyone coming.’

Here, we have a verb with two complements, an NP and a VP and the NP functions as the subject of the VP. An n-word in the NP position cannot be licensed by a negative verb in the VP. It can only be licensed by a preceding negative verb. The ungrammatical example has something like the structure in (77).

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8. Formal analyses 1: Basic elements S

77 NP

VP

je

V

NP

VP

vois

personne

ne venir

The VP here has essentially the same structure as (75). Thus, on closer inspection, we have essentially the same situation in Welsh and French. Rather like the examples in (76) are the following Polish examples: 78a *Znalaz
em nikogo niezadowolonego. find.PAST.1SG no-one displeased ‘I found nobody displeased.’ 78b Nie znalaz
em nikogo niezadowolonego. NEG find.PAST.1SG no-one displeased ‘I didn’t find anybody displeased.’

Here, we have a verb with two complements, an NP and an AP and the NP functions as the subject of the AP. An n-word in the NP position cannot be licensed by a negative adjective in the AP. It can only be licensed by a preceding negative verb. If we assume that there is no empty subject in such examples, the ungrammatical example has something like the structure in (79). S

79 V

NP

AP

znalaz
em

nikogo

niezadowolonego

Here we have a very similar structure to (75) and the VP in (77). The only real difference is that the second complement is AP and not VP. Again, then, we seem to have essentially the same situation as in Welsh.

8.4.3. SINGLE NEGATION We now need to consider how it is possible for a sentence with two n-words or an n-word and a strong negative head to have a single negation interpretation. As we noted in 4.3, one possibility is to assume that n-words are ambiguous with both negative and positive meanings in the lexicon. Another possibility is to assume a mechanism which reduces a number of negatives to a single negative. This approach is developed in De Swart and Sag (2002).

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They propose that negative quantifiers that are retrieved in the same place can be combined to form a single quantifier complex. This means that it is possible to have not just (80a) but also (80b): 80a NOx1 . . . NOxn 80b NOx1 . . . xn

Consider, for example, the following: 81

Does neb yn dweud dim byd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one PROG say NEG world ‘No one is saying nothing.’/’No one is saying anything.’

This is ambiguous, as the translations indicate. The two meanings can be represented as follows: 82a

QUANTS < [NOx, x a person], [NOy, y a thing] > NUCLEUS [x is saying y]

82b

QUANTS < [NOx, y, x a person, y a thing] > NUCLEUS [x is saying y]

Thus, (81) has a single syntactic structure but two different CONTENT values. Example (81) is a simple sentence in which there is only one position in which negative quantifiers can be retrieved. In more complex examples, where negative quantifiers are retrieved in different positions, a single negation interpretation is impossible. In 2.4.1, 6.2 and 6.3, we noted that double negation arises if peidio, heb, and premodifying ddim, respectively, are preceded by an n-word. The following illustrate for peidio: 83a Cheisiodd Gwyn ddim [peidio (ag) ateb y cwestiwn]. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG NEG with answer the question ‘Gwyn didn’t try to not answer the question.’ 83b Cheisiodd neb [beidio (ag) ateb y cwestiwn]. try.PAST.3SG no-one NEG with answer the question ‘No one tried to not answer the question.’

Example (83a) will have the structure shown in (84). 84

S V

NP

Adv

VP

cheisiodd

Gwyn

ddim

peidio (ag) ateb y cwestiwn

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Here, the negative operator corresponding to ddim is retrieved at the S node while the negative operator corresponding to peidio is retrieved at the VP level. Hence, there is no possibility of a single negation interpretation. Turning next to heb, we have examples like those in (85), where heb is a preposition, and examples like those in (86), where it is an aspect marker: 85a Doedd Sioned ddim yn gadel heb arian. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG Sioned NEG PROG leave without money ‘Sioned wasn’t leaving without money.’ 85b Doedd neb yn gadel heb arian. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG no-one PROG leave without money ‘No one was leaving without money.’ 86a Dydy Sioned ddim heb gyrredd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG without arrive ‘Sioned has not not arrived.’ 86b Does neb heb gyrredd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one without arrive ‘No one has not arrived.’

For (85a) we will have the structure in (87), while (86a) will have that in (88). 87

S V

NP

Adv

AspP Asp

doedd

Sioned

88

ddim

yn

VP VP

PP

gadel

heb arian

S V

dydy

NP

Sioned

Adv

ddim

AspP Asp

VP

heb

gyrredd

In (87), the negative operator corresponding to ddim is retrieved at the S node, while the negative operator corresponding to heb is retrieved at the PP node. In (88), the negative operator corresponding to ddim is retrieved at the S node,

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while the negative operator corresponding to heb is retrieved at the AspP node. Hence, there is no possibility of a single negation interpretation in either case. Turning finally to premodifying ddim, we have examples like the following: 89

Dw i ddim ddim yn poeni. be.PRES.1SG I NEG NEG PROG worry ‘I don’t not worry.’

Example (92) will have the structure shown in (93). 90

S V

NP

dw

i

Adv

AspP

ddim

Adv

AspP

ddim

yn poeni

Here, the negative operator corresponding to the first ddim is retrieved at the S node while the negative operator corresponding to the second ddim is retrieved at the higher AspP node. Again, then, there is no possibility of a single negation interpretation. We also noted in 6.2 that double negation arises in an example like the following, in which the complement of heb contains peidio: 91

Dw i heb beidio penderfynu. be.PRES.1SG I without NEG decide ‘I haven’t not decided.’

This will have the structure shown in (92). 92

S V

AspP

NP Asp

dw

i

heb

VP V

VP

beidio

penderfynu

Here, the negative operator corresponding to heb is retrieved at the AspP node while the negative operator corresponding to beidio is retrieved at the VP node. Once more, then, there is no possibility of a single negation interpretation.

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8.4.4. N-WORDS AND ELLIPSIS We noted in 4.3 that an important property of n-words is that they can be used in elliptical answers to questions. Example (93) illustrates this: 93

Pwy welest ti? who see.PAST.2SG you.SG ‘Who did you see?’ Neb. ‘No one.’

It is natural to ask how such elliptical answers should be analyzed. We can adopt an analysis developed in Ginzburg and Sag (2000: 8.1.4) here. Ginzburg and Sag’s analysis makes crucial use of a CONTEXT feature, whose value includes a feature identifying the question under discussion and a feature encoding the main properties of a salient utterance. In the case of an answer to a wh-question, the value of the former is provided by the question and the value of the latter by the wh-phrase. Ginzburg and Sag propose a type declarative-fragment-clause (decl-frag-cl), with a single daughter, which is a phrase matching the salient utterance in key respects, and a meaning provided mainly by the question under discussion. This type provides an analysis of elliptical answers to questions, including examples involving an n-word. Simplifying in various ways, we can propose the representation shown in (94) for the answer in (93). 94

decl-frag-cl verb HEAD VFORM fin QUANTS < [NOx, x a person] > CONTENT NUCLEUS [I saw x] NP CONTENT x STORE {[NOx, x a person]} neb

We have not included the two features which provide contextual information here. We assume, however, that the feature which encodes information about a salient utterance includes the information that it is person-denoting. This will ensure that while neb is a possible answer, dim byd ‘nothing’ is not. In English, a negative quantifier can be retrieved from storage at any clausal node. This is not the case in Welsh. We argued in 8.3 that there is a small set of contexts in which a negative quantifier can be retrieved from storage. The most important context is the following:

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phrase HEAD[POL neg]

We can argue that we have this context in the answer in (93). This is a phrase, since all complex expressions are phrases. The constraint on decl-frag-cl will not require any value for POL. Hence, it can have whatever value some other constraint requires. The Negative Retrieval Constraint, which restricts the contexts in which a negative quantifier can be retrieved will require it to have the value neg. Thus, we can give the slightly fuller representation shown in (96) for the answer in (93). 96

decl-frag-cl verb HEAD VFORM fin POL neg CONTENT

QUANTS < [NOx, x a person] > NUCLEUS [I saw x]

NP CONTENT x STORE {[NOx, x a person]} neb

It seems, then, that the Ginzburg and Sag approach allows a straightforward account of the use of n-words as elliptical negative answers to questions. We noted in 4.3 that unrhyw forms cannot be used as elliptical negative answers to a question. Example (97) illustrates this: 97

Pwy welest ti? who see.PAST.2SG you.SG ‘Who did you see?’ *Unrhyw un. any one ‘Anyone.’

Within the present analysis this is only to be expected. Unrhyw un has no negative meaning. Hence, B’s response could only be a positive answer to a question. However, A’s question does not have the kind of meaning that allows an unrhyw form. This is shown by the unacceptability of the following: 98

*Welish i unrhyw un. see.PAST.1SG I any one *‘I saw anyone.’

Example (98) contrasts with the following:

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8. Formal analyses 1: Basic elements Pwy alla’ i weld? who can.PRES.SG I see ‘Who can I see?’ Unrhyw un. any one ‘Anyone.’

Here the question has the kind of meaning that allows an unrhyw form. This is shown by the following: 100 Alla’ i weld unrhyw un. can.PRES.SG I see any one ‘I can see anyone.’

It seems, then, that the elliptical use of n-words is no great problem.

8.5. SUMMARY In this chapter we have developed the basic elements of a formal analysis of Welsh negation within the HPSG framework. Central to Welsh negation are various kinds of negative heads and negative dependents containing an nword of some kind. Hence central to any analysis must be an account of negative heads and an account of n-words and their licensing. We have provided an account of negative heads with the POL(ARITY) feature, which enables us to distinguish different types of negative and non-negative heads. We have developed a storage-based approach to Welsh n-words, building on the proposals of De Swart and Sag (2002). Within this approach, restrictions on their distribution are a result of restrictions, embodied in the Negative Retrieval Constraint and the Negative Context Constraint, on where the associated quantifiers or operators can be retrieved from storage. Single negation interpretations of a sentence with more than one n-word are the result of quantifiers retrieved in the same position being combined into a single quantifier complex. It follows that a sentence with two n-words can only have a double negation interpretation if the associated quantifiers or operators are retrieved in different places. A more comprehensive analysis of n-words would need to deal with the positive uses highlighted in 4.5. Bringing them into the picture might entail some revisions to the analysis that we have developed in section 4. It seems to us, however, that an analysis along these lines is quite promising.

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9. FORMAL ANALYSES 2: FURTHER MATTERS

9.1. INTRODUCTION In the last chapter we provided a formal account of some of the central features of Welsh negation. However, there is more to be done. In particular, we need to consider how various constraints which influence the form of negative finite clauses should be formalized. We also need to provide lexical entries for the various n-words that we have discussed in the preceding chapters. Once we have done this, we will have a fairly full analysis of Welsh negation.

9.2. SOME CONSTRAINTS The most important of the constraints which affect the form of negative finite clauses is the Negative Dependent Constraint, which we discussed in 3.3.1. Then, there is a constraint on extra-strong negative verbs which we identified (but did not name) in 3.5. Finally there are the Negative Subject Constraint and the Ddim NP Constraint, which we introduced in 5.2.3. In this section, we will consider how all these constraints might be formalized.

9.2.1. FINITE AND NON-FINITE VERBS Before we can formalize the Negative Dependent Constraint, we must say something more about finite verbs. In 5.2.1, we argued that post-subject adverbs are complements of the preceding finite verbs, and in 8.2 we proposed that the subjects of Welsh finite verbs are the realization not of the single member of the SUBJ list but of an extra member of the COMPS list. There is no evidence that non-finite verbs take any adverbs as extra complements, and we proposed in 8.2. that subjects of Welsh non-finite verbs are the realization of the single member of the SUBJ list. It seems, then, that we have two important contrasts between finite and non-finite verbs. It is not too difficult to capture these contrasts within HPSG.

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For HPSG the basic combinatorial requirements of heads are encoded by the feature ARG-ST (ARGUMENT-STRUCTURE), while valence features like COMPS indicate how these requirements are satisfied. Assuming this, we can impose the following fairly simple constraint on non-finite verbs: 1 non-finite-verb →

ARG-ST < [1] > ⊕ [2] SUBJ < [1] > COMPS [2]

Notice that [1] here stands for a list member (as shown by its appearance in angle brackets), whereas [2] stands for a list. We can paraphrase this constraint as follows: 2

A non-finite verb takes as its subject the first member of its ARG-ST list, and takes as its complements the other members of its ARG-ST list.

Given this constraint, gweld in (3) will have the category in (4): 3

4

Dw i wedi gweld draig. be.PRES.1SG I PERF see dragon ‘I have seen a dragon.’ HEAD

verb VFORM inf

ARG-ST < [1], [2] > SUBJ < [1] > COMPS < [2] >

Turning now to finite verbs, we need the following, rather more complex constraint: 5

ARG-ST < [1] > ⊕ [2] finite-verb → SUBJ <> COMPS < [1] > ⊕ list(post-subj-adv) ⊕ [2]

‘List(post-subj-adv)’ stands for a possibly empty list of post-subject adverbs. Given this, we can paraphrase the constraint as follows: 6

A finite verb takes as its complements the first member of its ARG-ST list, followed by a possibly empty list of post-subject adverbs, followed by the other members of its ARG-ST list.

Given this constraint, the copula in (7a) will have the category in (8a), while the copula in (7b) will have the category in (8b): 7a

Dw i ’n ca’l uwd i frecwast. be.PRES.1SG I PROG have porridge for breakfast ‘I have porridge for breakfast.’

7b

Dw i bob tro ’n ca’l uwd i frecwast. be.PRES.1SG I every turn PROG have porridge for breakfast ‘I have porridge for breakfast every time.’

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9. Formal analyses 2: Further matters 8a

HEAD

195

verb VFORM fin

ARG-ST < [1]NP, [2]VP > SUBJ < > COMPS < [1], [2] > 8b HEAD

verb VFORM fin

ARG-ST < [1]NP, [2]VP > SUBJ <> COMPS < [1], [post-subj-adv], [2] >

This approach has implications for the analysis of imperatives. We saw in 3.5 that the adverb byth is possible before the complement of an imperative (although ddim is not possible). It follows that imperatives must be analysed as finite verbs with a subject as the first member of their COMPS list. This must be either a COMPS list element with no counterpart in constituent structure or one which is realized as a phonologically empty category.1 We will present some further evidence for this conclusion in 9.2.3.

9.2.2. THE NEGATIVE DEPENDENT CONSTRAINT We can now consider the Negative Dependent Constraint, which we formulated in 3.3.1 as follows: 9

Negative Dependent Constraint (Second version) A weak negative verb form has a negative dependent, which may be a postsubject adverb, a subject, or a complement of the verb.

Given the assumptions that we are making here, we can reformulate this as follows: 10

Negative Dependent Constraint (Third version) A weak negative verb form has a negative complement.

This is obviously somewhat simpler than (9). Like (9), however, it is an informal constraint. If we assume that n-words are marked [NEG +], we can formalize it as in (11). 11

Negative Dependent Constraint (Final version) word → [COMPS < …, [NEG +], … >] HEAD[POL weak-neg]

As formalized here, the constraint is a constraint on words. However, it will only apply to finite verbs because only finite verbs can be [POL weak-neg]. The constraint must not apply to any expression which is [POL weak-neg], since a clause which is headed by a weak-negative verb is [POL weak-neg] but is [COMPS <>].

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To see the effect of (11), we can look at the following grammatical and ungrammatical negative sentences ((16) is grammatical as a positive interrogative): 12

Dydy Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’

13

Does neb yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one in the garden ‘No one is in the garden.’

14

Welish i neb. see.PAST.3SG I no-one ‘I saw no one.’

15

*Na’th Emrys weld neb. did.PAST.3SG Emrys see no-one ‘Emrys didn’t see anybody.’

16

*Fuo’ fo ’n gweithio erioed. be.PAST.3SG he PROG work never ‘He was never working.’

The three grammatical examples will have the structures shown in (17)–(19). Since the exact categories are not important we label all these structures ‘S’. 17

S HEAD

verb POL weak-neg

[1]NP

[2]Adv NEG + FORM ddim

[3]AspP

o

ddim

yn darllen

COMPS < [1], [2], [3] >

dydy 18

S HEAD

verb POL weak-neg

[1]NP [NEG +]

[2]PP

neb

yn yr ystafell

COMPS < [1], [2] >

does

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9. Formal analyses 2: Further matters 19

197

S HEAD

verb POL weak-neg

[1]NP

[2]NP [NEG +]

i

neb

COMPS < [1], [2] >

welish

In each of these examples the weak negative verb has a negative complement, the second complement in (17), the first complement in (18), and the second in (19). Thus, each of these structures conforms to the Negative Dependent Constraint. The two ungrammatical examples will have the following structures. 20

S HEAD

verb POL weak-neg

[1]NP

COMPS < [1], [2] >

na'th 21

Emrys

[2]VP V

NP [NEG +]

weld

neb

S HEAD

verb POL weak-neg

Asp

COMPS < [1], [2] >

fuo'

[2]AspP

[1]NP

fo

’n

VP VP

Adv [NEG +]

gweithio

erioed

In all these examples, the verb has a complement which contains an n-word but the complement is not itself negative. Thus, each of these structures violates the Negative Dependent Constraint. As we have noted, (16) is grammatical as a positive interrogative sentence. On this interpretation, it will have a structure like (21) but with [POL int-cond] and erioed will be [NEG -]. We noted in 4.2 that some speakers accept examples like the following, where the n-word is not the head of what appears to be the negative dependent:

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9. Formal analyses 2: Further matters %Soniodd Sioned [am neb]. mention.PAST.3SG Sioned about no-one ‘Sioned talked about no one.’

It is quite easy to accommodate this fact. We simply need to assume that prepositions and their complement have the same value for NEG for some speakers. This will be the case if they have categories like the following for such speakers: 23

HEAD

prep NEG [1]

COMPS <

NP > [NEG [1]]

Given such categories, a PP containing an n-word as the object of the preposition will be [NEG +]. Hence, (22) will have the following structure, which conforms to the Negative Dependent Constraint: S

24 HEAD

verb POL weak-neg

[1]NP

[2]PP [NEG +]

Sioned

am neb

COMPS < [1], [2] >

soniodd

We can assume that prepositions have the following category for speakers who do not accept examples like (22): 25

HEAD

prep NEG -

COMPS < NP >

This will ensure that PPs are [NEG -] for such speakers and hence that they cannot satisfy the Negative Dependent Constraint. Before we conclude that (11) provides a satisfactory account of the facts, we should consider a possible alternative approach suggested by work on Swedish negation in Sells (2000). Sells is concerned with examples like the following (where negative elements are in bold): 26

Jag har inte gett boken till henne. I have not given book-the to her ‘I have not given the book to her.’

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9. Formal analyses 2: Further matters 27

Ingen såg mig. No-one saw me ‘No one saw me.’

28

Jag såg ingen. I saw no-one ‘I saw no one.’

29

*Jag har sett ingen. I have seen no-one ‘I have seen no one.’

30

*Jag pratade med ingen. I spoke with no-one ‘I spoke with no one.’

199

These examples suggest that a Swedish negative sentence must contain a prominent negative element. In (26) it is an adverb following the finite verb, in (27) it is a subject, and in (28) it is an object of the finite verb. In (29) the negative element is inside a VP, and in (30) it is inside a PP. Examples (26)–(28) are rather like (12)–(14), (29) is rather like (15), and (30) rather like (22), although it is generally ungrammatical whereas (22) is grammatical for many speakers. Sells says of (29) and (30) that ‘compared to English’ they ‘are surprisingly ungrammatical’. Their ungrammaticality seems less surprising when compared to Welsh although Welsh counterparts of (30) are only ungrammatical for some speakers. Sells suggests that the contrast between (26)–(28) and (29) and (30) is the result of a constraint on negative sentences. Working within Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG), he assumes an abstract structure with a VP, whose verb normally appears outside it in main clauses. He assumes that some kinds of object may also appear outside VP. He proposes that these examples have the following structures: 31

[IP Jag har inte [VP gett boken till henne]]

32

[IP Ingen såg [VP mig]]

33

[IP Jag såg ingen [VP]]

34

[IP Jag har [VP sett ingen]]

35

[IP Jag pratade [VP [PP med ingen]]]

Sells proposes in essence that a negative sentence requires an n-word outside VP. This requirement is met in (31)–(33) but not in (34) and (35). We are assuming simpler structures than Sells. One might wonder, however, whether the Negative Dependent Constraint could be reformulated as a constraint requiring a negative clause to have a negative dependent as a daughter of a certain kind. There are two problems with this idea. First, Welsh negative sentences do not always require an n-word. It is only if they contain a weak negative verb that this is necessary. Secondly, the n-word is not just

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any daughter. It must be a complement and not an adjunct, as (16) shows. (We will suggest in 9.3.1 that adjuncts may be daughters of S.) One might suggest as an alternative to our formulation of the Negative Dependent Constraint that a sentence headed by a weak negative verb must have a negative complement. However, this seems clearly inferior to saying that a weak negative verb must have a negative complement.

9.2.3. OTHER CONSTRAINTS We turn now to a number of other constraints which affect the form of finite clauses. We will look first at the constraint on extra-strong negative verbs which we discussed in 3.5. We noted there that extra-strong negative verbs cannot combine with ddim although they can combine with byth and erioed. The following examples with southern negative forms of the copula illustrate: 36a *Sa

i ddim yn gweithio. I NEG PROG work ‘I’m not working.’

NEG.be.PRES

36b *Smo Sioned ddim yn credu hynny. NEG.be.PRES Sioned NEG PROG believe that ‘Sioned does not believe that.’ 37a Sa

i byth yn gweithio. I never PROG work ‘I’m never working.’

NEG.be.PRES

37b Smo Sioned byth yn credu hynny. NEG.be.PRES Sioned never PROG believe that ‘Sioned never believes that.’ 38a Sa

i erioed wedi gweithio. I never PERF work ‘I have never worked.’ NEG.be.PRES

38b Smo Sioned erioed wedi credu hynny. NEG.be.PRES Sioned never PERF believe that ‘Sioned has never believed that.’

To rule out the ungrammatical examples we can simply stipulate that the second complement of an extra-strong negative verb may not be ddim. We can do this with the following constraint: 39

Constraint on Extra-Strong Negative Verbs HEAD [POL extra-strong-neg] → ¬ ([2] = [FORM ddim]) COMPS < [1], [2], … >

There is no need to identify this as a constraint on words since only words can have a non-empty COMPS list. Hence only words can satisfy the antecedent of the constraint.

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As we noted in 3.5, the imperative forms paid/peidiwch are also extra-strong negative forms, which cannot combine with ddim although they can combine with byth. The following illustrate: 40

*Paid / peidiwch ddim â mynd i Aberystwyth. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL NEG with go to Aberystwyth ‘Don’t go to Aberystwyth.’

41

Paid/ peidiwch byth â mynd i Aberystwyth. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL never with go to Aberystwyth ‘Don’t ever go to Aberystwyth.’

If the constraint in (39) is to rule out (40), ddim must be the second member of the COMPS list of paid/peidiwch. Thus, we have a further reason for thinking that imperatives have a subject as the first member of their COMPS list. We can turn next to the Negative Subject Constraint, which we formulated in 5.2.3 as follows: 42

Negative Subject Constraint The negative adverb ddim may not follow a negative subject.

This rules out examples like the following: 43a *Fydd neb ddim yma. be.FUT.3SG no-one NEG here ‘No one/nothing will be here.’ 43b *Fydd dim dynion ddim yn gweithio yn yr ardd. be.FUT.3SG NEG men NEG PROG work in the garden ‘No men will not be working in the garden.’

We can formalize the constraint as follows: 44

Negative Subject Constraint (Final version) [COMPS <[NEG +], [1], . . . >] → ¬([1] = [FORM ddim])

We can paraphrase this as follows: 45

A negative element in first position in a COMPS list cannot be immediately followed by adverbial ddim.

There is no need to identify this as a constraint on finite verbs since only a finite verb could have adverbial ddim in second position in its COMPS list. This constraint excludes certain adjacent elements in the sentence indirectly by excluding certain adjacent elements in a COMPS list. One might wonder if this could be done directly. This would be possible. For much work in HPSG order is a property of domain elements, the members of order domains, which are represented as values of a feature DOM(AIN). Typically there is a one-to-one correspondence between the domain elements of a constituent and its daughters, although certain discontinuous constituents give rise to situations where there are more domain elements than daughters.2 Within this approach, we might replace (44) by (46):

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9. Formal analyses 2: Further matters Negative Subject Constraint (Alternative final version) [DOM <. . ., [NEG +], [1], . . .>] → ¬([1] = [FORM ddim])

We can paraphrase this as follows: 47

A negative element cannot be immediately followed in an order domain by adverbial ddim.

We will not try to choose between these two versions of the constraint. The last constraint that we must consider is the Ddim NP Constraint, which we formulated in 5.2.3 as follows: 48

Ddim NP Constraint The adverb ddim may not be immediately followed by an NP.

We noted that this rules out ddim before both an object NP and a subject NP, excluding examples like the following: 49a *Wela’ i ddim y dynion eto. again see.FUT.1SG I NEG the men ‘I won’t see the men again.’ 49b *Does ddim llefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG milk in the fridge ‘There is no milk in the fridge.’

How this should be formalized depends on the view one takes of subjects of finite verbs. We will assume that the subject is always the first element in the COMPS list even if it is preceded by an adverb in the structure, as it may be if it is indefinite. Thus, we will assume that examples like the following from 5.2.3 involve a contrast between the order in the COMPS list of the verb and the order in the order domain of the sentence: 50

Does byth lefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG never milk in the fridge ‘There is never milk in the fridge.’

51

Fuodd erioed lefrith yn y ffrij. be.PAST.3SG never milk in the fridge ‘There was never milk in the fridge.’

We will attribute this contrast to the following linear precedence rule: 52

[COMPS <[1]NP[DEF -], [2][adverb], . . .>] → [2] < [1]

This requires the order in (50) and (51), ruling out the following: 53

*Does llefrith byth yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG milk never in the fridge

54

*Fuodd llefrith erioed yn y ffrij. be.PAST.3SG milk never in the fridge

Given this approach to (50) and (51), the Ddim NP Constraint must be formulated as a constraint on order domains. We can do this as follows:

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9. Formal analyses 2: Further matters 55

203

Ddim NP Constraint (final version) [DOM<. . . [FORM ddim], [1], . . .>] → ¬([1] = )

We can paraphrase this as follows: 56

Adverbial ddim cannot be followed by an NP in an order domain.

The combination of (52) and (55) entails that ddim cannot co-occur with an indefinite subject. If it follows an indefinite subject, it violates (52) and if it precedes such a subject, it violates (55). A notable fact about the constraints proposed in the last section is that the Constraint on Extra-Strong Negative Verbs and the Negative Subject Constraint have the same consequent. Both rule out ddim as a second complement. This suggests that we may be missing a generalization. We could eliminate the Negative Subject Constraint if we could assume that verbs with a negative subject are extra-strong negative verbs. However, it is not easy to implement this idea. Hence we will leave the two constraints as they are. There is one further matter that we should consider here. We noted in 5.2.1 that north Wales speakers do not allow more than one post-subject negative adverb, and that while south Wales speakers do, they only allow the orders ddim byth and ddim erioed. We can account for the south Wales situation with the following linear precedence rule: 57

[FORM ddim] < [FORM byth ∨ erioed]

This requires ddim to precede byth or erioed if they are in the same order domain, and we assume they will be if and only if they are sisters. We can account for the north Wales situation with the following rule: 58

post-subj-adv < NEG +

post-subj-adv NEG +

This requires a post-subject negative adverb to precede another post-subject negative adverb if they are in the same order domain. It entails that two postsubject negative adverbs cannot appear in the same order domain and hence that they cannot be sisters. We noted in 5.2.1 and 6.3 that Welsh has examples with two negative adverbs and a double negation interpretation. The following illustrate: 59a Dw i ddim ddim yn poeni. be.PRES.1SG I NEG NEG PROG worry ‘I don’t not worry.’ 59b Dw i byth ddim yn poeni. be.PRES.1SG I never NEG PROG worry ‘I never not worry.’ 59c Dydy hi erioed ddim wedi helpu. NEG.be.3SG she never NEG PERF help ‘She has never not helped.’

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We argued, however, that the second adverb in such examples is not another complement of the preceding finite verb, but a premodifier of the following phrase. It follows that the two adverbs are not in the same order domain. Hence, neither (57) nor (58) will have any effect on such examples.

9.3. SOME LEXICAL ENTRIES In 8.3, we provided categories for various kinds of negative head. We also need appropriate lexical entries for the various n-words. We will look first at negative pronouns and adverbs and then we will consider negative quantifiers and pseudo-quantifiers.

9.3.1. NEGATIVE PRONOUNS AND ADVERBS Providing lexical entries for the negative pronouns neb and dim byd is a fairly straightforward matter. We considered the semantics of these elements in 8.4. We proposed in 9.2 that all n-words are [NEG +]. It seems, then, that we need something like the lexical entries in (60) and (61). 60

PHON neb HEAD

noun NEG +

COMPS <> CONTENT x STORE {[NOx, x a person]} 61

PHON dim byd HEAD

noun NEG +

COMPS <> CONTENT x STORE {[NOx, x a thing]}

These lexical entries and those below will also be [SUBJ <>]. No n-words take a subject. The situation is more complex with the negative pronoun nunlle and the various negative adverbs. We will look first at the adverbs and then consider nunlle. We have seen that ddim appears either as the complement of a finite verb or as a premodifier of certain predicative expressions. Nothing new is required to allow it to appear as a complement. What about its use as a

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premodifier? Within HPSG, information about modification is encoded in the MOD(IFIER) feature, whose value is a synsem object. We proposed in 8.4 that predicative expressions are [PRED +]. We also proposed in 8.4 that ddim places a negative operator in STORE. It seems, then, that we need something like the lexical entry in (62) for ddim. 62

post-subj-adverb PHON ddim adv NEG + HEAD FORM ddim MOD

phrase HEAD[PRED +]

COMPS <> STORE {NO}

We also need a phrase type head-modifier phrase subject to the following constraint: 63

hd-mod-ph →

DTRS < [1][SS[2]], [HEAD[MOD[2]]] > HD-DTR [1]

We can paraphrase the constraint as follows: 64

A head-modifier phrase has a head daughter and a non-head daughter, whose MOD value is identical to the SYNSEM value of the head daughter.

The lexical entry in (62) will interact with the constraint in (63) to license the structure in (66) for the bracketed phrase in (65): 65

Dw i ddim [ddim yn poeni]. be.PRES.1SG I NEG NEG PROG worry ‘I don’t not worry.’

66

phrase HEAD[1]

asp PRED +

SUBJ < [2] > adv NEG + HEAD FORM ddim MOD[3]

ddim

phrase [3] HEAD[1] SUBJ < [2] >

yn poeni

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It should be emphasized that the MOD specification in (63) means that ddim may modify a predicative expression, not that it must. Hence it does not prevent ddim from appearing as a complement. Byth and erioed differ from ddim in a variety of ways. Some of these are the result of constraints discussed in the last section. A further difference is that byth and erioed but not ddim can appear in sentence-final position. Thus we have contrasts like the following: 67

Fydd Sioned ddim yn canu byth. be.FUT.3SG Sioned NEG PROG sing never ‘Sioned will never sing.’

68

Fuo’ fo ddim yn gweithio erioed. be.PAST.3SG he NEG PROG work never ‘He was never working.’

69

*Dw i ddim yn cerdded ddim. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG walk NEG ‘I don’t walk at all.’

We assume that sentence-final adverbs are modifiers of a phrase headed by a verb. Thus, we suggest that byth and erioed have something like the lexical entry in (70) (we ignore their semantic properties). 70

post-subj-adverb PHON byth/erioed adv NEG + HEAD FORM byth/erioed phrase MOD HEAD verb COMPS <>

The type post-subj-adverb does not mean that they must appear in post-subject position, only that they may do. Given such lexical entries, (67) can have the structure in (71). 71

S V

NP

Adv

AspP Asp

VP [1]VP

fydd

Sioned

ddim

yn

canu

Adv [MOD[1]]

byth

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Example (69) will be excluded if ddim does not have the MOD specification in (71). Byth and erioed also occur in sentences which do not contain a VP such as the following: 72

Eith Megan ddim i Faentwrog byth. go.FUT.3SG Megan NEG to Maentwrog never ‘Megan will never go to Maentwrog.’

73

A’th Megan ddim i Faentwrog erioed. go.PAST.3SG Megan NEG to Maentwrog never ‘Megan has never been to Maentwrog.’

Such sentences are no problem given that finite clauses are phrases headed by a verb within the HPSG assumptions adopted here. Hence, (72) can have the structure in (74), and (73) can have a similar structure. 74

S [1]S

Adv [MOD [1]]

V

NP

Adv

PP

eith

Megan

ddim

i Faentwrog

byth

It will also be possible for examples like (67) and (68) to have a structure like this. Hence such examples will have two structures. It is not clear to us whether this should be seen as a problem. We can turn now to what we call sentence-final dim, which is illustrated by the following: 75

Dw i ddim yn cerdded dim. NEG be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG walk ‘I don’t walk at all.’

We argued in 6.4 that this modifies a non-finite VP but that it is subject to additional, rather unclear restrictions. Ignoring both these restrictions and semantics, we can propose the lexical entry in (76). 76

PHON dim adv NEG + HEAD

phrase MOD HEAD

COMPS <>

verb VFORM inf

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Given (76), we will have the structure in (77) for (75). 77

S V

NP

Adv

AspP Asp

dw

i

ddim

yn

VP [1]VP

Adv [MOD [1]]

cerdded

dim

We can now consider nunlle. This appears in the contexts in which neb and dim byd appear but also appears as a sentence-final adverb although not as a post-subject adverb, as the following show: 78a Dw i ddim wedi gweld Megan nunlle. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF see Megan nowhere. ‘I haven’t seen Megan anywhere.’ 78b *Dw i nunlle wedi gweld Megan. be.PRES.1SG I nowhere PERF see Megan ‘I haven’t seen Megan anywhere.’

We can account for the behaviour of nunlle by assigning it to a category like that of neb and dim byd but with the MOD feature of byth and erioed. Thus, we can propose the lexical entry in (79) (ignoring semantics once more). 79

PHON nunlle noun NEG + HEAD

MOD

phrase HEAD verb

COMPS <>

9.3.2. QUANTIFIERS AND PSEUDO-QUANTIFIERS We turn now quantifiers and pseudo-quantifiers. There are two of each that we need to consider. The main negative quantifier is dim, which, as we saw in 5.3.1, takes either a bare indefinite NP or a PP containing o ‘of’ and a definite NP as a complement, as in the following:

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Welish i ddim dyn. see.PAST.1SG I NEG man ‘I saw no man.’

81

Welish i ddim o ’r dynion. see.PAST.1SG I NEG of the men ‘I saw none of the men.’

209

We can propose the lexical entry in (82) here. 82

PHON dim quant HEAD NEG + COMPS < NP[indef]:[1] ∨ PP[o]:[1] > CONTENT x STORE {[NOx, x [1]]}

Here, following standard practice, we use ‘X:Y’ for a category X whose semantic content is Y. Thus, the lexical entry makes it clear that the restriction on the quantifier comes from the NP or PP complement. Given the lexical entry in (82), we will have structures like those in (83). 83

S QUANTS < [NOx, x a man] > CONTENT NUCLEUS [I saw x] STORE {} V

NP

welish

i

QP CONTENT x STORE {[NOx, x a man]}

ddim dyn

We noted in 5.3.1 that we have not just dim but also dim un with an NP or a PP complement. We assume, however, that this is just a combination of dim and un ‘one’ and hence that no lexical entry is necessary. We also saw in 5.3.3 that yr un, literally ‘the one’, ‘the same’ can be a negative element. As a negative element it is not just a combination of yr and un. Hence, it needs its own lexical entry. This will be very similar to (82), but must impose additional restrictions on the complement. We will not try to decide exactly how this should be done. We can now turn to the pseudo-quantifiers. First, we consider ddim in examples like the following:

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9. Formal analyses 2: Further matters Agoresh i ddim o ’r drws. open.PAST.1SG I NEG of the door ‘I didn’t open the door.’

As we emphasized in 5.3.2, this example does not have a partitive interpretation. We concluded that while it is syntactically a quantifier it is semantically a pure negative element comparable to adverbial ddim. This idea is embodied in the lexical entry in (85). 85

PHON ddim quant HEAD NEG + COMPS < PP[o]:[1]> CONTENT [1] STORE {[NO]}

The lexical entry indicates that the CONTENT value of ddim is the same as that of its PP complement. We assume that the preposition o also has the same CONTENT value as its complement when it heads the complement of a quantifier.3 It follows that a phrase headed by a pseudo-quantifier ddim has the same CONTENT value as the complement of o. The lexical entry also indicates that this element places a negative operator in STORE. Given this lexical entry, (84) will have the structure in (86). 86

S QUANTS < [NO] > CONTENT NUCLEUS [I opened the door] STORE {} V

NP

QP CONTENT [the door] STORE {[NO]}

agoresh

i

ddim o'r drws

Here we have the content that (87) would have if it were not ruled out by the Ddim NP Constraint: 87

*Agoresh i ddim y drws. open.PAST.1SG I NEG the door ‘I didn’t open the door.’

Notice that (85) does not require the object of o to be singular as it is in (84). It follows that (81) could contain pseudo-quantifier ddim as well as quantifier dim.

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As we noted in 5.3.2, we normally have mo instead of pseudo-quantifier dim + o, hence (88) instead of (84). 88

Agoresh i mo ’r drws. open.PAST.1SG I NEG the door ‘I didn’t open the door.’

We assume that this is a second pseudo-quantifier with essentially the same properties except that it takes a definite NP as its complement (and is inflected when the complement is pronominal). Hence, we can propose the lexical entry in (89): 89

PHON mo HEAD

quant NEG +

COMPS < NP[def ]:[1] > CONTENT [1] STORE {NO}

We emphasized in 5.3.2 that both pseudo-quantifier ddim and mo are restricted to finite object position. This is why the following are ungrammatical: 90a *Dw i ddim wedi agor dim o ’r drws. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PERF open NEG of the door ‘I haven’t opened any of the door.’ 90b *Soniodd Sioned ddim am ddim o ’r car. talk.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG about NEG of the car ‘Sioned didn’t talk about any of the car.’ 90c *Fydd dim o ’r goriad dan y llechan. be.FUT.3SG NEG of the key under the slate ‘None of the key will be under the slate.’ 91a *Fydd Sioned ddim yn yfed mo ’r gwin. be.FUT.3SG Sioned NEG PROG drink NEG the wine ‘Sioned won’t be drinking any of the wine.’ 91b *Edrychith Sioned ddim ar mo ’r rhaglenni eto. look.FUT.3SG Sioned NEG on NEG the programmes again ‘Sioned will look at none of the programmes again.’ 91c *Fydd mo ’r gwin yn ca’l ’i yfed. be.FUT.3SG NEG the wine PROG get 3SG.M drink ‘None of the wine will be drunk.’

How can we restrict these elements to finite object position? If finite object position had some distinctive property, for example a distinctive case, we could say that phrases headed by a pseudo-quantifier must have this property. However, as far as we are aware, there is no such property. It seems, then,

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that we need to say directly that a phrase headed by a pseudo-quantifier is confined to finite object position. We can do this with the following constraint, where ‘F’ is some feature specification which identifies phrases headed by a pseudo-quantifier: 92 phrase [1] → 'F'

HEAD

verb VFORM fin

COMPS < [], [1], … >

Technically, this is an ‘inside-out’ constraint, a type of constraint which has not been widely assumed within HPSG. However, Koenig (1999) presents a variety of evidence for such constraints. We think, then, that it is reasonable to propose a constraint of this form. Of course, it is necessary to determine what ‘F’ is.

9.4. SUMMARY In this chapter, we have expanded on the basic HPSG analysis of Welsh negation which we outlined in chapter 8. We have done two main things. Firstly, we have considered how the various constraints which influence the form of negative finite clauses should be formalized. Secondly, we have provided lexical entries for the various n-words that we have discussed in the preceding chapters. With the important exception of focus-negating dim, we have now provided a formal HPSG analysis of all the features of negation that we discussed in first seven chapters of the book. It seems that HPSG can accommodate these phenomena very satisfactorily.

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10.1. INTRODUCTION In the last two chapters, we developed a formal analysis of the main features of Welsh negation within the HPSG framework. In this chapter we will consider the possibility of providing an account of the Welsh data within the more widely assumed Principles and Parameters theory (P&P), the version of transformational grammar developed by Chomsky and his followers since about 1980.1 P&P work on negation has emphasized cases where negation has a dual expression, and much of it is committed to the idea that two negative elements are present even when only one is visible. The minimalist version of P&P, which has emerged over the last decade, appears not to be committed to this position, but it also seems to emphasize cases where negation has a dual expression. We will argue that such approaches cannot offer a satisfactory account of the Welsh data. We will begin by introducing the relevant P&P ideas. Then we will consider how the two negative dependencies that we have highlighted in the preceding chapters might be accommodated within P&P assumptions. Finally, we will consider the implications of some other data.

10.2. P&P AND NEGATION Much P&P work in the early 1990s sought to attribute the main properties of negation to a principle called the Neg-criterion. More recently it has been suggested within the minimalist version of P&P that the main syntactic processes involve the operation AGREE and it seems reasonable to assume that this would include those associated with negation.2 In this section we will introduce the two approaches.

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10.2.1. THE NEG-CRITERION The idea that the properties of sentential negation are largely a reflection of the Neg-criterion was developed by a number of P&P syntactians, notably Haegeman (1995), Zanuttini (1997) and Rowlett (1998). Haegeman (1995: 106) formulates the Neg-criterion as follows: 1

Neg-criterion a. a NEG-operator must be in a Spec-head configuration with an X0[NEG]; b. an X0[NEG] must be in a Spec-head configuration with a NEG-operator.

She defines a NEG-operator as a negative phrase in a scope position and defines a scope position as a certain sort of left-peripheral position. The constraint establishes a two-way dependency; a neg-operator requires a negative head and a negative head requires a negative operator.3 Since P&P is a transformational framework, there is a question about whether the criterion affects underlying or superficial positions. Haegeman proposes that the head may be in its underlying position or in its superficial position when the Neg-criterion applies, but that the operator must be in its superficial position. Haegeman recognizes a number of ways in which the Neg-criterion might be satisfied. Firstly, there are cases where both the negative operator and the negative head are overt. An example is provided by West Flemish, which has subordinate clauses like the following:4 2

da Valère dienen und nie en-kent that Valère that dog NEG NEG-knows ‘that Valère does not know that dog’

Here, nie is a negative operator and en- a negative head. Another example is French with examples like the following: 3

Jean ne mange pas de chocolat. Jean NEG eat.PRES.3SG NEG of chocolate ‘Jean does not eat any chocolate’

Haegeman assumes that pas here is a negative operator and that ne is a negative head which has been moved to a higher position with the verb. Here, then, the Neg-criterion is satisfied in the underlying position of the negative head. Secondly, there are cases where only the negative head is overt and the negative operator is empty. Haegeman (1995: 200) assumes that this is the case in an Italian example like the following: 4

Gianni non telefano a sua madre. Gianni NEG telephone.PRES.3SG to his mother ‘Gianni does not call his mother.’

Thirdly, there are cases where only the negative operator is overt and the negative head is empty. Haegeman (1995: 180) assumes that an English example like the following exemplifies this situation:5

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John does not eat chocolate.

Finally, there are cases where both the negative operator and the negative head are empty. Haegeman proposes that this situation may arise where the negative operator is not a ‘contentive’ element as in English examples like (5) but is an ‘expletive’ element associated with an overt negative dependent lower in the structure. Haegeman (1995: 186–7) suggests that this situation arises in English examples like (6a), which for her has something like the structure in (6b): 6a

John said nothing.

6b

[AgrP John [NegP OPi e [TP [VP said nothingi]]]]

It is worth noting that Haegeman’s approach has two ways in which the negative head may be higher than an associated negative dependent; the head may have been moved, as in (3), or the negative dependent may be the associate of an empty expletive operator, as in (6a). One feature of this framework that should be emphasized is the central role of empty categories. Examples (2) and (3) do not involve an empty category, but both (4) and (5) crucially involve one, and (6) involves two. This framework provides a variety of ways in which a sentence may satisfy the Neg-criterion and also a number of ways of ruling out ungrammatical examples. Consider for example, the following French data: 7a

Je ne suis *(pas) venu. I NEG be.PRES.1SG NEG come.PASTP ‘I have not come.’

7b

Je n’ ai vu personne. I NEG have.PRES.1SG see.PASTP no-one ‘I haven’t seen anyone.’

These examples show that the standard French negative sentence must contain pas unless some other n-word is present. Haegeman (1995: 193) proposes that this is because standard French lacks the contentive empty negative operator but has the expletive version. One would hope to be able to account for the main negation facts in any language by making appropriate assumptions about how the Neg-criterion can and cannot be satisfied in that language.

10.2.2. AGREE AND NEGATION Negation seems to have had rather less attention within Minimalism than within earlier versions of P&P. However, given that Minimalism is widely seen as an advance on earlier versions of the framework, it is important to consider what it can say about negation.6 For Minimalism, as developed in Chomsky (2001), the heart of syntax is the

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operation AGREE. This involves a probe, which is a feature of some kind on a head, and a goal, which the head c-commands, that is it is a constituent of a sister of the head. At least, normally, the probe is an uninterpretable feature and the goal has a matching interpretable feature. The goal also has some uninterpretable feature, which renders it ‘active’, that is capable of entering into a syntactic dependency. AGREE deletes the uninterpretable features of probe and goal. Thus, the input to AGREE is something like (8a) and the output (8b). (Following a widespread practice, an initial ‘u’ marks an uninterpretable feature.) 8a X [uF1] Y F1 uF2 8b X Y [F1]

Uninterpretable features must be deleted in the course of a derivation. Therefore, AGREE must apply whenever it can. The probe may also be associated with a so-called EPP feature, and if it is, the goal moves to the probe.7 The main focus of Chomsky’s recent papers is the ‘case agreement system’. Here, the uninterpretable φ-features (person, number, and gender features) of a head match the interpretable φ-features of a nominal phrase which it ccommands, and the latter is rendered active by an uninterpretable Case-feature. Chomsky suggests that ‘the analysis should generalise to other core syntactic processes’ (2001: 4). Presumably, this should include those associated with negation. The obvious way to apply this approach to negation is to assume that it involves a negative head corresponding to X in (8a) and (8b) and a negative dependent corresponding to Y.8 Again we have a two-way dependency, with both the head and the dependent requiring each other. We might assume that either can be empty but not both, and that the dependent may move to the head in some languages. In the case of the West Flemish example in (2), we might assume that en- is a negative head and nie a negative dependent and that nie has moved to en-. With the French example in (3), we could assume that ne is a negative head and pas a negative dependent and that there is no movement of

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the negative dependent. With the Italian example in (4), we could assume that non is a negative head and that there is an empty negative dependent lower in structure. Turning to the English examples, we might assume that not in (5) is a negative dependent which has moved to a higher negative head and that nothing in (6) is a negative dependent that has remained in a lower position. We can summarize these analyses as in Table 10.1. Table 10.1 Example

Negative head

Negative dependent

Movement of dependent to head

(2) (West Flemish) (3) (French) (4) (Italian) (5) (English) (6) (English)

enne non empty empty

nie pas empty not nothing

yes no no yes no

This approach, like the Neg-criterion approach, makes crucial use of empty categories, but it makes slightly less use, since it does not involve two empty categories in an example like (6). It seems, however, to involve more movement. The assumption that the negative dependent is c-commanded by the negative head when AGREE applies entails that movement applies when there are reasons for thinking that the negative dependent is a superficial specifier of the negative head. This approach can rule out ungrammatical examples in the same sorts of ways as the Neg-criterion approach. For example, it can rule out a version of (7) without pas by assuming that French does not have an empty negative dependent of the kind that is found in Italian. One would hope to be able to account for the main negation facts in any language by making appropriate assumptions about the nature of the negative heads and dependents to which AGREE applies. A further point to note about this approach is that it does not entail that all negative sentences contain two negative elements. If a negative element has an interpretable negative feature and no uninterpretable features, it does not need to undergo AGREE, and hence there is no need for another negative element. Thus, for example, one might assume that non in (4) has an interpretable negative feature and no uninterpretable features. It would follow that it does not undergo AGREE. The AGREE approach is arguably somewhat simpler than the Neg-criterion approach given its more limited use of empty categories. Therefore, we will concentrate on the AGREE approach in the next section.

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10.3. P&P AND WELSH NEGATIVE DEPENDENCIES A proponent of a Neg-criterion or AGREE-based approach to negation would presumably hope to show that it can predict the main properties of Welsh negation. We have identified two main negative dependencies in the preceding chapters. On the one hand, an n-word must be in a negative context (the Negative Context Requirement). This is why examples like the following are ungrammatical: 9

*Mae Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’

10

*Mi/Fe fydd neb yma. AFF be.FUT.3SG no-one here ‘No one will be here.’

11

*(Mi/Fe) geisiodd Gwyn ddeud dim byd. try.PAST.3SG Gwyn say NEG world ‘Gwyn tried not to say anything.’ AFF

On the other hand, a weak negative verb requires a negative dependent which is either a post-subject adverb, a subject, or a complement of the verb (the Negative Dependent Constraint). Thus, (12)–(14) are grammatical, but not (15) or (16): 12

Dydy Gwyn ddim yn cysgu. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG sleep ‘Gwyn is not sleeping.’

13

Does neb yn yr ardd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one in the garden ‘No one is in the garden.’

14

Welish i neb. see.PAST.3SG I no-one ‘I saw no one.’

15

*Na’th Emrys weld neb. do.PAST.3SG Emrys see no-one ‘Emrys didn’t see anybody.’

16

*Fuo’ fo ’n gweithio erioed. be.PAST.3SG he PROG work never ‘He has never worked.’

Both of these are one-way dependencies. A negative context does not require an n-word (unless it is headed by a weak negative verb), and a negative dependent does not require a weak negative verb. As we have indicated, both P&P approaches assume a single two-way dependency. Hence, on the face of it, they are not very promising.

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Someone might suggest that the two dependencies are really two aspects of a single two-way dependency. However, the differences between them make this quite implausible. They differ in their scope. Whereas all n-words require a negative context (of some kind), only a subset of negative heads, the weak ones, require a negative dependent. More importantly, they differ in locality. An n-word may be separated from the licensing context by a clause boundary, as (17) illustrates: 17

Paid â meddwl [bydd neb yna]. NEG.IMPV.SG with think be.FUT.3SG no-one there ‘Don’t think that anyone will be there.’

In contrast, a weak negative head requires a negative dependent which is very close, as the contrast between (12)–(14) and (15) and (16) shows. As far as we can see, then, there is no real prospect of analysing the two dependencies as two aspects of a single dependency. Assuming that we have two separate dependencies here, we should ask if either could be analysed in terms of AGREE. We will argue that the prospects are not good. We will look first at the Negative Context Requirement. A central feature of the Negative Context Requirement is that there are a number of different negative contexts. Some involve an overt negative head, strong or weak, but others do not, as the following illustrate: 18

Dw i ’n licio [gneud dim byd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG like do NEG world ‘I like doing nothing.’

19

Mae Sioned wedi bod [ddim yn dda]. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PERF be NEG PRED good ‘Sioned has been unwell.’

20

O’n i ’n llithro yn araf dros yr ochr, ADV slow over the side be.IMPF.1SG I PROG slip [a neb yn poeni o gwbl]. and no-one PROG worry of all ‘I was slipping slowly over the side, and no one was worried at all.’

To analyse the Negative Context Requirement in terms of AGREE one would have to assume that all contexts involve a negative head but that in some it is phonologically empty. Both weak negative heads and the empty negative heads in examples like (18)–(20) could plausibly be assigned an uninterpretable negative feature. A problem arises, however, with strong negative heads. They can appear with no negative dependent. It seems, then, that they are semantically negative and hence that they must have an interpretable negative feature. However, if they have an interpretable negative feature and n-words do as well, a strong negative head and an n-word will not be able to undergo AGREE. One possible response would be to assume that strong

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negative heads can have either an interpretable or an uninterpretable negative feature. This would amount to assuming that strong negative heads are ambiguous. This is not a very attractive position. Moroever, it faces a problem with examples like (21a) and (21b), which were (25a) and (25b) in 4.3. 21a Mi geisiodd Gwyn beidio (â) deud dim byd. AFF try.PAST.3SG Gwyn NEG with say NEG world ‘Gwyn tried not to say anything.’ (single negation) ‘Gwyn tried not to say nothing.’ (double negation) 21b Paid / Peidiwch (â) gweld neb. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL with see no-one ‘Don’t see anyone.’ (single negation) ‘Don’t see no one.’ (double negation)

These examples show that a double negation interpretation is possible in some examples containing a strong negative head and an n-word. On the face of it, examples like these pose a major problem for any attempt to analyse the Negative Context Requirement in terms of AGREE. A further problem arises from the long-distance nature of the Negative Context Requirement. Chomsky (2000, 2001) proposes that certain constituents are phases and that phases are subject to the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC). He formulates this as follows, where H is the head of a phase and its ‘edge’ is a specifier or an adjoined element: 22

The domain of H is not accessible to operations, but only H and its edge.

Among the constituents that are phases are Complementizer Phrases (CPs), and, on standard P&P assumptions, subordinate clauses are CPs. It follows that only a constituent in the specifier or head position of a subordinate clause is accessible to an external element. We have seen that an n-word may be licensed across the boundary of a subordinate clause. Example (17) illustrates with a finite clause, and (23) illustrates with a non-finite clause: 23

Dw i ddim yn disgwyl [i neb fod yna]. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG expect to no-one be there ‘I don’t expect anyone to be there.’

The n-words in these examples are not in the specifier or head position of the subordinate clause. It seems, then, that such examples violate the PIC. It has been suggested to us that one might overcome this problem by assuming that the subordinate clauses have an empty negative operator in their specifier position. It seems to us, however, that this will not overcome the problem. On this proposal, these examples will have the following structure: 24

[. . . negative head . . . [CP empty negative operator . . . n-word . . .]]

If AGREE is to apply to the negative head and the empty operator, the operator must have an interpretable negative feature. If it does, however, AGREE

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will not be able to apply to the empty operator and the n-word because both will have an interpretable negative feature. AGREE could apply to the empty operator and the n-word if the empty operator had an uninterpretable negative feature, but then it could not apply to the negative head and the empty operator since both would have an uninterpretable negative feature. Thus, it is doubtful whether an empty negative operator can provide a solution to the problem that examples like (17) and (23) pose. It seems, then, that an AGREE-based approach to the Negative Context Requirement faces some very serious problems. We turn now to the Negative Dependent Constraint. What exactly an AGREE-based approach to the constraint might involve depends on where the negative head is in the relevant sentences. P&P analyses of finite negation in Welsh are sketched in Rouveret (1991) and Rouveret (1994). Rouveret’s (1991) analysis involves a Negative Phrase (NegP) low in clause structure between a Tense Phrase (TP) and VP. He assumes an Agreement Phrase (AgrP) above TP. Thus, he assumes structures of the following form: 25

[AgrP Agr [TP Subj T [NegP Neg [VP . . . . ]]]]

He assumes that Neg moves to Agr with V and he proposes that negative adverbs are in the specifier position of NegP. We will refer to this as the low NegP analysis. Rouveret’s (1994) analysis involves a NegP high in clause structure between CP and AgrP, giving structures of the following form: 26

[CP [NegP Neg [AgrP Agr [TP Subj T [VP . . . . ]]]]]

He proposes that negative adverbs are adjoined to VP.9 An alternative would be to assume following Cinque (1999), that they occupy the specifier position of a functional category between TP and VP. We will refer to this as the high NegP analysis. These analyses depart from recent minimalist assumptions in assuming a semantically empty Agr head. We could bring them into line with recent assumptions by replacing Agr by T and T by v, a so-called light verb, which is assumed in much minimalist work. This would give structures of the following form: 27

[TP T [vP Subj v [NegP Neg [VP . . . . ]]]]

28

[CP [NegP Neg [TP T [vP Subj v [VP . . . . ]]]]]

We will assume structures like these in the following discussion. Rouveret (1994) gives two reasons for preferring a high NegP analysis to his earlier low NegP analysis, but neither is particularly persuasive. Hence, we will consider both analyses in the following discussion. On a low NegP analysis, the grammatical examples (12)–(14) will have something like the structures in (29)–(31) (where the n-words are in bold): 29

[TP Neg i-dydy j [vP Gwyn tj [NegP ddim t i [VP tj yn cysgu]]]]

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30

[TP Neg i-doesj [vP neb tj [NegP t i [VP tj yn yr ardd]]]]

31

[TP Neg i-welishj [vP i tj [NegP t i [VP tj neb]]]]

Note that traces mark the underlying positions of both Neg and the finite verb.10 While ddim could originate in its superficial position within the Negcriterion approach, it would have to originate within a lower position within the AGREE framework. In (29) and (31) AGREE could take place either before or after movement of Neg to T. In (30), it would have to take place after movement, given the position of the n-word. On a high NegP analysis, we will have something like the following structures: 32

[NegP Neg [TP dydyi [vP Gwyn ti [VP ddim [VP ti yn cysgu]]]]]

33

[NegP Neg [TP doesi [vP neb ti [VP ti yn yr ardd]]]]

34

[NegP Neg [TP welishi [vP i ti [VP ti neb]]]]

Again, traces mark the underlying position of the finite verb. Here, Neg does not move, so there is no question about whether AGREE applies before or after movement. On a low NegP analysis, the ungrammatical examples (15) and (16) would have the structures in (35) and (36): 35

[TP Neg i-nathj [vP Emrys tj [NegP t i [VP tj [VP weld neb]]]]]

36

[TP Neg i-fuoj [vP fo tj [NegP t i [VP tj [AspP ’n gweithio erioed]]]]]

On a high NegP analysis, they would have the following structures: 37

[NegP Neg [TP nathi [vP Emrys ti [VP ti [VP weld neb]]]]]

38

[NegP Neg [TP fuoi [vP fo ti [VP ti [AspP ’n gweithio erioed]]]]]

Somehow we need to allow the structures in (29)–(31) or (32)–(34) while excluding those in (35) and (36) or (37) and (38). One might try to use the PIC to rule out the unwanted structures. Chomsky (2000, 2001) proposes that phases are CP, vP, and possibly DP. Thus, the PIC entails that only the specifier or head of these elements can enter into the AGREE relation with an external element. Let us consider what this means in the present context. In the case of the low NegP analysis, the grammatical structures in (29)–(31) conform to the PIC, provided that AGREE takes place before movement of Neg in the case of (29) and (31), since after movement Neg is outside vP and the n-words are inside the complement of v. There is a problem, however, with the ungrammatical structures in (35) and (36). There is no obvious reason to think that there is a CP or a vP boundary between the underlying position of Neg and the n-word. Rouveret (1994) in fact proposes that nonfinite VPs are embedded in a DP, but a number of objections to this analysis are presented in Borsley (1997). It seems, then, that we cannot assume a DP boundary here and, therefore, as if the PIC will not rule out these structures.

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In the case of a high NegP analysis, there is a problem with (32) and (34) since, in both, the n-word is inside the complement of vP. Hence, both will violate the PIC. Example (33) is not a problem because the n-word is in Spec vP, hence at its edge. The PIC will also correctly rule out the ungrammatical structures in (37) and (38). It seems, then, that a low NegP analysis allows certain ungrammatical examples while a high NegP analysis excludes certain grammatical examples. We summarize the situation in Table 10.2. Table 10.2 Type of example

Low NegP analysis

High NegP analysis

Post-subject negative adverb, e.g. (12) Negative subject, e.g. (13) Negative object of a finite verb, e.g. (14) Negative object of a Non-finite verb, e.g. (15) Negative sentence-final adverb, e.g. (16)

Allowed Allowed Allowed Allowed Allowed

Excluded Allowed Excluded Excluded Excluded

We need to allow the first three types of example, while excluding the other two types. Thus, it seems that neither a low NegP nor a high NegP analysis allows a viable AGREE-based approach to the Negative Dependent Constraint. It seems, then, that an AGREE-based approach to the Negative Dependent Constraint is no more plausible than an AGREE-based approach to the Negative Context Requirement.

10.4. CONSTRAINTS ON DDIM In previous chapters we have highlighted three constraints that restrict the distribution of ddim in various ways: the Constraint on Extra-Strong Negative Verbs, the Negative Subject Constraint and the Ddim NP Constraint. These rule out examples like (39), (40), and (41), respectively: 39

*Paid / peidiwch ddim â mynd i Aberystwyth. NEG.IMPV.SG NEG.IMPV.PL NEG with go to Aberystwyth ‘Don’t go to Aberystwyth.’

40

*Fydd neb / dim byd ddim yma. be.FUT.3SG no-one NEG world NEG here ‘No one/nothing will be here.’

41

*Wela’ i ddim y dynion eto. see.FUT.1SG I NEG the men again ‘I won’t see the men again.’

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We will now consider how they might be accommodated within P&P assumptions. Within a low NegP analysis, the crucial structure is as shown in (42) (where we assume, as is standard within P&P and Minimalism, that NP is really DP). vP

42 DP

v’ v

NegP Adv

Neg’ Neg

VP V

…

To implement the Constraint on Extra-Strong Negative Verbs, we must somehow prevent the adverb in Spec NegP from being ddim if V is an extrastrong negative verb. It is not at all clear how this might be done. To implement the Negative Subject Constraint, we must somehow prevent the adverb in Spec NegP from being ddim if the DP in Spec vP is negative. If a negative subject could not co-occur with any negative adverb, one might propose that negative subjects move through the specifier position of NegP, as Ingham (2000) does to account for the incompatibility of a negative subject and a negative adverb in Late Middle English. However, as we have a seen, the negative adverb byth can co-occur with a negative subject in Welsh. It is just ddim that is impossible. It is not at all clear how this might be ensured. The Ddim NP Constraint seems even more problematic. One might suppose that what is required is some way of preventing V from having an object if the adverb in Spec NegP is ddim. However, we saw in 5.2.3 that ddim can co-occur with an object as long as the object does not immediately follow it. Example (43) illustrates this: 43

Wela’ i ddim bob tro ’r dynion. see.FUT.1SG I NEG every turn the men ‘I won’t always see the men.’

It is not at all obvious how one could rule out (41) without ruling out (43). We have also assumed that the Ddim NP Constraint accounts for the impossibility of ddim before a subject, as in (44): 44

*Does ddim lefrith yn y ffrij. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG milk in the fridge ‘There is no milk in the fridge.’

Nothing in (38) leads one to expect an adverb before the subject. However, we have seen that both byth and erioed can appear before the subject. Given the

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structure in (38), we must apparently assume that these adverbs can be moved to a pre-subject position. One could rule out (44) by stipulating that ddim cannot undergo this movement. However, one would then be assuming that the ungrammaticality of (44) is unrelated to the ungrammaticality of (41). This seems a dubious position. Within a high NegP analysis, we are concerned with something like the structure in (45). vP

45 DP

v’ v

VP Adv

VP V

…

To implement the Constraint on Extra-Strong Negative Verbs we must prevent the adverb adjoined to VP from being ddim if VP is headed by a certain sort of verb. This is probably not a problem if a VP headed by an Extra-Strong Negative Verb has some distinguishing feature. To implement the Negative Subject Constraint we must somehow ensure that the adverb adjoined to VP is not ddim if the DP in Spec vP is negative. There seems to be no obvious way to do this. Again the Ddim NP Constraint seems especially problematic. There seems to be no obvious way with a structure like (45) to rule out (41) and (44) while allowing (43). It seems, then, that both a low NegP analysis and a high NegP analysis have problems with the various constraints of ddim. It seems to us that the problems stem from two important features of P&P. Firstly, minimalist structures are quite complex. As a result, the elements which are affected by these constraints are further apart than they are are in an HPSG analysis. Secondly, the emphasis in P&P work is on situations in which certain items must cooccur. It does not seem to be equipped to handle situations in which two elements are incompatible.

10.5. SUMMARY In this chapter, we have looked at the possibility of providing an account of the central features of Welsh negation within Principles and Parameters theory (P&P). We have reached some rather negative conclusions. P&P work on negation has tried to account for the main facts of negation with a single constraint, the Neg-criterion in pre-minimalist work and AGREE within

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Minimalism. It seems that the facts of Welsh are too complex for this. Two rather different negative dependencies play a central role in Welsh: an n-word must be in a negative context (the Negative Context Requirement) and a negative dependent which is either post-subject adverb, a subject, or a complement (the Negative Dependent Constraint). We have argued that these dependencies cannot be seen as two aspects of a single dependency and that neither is plausibly analysed as an instance of AGREE. We have also argued that three constraints that restrict the distribution of ddim: the Constraint on Extra-Strong Negative Verbs, the Negative Subject Constraint, and the Ddim NP Constraint are problematic for P&P/Minimalist assumptions.

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11.1. INTRODUCTION In the preceding chapters we have provided a detailed fairly theory-neutral description of negation in informal Welsh and explored the theoretical implications of the facts, arguing that the HPSG framework can accommodate the main phenomena quite satisfactorily but that they are problematic for the P&P framework. In this final chapter, we will look at a number of further issues. We will highlight a variety of other phenomena, which should figure in a more comprehensive account of Welsh negation. We will also discuss some sociolinguistic and diachronic issues. Finally we will offer some concluding remarks.

11.2. FURTHER PHENOMENA Although we have dealt with a variety of different phenomena in the preceding chapters, there are various others which deserve at least a brief discussion. Some seem fairly straightforward. Others are more puzzling.

11.2.1. WAETH AND WIW Two interesting negative elements are forms of the adjectives gwiw ‘fitting’ and gwaeth ‘worse’.1 The following illustrate these: 1

Wiw/fiw i ti aros yma. fitting for you.SG stay here ‘You daren’t stay here.’

2

Waeth i ti aros yma. worse for you.SG stay here ‘You might as well stay here.’

Both forms are mutated, and northern dialects often have the form fiw instead of wiw. Both sentences have a negative interpretation. Moreover, they take negative tags, as the following show:

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3

Wiw/fiw i ti aros yma, na wiw/fiw? fitting for you.SG stay here NEG fitting ‘You daren’t stay here, dare you?’

4

Waeth i ti aros yma, na waeth? worse for you.SG stay here NEG worse ‘You might as well stay here, mightn’t you?’

It seems, then, that we have negative sentences here. In formal Welsh the negative particle ni can precede wiw and waeth, as in the following: 5

Ni wiw i ti aros yma. NEG fitting for you.SG stay here ‘You daren’t stay here.’

6

Ni waeth i ti aros yma. NEG worse for you.SG stay here ‘You might as well stay here.’

In the formal language there is no need to see wiw and waeth as negative, but they seem to be negative in informal Welsh. As we might expect, the complements of wiw and waeth may contain an nword. Thus, we have examples like the following: 7

Wiw/fiw i neb aros yma. fitting for no-one stay here ‘No one dare stay here.’

8

Waeth i neb aros yma. worse for no-one stay here ‘No one might as well stay here.’

As we also might expect, the complements may be negated with peidio.2 9

Wiw/fiw i ti beidio aros yma. fitting for you.SG NEG stay here ‘You daren’t not stay here.’

10

Waeth i ti beidio aros yma. worse for you.SG NEG stay here ‘You might as well not stay here.’

Both wiw and waeth may occur with non-present tense forms of bod ‘be’ although this is rather unusual with waeth. 11

Doedd

wiw/fiw i ti aros yma. fitting for you.SG stay here ‘You didn’t dare stay here.’

NEG.be.IMPF.3SG

12

Doedd waeth i ti aros yma. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG worse for you.SG stay here ‘It wasn’t worse for you to stay here.’

Notice that we have a weak negative verb here. Weak negative verbs are subject to the Negative Dependent Constraint. It follows that wiw and waeth must

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be n-words forming a negative dependent with their complements. Thus, (11) will be something like the structure in (13). 13

S

V [POL weak-neg]

doedd

AP [NEG +] AP [NEG +]

S

wiw/fiw

i ti aros yma

What about examples like (1) and (2)? We suggested in 3.3.3 that examples like the following involve a phonologically empty form of the copula: 14

Ti ’n mynd. you.SG PROG go ‘You’re going.’

One might suggest that the same is true with sentences like (1) and (2). However, the two types of example show a difference with respect to tags. With (14) we have a tag with a form of bod: 15

Ti ’n mynd, ynd wyt? you.SG PROG go Q.NEG be.PRES.2SG ‘You’re going, aren’t you?’

Not surprisingly sentences like (11) and (12) have tags with a form of the copula: 16

Doedd wiw/fiw i ti aros yma, nac oedd? NEG.be.IMPF.3SG fitting for you.SG stay here NEG be.IMPF.3SG ‘You daren’t stay here, did you?’

17

Doedd waeth i ti aros yma, nac oedd? NEG.be.IMPF.3SG worse for you.SG stay here NEG be.IMPF.3SG ‘It wasn’t worse for you to stay here, was it?’

In contrast, as we have seen, sentences like (1) and (2) have tags containing wiw and waeth. It seems, then, that we must reject the idea that these sentences involve a phonologically empty form of the copula. Hence, it seems that wiw and waeth must be negative heads when they are not accompanied by the copula and that (1) should have something like the structure in (18).

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18

S

A [POL strong-neg]

S

wiw/fiw

i ti aros yma

Here we have a clause which is not headed by a verb. Hence, we cannot define a clause as a certain type of verbal constituent. Probably the notion should be defined semantically. It seems, then, that wiw and waeth have a dual status. They may be either negative heads or heads of a negative dependent. A full analysis would require some mechanism to exclude present tense forms of bod with wiw and waeth. However, these items do not seem to pose any major problems.3

11.2.2. FAWR Wiw and waeth are negative elements which have developed through syntactic change from non-negative elements. Another example is seen in the following: 19

Does ’na fawr o bobl yn y cyfarfod. NEG.be.PRES.3SG there big of people in the meeting ‘Not many people are in the meeting.’

20

Enillish i fawr o arian. win.PAST.1SG I much of money ‘I didn’t win much money.’

21

Dw i fawr hapusach. be.PRES.1SG I big happier ‘I’m not much happier.’

22

Doedd o fawr feddwl mod i ’n mynd ffwr. NEG.be.IMPF.3SG he big think be I PROG go away ‘He did not much think that I was going away.’

These examples contain fawr, which is probably the soft-mutated form of mawr ‘big’, but means ‘not many’ or ‘not much’ here. It seems that it is not just semantically negative but also syntactically negative. In (19) and (20), it co-occurs with what is clearly a weak negative verb. Hence, it must be responsible for the satisfaction of the Negative Dependent Constraint. It is also incompatible with an unambiguously positive verb, as the following show: 23

*Mae ’na fawr o bobl yn y cyfarfod. be.PRES.3SG there big of people in the meeting ‘Not many people are in the meeting.’

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*Mi oedd o fawr feddwl mod i ’n mynd ffwr. AFF be.IMPF.3SG he big think be I PROG go away ‘He did not much think that I was going away.’

It looks, then, as if fawr must be an n-word. How exactly should fawr be analysed? Consider first (19) and (20). In these examples, fawr looks rather like the quantifier dim. It is natural to assume that it is another negative syntactic quantifier and hence that (19) has something like the structure in (25). S

25

V [POL weak-neg]

does

QP [NEG +] Q [NEG +]

PP

fawr

o bobl

PP

yn y cyfarfod

Obviously this conforms to the Negative Dependent Constraint. In (21) and (22) the Negative Dependent Constraint must be satisfied by a complement, and, if the complement is to be negative without any special mechanism, fawr must be its head. In both cases it is the head of a phrase that is a complement of the copula. In (21) it takes an AP as its complement. If we ask what sort of element can head a complement of the copula and take an AP as its complement, the obvious answer is the predicate marker yn, illustrated in (26): 26

Mae Megan yn glyfar. be.PRES.3SG Megan PRED clever ‘Megan is clever.’

It is possible, then, that fawr in (21) is a member of the same category. Another possibility is that it is an exceptional adjective, which can head a complement of the copula. We will remain neutral between these two possibilities and represent (21) as in (27). 27

S

V [POL weak-neg]

NP

dw

i

[NEG +] [NEG +]

AP

fawr

hapusach

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In (22), fawr takes a VP as its complement. If we ask what sort of element can head a complement of the copula and take an VP as its complement, the obvious answer is an aspect marker such as yn in (28): 28

Mae Megan yn cysgu. be.PRES.3SG Megan PROG sleep ‘Megan is sleeping.’

It may be that fawr in (22) is another member of this category. Alternatively, we might assume again that it is an exceptional adjective. Again we will remain neutral and represent (22) as in (29). S

29

V [POL weak-neg]

NP

doedd

o

[NEG +] [NEG +]

VP

fawr

feddwl mod i'n mynd ffwr

The preceding discussion suggests that fawr is both simpler and more complex than wiw and waeth. It is simpler because it is always the head of a negative dependent and never a negative head. On the other hand, it is more complex because it heads a number of types of negative dependents and must apparently be assigned to a number of different categories. Like wiw and waeth, however, fawr does not seem to pose any great problems.

11.2.3. DIM OND In the last two subsections, we considered negative constructions which pose no real problems. We turn now to some phenomena which are more problematic. We look first at dim ond ‘only’ (literally ‘nothing but’). The following illustrate this: 30

Does dim ond Gwyn yn ca’l caws ar dost i frecwast. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG but Gwyn PROG get cheese on toast for breakfast ‘Only Gwyn has cheese on toast for breakfast.’

31

Dydy Gwyn ddim ond yn herian. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG but PROG tease ‘Gwyn is only teasing.’

It is often reduced to mond, as in the following: 32

Does mond Gwyn yn ca’l caws ar dost i frecwast. NEG.be.PRES.3SG only Gwyn PROG get cheese on toast for breakfast ‘Only Gwyn has cheese on toast for breakfast.’

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Dydy Gwyn mond yn herian. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn only PROG tease ‘Gwyn is only teasing.’

The obvious question to ask here is whether dim ond is an n-word. Some data suggest that it is, but a variety of data suggest that it is not. Before we consider this question, we should note that dim ond may be argument dim followed by ond when it is followed by a thing-denoting NP, as in (34): 34

Does dim ond caws ar y bwrdd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG but cheese on the table ‘There is only cheese/nothing but cheese on the table.’

In this situation dim can be replaced by dim byd and may be separated from ond: 35

Does dim byd ond caws ar y bwrdd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG world but cheese on the table ‘There is nothing but cheese on the table.’

36

Does dim ar y bwrdd ond caws. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG on the table but cheese ‘There is nothing on the table but cheese.’

These things are not possible when dim ond is followed by anything other than a thing-denoting NP: 37a *Does dim byd ond Gwyn yn ca’l caws ar dost NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG world but Gwyn PROG get cheese on toast i frecwast. for breakfast ‘Only Gwyn has cheese on toast for breakfast.’ 37b *Does dim yn ca’l caws ar dost i frecwast ond Gwyn. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG PROG get cheese on toast for breakfast but Gwyn ‘Only Gwyn has cheese on toast for breakfast.’ 38a *Dydy Gwyn ddim byd ond yn herian rw ˆ an. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG world but PROG tease now ‘Gwyn is only teasing now.’ 38b *Dydy Gwyn ddim rw ˆ an ond yn herian. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG now but PROG tease ‘Gwyn is only teasing now.’

As we might expect, we can have neb ond instead of dim ond when a persondenoting NP follows (and in fact some speakers prefer this): 39a Does neb ond Gwyn yn ca’l caws ar dost i frecwast. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one but Gwyn PROG get cheese on toast for breakfast ‘No one but Gwyn has cheese on toast for breakfast.’

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39b Does neb yn ca’l caws ar dost i frecwast ond Gwyn. NEG.be.PRES.3SG no-one PROG get cheese on toast for breakfast but Gwyn ‘No one has cheese on toast for breakfast but Gwyn.’

We can now consider whether dim ond is an n-word. Two sorts of data suggest that it is. Firstly, it seems that dim ond XP can satisfy the Negative Dependent Constraint. Examples (30) and (31) are relevant here. On the face of it, these are much like the following, where the Negative Dependent Constraint is satisfied by the quantifier dim and the adverb ddim: 40

Does dim o ’r dynion yn ca’l caws ar dost i frecwast. NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG of the men PROG get cheese on toast for breakfast ‘None of the men has cheese on toast for breakfast.’

41

Dydy Gwyn ddim yn herian. NEG.be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG tease ‘Gwyn isn’t teasing.’

Secondly, there are examples which suggest that dim ond requires a negative context. Consider, for example, the following:4 42

*Ma’ dim ond Gwyn yn ca’l caws ar dost i frecwast. be.PRES.3SG NEG but Gwyn PROG get cheese on toast for breakfast ‘Only Gwyn has cheese on toast for breakfast.’

If we ask why this example is ungrammatical, the obvious answer is that dim ond is an n-word that is not in a negative context. In other words it is natural to assume that this is ungrammatical for the same reason as the following: 43

*Ma’ dim o ’r dynion yn ca’l caws ar dost i frecwast. be.PRES.3SG NEG of the men PROG get cheese on toast for breakfast ‘None of the men has cheese on toast for breakfast.’

It seems, then, that there is some evidence that dim ond is an n-word. However, there is a variety of evidence that it is not. First, some speakers allow the following as well as (31): 44

Ma’ Gwyn dim ond yn herian. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG but PROG tease ‘Gwyn is only teasing.’

Second, most speakers accept dim ond within the complement of an unambiguously positive verb: 45a Ma’ Gwyn yn ca’l dim ond caws ar dost i frecwast. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PROG get NEG but cheese on toast for breakfast ‘Gwyn only has cheese on toast for breakfast.’ 45b Ma’ Gwyn yn ca’l caws ar dost dim ond i frecwast. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PROG get cheese on toast NEG but for breakfast ‘Gwyn has cheese on toast only for breakfast.’

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Third, most speakers allow dim ond within a fronted constituent: 46a Dim ond Gwyn sy ’n ca’l caws ar dost i frecwast. NEG but Gwyn be.PRES.3SG PROG get cheese on toast for breakfast ‘It’s only Gwyn who has cheese on toast for breakfast.’ 46b Dim ond caws ar dost ma’ Gwyn yn ga’l i frecwast. NEG but cheese on toast be.PRES.3SG Gwyn PROG get for breakfast ‘It’s only cheese on toast that Gwyn has for breakfast.’

In fact, examples with dim ond in initial position are generally preferred to equivalent examples with it in other positions. We have seen in various places that n-words cannot appear in this position. In many ways, dim ond seems like yn unig, which also means ‘only’. It seems that the only real difference is that an NP containing yn unig can appear as subject of an unambiguously positive verb, as (47) shows: 47

Ma’ Gwyn yn unig yn ca’l caws ar dost i frecwast. be.PRES.3SG Gwyn ADV alone PROG get cheese on toast for breakfast ‘Gwyn alone has cheese on toast for breakfast.’

It seems, then, that dim ond behaves like an n-word when it is within the subject of a finite clause but not when it is other positions. This is a puzzling situation.5

11.2.4. N-WORDS IN AFFIRMATIVE CONTEXTS A second puzzling type of data involves certain n-words in affirmative contexts. We have emphasized in the preceding chapters that n-words require a negative context. However, in the right circumstances the following is acceptable: 48

Mi alli di neud dim byd! AFF can.PRES.2SG you.SG do NEG world ‘You can do nothing!’

Thus, n-words are sometimes acceptable in an affirmative context. The use of n-words in affirmative contexts is quite restricted. Firstly, there is a semantic or pragmatic restriction. The negative situation must be marked or emphasized in some way. Thus, (48) might be appropriate where the addressee has considered several options and is then advised by the speaker to do nothing. Similar remarks apply to the following: 49a Dw i ’di gneud dim byd heddiw! be.PRES.1SG I PERF do NEG world today ‘I’ve done nothing today!’ 49b Y dynion sy ’n gneud dim byd. the men be.PRES.3SG PROG do NEG world ‘It’s the men who are doing nothing.’

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49c Pwy sy ’n gneud dim byd? who be.PRES.1SG PROG do NEG world ‘Who is doing nothing?’

In (49a), the speaker might be reflecting with regret on a day of lack of achievement. In (49b), the lack of activity by the men might be contrasted with energetic and profitable activity by the women. And in (49c), the speaker might be drawing attention to someone’s lack of action. Secondly, while dim byd (and its equivalent argument dim) readily occurs in an affirmative context, neb and nunlle are much less acceptable. Thus, the following are marginal at best: 50a ??Dw i ’di gweld neb heddiw. no-one today be.PRES.1SG I PERF see ‘I’ve seen no one today.’ 50b ??Mi alli di edmygu neb. AFF can.PRES.2SG you.SG admire no-one ‘You can admire no-one.’ 50c ??Y dynion sy ’n helpu neb. the men be.PRES.3SG PROG help no-one ‘The men are helping no one.’ 50d ??Pwy sy ’n licio neb? who be.PRES.3SG PROG like no-one ‘Who likes no one?’ 51a ??Dw i ’di bod yn nunlle heddiw. be.PRES.1SG I PERF be in nowhere today ‘I’ve been nowhere today.’ 51b ??Mi alli di fynd i nunlle. AFF can.PRES.2SG you.SG go to nowhere ‘You can go nowhere.’ 51c ??Y dynion sy ’n mynd i nunlle. the men be.PRES.3SG PROG go to nowhere ‘It’s the men who are going nowhere.’ 51d ??Pwy sy ’n ymweld â nunlle? who be.PRES.3SG PROG visit with nowhere ‘Who is visiting nowhere?’

Finally, while n-words may appear in an affirmative context as object of a non-finite verb, they do not seem to be possible in other positions: 6 52a *Ma’ dim byd yn plesio Siân heddiw! be.PRES.3SG NEG world PROG please Siân today ‘Nothing pleases Siân today!’ 52b *Mi welish i ddim byd. AFF see.PAST.1SG I NEG world ‘I have seen nothing.’

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52c ??Dw i ’di meddwl am ddim byd. be.PRES.1SG I PERF think about NEG world ‘I’ve thought about nothing.’

It is not at all clear to us what we should make of these data. It may be that they necessitate a revision of some kind to the analysis of n-words that we developed in chapter 8. However, it is far from clear what would be appropriate.7 There is one further matter that we want to discuss here. Consider the following example: 53

Dw i ddim yn nabod y dyn sydd wedi torri dim byd. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG know the man be.PRES.3SG PERF break NEG world ‘I don’t know the man who has broken nothing.’

It seems to us that this is another example of an n-word in affirmative context. Here, however, the affirmative context is a relative clause. If we did not know that n-words were sometimes acceptable in an affirmative context, such examples might lead us to think that an n-word can be licensed across the boundary of a relative clause, contrary to the conclusion that we reached in 4.4. However, it is easy to show that this is not what we have here. The relative clause in (53) is perfectly acceptable with an affirmative main clause, as (54) shows: 54

Dw i ’n nabod y dyn sydd wedi torri dim byd. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know the man be.PRES.3SG PERF break NEG world ‘I know the man who has broken nothing.’

Hence, it is clear that the n-word in (53) is not licensed by the main clause negation. Notice also that we have a double negation interpretation in (53). Where an n-word in a subordinate clause is licensed by negation in the main clause, a single negation interpretation is possible, as (55) shows: 55

Dw i ddim yn meddwl [bydd neb yna]. be.FUT.3SG no-one there be.PRES.SG I NEG PROG think ‘I don’t think anyone will be there.’

Thus, an example like (53) does not cast any doubt on our conclusion that an n-word cannot be licensed across the boundary of a relative clause.

11.2.5. A FEW MORE PHENOMENA In this subsection, we look briefly at a few more negative phenomena. First we consider what we will call clausal dim. In 6.5, we looked at what we call focus-negating dim, an element which is normally although not always clause-initial. Clausal dim is also clause-initial, but it does not seem to be negating a focused constituent. Rather it negates a proposition which the addressee might think is true on the basis of the preceding discourse. The following illustrates this:

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11. Further issues Dw i ’n golchi ’r car bob dydd Sadwrn. be.PRES.1SG I PROG wash the car every day Saturn Dim mod i ’n licio golchi ’r car. NEG be I PROG like wash the car ‘I wash the car every Saturday. Not that I like washing the car.’

The clause that follows dim is verb-initial, as (56) and the following show: 57a Dim bod Sioned wedi bod yn drafferthus. NEG be Sioned PERF be PRED troublesome ‘Not that Sioned has been troublesome.’ 57b Dim bydd o yn erbyn y syniad. NEG be.FUT.3SG he in against the idea ‘Not that he’ll be against the idea.’ 57c Dim base hi ’n gallu helpu. NEG be.COND.3SG she PROG can help ‘Not that she could help.’

Formally, it is a subordinate clause. This is especially clear in the case of (56) and (57a), which contain the non-finite form bod ‘be’. We noted in 3.3.3 that this is a feature of subordinate clauses. The possibility of an unmutated verb as in (57b–c) also suggests that we have a subordinate clause. As indicated in 3.6, for some speakers, this is possible in a subordinate clause but not a main clause. In all the examples we have given, the main verb in the clause following dim is the copula. It seems that this is always the case for many speakers. It is not clear to us whether there are speakers for whom other verbs are possible. Like focus-negating dim, clausal dim is not an n-word. Rather it is a negative head of some kind. It may well be that they are the same element. However, further research will be needed to determine whether this is a viable position. A further element which we should consider briefly is prin ‘rare’ in examples like the following: 58

Prin mod i ’n gweld Gwyn. rare be I PROG see Gwyn ‘I rarely see Gwyn.’

Prin is relevant here because it licenses n-words, as the following shows: 59

Prin mod i ’n gweld neb. rare be I PROG see no-one ‘I rarely see anyone.’

Prin is followed by what looks like a subordinate clause. It looks, then, as if we may have a main clause consisting just of an adjective, something which we saw earlier with wiw and waeth.8 Unlike wiw and waeth, however, prin is

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never accompanied by the copula. We do not have examples like the following: 60

*Doedd prin mod i ’n gweld Gwyn. NEG.be.PRES.3SG rare be I PROG see Gwyn ‘I rarely saw Gwyn.’

There is another, possibly more important, difference between prin and wiw and waeth. We saw earlier that wiw and waeth take negative tags. In contrast, prin takes a positive tag, as (61) illustrates:9 61

Prin bod hi ’n mynd allan y dyddie ma, ynte / *nage? Rare be she PROG go out the days here TAG NEG.TAG ‘She rarely goes out these days, does she?’

This suggests that prin is not a negative element in the way that wiw and waeth are. It may be that prin is a positive element which is associated with a negative implication – if I rarely see someone then I don’t see them often – and that it is this implication which (somehow) licenses an n-word. In other words, it may be that prin is like anodd ‘difficult’, which as we suggested in 4.5 licenses an n-word because it entails ‘not easy’.10 Another matter that we should mention here is a further use of the pseudoquantifier mo. As we saw in 5.3.2, its basic use is exemplified by examples like (62): 62

Agoresh i mo ’r drws. open.PAST.1SG I NEG the door ‘I didn’t open the door.’

A surprising fact about mo is that it also appears in examples like the following: 63

Nesh i mo ’i weld o. do.PAST.1SG I NEG 3SG.M see he ‘I didn’t see him.’

Here, it is followed by a VP. This is essentially an alternative to (64): 64

Nesh i ddim ’i weld o. do.PAST.1SG I NEG 3SG.M see he ‘I didn’t see him.’

Here, we have ddim followed by a VP, something we have seen many times. We assume that the NP following mo in (62) is its complement. Examples like (63) might lead one to suggest that mo also takes a VP complement. This may be right. Notice, however, that we do not have examples like the following: 65

*Nesh i mo weld Emrys. do.PAST.1SG I NEG see Emrys ‘I didn’t see Emrys.’

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It seems, then, that mo can only be followed by a VP that contains a proclitic. This is a rather surprising restriction, and it is not a simple matter to incorporate it into an explicit analysis. One more matter that we want to mention here is illustrated by examples like the following: 66

Wyt ti ’n dod neu ddim / beidio? be.PRES.2SG you.SG PROG come or NEG NEG ‘Are you coming or not?’

On the face of it, we have a kind of ellipsis here. A related non-elliptical sentence is (67): 67

Wyt ti ’n dod, neu wyt ti ddim yn dod? be.PRES.2SG you.SG PROG come or be.PRES.2SG you.SG NEG PROG come ‘Are you coming, or are you not coming?’

This contains ddim. Example (66) does not seem to have a non-elliptical counterpart with peidio. Example (68) is ungrammatical for most speakers: 68

*Wyt ti ’n dod neu wyt ti ’n peidio dod? be.PRES.2SG you.SG PROG come or be.PRES.2SG you.SG PROG NEG come ‘Are you coming or are you not coming?’

We noted in 2.4.1 that peidio cannot follow an aspect marker unlike an ordinary non-finite verb. Thus, while (67) might be seen as a non-elliptical counterpart of the version of (66) with ddim, there is no non-elliptical counterpart of the version of (66) with peidio. We conclude that ellipsis is a complex matter that deserves detailed attention.

11.3. SOCIOLINGUISTIC ISSUES In many places in the preceding chapters we have drawn attention to syntactic variation. For example, we have noted that negation in complement clauses can be realized in the following ways: 69a Dw i ’n gwbod na fydd Mair yna. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know NEG be.FUT.3SG Mair there ‘I know that Mair will not be there.’ 69b Dw i ’n gwbod na fydd Mair ddim yna. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know NEG be.FUT.3SG Mair NEG there ‘I know that Mair will not be there.’ 69c Dw i ’n gwbod fydd Mair ddim yna. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know be.FUT.3SG Mair NEG there ‘I know that Mair will not be there.’

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Examples like these provide classic data for variationist sociolinguistics, which originates in the work of Labov (1966, 1972b). This type of sociolinguistics is partly based on the concept of a variable and its variants. In the above data, we have the variable (complement clause negation) and its variants na . . . , na . . . ddim, and . . . ddim. Variationist sociolinguistics analyses any correlations between the variants and the group characteristics of language users, for example region, social class, educational background, acculturation, age, and sex. We became very conscious of the fact that we could only make very general statements about the correlation of variants and extralinguistic factors in the area of negation. In various places, we have been forced to say that a particular variant is used ‘by some speakers’ and ‘in some northern/southern areas’. This is despite the fact that there is a range of sociolinguistic work on Welsh, as is found in Ball (1988), M. C. Jones (1998), R. O. Jones (1993), and B. Thomas (1980, 1989). Thomas (1973) and Thomas and Thomas (1989) present dialect studies, and Awbery (1988, 1990) investigates negation in a particular dialect. Systematic investigation of the dialectology and sociolinguistics of the patterns of negation over a range of speakers would seem to us to be a rich field of research. The following list gives an indication of the possibilities: 70a The negative forms of the present tense of the copula (3.3.2 and 3.4). 70b Mutation of negative verbs (3.3.2). 70c Noun clauses (3.4). 70d Perfective uses of byth and erioed (5.2). 70e Multiple negative adverbs ddim byth and ddim erioed (5.2.1). 70f

The pseudo-quantifier: ddim o/mo/ddim (5.3.2).

70g Yr un (5.3.3). 70h The focus-negating forms dim and nage (6.5).

Even basic data on the geographical and social distribution of the variants would be a considerable addition to our knowledge of Welsh.

11.4. DIACHRONIC ISSUES With negation as with any other area of syntax, there are not just synchronic questions about the system as it is today but also diachronic questions about how the system came to have the properties which it has today. We have touched on a number of diachronic issues here. We noted in chapter 1 that formal Welsh is in most respects a reflection of an earlier form of informal Welsh and that this certainly seems to be the case in the area of negation. Thus, the language has moved from a system in which

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negation is marked by a preverbal particle to one in which the main marking of negation is a negative dependent, most commonly the adverb ddim. In other words, it has moved from examples like (71) to examples like (72): 71

Ni soniodd Sioned am y digwyddiad. NEG mention.PAST.3SG Sioned about the event ‘Sioned did not talk about the event.’

72

Soniodd Sioned ddim am y digwyddiad. mention.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG about the event ‘Sioned did not talk about the event.’

As Poppe (1995) notes, we seem to have an example here of what is known as Jespersen’s cycle, a major topic in many discussions of negation.11 Jespersen (1917) noted that there is a tendency for phonologically weak markers of negation to come to be reinforced by a second negative marker and for the original marker subsequently to be lost, with the result that the second marker becomes the sole marker of negation. This happened in both French and English, as the following data from Horn (2001: 455) shows: 73

Old French: Jeo ne dis Modern French (Standard): Je ne dis pas Modern French (Colloquial): Je dis pas

74

Old English: Middle English: Early Modern English:

Ic ne secge Ic ne seye not I say not

We have essentially the same development in Welsh, with formal sentences like the following representing an intermediate stage: 75

Ni soniodd Sioned ddim am y digwyddiad. NEG mention.PAST.3SG Sioned NEG about the event ‘Sioned did not talk about the event.’

Thus, we seem to have a straightforward case of Jespersen’s cycle. Horn (2001: 452) notes that the elements that are used to reinforce a weak marker of negation are either indefinite elements or ‘minimizers’, expressions denoting small entities or negligible quantities. He notes that French pas derives from Latin passum ‘a step’. Welsh is similar. According to Anwyl (1899: 171), dim originally meant ‘a bit’. Of course, wiw, waeth, and fawr, discussed above, show that it is not just indefinites and minimizers that can acquire a negative meaning. We have noted in various places that Welsh has subordinate clauses in which the only marker of negation is the preverbal particle na(d). The following illustrates: 76

O’n i ’n gwbod nad oedd Gwyn yn hapus. be.IMPF.1SG I PROG know NEG be.IMPF.3SG Gwyn PRED happy ‘I knew that Gwyn wasn’t happy.’

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What this means is that subordinate clauses represent an earlier stage in Jespersen’s cycle. It is natural to wonder why this should be. It may be that it is a reflection of a tendency for subordinate clauses to be more conservative than main clauses. Alternatively, it may reflect a tendency for sentence-initial elements to be lost but not elements in initial position in a subordinate clause. This matter deserves detailed attention. Welsh also shows the development of new negative heads through the reduction of sequences containing a negative dependent. We see this in the southern s-forms of copula illustrated by the following: 77a Sa

i ’n gwbod. I PROG know ‘I don’t know.’ NEG.be.PRES

77b So

ni isie hwnna. we want that ‘We don’t want that.’

NEG.be.PRES

77c Smo fi ’n mynd â hwnna. NEG.be.PRES I PROG go with that ‘I’m not taking that.’

As we noted in chapter 3, these forms derive from nid oes dim o ‘there is nothing of’. However, they are just a kind of negative verb. Their development deserves a detailed investigation. A further matter that should be investigated is the historical development of n-words. We noted in 4.5 that Fynes-Clinton (1913: 392) gives the following example, in which an n-word appears in an affirmative interrogative: 78

Oes neb yn y tyˆ? be.PRES.3SG no-one in the house ‘Is there anyone in the house?’

It seems that neb and other negative elements were not originally semantically negative. David Willis has drawn our attention to the following examples from Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi (The four branches of the Mabinogi), four related medieval tales: 79

. . . goathrist yw genhyf i guelet neb yn lle Bendigeiduran anyone in place Bendigeidfran very-sad be.PRES.3SG with.1SG me see uy mrawt my brother ‘ . . . I am very sad to see anyone in the place of Bendigeidfran my brother’ (Williams 1930: 49.13)

80

. . . a dywedy di ymi dim o ’th negesseu? Q tell.PRES.2SG you to-me anything of your errands ‘ . . . will you tell me anything of your errands?’ (Williams 1930: 12.18–19)

There is clearly a lot to be said here.

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11.5. CONCLUDING REMARKS In this book, we have looked at length at one of the most interesting areas of Welsh syntax. We have provided a detailed description of the main features of negation in informal Welsh. We have also explored the theoretical implications of the facts, arguing that the HPSG framework can accommodate the main phenomena quite satisfactorily, but that they are problematic for the P&P framework. We have emphasized in this chapter that there are a variety of further issues that remain to be explored. There are also matters which we discussed in earlier chapters where more work is very obviously necessary. The most important of these is the various positive uses of n-words discussed in 4.5. We have not provided an analysis of these, and as we have noted, bringing them into the picture might entail some revisions to the analysis that we have developed in 8.4. Another is focus-negating dim, which we discussed in chapter 6, but for which we have not provided an analysis. There are also unresolved issues about sentence-final dim. There is, then, plenty of work still to do in this area.12 However, arguably more important than further work on negation is work on other aspects of Welsh grammar, including some that have impinged on the discussion in this book. Consider, for example, adverbs. We have naturally been concerned with adverbs in various places. It is clear, however, that they are an important topic in their own right and one that has had very little attention. It is not clear, for example, exactly which adverbs can appear in post-subject position. Adverbs probably deserve as much attention as negation, and as with negation, there is a variety of theoretical literature which could be brought to bear, for example, Cinque (1999) and Ernst (2002). It is not hard to think of other areas which are equally deserving of attention. Reflexive pronouns and comparative constructions are two that come to mind. As we emphasized in chapter 1, we do not suppose for a moment that we have said the final word on Welsh negation here. Future work will provide more comprehensive and more sophisticated analyses. We hope, however, that the book will provide a solid basis for any future work in this area and also that it may provide a stimulus for similar work in other areas.

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This questionnaire was used mainly in face-to-face informal interviews with informants (two informants gave judgements through e-mail). The completion of the questionnaire was staged over at least two sessions. Informants were encouraged to adapt the data to conform with their own dialects. They were asked to judge the examples on the basis of their everyday use and experiences of informal spoken Welsh, and to ignore all notions about correctness. 1

A allwch chi ddefnyddio byth ac erioed heb eiriau eraill i roi ateb negyddol i gwestiynau fel y canlynol? (‘Can you use byth and erioed without other words to give a negative answer to questions like the following?’) (a) A: Pa mor aml wyt ti’n gweld Sioned y dyddiau ’ma? B: Byth. (b) A: Faint o weithiau wyt ti wedi bod yn Los Angeles? B: Erioed. (c) A: Faint o’r dynion ydych wedi’i weld? B: Yr un ohonyn nhw.

2

A allwch chi ddehongli’r brawddegau canlynol fel bod un negydd yn negyddu’r llall? (‘Can you interpret the following sentences in a way that one negative negates the other?’) (a) Does neb yn caru neb. (= ‘No one loves no one.’) (b) Alla’ i ddim gneud dim byd. (= ‘I can’t do nothing.’) (c) Does neb yn dweud dim byd. (= ‘No one is saying nothing.’) (d) Does neb byth yn gweld Megan. (= ‘Nobody never sees Megan.’) (e) Dydy Megan byth yn gweld neb. (= ‘Megan never sees no one.’)

3

A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (‘Can you say the following?’) (a) Dw i’n licio gwneud dim byd. (b) Dw i’n gobeithio gweld neb.

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(c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m)

Dw i’n trio gwneud dim byd. Mae’n well deud dim byd. Dw i’n awyddus i neud dim byd. Dw i’n falch o dalu dim byd. Dw i’n siwr o ennill dim byd. Ma’ byta dim byd yn ddrwg i ti. Ar ôl gneud dim byd trwy’r bore, mi weithiodd yn galed yn y p’nawn. Aeth llawer o bobl i Fangor er i neb fynd i Aberystwyth. O’n i’n llithro yn araf dros yr ochr, a neb yn poeni o gwbl. O’n i’n llithro yn araf dros yr ochr, a Megan yn dweud dim byd. O’n i’n llithro yn araf dros yr ochr, a Megan ddim yn dweud dim byd.

4

A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Heb fynd i Aberystwyth mae Gwyn. (b) Peidio â mynd i Aberystwyth alla’ i.

5

A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Adawodd Siôn cyn gweld neb. (= ’Sion left before seeing anyone.’) (b) Adawodd Siôn ar ôl gweld neb. (= ’Siôn left after seeing no one’) (c) Adawodd Sioned cyn i neb ei gweld hi. (= ’Sioned left before anyone saw her.’) (d) Adawodd Sioned ar ôl i neb ei gweld hi. (= ’Sioned left after no one saw her.’) (e) Ceua’r drws rhag ofn i neb dy weld ti. (= ’Close the door before anyone sees you.’)

6

A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Ma’n nhw’n gwrthod mynd, nac ydyn/ynd ydyn? (b) Mae Mair yn ’cau/pallu aros, nac ydy/ynd ydy? (c) Dw i’n methu/ffili gweld, nac ydw/ynd ydw? (d) Ma’n nhw’n gwrthod prynu dim byd. (e) Mae Mair yn ’cau/pallu deud dim byd. (f) Dw i’n methu/ffili gweld neb. (g) Mi na’th o rwystro fi rhag mynd â dim byd. (h) Mi nesh i rwystro Sioned rhag gweld neb. (i) Na’th o wadu cymryd dim byd. (j) Na’th hi wadu gweld neb. (k) Dw i’n ame os nad oes neb yna. (l) Dw i’n ame bod ’na neb yna. (m) Dw i ddim yn ame nad ydy hi’n ddigon dymunol.

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(n) Mae’n rhy hwyr i neud dim byd. (o) Mae’n rhy dywyll i weld neb. (p) Mae’n anodd gweld dim byd. 7

A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Dw i ddim yn meddwl mod i wedi torri dim byd. (b) Dw i ddim yn meddwl bydd Sioned yn gweld neb. (c) Dw i ddim yn meddwl bod Sioned yn gneud dim byd. (d) Dw i ddim yn meddwl bydd neb yna. (e) Dw i ddim yn derbyn bod Sioned wedi prynu dim byd. (f) Dw i ddim yn gwbod os ydy Sioned wedi prynu dim byd. (g) Sa i’n credu bod Sioned wedi torri dim byd. (h) Ddydodd John nad oedd o’n credu bod Sioned wedi torri dim byd. (i) Paid â chredu bod Sioned wedi torri dim byd. (j) Nei di beidio â chredu bod Sioned wedi torri dim byd. (k) Nei di beidio â chredu’r honiad bod Sioned wedi torri dim byd. (l) Dw i’m yn licio’r ffaith bod Sioned wedi torri dim byd. (m) Dw i ddim yn credu’r honiad bod Sioned wedi prynu dim byd. (n) Ddydodd John nad oedd o’n credu’r honiad bod Sioned wedi torri dim byd. (o) Paid â chredu’r honiad bod Sioned wedi torri dim byd. (p) Sa i’n credu’r honiad bod Sioned wedi torri dim byd.

8

A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Adawodd Sioned cyn gweld unrhyw un. (b) Ma’n nhw’n gwrthod prynu unrhyw beth. (c) Mi na’th o rwystro fi rhag fynd ag unrhyw beth. (d) Na’th o wadu cymeryd unrhyw beth. (e) Mae’n rhy hwyr i neud unrhyw beth. (f) Mae’n anodd gweld unrhyw beth. (g) Ma’ Sioned yn well na unrhyw un.

9

A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Dydy Mair ddim yn cwyno byth. (b) Dw i ddim yn byta caws byth. (c) Dydy Gwyn ddim wedi mynd i Aberystwyth erioed. (d) Dw i ddim wedi gweld morfil erioed.

10 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Dw i ddim bob tro’n ca’l uwd i frecwast. (b) Dw i bob tro ddim yn ca’l uwd i frecwast. (c) Dw i ddim byth yn mynd i wisgo’r sgidie ’ma eto. (d) Dw i ddim erioed wedi gweld hyn o’r blaen. (e) Dw i byth ddim yn poeni.

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Dydy hi byth ddim yn deall. Dw i byth ddim yn fodlon. (f) Dw i erioed ddim wedi cytuno. Dw i erioed ddim wedi helpu. Dw i erioed ddim wedi bod yn ddiolchgar. (g) Dw i ddim ddim yn poeni. (h) Dw i ddim ddim yn fodlon. 11 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Dw i ddim yn disgwyl i Mair byth mynd i Aberystwyth. (b) Dw i ddim yn disgwyl i Mair erioed fod wedi smocio. (c) Dw i’m yn meddwl i mi erioed clywed hynna o’r blaen. 12 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Dw i ddim yn poeni dim. (b) Dw i’n poeni dim. (c) ’Dy Sioned yn cysgu dim y dyddie ’ma. (d) ’Dy Sioned ddim yn cysgu dim y dyddie ’ma. (e) Dw i ddim yn cerdded dim y dyddie ’ma. (f) Dydy hi ddim yn cerdded i’r dre dim y dyddie ’ma. (g) Dydy hi ddim yn cerdded i’r dre y dyddie ’ma dim. (h) ’Dy Sioned ddim yn prynu papur newydd dim y dyddie ’ma. (i) ’Dy Sioned yn prynu papur newydd dim y dyddie ’ma. (j) ’Dy Sioned ddim yn prynu papur newydd y dyddie ’ma dim. (k) Dydy hi ddim wedi newid ei ffrog dim. (l) (Mi) geisiodd Gwyn beidio (â) phoeni dim. (m) Paid/peidiwch (â) phoeni dim. (n) Mae Gwyn heb boeni dim. 13 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Wyt ti’n gweld Siôn byth? (=‘Do you ever see Siôn these days?’) (b) Wyt ti byth yn gweld Siôn? (=‘Do you ever see Siôn these days?’) 14 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Does byth llefrith yn y ffrij. (b) Fuodd erioed llefrith yn y ffrij. (c) Dydy byth y llefrith yn y ffrij. (d) Fuodd erioed y llefrith yn y ffrij. (e) Does llefrith byth yn y ffrij. (f) Fuodd llefrith erioed yn y ffrij. (g) Does llefrith yn y ffrij byth.

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(h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n)

249

Fuodd llefrith yn y ffrij erioed. Ma’ bob tro plant yn yr ardd. Mae wastad llefrith yn y ffrij. Ma’ plant bob tro yn yr ardd. Mae llefrith wastad yn y ffrij. Does byth ddim llefrith yn y ffrij. Fuodd erioed ddim llefrith yn y ffrij.

15 A allwch chi ddweud? (a) Fydd neb ddim yma. (b) Fydd neb byth yma. (c) Fuodd neb erioed yma. 16 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Rodda’ i ddim i Mair y llyfr newydd ar hanes yr Eidal a oedd wedi’i gyhoeddi’n ddiweddar. (b) Wela’ i ddim bob tro Gwen. (c) Chlywish ddim hyd yn oed Sioned. 17 A allwch chi ddweud? (a) Welodd Sioned y car ond nesh i ddim. (b) Glywodd Sioned y car ond chlywish i ddim. 18 A allwch chi ddweud? (a) Dw i ddim wedi prynu dim llyfr. (b) Dw i ddim wedi prynu dim o’r llyfre. (c) Dydy Sioned ddim yn chwilio am ddim llyfre. (d) Dydy Sioned ddim yn chwilio am ddim o’r llyfre. (e) Dydy Gwyn ddim yn disgwyl i ddim bechgyn fynd adre. (f) Dydy Gwyn ddim yn disgwyl i ddim o’r bechgyn fynd adre. 19 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Dw i ddim wedi prynu unrhyw lyfr. (b) Dw i ddim wedi prynu unrhyw un o’r llyfre. (c) Dydy Sioned ddim yn chwilio am unrhyw lyfre. (d) Dydy Sioned ddim yn chwilio am unrhyw un o’r llyfre. (e) Dydy Gwyn ddim yn disgwyl i unrhyw fechgyn fynd adre. (f) Dydy Gwyn ddim yn disgwyl i unrhyw un o’r bechgyn fynd adre. 20 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Welish i ’m adar. (b) Brynodd o ’m dillad. (c) Gollish i ’m arian. 21 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Fydd Sioned ddim yn yfed mo’r gwin.

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(b) Edrychith Sioned ddim ar mo’r rhaglenni eto. (c) Fydd mo’r gwin yn ca’l ’i yfed. 22 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Agorodd neb mo’r drws/ddim o’r drws. (b) Welodd neb mo neb. (c) Wela’ i byth ddim o’r bechgyn eto. 23 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Mae Sioned wedi bod ddim yn dda. (b) Dydy Sioned ddim wedi bod ddim yn dda. (c) Ma’ Sioned yn dal ddim yn iawn. (d) Ma’ Sioned yn dal ddim yn y dw ˆ r. (e) Dw i’n dal ddim yn coelio hynny. (f) Fedra’ i weld Mair ddim yn helpu. (g) Dw i’n cofio Mair ddim yn flin. (h) Fedra’ i gofio Mair ddim ar y llwyfan. (i) Ma’ Sioned wedi bod ddim yn amyneddgar erioed. (j) Ma’ Sioned wedi bod ddim yn athrawes dda ers blynyddoedd. (k) Ma’ Sioned yn swnio ddim yn hapus. (l) Ma’ Sioned yn edrych ddim yn dda. (m) Ma’ Sioned yn teimlo ddim yn dda. (n) Dw i’n paentio’r drws ddim yn wyrdd. (o) Dw i wedi rhoi’r arian ddim ar y bwrdd. (p) Dw i’n ystyried Sioned ddim yn blentynnaidd. 24 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Mae Sioned heb gyrredd, nac ydy. (b) Mae Sioned heb gyrredd, dydy. (c) Dydy Sioned heb gyrredd. (d) Dydy Sioned heb ’di gyrredd. (e) Dydy Sioned ddim heb gyrredd. (f) Does neb heb gyrredd. 25 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) A: P’run wyt ti isio? B: Dw i’m yn licio dim. (b) A: Beth wyt ti’n werthu? B: Dim/dim byd. (c) A: Beth sydd ar ôl? B: Dim/dim byd. (d) A: Be welist ti? B: Dim/dim byd. (e) A: Faint sy ’na? B: Dim/dim byd.

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(f) A: B: (g) A: B:

Be wyt ti’n neud? Dim / dim byd. Beth wyt ti’n neud? Dim / dim byd.

26 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Mi dw i’n mynd. (b) Mi wyt ti’n mynd. (c) Mi dan ni’n aros. (d) Mi dach chi’n iawn. 27 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Dw i’n gwbod na fydd Sioned yna. (b) Dw i’n gwbod na fydd Sioned ddim yna. (c) Dw i’n gwbod fydd ddim Sioned yna. (d) Dw i’n gwbod nad ydy Sioned yna. (e) Dw i’n gwbod nad ydy Sioned ddim yna. (f) Dw i’n gwbod dydy Sioned ddim yna. (g) Dw i’n gwbod nad oedd Sioned yna. (h) Dw i’n gwbod nad oedd Sioned ddim yna. (i) Dw i’n gwbod doedd Sioned ddim yna. (j) Dw i’n gwbod na ddaw Sioned heno. (k) Dw i’n gwbod na ddaw Sioned ddim heno. (l) Dw i’n gwbod ddaw Sioned ddim heno. (m) Dw i’n gwbod na welith Sioned Mair heno. (n) Dw i’n gwbod na welith Sioned ddim o Mair yna. (o) Dw i’n gwbod welith Sioned ddim o Mair heno. 28 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Bydd John yna. (b) Canodd y plant yn dda. (c) Clywish i’r sw ˆ n. (d) Bydd John ddim yna. (e) Canodd y plant ddim yn dda. (f) Clywish i ddim sw ˆ n. 29 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Dw i ’di gneud dim byd heddiw! (b) Mi alli di neud dim byd, wrth gwrs. 30 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Ddydish i wrth neb. (b) Soni-ish i am ddim byd. (c) Soni-ish i wrth neb. (d) Edrychish i ar neb.

251

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(e) Wrandawish i ar ddim byd. (f) Chwili-ish i am ddim byd. (g) Does cath neb ar y ffordd. 31 A allwch chi ddweud y canlynol? (a) Ma’ hi’n hwyr iawn, dydy hi. (b) Ma’ hi’n hwyr iawn, dydy hi? (c) Ma’ hi’n hwyr iawn, ydy? (d) Dydy hi ddim yn hwyr iawn, nac ydy. (e) Dydy hi ddim yn hwyr iawn, nac ydy? (f) Dydy hi ddim yn hwyr iawn, ydy?

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 1 1 2

For useful general discussion of the Celtic languages, see Ball (1993), MacAulay (1993) and Russell (1995). Some present tense forms of the copula are optional in some varieties of Welsh. Thus, we have examples like the following: i

Ti ’n mynd? you.SG PROG go ‘Are you going?’

ii Ti ’n barod? you.SG PRED ready ‘Are you ready?’

3

We will suggest in 3.3.3 that such examples involve a phonologically empty form of the copula. We have what looks like a verb-initial non-finite clause in the subordinate clause in the following: i

4 5 6

Dw i ’n gwbod [ bod Sioned yn mynd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG know be Sioned PROG go ‘I know that Sioned is going.’

See 3.3.3 and note 6 of chapter 3 for some discussion. See Borsley (1993) for some discussion. For some interesting discussion of the form that negation may take in different languages see Payne (1985). See Borsley (2002) for some discussion of this.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 1 2

Thorne (1993: 87) notes that mutation of initial /b/ of forms of bod is optional after ni in literary Welsh. The contemporary norm is to mutate these forms. Linguists sometimes distinguish between negative concord, where sentences with a negative head and a negative dependent have a single negation interpretation, and negative spread, where sentences with two or more negative dependents have a single negation interpretation. Welsh shows both negative

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Notes

concord and negative spread. Examples (15)–(17) display the former. The following displays the latter as well: i

Ni soniodd

neb am ddim byd. no-one about NEG world ‘No one mentioned anything.’ NEG mention.PAST.3SG

3

As pointed out to us by Ian Roberts, Latin also forms negative imperatives with a negative verb. The following from Ramat (1994: 2774) illustrates this: i

Noli

me tangere. me touch ‘Don’t touch me.’

NEG.want.SG

4

In formal Welsh, peidio has other forms, normally with the meaning ‘stop’. Thus, Thorne (1993: 335) gives the following example: i

Peidiodd â meddwl ac aeth yn ôl. stop.PAST.3SG with think and go in track ‘She stopped thinking and returned.’

It seems that peidio also had other forms in earlier forms of informal Welsh. Thus, Fynes-Clinton (1913: 417) cites the following: ii Mi beidith pan flinith. AFF stop.FUT.3SG when tire.FUT.3SG ‘He’ll stop when he tires.’ 5

6

Some southern speakers can use dim byd hyn, which presumably derives historically from dim yn y byd hyn ‘nothing in this world’. We are grateful to Meinir McDonald for drawing this fact to our attention. There are a number of other un- compounds, for example undyn ‘anyone’, unpeth ‘anything’, and unpryd ‘anytime’. Their use and dialect distribution is not detailed in the literature; they are at best merely listed and investigated as compounds, as in Morris-Jones (1931: 137), Williams (1959: 76) and Thorne (1996: 137). Some speakers may prefer forms without the initial n, unlle and unman.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 3 1

2 3 4

Polish is a null subject language. Hence the subjects in (1) are optional here. The object in (1a) is accusative, while that in (1b) is genitive. This is known as the genitive of negation. Like Polish, Turkish is a null subject language, and so the subjects here are optional. We will only include ‘NEG’ in the gloss of a weak negative verb if it has a distinctive form. We have what look like weak negative verbs with no negative dependent in the following: i.a Dydy ’r mynyddoedd yn hardd! NEG.be.PRES.3SG the mountains PRED handsome ‘Aren’t the mountains beautiful!’

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i.b Doedd hi ’n oer bore ’ma! NEG.be.PRES.3SG 3SG.F PRED cold morning here ‘Wasn’t it cold this morning!’ As the translations indicate, these are not negative sentences. Rather they are exclamatives. Formal Welsh counterparts of these examples contain onid, as the following illustrate: ii.a Onid yw ’r mynyddoedd yn hardd! Q.NEG be.PRES.3SG the mountains PRED handsome ‘Aren’t the mountains beautiful!’ ii.b Onid oedd hi ’n oer yn y bore! Q.NEG be.PRES.3SG 3SG.F PRED cold in the morning ‘Wasn’t it cold in the morning!’ Speakers of southern dialects can use the form ynd before these forms, giving Ynd yw’r mynyddoed yn hardd! and Ynd oedd hi’n oer bore ‘ma!. Some speakers may be able to use yn (the informal equivalent of formal oni) with some other verbs: iii.a Yn fydd Mair yn bles! Q.NEG be.FUT.3SG Mair PRED pleased ‘Won’t Mair be pleased!’ iii.b Yn ganodd e ’n dda! Q.NEG sing.PAST.3SG he ADV good ‘Didn’t he sing well!’ iii.c Yn symudodd e ’n gyflym! Q.NEG move.PAST.3SG he ADV quick ‘Didn’t he move quickly!’ But other speakers use an affirmative clause with a tag which contains the particle yn: iv.a Fydd Mair yn bles, yn bydd! be.FUT.3SG Mair PRED pleased Q.NEG be.FUT.3SG ‘Mair will be pleased, won’t she!’ iv.b Na’th o neidio, yn do! do.PAST.3SG he jump Q.NEG RESP.AFF ‘He jumped, didn’t he!’ iv.c Symudodd e ’n gyflym, yn do! move.PAST.3SG he ADV quick Q.NEG RESP.AFF ‘Didn’t he move quickly!’ 5 6 7

Clearly, this is an area which is worthy of further investigation in future research. For further discussion see Jones (2004). Awbery (1976: 41–3) and Tallerman (1998) argue that bod is really a finite form in these examples despite appearances. In allowing the omission of the present tense of the copula, Welsh is rather like African American Vernacular English (AAVE), which has examples like the following:

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i You in trouble.

8 9

See Labov (1969) for discussion. See also Bender (2001) for an analysis within the Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar framework. A number of researchers have argued that preverbal particles form a constituent with the following verb, notably Harlow (1983) and Willis (1998). Although a negative dependent is not necessary, and typically does not occur, it is possible to include one in the form of the post-subject ddim: i

Wyt ti ’n fodlon? be.PRES.2SG you.SG PRED content ‘Are you content?’ Nag w ddim. be.PRES.1SG NEG ‘No.’ NEG

ii O’dd e ’n gywir? be.IMPF.2SG he PRED correct ‘Was he correct?’ Nag o’dd ddim. NEG be.IMPF.3SG NEG ‘No.’ 10

In some southern areas, tags resembling positive responsives accompany negative clauses. We have the following examples: i.a Dyw Sioned ddim yn gweithio, yw hi? NEG.be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work, be.PRES.3SG she ‘Sioned’s not working, is she?’ i.b Doedd Sioned ddim yn aros, oedd hi? NEG.be.IMPF.3SG Sioned NEG PROG stay be.IMPF.3SG she ‘Sioned was not staying, was she?’

11

Notice that these tags contain an overt subject. For some discussion see King (1993: 147).

NOTES TO CHAPTER 4 1 2

The fact that we have dim byd arall and not *dim arall byd here provides support for the view that dim byd is a single lexical item. Some speakers have a preference for peidio with the verbs trio ‘try’ and bwriadu ‘intend’. Thus, they prefer the examples in (i) to those in (ii): i.a

Dw i ’n trio [peidio gneud dim byd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG try NEG do NEG world ‘I am trying to do nothing.’

i.b

Ma’ pawb yn bwriadu [peidio byta dim byd]. be.PRES.3SG everybody PROG intend NEG eat NEG world ‘Everybody intends to eat nothing.’

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ii.a ??Dw i ’n trio [gneud dim byd]. be.PRES.1SG I PROG try do NEG world ‘I am trying to do nothing.’ ii.b ??Ma’ pawb yn bwriadu [byta dim byd]. be.PRES.3SG everybody PROG intend eat NEG world ‘Everybody intends to eat nothing.’ 3 4 5

It is perhaps worth noting that anodd is etymologically an (NEG) + hawdd (easy). Giannakidou (2002) notes that non-emphatic n-words in Greek have a variety of positive uses, including in interrogatives. During the closing stages of the preparation of this study, one of our informants remarked that, for her, example (i) could have the meaning that is indicated: i

6

Pwy sy ’n gneud dim byd? who be.PRES.3SG PROG do NEG world ‘Who’s doing anything?’

This is reminiscent of Fynes-Clinton’s example. Rhyw forms are often used where an English any form would occur, for example: i.a

Neith rhywbeth y tro. do.FUT.3SG something the turn ‘Anything will do.’

i.b

Lle ti isio mynd? Rhywle. where you.SG want go somewhere ‘Where do you want to go? Anywhere.’

i.c

Pwy ti isio i ennill? Rhywun. who you.SG want to win someone ‘Who do you want to win? Anyone.’

It is also possible to use the unrhyw forms in these examples, and we have no clear understanding of the dialectal distribution of the use of the rhyw forms in this way.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 5 1 2

Some speakers in southern dialects use byth in place of erioed in a perfective context, especially after the perfect aspect marker wedi. Sentence-final adverbs may not be literally sentence-final since they may be followed either by another adverb or by a clausal complement. The examples in (i) illustrate the first possibility and those in (ii) illustrate the second: i.a

Dw i ddim yn mynd yna byth eto. be.PRES.1SG I NEG PROG go there never again ‘I am never going there again.’

i.b

Dydy o ddim wedi gweld hynny erioed o ’r blaen. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he NEG PERF see that never of the front ‘He has never seen that before.’

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Notes

ii.a Fydd o ddim yn credu byth bod Megan yn ddiog. be.FUT.3SG he NEG PROG believe never be Megan PRED lazy ‘He will never believe that Megan is lazy.’ ii.b Dydy o ddim wedi credu erioed bod Megan yn ddiog. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he NEG PERF believe never be Megan PRED lazy ‘He has never believed that Megan is lazy.’ 3 4

(10b) is grammatical with the meaning ‘She is very careful when driving the car’, in which yn ofalus iawn is a predicate and yn gyrru’r car an adjunct. We noted the following example of byth in an interrogative in a University of Wales, Aberystwyth newsletter: i

5

6 7

8

9

A fydd angen ymweld â ’r llyfrgell byth eto? Q be.PRES.1SG need visit with the library ever again ‘Will there be a need to visit the library ever again?’

Byth can also be used as an intensifier to modify comparative adjectives, as in the following: i.a

Mae ’n boethach byth heddiw. be.PRES.3SG PRED hotter still today ‘It’s hotter still today.’

i.b

Mae Sioned yn dalach byth. be.PRES.3SG Sioned PRED taller still ‘Sioned is taller still.’

This seems to be the view of Heinecke (2003). Rouveret (1994: 134) suggests that example (135) provides evidence that postverbal dim + NP is a constituent. We agree that this sequence is a constituent, but if examples like (135) do not involve the quantifier dim they do not provide any evidence for this. For references to this element in traditional work see Morris-Jones (1913: 312–15), Morris-Jones (1922: 105–6), Morris-Jones (1931: 136–7, 153–8), Williams (1959: 90–1), Thomas (1996: 537–58), Thorne (1996: 226–9), King (1993: 107–9, 162–2), Fynes-Clinton (1913: 87–9). Many speakers allow dydy with a subject containing negative yr un, as in (i): i

Dydy yr un car yn y stryd. NEG.be.PRES.3SG the one car in the street ‘There is no car in the street.’

This is presumably a result of the fact that an NP containing negative yr un looks like a definite NP although as a negative NP it is in fact indefinite.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 6 1 2

Like many prepositions, heb triggers soft mutation. Hence, we have ddim byd in (3). Some speakers prefer a negative tag, as in (i), with examples like (19): i

Ma’ Sioned heb gyrredd, nac ydy? be.PRES.3SG Sioned without arrive NEG be.PRES.3SG ‘Sioned has not arrived, has she?’

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259

It seems that choice of tag is determined by meaning rather than grammatical form for such speakers. In 3.5 we noted that southern s-forms of the copula do not co-occur with ddim. However, an example like the following may be acceptable with a double negation interpretation: i

Sa

i ddim yn gweithio. I NEG PROG work ‘I’m not not working.’

NEG.be.PRES

4 5

We assume that such examples involve premodifying ddim, which is not ruled out by the constraint on extra-strong negative verbs. We are grateful to Emyr Davies for bringing this example to our attention. There are at least two other cases where a negative dependent is further from the negative head than the Negative Dependent Constraint leads us to expect. The first is exemplified by the following: i.a ’Dy o ’n ddim byd. be.PRES.3SG he PRED NEG world ‘It’s nothing.’ i.b ’Dy hi ’n neb. be.PRES.3SG she PRED no-one. ‘She’s no one.’ Here an n-word appears within a predicate phrase. We assume that yn is the head of the phrase. Hence, it is apparently not a negative phrase. In the case of (i.a), phonological processes of assimilation and elision typically produce ‘Dy o (’n ddi)m byd, which is more common than the full version in (i.a). Post-subject ddim could be added to these examples to give the following: ii.a ’Dy o ddim yn ddim byd. be.PRES.3SG he NEG PRED NEG world ‘It’s not nothing.’ ii.b ’Dy hi ddim yn neb. be.PRES.3SG she NEG PRED no-one ‘She’s not no one.’ Notice, however, that we now have a double negation interpretation. The second case is exemplified by (iii). iii Dydy o ’n da i ddim. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he PRED good for nothing ‘He’s good for nothing.’ Here we have argument ddim within a complex predicate phrase. It is clearly not the head of this phrase. Post-subject ddim could be added to examples like this to give the following: iv Dydy o ddim yn da i ddim. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he NEG PRED good for nothing ‘He’s good for nothing.’

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But now we have a double negation interpretation. An important point about this type of example is that da is not mutated contrary to what we expect after the predicative particle yn. Notice also that it is impossible to have any other adjective here: v *Dydy o ’n ddefnyddiol / addas / fuddiol i ddim. NEG.be.PRES.3SG he PRED useful appropriate beneficial for nothing ‘It’s useful/appropriate/beneficial for nothing.’

6 7

These facts suggest that we are dealing with an idiom of some kind. This does not really explain why examples like (iii) are possible but it perhaps makes it less surprising. The term bare argument ellipsis has been applied to examples like the English translations. See Hankamer and Sag (1976) and Chao (1988) for discussion. Southern dialects show a further use of what appears to be the adverb ddim in the following: i

Does

dim ar ôl. on track ‘There’s nothing left.’

NEG.be.PRES.3SG NEG

Oes ddim! be.PRES.3SG ?? ‘Yes, there is!’ ii Dyw Gwyn ddim yn deall. NEG.PRES.3SG Gwyn NEG PROG understand ‘Gwyn doesn’t understand.’ Ydy ddim! be.PRES ?? ‘Yes he does!’

8

A responsive that is used to contradict a negative assertion can be accompanied by ddim. This adds emphasis to the contradiction. It is uncertain how to gloss ddim in this use and ‘??’ has been used in the above examples. The fact that we have ddim and not dim suggests that this is the adverb. It is probably quantifier dim that appears in the following phrases, all of which are likely to appear in notices: i.a Dim parcio. NEG park ‘No parking.’ i.b Dim rhedeg. NEG run ‘No running.’ i.c Dim ysmygu. NEG smoke ‘No smoking.’ As noted in Borsley (1993), non-finite verbs often double as nouns. We might assume, then, that these are fairly ordinary nominal constituents containing a

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quantifier and a noun. We might make the same assumption with the following examples: ii.a Dim cerdded ar y lawnt. NEG walk on the lawn ‘No walking on the lawn.’ ii.b Dim sefyll ar y wal. NEG stand on the wall ‘No standing on the wall.’ Nouns may have a PP complement, so there is no problem about assuming that we have fairly ordinary nominal constituents here. More interesting are the following examples: iii.a Dim cicio pêl. NEG kick ball ‘No kicking balls.’ iii.b Dim yfed alcohol. NEG drink alcohol ‘No drinking alcohol.’ Welsh nouns like their English counterparts do not take an NP complement. Thus, we have (iv.a) and not (iv.b): iv.a y disgrifiad o ’r dre the description of the town ‘the description of the town’ iv.b *y disgrifiad y dre the description the town It looks, then, as if dim is combining with a verb phrase in the examples in (iii). This might cast some doubt on the assumption that we have quantifier dim here.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 8 1 2

For textbook discussion of HPSG see Borsley (1996), Sag and Wasow (1999), and Sag, Wasow and Bender (2003). Where the same object appears in more than one position in the structure, it does not matter to which tag information about the object is attached. Thus, the following is equivalent to (5): DTRS < [1], [SS[2]], ... [SS[n]] > hd-comp-ph →

3

4

word HD-DTR[1] COMPS < [2], ... [n] >

HPSG is also concerned with phonology. The meanings of words and phrases is represented as the value of a feature PHON(OLOGY) and the PHON value of a phrase depends on the PHON values of the words or phrases that it consists of. Southern negative sentences with nag such as the following will have a similar structure but without the [ROOT -] specification:

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Notes Nag yw Sioned ddim yn gweithio heno. be.PRES.3SG Sioned NEG PROG work tonight ‘Sioned is not working tonight.’

NEG

5

6 7 8

Given the view of na(d) that we are proposing here, nad ydy (NEG be.PRES.3SG) must in fact be na + dydy, with na prefixed to a weak negative verb. In other words, we are committed to the view that the orthography is misleading here. As an alternative to this analysis we might assume, following Tseng (2002), that â is a head which takes a complement with most of the same features. Borsley (2003) argues that missing NPs in Welsh should generally be analysed as empty categories. We noted in 6.2 that aspect marker heb co-occurs with a negative verb for some speakers. For such speakers, it is not a negative head but the head of a negative dependent. Anticipating the proposal in chapter 9 that negative dependents are [NEG+], we can propose that it has the category in (i) for such speakers. i. HEAD

asp NEG +

SUBJ < [1] > phrase COMPS <

HEAD

verb VFORM inf

>

SUBJ < [1] > STORE {NO} 9

De Swart and Sag (2002) do not discuss French expressions like the bracketed sequence in (i), in which a negative adverb appears as pre-modifier: i

[Ne pas parler français] est un grand désavantage en ce cas. speak French be.PRES.3SG a big disadvantage in this case ‘Not speaking French is a big disadvantage in this case.’ NEG NEG

10

Such expressions are rather like Welsh examples with premodifying ddim and seem to require retrieval at the phrasal level. Godard (forthcoming) proposes an analysis of such examples involving phrasal retrieval. We noted, however, in 5.2.1 that negation has narrow scope with the verb dyle ‘ought’. Example (i) illustrates this: i

11

Ddylet ti ddim ymddiheuro. should.2SG you.SG NEG apologize ‘You should not apologize.’

This may be evidence that retrieval should take place at the lexical level in examples with a negative head. Essentially the same analysis is proposed in Sag (1997) for English for-to clauses such as the bracketed sequence in (i): i

It is essential [for Kim to be here].

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 9 1 2

In 8.3, we analysed imperatives as [VFORM imp]. It follows that we cannot equate the type finite-verb with verbs that are [VFORM fin]. An example like the following may have more domain elements than daughters: i

Mae chwant arna’ i fynd adre. be.PRES.3SG desire on.1SG I go home ‘I desire to go home.’

One might assume that there are four domain elements here: mae, chwant, arna’i and fynd adre, but one might argue that chwant and fynd adre form a single daughter like chwant and mynd adre in (ii): ii Mae chwant mynd adre arna’ i. home on.1SG I be.PRES.3SG desire go ‘I desire to go home.’ 3

Some evidence that o sometimes has the same CONTENT value as its complement comes from pairs of examples like the following: i

Na’th hi ddisgrifio ’r llun. do.PAST.3SG she describe the picture ‘She described the picture.’

ii Ei disgrifiad o ’r llun. 3SG.F description of the picture ‘Her description of the picture.’ Example (i) is a sentence containing the verb disgrifio (soft-mutated in this position), while (ii) is a noun phrase containing the related noun disgrifiad. It is fairly obvious that o does not contribute to the interpretation in (ii) but is simply present because a noun cannot have a ‘bare’ NP object. It may well be that o also has the same CONTENT value as its complement when it heads the complement of a genuine quantifier like dim.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 10 1 2

3

4 5

For textbook discussion of Principles and Parameters theory and especially the minimalist programme, see Adger (2003) and Radford (2004). AGREE-based approaches to negation in English, Italian, and French are in fact sketched in Roberts and Roussou (2003: 4.2.1), and Brown (1999) develops an AGREE-based approach to Russian negation. Haegeman (1995: 127) appears to assume that the negative head must be a functional category, either a special Neg element or some other functional category, for example C (Complementizer). Peidio and heb appear to show that this position is too restrictive in Welsh. Like all Germanic languages except English, West Flemish has the verb in second position in main clauses. An Italian example like the following with an n-word in subject position is similar: i

Nessuno ha telefonato. nobody have.PRES.3SG telephoned ‘Nobody has telephoned.’

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7

8

9

Why Minimalism is seen as an advance on earlier versions of the Principles and Parameters framework is not clear to everybody. See Lappin, Levine and Johnson (2000) for some discussion. ‘EPP’ was originally an abbreviation for Extended Projection Principle, a principle proposed in Chomsky (1982). The EPP features of recent work are only loosely related to this principle. Brown (1999) assumes that the probe has interpretable features and the goal uninterpretable features. However, she notes in footnote 11 on page 29 that this is not the normal distribution of interpretable and uninterpretable features. A potential problem for this analysis comes from the fact noted in 5.2.1 that ddim cannot be adjoined to an uncontroversial VP. Example (i) illustrates: i

10

Notes

*Dw i ’n disgwyl i Mair ddim mynd i Aberystwyth. be.PRES.1SG I PROG expect to Mair NEG go to Aberystwyth ‘I expect Mair not to go to Aberystwyth.’

This will be no problem if the VP category in a finite clause is distinguished in some way from the VP category in uncontroversial cases. However, they would probably not be distinguished in some versions of P&P. Within Minimalism, movement leaves not a trace but a copy. However, this is not really important in the present context.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 11 1 2

Speakers in southern dialects use man a man instead of gwaeth, giving for example man a man i ti aros. This does not allow a preceding form of bod. A surprising feature of waeth is that its complement clause may be negated with heb ag, literally ‘without with’, as the following illustrates: i

Waeth i ti heb ag aros yma. worse for you.SG without with stay here ‘You might as well not stay here.’

It is not normally possible to negate a non-finite clause in this way. Thus, the following are ungrammatical: ii

*Mi geisiodd Gwyn [heb ag ateb y cwestiwn]. AFF try.PAST.3SG Gwyn without with answer the question. ‘Gwyn tried not to answer the question.’

iii

*Dw i ’n disgwyl [i Mair heb â mynd i Aberystwyth]. be.PRES.1SG I prog expect to Mair without with go to Aberystwyth ‘I expect Mair not to go to Aberystwyth.’

Some speakers use â after post-subject ddim, as in for example (iv): iv

3

Alla i ddim â deall. can.PRES.1SG I NEG with understand ‘I can’t understand.’

An interesting fact about gwaeth is that the complement may contain ddim. The following illustrate:

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i.a Waeth i chi fynd. worse for you.PL go ‘You might as well go.’ i.b Waeth i chi fynd ddim. worse for you.PL go NEG ‘You might as well go.’ i.c Waeth i chi fynd ddim, na waeth. worse for you.PL go NEG NEG worse ‘You might as well go, mightn’t you.’ A comparison of (i.a) and (i.b) shows that ddim is an optional addition in final position. At first sight, it could be assumed that ddim in examples like (i.b) might be some sort of tag. But this is not the case, as can be seen from (i.c), which contains the tag na waeth. We can also add that ddim can optionally occur with examples of gwaeth which contain a negative non-finite clause: ii.a Waeth i chi heb â mynd ddim. NEG worse for you.PL without with go ‘You might as well not go.’ ii.b Waeth i chi heb â mynd ddim, na waeth. worse for you.PL without with go NEG NEG worse ‘You might as well not go, mightn’t you.’

4

In both sets of examples, the addition of ddim does not affect the polarity of the sentence. Some speakers allow certain kinds of subject with dim ond in an affirmative sentence. For example, some speakers find (i.a) below acceptable while others prefer (i.b): i.a Ma’ dim ond tri deg un o aelode ’da ni, ynd oes e? be.PRES.3SG NEG but three ten one of members with us Q.NEG be.PRES.3SG he ‘We’ve only got thirty-one members, haven’t we?’ i.b ’S dim ond tri deg un o aelode gynnon ni, nac oes? be.PRES.3SG NEG but three ten one of members with.1PL us NEG be.PRES.3SG ‘We’ve only got thirty-one members, haven’t we?’

5

The example in (i.a) is based on a southern dialect and that in (i.b) on a northern dialect, but we are not in a position to say whether all southern and northern speakers would make similar choices. In the formal language ‘only’ is expressed with just ond, and this seems to be confined to negative contexts. The following are typical examples: i

Nid wyf ond yn gofyn. be.PRES.1SG but PROG ask ‘I’m only asking.’

NEG

ii Nid wyf yn darllen ond nofelau Le Carré. NEG be.PRES.1SG PROG read but novels Le Carré ‘I read only Le Carré’s novels.’ 6

There is probably variability. For example, some southern speakers allow a predicative n-word in an affirmative sentence, as in the following:

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i.a Ma’ fe ’n ddim byd. be.PRES.3SG he PRED NEG world ‘It’s nothing.’ i.b Ma’ hi ’n neb. be.PRES.3SG she PRED no-one ‘She’s no one.’ Some northern speakers prefer examples like the following: ii.a ’Dy o ’n ddim byd. be.PRES.3SG he PRED NEG world ‘It’s nothing.’ ii.b ’Dy hi ’n neb. be.PRES.3SG she PRED no-one. ‘She’s no one.’

7

In the case of (ii.a), assimilation and elision produce ‘Dy o (‘n ddi)m byd, which is more common than the full version. We do not know whether all southern and northern speakers would make similar choices. A further problem involves tag questions. In the case of the example in (48), a tag which typically occurs with an affirmative clause occurs, and this is expected: i

Mi alli di neud dim byd, yn galli? can.PRES.2sg you.SG do NEG world Q.NEQ can.PRES.2SG ‘You can do nothing, can’t you?’ AFF

However, examples like (49a) take a tag which typically ocurs with a negative clause: ii Dw i ’di gneud dim byd, nac ydw / *ynd ydw? be.PRES.1SG I PERF do NEG world NEG be.PRES.1SG Q.NEG be.PRES.1SG ‘I’ve done nothing, haven’t I?’ 8

This is quite surprising. We have some further examples of a verbless main clause in the following: i

Hwyrach bod Sioned wedi mynd yn barod. perhaps be Sioned PERF go ADV ready ‘Perhaps Sioned has gone already.’

ii Wrth gwrs mod i ’n deall y cwestiwn. by course be I PROG understand the question ‘Of course I understand the question.’ 9

10

Ynte and nage are tags which are used where the preceding clause is not a verbinitial finite clause. Nage can also occur as a negative responsive to a clause which is not a verb-initial finite clause. Some speakers may be able to use prin as a post-subject adverb with a weak negative verb, as in this illustration which is based on a northern dialect: i

Dan ni prin wedi ’i weld o heddiw. be.PRES.1PL we rare PERF 3SG.M see he today ‘We’ve hardly seen him today.’

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Some speakers of dialects of southern Welsh may be able to use braidd ‘almost, rather’ similarly as a post-subject adverb with a weak negative verb: ii Dyˆn ni braidd wedi ’i weld e heddi. be.PRES.1PL we almost PERF 3SG.M see he today ‘We’ve hardly seen him today.’

11 12

Prin and braidd look like negative adverbs in such patterns, but a detailed investigation of them will be left for future research. See, for example, Rowlett (1998, chapter 3), and De Swart and Sag (2000), section 3). A further matter that deserves investigation is the acquisition of negation. For some discussion of the acquisition of other aspects of Welsh syntax, see Aldridge et al. (1997) and Borsley and Jones (2001b).

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a, interrogative preverbal particle 20–1 Abeillé and Godard 103 absolute clause 81, 134, 158, 179, 180, 183 Adger 263 affirmative head 167 African American Vernacular English 255 AGREE 213, 215–23 agreement 6–7, 55, 216 Aitchison and Carter 4 Aldridge 267 ambiguity 72, 76, 110, 121, 126, 160, 171–2, 186 see also n-words, semantics answers to yes-no questions see responsives Anwyl 12, 81, 242 aspect 6, 128, 131–3, 155, 174 auxiliary verb 58 Awbery 12, 15, 62, 109, 123, 241, 255 Ball 241, 253 Bender 256 bod see copula Borsley 102, 103, 147, 165, 166, 185, 222, 253, 260, 261, 262, 267 braidd 267 Breton 2 bron 70–1, 112–13 Brown 263, 264 Brythonic 2, 3 byth 39–40, 63–4, 70, 72, 76, 88, 119, 160, 200–1, 203, 206–7, 224, 241, 258 case 7 Celtic 2, 253 Chao 260 Chomsky 213, 215–16, 220, 222, 264

chwaith 40 Cinque 221, 244 clausal complement 93 clause-final position 110, 111, 112 clitic 7, 10 colloquial Welsh see informal Welsh complement of finite verb 133, 138, 147 complementizer see os COMPS feature 161 conditionals 111, 167–70 conjoined clause 57 constraints 160–1, 193–204 Ddim NP Constraint 108–9, 161, 193, 202–3, 210, 223–5 Ddim Pronoun Constraint 109 Extra-strong Negative Verb Constraint 161, 193, 200–1, 223–5, 259 Negative Context Constraint 182–3 Negative Context Requirement 81, 94, 160, 176, 218–21, 223 Negative Dependent Constraint 44–5, 55, 56, 68–9, 82, 90, 91, 102, 105, 110, 115, 125, 145, 154–5, 160–1, 193, 195–200, 218, 221–3, 228, 230, 231, 234 Negative Retrieval Constraint 181–2 Subject Dependent Constraint 107, 119, 125, 161, 193, 201–2, 223–5 CONTENT 187, 210 CONTENT feature 166 CONTEXT 190 contraction 96, 119, 123 Cooper 177 copula 5, 20, 23, 24, 26–7, 30, 32, 45, 49, 52, 54, 58, 61, 62, 77, 131, 134, 136–7, 169–70, 180, 228, 229, 238, 239, 241, 253 full and reduced forms 45–9

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Index

copula (cont.) m-forms 20–1, 30, 46, 65, 67, 77 o-forms 20–1, 23, 26–7, 30, 46, 52, 56, 167 s-forms 62, 63–4, 65, 156, 200, 243, 259 sydd form 55 y-forms 20–1, 23, 24, 26–7, 30, 46, 52, 56, 67, 77, 167 Cornish 2 count 118 d/t, verb initial 26–7, 47, 48–51, 53, 60 in question tag 60 Dafydd ap Gwilym 3 dal 134–6 Davies 4 Davies, John 12 ddim negative adverb 10, 28–9, 39, 63, 67, 70, 114–16, 122, 128, 130, 146–7, 151, 156, 200–1, 203, 204–6, 210, 223–5, 242 premodifying 130, 133–8, 147, 159, 179, 182, 187, 189, 259 pseudo-quantifier 121–4, 151–2, 156, 209–12, 241 see also mo De Swart and Sag 15, 72, 76, 131, 176, 178, 183, 186, 192, 262, 267 definiteness 20, 27, 46–7, 64, 105, 114, 115, 117 dialect 11–12 dim 242 argument dim 128, 139–42, 144, 151, 152 clausal dim 237–8 clause-internal dim 150 focus-negating dim 128, 145–51, 152, 156, 175, 238, 241 negative quantifier dim 39, 113–21, 121–2, 128, 140–1, 145–6, 151, 208–9 positive uses of dim 120–1 idiomatic positive use of dim 152 sentence-final dim 128, 139, 142–5, 151, 152, 207–8 dim byd 37–8, 70, 139–40, 141, 144, 204 dim ond 232–5 dim un 118, 125, 209 DOM(AIN) feature 201 double negation 35, 75–6, 91, 104, 130, 132, 133, 134, 187–9, 203, 220, 259, 260 DTRS feature 163

efo 129 ellipsis 99, 190–2, 240 bare argument ellipsis 260 see also elliptical clause; negative answers elliptical clause 145, 147–8, 150 empty categories 215–17, 220–1 empty non-distinctive weak negative verb 56 English 13, 33, 43, 57, 66, 74, 96, 103, 139, 150, 153, 214–15, 217, 242, 262 Late Middle English 224 Old English 43 EPP 264 erioed 29–30, 39–40, 63–4, 70, 72, 76, 88, 119, 160, 200, 203, 206–7, 224, 241 Ernst 244 Evans 12 Evans and Thomas 33 exclamatives 254–5 fawr 230–2, 242 fe, affirmative preverbal particle 65–6, 67, 77, 171–2 Fife 9, 12 finite clause 18 finite verb 193–5 Finnish 33 focused constituent 149, 150 formal Welsh 8–11, 18–25, 43, 50, 54, 59, 228, 254, 255 French 33–4, 72, 74, 76, 83, 84, 96, 103, 107–8, 131, 176, 178, 184, 185–6, 214, 215, 216, 217, 242, 262 fronting 47–8, 54–5, 67–8, 82, 125, 145–7, 150, 235 Fynes-Clinton 12, 89, 124, 243, 258, 354 Generalized Head Feature Principle 164 genericness 20, 27, 46–7 Giannakidou 72, 78, 257 Ginzburg and Sag 190, 191 Godard 185, 262 Goedelic 3 Greek 78, 257 gwaeth see waeth gwiw see wiw Haegeman 15, 214–15, 263 Haegeman and Zanuttini 72, 76 Hankamer and Sag 260 Harlow 256 HD-DTR feature 163

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Index Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar 15, 16–17, 162–6, 256 heb 128–33, 151, 154, 155, 158–9, 166, 174–5, 178, 179, 187, 188–9, 262, 264 Heinecke 258 history of Welsh 3, 11, 241–4 Horn 1, 14, 43, 242 HPSG see Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar Huddleston and Pullum 15 idiom 260 im, negative adverb 96 imperatives affirmative 24–5, 78, 195 negative 18, 24–5, 36–7, 61, 63, 64, 65, 82, 102, 158, 172, 174, 179, 195, 201 informal Welsh 8–12, 26–37, passim Ingham 224 inside-out constraint 212 interpretable features 216–17 interrogatives 20–1, 23–4, 31–2, 47–8, 93, 110, 167–70 see also oni(d), yn(d) intonation 31–2 Irish 3 Italian 78, 88, 214, 217, 263 Jenkins 12 Jespersen’s cycle 242–3 Jones, B. M. 9, 12, 255 Jones, M. 110 Jones, M. D. 12 Jones, M. C. 241 Jones, R. O. 241 Jones and Thomas 12, 15 Kim 15, 33, 103, 138 Kim and Sag 15, 99, 103, 138 King 12, 15, 256, 258 Klima 13, 22 Koenig 212 Korean 33 Kup´sc´ and Przepiórkowski 43, 83 Labov 22, 241, 256 Ladusaw 72 Laka 70, 72 Lappin, Levine and Johnson 264 Latin 254 literary Welsh see formal Welsh

277

m, negative adverb 96 MacAulay 253 man a man 264 Manx 3 MARKING feature 172–3 mass 118 Mathieu 76, 83 mi, affirmative preverbal particle 65–6, 67, 77, 171–2 minimalism 213–26 Mittendorf and Willis 124 mo, pseudo-quantifier 123–4, 156, 211–12, 239–41 see also ddim MOD(IFIER) feature 205 modal verb 103 mood 9 Morgan, William 3, 12 Morris-Jones 3, 12, 254, 258 mutation 7–8, 19, 23, 24, 26, 30, 51–2, 53, 56, 104, 105, 119, 241, 253, 258 n-words 70, 156–60, 176–92 in affirmative context 235–7 embedding 82–4 positive uses 84–9, 159–60, 243 semantics 72–7 see also ambiguity na(c) negative imperative preverbal particle 25, 36 negative preverbal particle in question tags 59–61, 155, 266, 227–8, 229 negative preverbal particle in responsives 57–9, 155 na(d), negative preverbal particle 22–3, 30–1, 42, 51, 54, 56–7, 63, 64, 155, 170 na(g), negative preverbal particle 61–2, 63, 64, 155, 261 nage, focus negating 146, 148–9, 241 neb, negative pronoun 28–9, 37, 70, 120, 179, 204 Neg-criterion 213–17 NEG-operator 214 negation elimination mechanism 89, 121, 126, 160, 176, 186–7 negative adverb 22, 39–40, 70, 95–113, 156–7 negative adverb and following constituents 99–102 negative adverb as complement to preceding finite verb 102–4

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negative adverb (cont.) see also ddim, dim, byth, erioed, im, m, nunlle, nunman negative answers, elliptical 72–3, 125, 118–19, 147–8, 190 negative concord 22, 28, 29, 34, 133, 253–4 negative context 81–3, 119, 125, 128, 138, 140, 142, 158–60, 179, 234 negative dependent 22, 23, 24, 26, 28–30, 34, 35, 36–7, 42, 44, 55, 56, 57, 59, 61, 62, 65, 66, 68, 70–94, 124, 154, 176 negative head 128, 151, 154–6, 166–75 extra-strong negative head 154, 166 strong negative head 76, 154, 166, 178 weak negative head 76–7, 154, 166 negative implication 128–9, 130, 239 negative NPs 117 negative operator 72, 178, 214 Negative Phrase 102, 221–3, 224–5 negative pronoun 70, 87–8, 156 see also dim byd, neb negative pseudo-quantifier see ddim, mo negative quantifier 72, 113–26, 156, 157–8, 208–9 see also dim negative spread 253–4 negative verb 26–8, 42–69, 81, 158, 179 distinctive negative verb 26–8, 43 extra-strong negative verb 63–4, 78, 156 strong negative verb 42, 56–62, 78, 128, 124 weak negative verb 42, 43–56, 57, 74–5, 78, 130, 178 distinctive weak negative verb 45–52, 154 non-distinctive weak negative verb 53–6, 154 negative words 18, 37–40 NegP see Negative Phrase ni(d), negative preverbal particle 18–22, 26, 51, 228 nid, focus negating 146, 148–9 non-finite adverbial clause 80–1 non-finite clause 5, 18, 32–5, 61, 82, 158, 179 non-finite clause complements 78–9 non-finite clause subjects 80 non-finite complement 130–3 non-finite verb 5, 193–5 NP complement 129–30

NUCLEUS 176 null subject 9, 58, 254 nunlle 38–9, 70, 97, 204, 208 nunman 38–9 o gwbl 142–3, 144 object NP 108, 114 ond 265 one-way dependency 218–19 oni(d), interrogative preverbal particle 20–1, 23–4, 31, 51, 59, 255 os complementizer 47–8 subordinating conjunction 20–1, 47–8 P&P see Principles and Parameters theory paid see imperatives, negative partitive interpretation 121–2 Payne 253 peidio 24, 32–7, 42, 61, 63, 64, 77, 79–81, 82, 130, 132–3, 135, 151, 155, 158, 172–4, 179, 180, 184–6, 187–9, 240, 254, 256–7 peidiwch see imperatives, negative Pembrokeshire Welsh 15, 106, 109, 123 Phrase Impenetrability Condition 220–3 phrase types 163 pleonastic yna 47 plural suffix 10 POL(ARITY) feature 167–70 Polish 22, 42–3, 83, 84, 184, 186, 254 Pollard and Sag 172 Pollock 15 Poppe 11, 242 positive verb 42, 74–5, 154 ambiguous 65 unambiguous 65–9, 83, 230, 234 unmutated 66–7 post-subject position 96–104, 110 pre-subject position 105–6 predicatival particle yn 21 preverbal particles 9–11, 18, 57, 65, 242 affirmative see fe, mi, y imperative see na(c) interrogative see a, oni(d), yn(d) negative see na(c), na(d), na(g), ni(d) prin 112–13, 238–9, 266 Principles and Parameters theory 15, 17, 102, 213–26 proclitic 240 pronoun 7 pseudo-quantifier see ddim, mo

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Index quantifier 178 peth 116–17 rhai 116–17 QUANTS 176 question tags 40, 256, 258–9 negative question tags 59–61, 64, 155, 227–8, 229, 239, 266 positive question tags 59–61, 239 r, verb initial 67, 77 Radford 263 raising verb 173 Ramat 254 reduced clause 59 responsives 47–8 affirmative responsives 57–9 negative responsives 57–9, 64, 155 rhyw forms 89–94, 129, 130, 132, 257 Richards 81 Richter and Sailer 72 Roberts 57, 254 Roberts and Roussou 263 Rouveret 12, 15, 102, 221–2, 258 Rowlett 72, 214, 267 Russell 253 Russian 263 Sadler 12 Sag 262 Sag and Wasow 261 Sag, Wasow and Bender 261 scope 35, 103, 214, 262 Scots Gaelic 3 Sells 198–9 sentence-final position 104–5 single negation 76, 84, 94, 133, 179, 186–9 single negation mechanism 76, 85 small clause 136 Smith 12 sociolinguistics 240–1 southern negative forms of the copula see copula, s-forms storage mechanism 177 STORE 210 style 8–11 SUBJ feature 163 subordinate clause 22–3, 23–4, 30–1, 42, 54, 56–7, 77, 155, 241, 242–3 subordinating conjunction see os Swedish 198–9 Sweet 12 synsem objects 163

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t, verb initial see d/t Tallerman 12, 255 tense 5, 9 tests for negative sentences 13–14, 40–1 Thomas, A. R. 11, 241 Thomas, B. 241 Thomas, P. 12, 15, 110, 144, 258 Thomas and Thomas 12, 45, 51, 61, 62, 65, 66, 241 Thorne 12, 15, 253, 254, 258 Tseng 262 Turkish 43, 254 two-way dependency 68–9, 214, 216, 218–19 uninterpretable features 216–17 universal quantifier 72 unlle see nunlle unman see nunman unmutated verb 67, 77 unrhyw forms 89–94, 129, 130, 132, 191–2 valence features 163 variety 8–12 verb-nouns 6, 7 VSO 5 waeth 227–30, 238–9, 242 Warner 15, 103, 138 Watkins 12 Welsh Early 3 Early Modern 3, 12 Late Modern 3 Middle 3 Modern 3, passim Old 3 West Flemish 214, 216, 217, 263 Williams, S. J. 12, 35, 81, 254, 258 Willis 3, 10, 243, 256 wiw 227–30, 238–9, 242 y, affirmative preverbal particle 66, 67, 77 yn(d), interrogative preverbal particle 59–61, 255 yn unig 235 yr un 124–6, 209, 241 Zanuttini 15, 72, 76, 214 Zwicky and Pullum 43