Weaving the Threads of Life: The Khita Gyn-Eco-Logical Healing Cult among the Yaka

Tfl O.B38 4 9 3

. .

" • lt � i lll � � i � : ! ! ,���

Rene Dcvisch is professor of social anthropology at the Catholic l.Tni\'ersities

of Leuven and Louvain.

The University of Chicago Press. Chi cago 60637

The Uni\'ersity of Chicago Press. Ltd. London © 1993 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. Published 1993 Printed in the lTnited States of America

02 01 00 99 98 97 96 95 94 93

543 2 I

ISBN (cloth): 0-226-14361-9 ISBN (paper): 0-226-14362-7

Library of Congress Caaaloging-in-Publication Data

Devisch. Rene. 1944Weaving the threads of life: the Khita gyn-eco-logical healing cult

among the Yaka I Rene Devisch p.

em.

Ba�ed on the author's Se recreer femme. Chapters 2-3 and 1-7 have been expanded, and chapters 1, 4, and 8, the prologue, and epilogue pletely

are com­

De\\'.

Includes bibliographical

references and index.

ISBN 0-226-14361-9.- ISBN 0-226-14362-7 (pbk.)

I. Yaka (African people)-�tedicine.-2. Yaka (African people)-Rites and ceremonies.-3. Cults-Zaire-Kinshasa.-4. Traditional medicine­ Zaire--Kinsha�a Rene. 1944-

Se

DT650.B38D475

5. Infertilit}'� Female-Zaire-Kinshasa.

reCiier femme.

I. Devisch.

0. Title.

1993

@) The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for lnfomation Sciences-Pennanence of Paper for Printed Library �1aterials, ANSI Z39.48-J 984.

For 'Maama Maria' Os"Ht•ald, Jeroen, and Elisabeth co-creators of this �'ork

.

.

Contents

Acknowledgments

IX

Prologue

1

I

Field and )fethod

1.1

The Yaka People

1 .2

Field\\'ork

1.3

Bantu Cults of ..�ffliction

1.4

Healers in the To\vn

1.5

Healing as a Social and Theatrical Drama:

1.6

II

20 23

25

33

A Critique

Body and \\'�eave: A Semantic-Praxilogical Approach

2

11

37

The Cosmology of Gender Arrangements and

53

Life Transmission

3

Horizontal and Vertical Space

2.2

Cosmological Portrayal of Gender

2.3

i\nimals and Plants

2.4

Capturing and 'Cooking' Untame.d Forces

60

74 86 92

The Social Formation of Life Transmission

3.1

Life-bearing and Nurturing in the Homestead

3.2

�larriage as a Transfer '"Along the Path to the Village"

93

101

3.3

The Reproductive Cell

3.4

The Th'o-forked Tree of Agnatic Descent and Uterine Filiation

3.5 4

54

2.1

106

115

Hunting versus Sorcery, and the Fabric of Kin

122

Body, Group, and I.�ife·\\o·orld: Between

132

1\faze and Weave

4. I

Physical and Sensory �1odes of Contact

4.2

The Relational Body

139

134

viii

5

Contents

4.3

The Body and Its Afflictions

4.4

Cults of Affliction and Communal Sodalities

5.2 53 .

164

Divinatory Etiology and the Work of Cults

Etiology as an Indication of Therdpy

169

173 179

The Khita Fertility Cult: Reversing the Evil 180

6.1

Khita

6.2

The First Stage: Reversing the Persecution into Uterine

6.3

Bonds of Life Transmission 183 The Second Stage: The Decay and Cooking of

and Similar Cults

Generative Forces

196

The Khita Fertility Cult: Re origina tion of

Fabric of Body, Kin, and Life-world 7.1 The Third Stage: Seclusion in the

the 213

Uterus of the

7.3

�rorld 214 The Fourth Stage: Emancipating Forest Forces into Social Fecundity 224 Relapse of Illness 244

7.4

Fertility Rituals and Analyses Compared: A Look at

7.2

Victor Turner 8

161

Masculinist Views on Human Agencies in Infertility

7

147

Impediments to Life Transmission

5.1

6

146

The Body as 8.1

8.2

8.3 8.4

245

the Weaving Loom of Healing and Life

The Role of Music and Dance in Healing The Source of Healing 264

255

259

Paradox, Transgression, and Homeopathic Healing A Ternary Logic of Mediation and Effusion in Self-healing 276

267

Epilogue

282

Appendix A: A Case of Infertility

Notes References

285 293 296 299 315

Index

325

Appendix B: Herbarium Maps

Platesfollo'r1t' page 160

Acknowledgments

The present study stems from communal enthusiasm and shared exploration, not\\l·ithstanding my many disconcerting departures from the family, the hard­ ships of the field, and the apparent paradoxes of a commitment to genuine encounter across boundaries in the wake of cultural decolonization. My graduate studies at the L'rniversity of Kinshasa in the late

1960s and early

1970s awakened in me a sense of effective solidarity. My research in Kinshasa and the southvY'estem part of the country was made possible by the supp
1987,

through research

funds of the last-named institution and the Commission of the European Com­ munities DGXWG4 leted in

1984 but has

STD2. A

former French version of this study \\'as comp­

since been entirely revised and considerably expanded. I

most cordially thank Peter Crossman for his translation of the expanded chap­ ters

2, 3, 5, 6,

and 7 from the French. Chapters l, 4, and

prologue and epilogue,

are

8,

as well as the

completely new. l\.1y thanks to Richard Allen \\'ho

has carefully edited the v-'hole manuscript. In

1991-92,

while enjoying a

fellowship-in-residence at NIAS (the National Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences, Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, at \Vassenaar)� staff members and colleagues offered me the. optitnal 'rite of passage' conditions for my book's rebirth. I must explicitly express my cordial gratitude to Bruce Kapferer-a critical reader of the manuscript-and to Saskia Kersenboom" \Vho have been most generous in amicably offering

me

many critical and very inspiring comments at a point \Vhen I \\l·as enmeshed in the data. I have profited from the help of colleagues at the Catholic University of Louvain (K.C. Leuven), Filip De Boe.ck, W,.authier de. Mahieu, Karel Dobbe­ laere, and Eugeen Roosens. I have also valued the encouragement� remarks, or information supplied by numerous friends including Geert Achten" David Apter, Gilles Bibeau, \llim van Binsbergen, Claude Brodeur, B�mbakini Ek­ \\'alama, Jean Comaroff1 Ellen Corin, Clementine

Faik-Nzuji

!VIadiya, John

Janzen, Kasaamba Ulenguluka, Jaak Le Roy, Muyika �1usungu, N-Soko Sv-'a­ Kabamba, Nzala Kianza, Piindi Bintumba, Jan Vansina, Bonno Thoden van Velzen, Jos Van de Loo, and Bart \1ervaeck.

Acknol1/ledgments

f\.1any friends in Kinshasa-whose 1nemories I cherish but all of \\o'hom I could not possibly name here-have generously extended their hospitality to me

in their homes or parishes and have given the invaluable assistance of their

institutions. f\1y greatest debt, hov-.'ever, must be to the Elders, Diviners, Initi­ ates, and Healers, and to the men and women, in Kinshasa and in the areas of Yitaanda and Yibwaati of northern Yaka land, Vlho have honored me as their would-be son. Ren . e (the •Re-bor n' ) ., into their art of living and healing . I gained a very li beral access to Yaka healing skills and initiator y traditions from many, many elders, among \\'hom I became very familiar with Kha Boond u ,

Kha Khuu ndzi, Maa Khiindzi, Maa Kubulu, I\{aa Ky uulu, Kha Leemba, �1aa Lusuungu, Kha f\1 abisi, Kha tvlahata, Kha Mahuungu, Maa M-mweeI. a, Kha 1\ipaani, Kha �1uzikita, l\1aa N-huumbu, tvlaa N-hwaadi, Kha N-koongu, Kha N-kiindzi, Kha �-loongi. Kha N-luma, Kha N- s aka , 1\1aa 1':-scenga, Kha Taanda. Kha Tsakala, 1\1aa Tseembu. Kha Yaambvu, tvlaa Yihoonda, f\1aa

.Yikal ala.

Kha Yikoomba, N1aa Yilaanda. tvlaa Yil andana, Kha Yileenda, �1aa

Yimbaandzya, and I\{aa Yip handulu . I thank them all profoundly. I endeavor to open up the deep dialogue I am engaged in with Yaka elders to a \\o'ider author­ ity. It is my hope that the use of a language alien to them does not preclude our joint venture and locus of exchange that, paradoxically, cannot be defined

in space and should not di s sipate through my engagement in a more fundamen­ tal l evel of discourse. �1ay we continue to apprentice ourselves in the produc­ tive \\·eave and folds that embrace and em power us

us

all together, hence driving

to surpass the limits of our webs. The present book on life-giving is the complement to

a

fonner one. on death

of.Maanw Tseembu, a film produced in collabo­ ration Vto'ith Dirk Dumon ( 1992), is a vital adj unct to this book. and funeral ( 1 979). ·rhe Oracle

Prologue

II n'y

a

pa.�

n'e.�t pas

un

un

lieu que le pouvoir ne s,applique a gagner; nuJi.s i1

lieu qui definitivement lui .�oit acqr�is

.

.

.

. Ui oii In vie

vient, liz oii elle donne, du cote du rire et de Ia peine, de Ia fen,eur et

de Ia co/ere, du cote des hommes qui s"ain1ent d'etre en.,.emble, du elite de Ia jore et de !'intelligence, le pouvoir n' est pas.

.

.

.

La jouis­

sance n'est pas transgression de Ia loi, ou cotnp/ice du pou\>·oir. elle est affimultion rnso/ente de vivre ... drtfond de J'obscure matrice Vll

le pouvoir n"est pas entre. Annie Leclerc, Epousailles (1976:7-12)

Healing cults in Yaka society in the southwest of Zaire, performed as they arc at the margins of established order, unveil and grasp forces and signs very much beyond the level of the spoken word and representational thought. The healing perfonnance is a sensuous praxis in which the body opens itself up to the uterine and basic source. of life. Healing a\\l·akens and frees the primordial virtualities of things and beings: it is essentially a rhythm and a vitalizing reso­ nance in and betv.'een the body, family, and life-world, that is, the surrounding \\l·orld as fashioned in daily, and culturally conditioned, practice. It is the rhythm that aids the senses in their quest to unfold things and beings into their origin-al shape and force, and into a multilayered interweave of forces and issues. Healing cults-there are some twe.nty of them-reshape and revivify the social and cultural order by tapping a source beyond the coercive order of tradition. The latter is represented by the elders, \\l·ho through rhetoric and authoritative speech, in council and judicial assembly,

reassert relations of

power and pursue the continuity of tradition. Yaka culture, oral and nonliterate, has not been drawn into the �'grands n!­ cits" of modernity (Lyotard 1979). Here, interaction \Vith the \Vorld is not one of representation through the imposition of detached vision and reason, of technological mastery and emancipator)· progress. The cults of affliction, held at the fringe of public life, are concerned with the passionate presencing and regeneration of the life-\\'orld and social order. In contrast, communal cults and

2

Prologue

the councils of elders, in the center of the public domain, tend to grasp the \\'Orld in a production of the V.'Ord, in legitimating discourse'! which ho\\·ever is not as yet a project of a totalizing representation and a capturing objectification by the gaze. \\'bile studying in particular the khita healing cult, my focus is on 'gyn-eco­ logy' in a broad sense., that is, on the life-bearing functions pertaining to the \\'oman, the house, and the inhabited world. It is not on the experiencing sub­ ject in 'obstetrical care'-how could I kno\\1·?-but on the cultural constitution and modalities of the role of sickness, of feeling ill and of healing, in particular as these are at play in the khita healing cult among rural and urban Yaka. For major treatment, to\\l·nsmen return to their village of origin to renev.' the '\\'eave of life,' namely, their umbilical tie-s \Vith their maternal forebears and with the uterine source of life. It is only in this natal ecological niche that they tap from ngoongu: the earthly, primal source of all life-bearing.My method of writing .. about this reality will try to embrace the fonn of the healing practice and to unravel the very alchemy of healing. It is my feeling that in order to outgrov.' an all too \\�·este-rn scholarly credo and masculine field of vision, my anthropo­ logical \\'ritings and audiovisual productions ought somehow to render the sen­ suous styles of producing and sharing experience and of empowerment among the people who adopted me. In tune \\'ith this I favor an ethnography that ·�urges a moral and aesthetic practice . .. one. that gets you closer to those you study at the risk of going native and never returning; it is hoped, at least, that you will not again embrace the received assumptions with \\'hich you� inher­ iting your academic texts, methods, and corporate academic culture., began" (Rose 1990: 12). Indeed, my experience with Yaka people has led me away from current post­ modem trends that aim at a self-conscious, narrative account of a dialogical or bargained reality. Fundamentally, my perspective does not involve a rendition of a dialogical encounter as such with Yaka people, nor of their experience­ { am not speaking for them-but aims more radically at disclosing the 'bodily' \\l·ays in \�.t'hich people create and engage in a culture from within its own genu­ ine sourc.es. Yet surely, since I write at some physical and cultural remove from them, I portray processed visions of their v.·orld. Indeed, while my assumptions and questions in the field may sometimes be at odds with those of my hosts., v,re both firmly believe in the reality and probity of our affective and intellec­ tual ventures (cf. Boddy l989:356ff.). 1 do consider my ethnographic endeavor very much as an esthetic and moral experience, grouAded in participant obser­ vation or rather observational participation, and reciprocal sympathy� friend­ ship. To overcome the traps of prejudiced interactions of a colonial and missionary type I opted for an intensive participation in the daily life scene and activities of the Yaka. In the village setting, my attempt was to adopt a status of full members . hip, not that of a visitor or a guest. Most of my contacts �

'

3

Prologue

and information dealt with the v.·orlds of oral lore, kinship, hunting, the coun­ cils of elders, divinatory seances., the initiatory and healing dramas� and the cosmology. These have increasingly become the scenes of our joint ve.ntures, of both a passionate, affective, and intellectual nature. My very prese.nce and particular interests undoubtedly have changed or obscured parts of reality, but as yet I am unable to systematically sort out these biases either in the field or in my writing. I take generous friendship and self-critical participation, and more impor­ tantly my commitment to mediating between worlds� to be the legitimation for my somehow intrusive. presence in Yaka society and my unfamiliar questions.

1 see respect, genuine sympathy, participation, and associative dialogue as the golden means to acquaintance from inside the culture, that is, to '·knoVw·ledge through transcendence of the self in the other,'' as Janice Boddy ( 1989:358) has put it. Indeed, this kind of gnosis or search and inquiry through acquain­ tance with someone (cf. �tudimbe 1988:ix) includes also a very Yaka perspec­ tive on knowledge gained and shared through sociality. I should not like to give undue stress to my biasing influence on their information and reality, except of course in view of the fact that my questions and perspectives arc to a large

extent dictated bv - mv - concerns, not theirs. As a man, I had no unbiased entrv . to the female life-world, but I might have a sense of it through the experience that my \\'ife Maria conveyed to me, as V.'e shared the last four months of tield work, as well as through my acquaintance with the healing cults. Yet I venture to say that I am making major dimensions of Yaka culture accessible \\'ithin the framework of its ovln arran gements, v,rithin the terms of its O\\'n epistemo­ logical locus (cf. f\1udimbe 1988:x). In early 1991, I returned for the first time after seventeen years to the village of Yitaanda, where I had lived for more than t\vo and a half years in the early 1970s. It v;as a gratifying experience that

I still had the same very familiar place in the group and a privileged status of great confidence. Indeed� I use the \\'ord culture v.rith hope (cf. Frankenberg 1988). By stress­ ing the creative \vork of culture and the healing capacity of the cults, I do not, hov1ever._ wish to overestimate their therapeutic efficacy or to embellish the picture, knov.ring full \Vell that Yaka people are in desperate me-dical need with regard to a number of infectious diseases and incapacitating dysfunctions. In the 1970s, people in Yitaanda and the surrounding area, like most people today in the entire Kwaango basin, had almost no access to doctors� dispensaries, or drugs in proper dosages, except in one mission hospital and a few . mission dispensaries. Konethele.ss, my focus is to recognize the important therapeutic resources in the culture. In these small, lineage-based commqnities, contact Vw'ith a cash economy-principally through migrant labor-does not deeply affect body symbolism or uproot the core institutions regarding gender roles, descent� filiation� political hierarchy, mediumistic divination, and

a

number of

Prologue

4

healing cults. Family elders, \vho arc eager to have their share in the produce

of the younger generation. may manipulate and hence vitiate ritual practices and rhetorics as an arena of mere mystification and imposition. In the domain of healing, ho\\'ever.. culture acts as a highly embodied resource of creativity. The human body, cosmos, and kin are the keen partners in people's world con­ struction, which is not of v.·riting or co-operating in a technology of curing.

f\.1y focus is not primarily on public diurnal life, but on healing at the fringe of established order. Elders, diviners, and healers have forcefullv initiated me "

in their \\'orld of intensive� esthetic and moral exploration into the opaque layers of the imaginary register and into the multilayered fabric of symbols and acknowledged intersubjective structures.1 They have conveyed to me an eager­ ness to capture its often elusive signs and forces in the daily encounter and the life-world, offering ever new and renewed virtualities of meaning and empo�'­ ering. Symbolic (re)production and the concomitant recycling of forces consti­ tute the crux. of senior men's almost daily endeavor. For example, on opening a council of elders, a pair of senior men solemnly proclaim, dancing all the \vhile to the rhythm of their clapping hands: Thuna ha muyidika m�1anzbu, "'�'e are here to generate things.'' Their rhetorics are mostly of a metaphoric kind, and may culminate in a melodious song. Ritual drama is even more cre.ativc

and body-centered. Healing ritual develops a bodily, sensuous, motoric, af­ fective, and musical approach to the life-world. It is not a deciphering of a message, nor a recollection or commemoration. Healing ritual aims at emanci­ pating the initiate's destiny, that is, at clearing and enhancing lines of force in the �'ider \\'eave of family and life-\vorld of his or her genuine history. Such experiences led me away from regarding culture as a mere text or program. I became acquainted \\'ith the Yaka view of culture as a fabric, a patterning of continual (re)generation: culture is present in its creation rather than in its stat­ ics-a very postmodem position with \vhich I am in agreement. It inspires or molds the healing drama as a womb-like regeneration of meaning and forces in the patient� therapy managing group, and the life-\vorld. The healing drama is the texture that engenders new meaning. ne\v relationships., rene�'ed contact with the life source to reinforce the patient, \Vhile reasserting the basic rule of exchange (matrimonial, avuncular, and so on) that transmits life and sustains ritual rebirth. �1y participant endeavor nevertheless has its due limits, as I am a man, edu­ cated in a literate, Christian� and technological culture� and as my research \Vas funded �'ithin the controlling articulation of the North with peoples of the South. �1oreovcr.. the interplay between ethnographic practice and the present text has been molded by recent methodological and theoretical developments in anthropology and semiotics (see 1.6.1 ). Further, since I am not writing in my mother tongue, Flemish, I lack the habitus to render my experience genu­ inely and affectionately. I therefore accept Crapanzano's ( 1990:307) somew·hat

5 overstated point that '�e- e-thnographer is both in-implicated in-the reality he describes and out of that reality. His position in the text is perhaps isomor­

phic v,tith his position in the field. It is moralized. An app ropriate distance must be maintained-in the field (no sex, no leading questions, no arguments. no

condescension) and in the text (no exoticizing .. no eroticizing, no irony, no contestations� no constructions) ...�d yet ...

'"

I contend that my allegiance to the Yaka people makes my swirling field

experience into a centered practice and effort committed to acquaintance and comprehension from within, in which no particular creation of social science or western medical understanding is taken as prior or determining, or as the

principle

to Vlhich all else must be reduced. Inasmuch as the interpretive

method has gro\\'n out of the fie.ld experience and of the very nature of the healing practice, I consider it an internal approach with an emphasis on pro­ du ction of meaning and regeneration of forces : I have there-fore coined it .�emantic-praxiological. �1y internal approach and emphasis on metaphoric,

hence metamorphic proouction is meant to render the healer s and patient's '

genuine presence at, and presencing of, the heart and \\'omb of Yaka culture. The healing culture does not consist so much of a body of knowledge and practices, but of an ongoing, basically self-generative practice. My account is

meant to decipher the texture or intricate but vital weave of healing at a level that is self-generative and that reaches beyond its mere reproduction in the

authoritative speech and institutions in the center of diurnal village life. Heal­ ing rituals divine a most originat wonderful, and practical insight into human reality and the \\·orld. Vvbile opening himself up to this source of culture, and

..transcribing' the metaphoric and imaginary fabric of healing, and transposing that deep level of Yaka culture� the anthropologist cannot avoid putting his assumptions at risk. The anthropological endeavor I

am

engaged in moreover reaches beyond

mere participant observation beyond the neutral stance of the scientist. Wllile ..

\�·orking with the younger generation in the city of Kinshasa or in the rural area, the anthropologist may at times be caught up in the perve-rse effe.cts of entrenched colonial European stereotypes of Black Africa. \Ve may ask our­ selves ho\v to think about African people in terms which \\'ill not reduce them to otherness, to adversarial alterity. On the one hand, the anthropologist from the West may be trapped in the highly imaginary play of id enti ty and alterity as

polar images. Africanist a nthropol ogy may serve someone�s search of his

very imaginary complement-as it is created by the \\'est's 'Invention of Af­

rica' (l\1udimbe 1988� Vans ina

1952,

f\1iller

1985,

1985).

of the exotic other (Corbey

Nederveen Pieterse.

1990).

1959, Fanon

A number of diverg�nt strands

in philosophy� religion, politics, economic theory� and in technology depict the \\'est, within the narrative construct of evolutionary time, as a self-appointed

van �ard of higher rationality and le-adership in the a dventu re of progres�. The

6

Prologue

\\lest presents itse1f 'Nith the book-both of linear writing and of the legacy of a

salvational faith-that helps to imagine a higher future, yet

a

future made

'white.� Mass-media, in particular magazines, vide-o clips, and hedonist tourist imagery� depict fantas y qu alities \\'hich are the inverse of either an idealized or a problematic bourgeois self (see Jewsie\\'icki 199 1 ). On the other hand, these i m aginary creations are thrown back at the field anthropologist from the ancient �tetropole when he comes to participate in Kinshasa, and they may trap him in the position of estmnged stranger. At times, he is paradoxically identified with the position of the adversarial other. He may be seen as a descendant of the fonner colonizer, and a representative of the hegemonic �Te-st.. as a figure of both adversity and ide-ntification. And yet, the field anthropologist himself intends to study an authentic culture and, nostalgic as he may be to repro duce a tale of tradition1 he is tempted to treat the colonial past as a parenthesis (Jewsie\vicki 1991). In lines with Fanon (1952), or Jeddi and Harazallah

( 1985),

the anthropologist may try to disentangle the very es­

tranging strangeness that he or she is ex perienc ing \Vi thin a group of those who have assimilated the antinomic or alienating marks from the fonner colonizer and tried to integrate modernity., inasmuch as this is imagined as the world of higher pov.·er1 higher life. The field anthropologist feels estranged by these fantasies to the extent that his hosts have introjected the imaginary 'Invention of Africa': these images seem to double the ideals regarding city life and higher school education V.'ith a feeling of alienness vis-a-vis the originary· space. It is the 'village realm' a." associated \\'ith the introjected missionary and colonial fantasies regarding paganism, sorcery in fact, the revers . e side of the 'white� \vorld. The ancestor, instead of being

a

source of filiation and iden­

tity, is perceived as persec utor, preventing the descendants inscription into the space of the othe-r. Does the anthropologis� in reaction to this alienating mir­ roring, bring a nostalgic tale of tradition over against the defiled colonial por­ trayal? Is the anthropologist to heal the v,rounds of the colonial endeavor.. or is he working from a sense of loss or nostalgia regarding a more authentic cul­ ture? Or does the anthropologist situate himself \"'ithin a transitional or inter­ mediate space betw·een cultures that cannot be localized or monopolized, rather than reproducing the \\rest's antinomic paradigms reg arding we and the other� good and evil, high and lo\"', pure and defiled, obj ec tive and subjec­ tive1 science and romanticism, \\'orld religion and paganism, evolution and tradition? Because the ethnographic encounter is highly moralized, the anthropologist offers a some\vhat estheticized vers . ion of partial worlds . \\'bile seeking to re­ main open to another people's own rhythm� v.·ay, and sense of fello\v feeling, the field anthropologist is often dra\\'n into a dynami c of conflict and anger �'hen initiated into life histories of div ision and suffering. Some of his dear

7

Pn-,loguc

friends from among various families or generations may be on opposing sides in the conflict. The anthropologist then witnesses the extent to which there may

be a vicious re-course to parts of the rituals that he kno\\'s to be. the very hean of the culture and people's life. Indeed, people may abuse tradition in order to subjugate it and produce mere oppre.ssion and subordination. As it may happen anywhere, the anthropologist is of course \Vitness to double talk, to much greed and persecution, and to the selfish search for pow·cr and pleasure. All of these aspects are not dwelt on in this book. \\'hen, for a fe\v years� in his anthropo­ logical endeavor he has share.d the intimacy of the life in a village homeste-ad and in suburbs of Kinshasa .. attending councils and divinatory oracles� joining in dancing and communal drinking, resonant to passion and enthusiasm� \llw'it­ nessing offense and violence, he is forced to search beyond the ob vious, to shift from what is happening to ho\\' and why, from event and \vhat is told to process and to the deeper logic and forces underneath. Genuine involvement \'lith elders, diviners, and healers forces him to reach beyond human motives and -'socio-logic,' and to discover, little by little, a more. fundamental level of practice: the complex, ongoing, and subtle weave of culture. stemming from the wealth of the senses, the emotions_ the body� in and between people and their life-\\'orld. My immersion into Yaka life and its living V.'orld of symbols and vitaliza­ tions did not leave me untouched. It took me a decade to 'come back home' folloV�·ing my first extended sojourn among the Yaka people. I was able to reintegrate my O\\ifl Flemish roots only ""·hen, fascinated by them, 1 applied myself to studying medieval Flemish culture and its later developments

.

�­

.

so-called didactic-psychoanalysis enabled me to Vw'ork through my ethno­ graphic endeavor and to appropriate the influences that have changed me, thus reweaving my O\\'n inner Vw'orld. Such a belonging to both the Flemish and Yaka cultures and its dynamics fosters insights and questions of a sort that are as yet still refractory to the discursive anthropological writing of the sort this book is engaged in. At this stage, I am not yet ready to self-critically disclose my participatory endeavor in the Yaka village of Yitaand� m y interplay Vw'ith people., my involve.ment in everyday life-"pan of the goings on in the village� immersed in its sights and smells and sounds�' (Jackson 1989:7). The. present study is aimed more at unraveling ongoing ritual praxis and the structural con­ stituents of social life , rather than at narrating or "in -scribing· contextual and initiatory experience and journeys of specific individuals� including myself. Chapter 1 offers some general background on the Yaka people and on the research itself. I shov.' ho\\' the Yaka healing cults are part of the ,._,idespread Bantu civilizational traditions, and how they evolve in the urban setting and in contact \llw'ith biomedicine. Here, I define my approach in a confrontat ion with Victor Turner�s v ie\\' on �dembu ritual, since the Yaka culture� �'ith a similar

8

Prologue

history of Luunda hegemony, shares much in common Vw'ith the Ndembu. The central argument of the chapter-and indeed of the book-is that the body is the generative source of symbolic, yet morphogenetic healing. It is follo\ved by an outline of the semantic approach which has been adopted and my viev.' of culture as a fabric in continual (re)generation. From there I move, in chapter 2, to unraveling hov.' the Yaka cosmology or \\'orldvie\\' offers a complex matrix of core symbols and space-time arrange­ ments that are. constituent elements in the culture-bound experience of body, gender, and life transmission. Chapter 3 describes ho\\' life trdllsmission is a function of social reproduc­ tion in the realms of marriage, reside-nce agnatic descent, and ute.rine filiation. ..

Chapter 4 traces the process by which a resonance is brought about-and attuned, through the senses and on the level of boundaries and transactions­ between the fields of body, family, and life-world. The concepts of the mascu4line and feminine person are not so much self-representational as procedural and embodied. From a sketchy outline of various Yaka perspectives on afflic­ tion, I move onto a presentation of the various Yaka cults of affliction and healing as distinct from the communal cults or sodalities. Chapter 5 examines the divinatory etiology of chronic illnesses and incapac­ itating dysfunctions , gynecological illness in particular, and ho\\· patterns of illness prefigure the appropriate ritual treatment. Through interpreting the out­ come of the divinatory consultation, the family makes crucial decisions on the type of healing to be organized and the healer to be invited. Chapters 6 and 7 offer a sequential analysis of the khita 'gyn-eco-logical' cult healing. There is first the redressive intervention. It is dealt \Vith in chapter

6. Having firmly reasserted the patient's position in the family \\'eb of matrimo­ nial alliance and transmission of life through the line of mothers, the family elders invite the healer \\'ith gifts that ackno�vledge the fundamental assump­ tions of the cult and install him in full avuncular pov.'er over the patient. In his initial intervention, the healer frees the patient from the ill by reversing the persecutive forces at work in the kin group. Just before se.clusion, the intense group celebration lead� the patient through a cathartic trance in which she jointly and vividly experiences assault, mortal agony and self-fecundation or ..

autogeneration of a new identity. Chapter 7� then, focuses on the emancipatory· action. The seclusion, that may last several \Veeks" develops a cosmogenetic drama of rebirth of the patient and her life-Vw'orld. The analysis follows the patient and therapy managing group through a highly ..dramatized and sequen­ tial transformation of a set of affects, states, and meanings. The patient is led to embody these affects and bodily states inasmuch as she is merging v.'ith the cult-specific evocations of overlapping experiences regarding fermentation, self-fecundation (incubation), cooking, gestation (laying an egg), emergence

9

Prologue

from the \Vater, and delivery (hatching out). Finally, the argument is hung on a confrontation V.'ith \'ictor Turner's analysis of the nkula and nkang "a female fertility cults among the Ndembu.

. tions regarding the s ubj ect or Chapter 8 examines a series of intricate ques author in the ritual healing drama, the interplay of senses, forces, and speech,

and regarding the source of and cultural inducements to self-healing.

1

Field and Method

1.1 The Yaka People The Yaka form a dominant cultural presence in the southwestern part of the country on the southern savanna belt borderi ng Angola. Their culture and soci­ ety have been forged out of a sustained interplay over

many

centuries of the

Koongo, Luunda, and Tsaamba tradition s (Piancquaert 1971; Pi azza 1978:

\'an sina 1966: 145-59; Yelengi 1986 ). They are \videly known for their rich wooden �·ork (Biebuyck 1985; B ou rg e ois 1984, 1985). Roosens ( 1971) pro­ vides an overvie\v of their major political institutions and kinship organization. There are, hovlever, few publications providing dat a from the last two decades. Population estimates. for lack of censuses� are mos t tentative. The Yaka number half a million in the K\•laango area1 and perhaps some 300.,000 in the

capital, Kinshasa. 2 Their relatively small villages, avera gin g from 50 to 200 inhabitants in separate hamlets, are disp ers ed across a very long plateau. be­ tween the parallel K\\·aango and \\'aamba rive rs ., that reaches an altitude vary­ ing from 800 meters to\\'ards the north to 1.1 00 meters in the south. In most

areas the population de n sit y does not exceed six perso ns per square kilometer. Hunting is the men's main productive. activity, alo ngside of \\'hich they may be occu pied

in clearing parts of the forest to allov-' the v.·omen to groVv' staple

foods, namely cassava, maize, sweet potatoes, and peanuts. There is little pro­ ducti on for co mmerce. In the ir social arrangements and cultural practices at the level of village life,

the Yaka follow proper traditions that continue to exist within the frame\\l·ork of chical political system. On the village level. daily practice-s, the Luunda hierar beliefs, and healing trad itions

are

relativel y uniform or equivalent t hro ughout

the entire region and across political affiliations. All layers of society share a common language and modes of thought , core values� and rituals. Rega rdin g their domestic traditions, in p articular the Northern Yaka sho\,,. moreover sotne

infl uences from their Koongo neighbours to the northwest,

\Vhile

all ov-'e the

centralizing polit ic al hierarchy to the Luunda. Three centuries ago� Luunda , conquerors imposed a unifyin g •feudal political structure throughout K waango land onto the segmentary lineages of the )"aka and the other so-called

Chapter One

12

autochthonous groups. At the base of political hierarchy, the kalnamba or b\-t-'eeni titleholders from the autochthonous enclaves of Hungana, "Mbuundu, Ngoongu, Phiindi and T.'5aamba have continued to exercise O\\o'nership of the land as they have done from the daw·n of time. Several villages together consti­ tute small., traditionally recognized., territories headed by a local chief. Above him stands a subregional vassal, and/or one of among a dozen Luunda para­ mount chiefs or dynasts in principalities extending over an area w·ith a radius of some 50 kilometers. The most important of them is the sovereign Kyaambvu of Kasongo Luunda, who stands as primus inter pares. The Kyaambvu and the other paramount rulers head the dynastic lineages founded by those Luunda Vlho, in the late seventeenth century (Plancquaert 1971:1 03-9� Reefe 1 981: Struyf 1948; Vansina 1965:71-75), migrated from Koola, the Luunda nucleus of Nkalaanyi in the Shaba region in the southeast. The paramount chiefs define themselves to be the. only direct descendants from Koola: baana ba Koola. This site is the cradle of the Luunda empire with the court of f\1\\l·aant Yaaf, the paramount Luunda dynast still in po\\'er (Hoover

1976).

The reference to

Koola is foundational� but for the people in Kw·aango there is no direct practi­ cal contact. Thus the Luunda have been politically dominant for the past three centuries. According to Van Roy's information (1988), obtained at the court of the former and present Kyaambvu, the Luunda conquerors \\·ere able to form a stable po­ litical center headed by the Kyaambvu in Middle Kwaango, and to subjugate the Yaka groups of the surrounding area as \\'ell as the even more autochtho­ nous enclaves. The Luunda thereby founded a "kingdom' on the higher reaches of the Kwaango river in Angola \\'hich is quite independent from the Luunda cradle in Shaba. The Kyaambv� ho\vever, owes allegiance to the paramount Luunda chief, .Mwaant Nzav, in the Kahemba zone of Southern K""'aango.J Before his installment, the Kyaambvu candidate av-'aits the consent and authen­ tification of his dynastic filiation by M\\'aant Nzav. Besides the Kyaambvu and the other regional dynasts. there are subregional gove rnor s v.·ho also claim Luunda descent from Koola, but through lines collateral to the dynastic lin­ eages. They form a category of vassals, biloola or tusyaala. who set up tribu­ tary nenvorks. The rapid territorial expansion and stability of Luunda rule has been based on the generalized use of perpetual kinship for the titleholders, as well as on dynastic families' policy of incorporating ne\\lly colonized villages through matrimonial alliances. Moreover, Luunda rulers do no dispossess local notables and traditional landowners; they are, rather, feared for their masterful and pov.'erful use of words and supe-rhuman po\ver. �fy study deals first and foremost with the Taanda territory and neighboring area in northern K\vaango land. Politically speaking, the local Yaka chief, Sv.'a Taanda, exercises authority over a territory ( tsi. n-laambu) of thirteen villages, and is himself subject to tw·o different authorities: the Luunda regional dynast

Fi eld

13

and l\1cthod

Sv.'a N -nene and� for the past de c ades, the Lu unda vassal S\\'a N- sak a as \Vei l . Ch ie f Taa nda is co ns idered to be th e tnost direct descendant. in the col l ateral

J i ne s of ag natic descent, from the fou nder of the dynasty, S\\'a Taand a Kh apee la .

At th e do mestic leve l , the Taanda l i neages display strong pre- Luunda tradit io ns . T he m ost s e nior descendant of S wa Khapeela, founder of the settlement

of )"itaanda, honors his Yaka ancest ors by bu ilding the ndzo

tnakhulu: a m i nia­

ture house she l tering forked stake s represent i ng his ancestors of Yaka descent.

Each stake - re - pre se nts � the 'bone ' of solidified sem i nal l i fe force ,

n�:: olu, that

the ancestor, from the time he h as begotten his offspri ng, has transmi t ted to his desce.ndants. Bu t as a pol iti c a l titleholder in the Luunda h ierarc hy, duri ng his reign chief Taanda ex hibits the traditional Luunda emblems of rulershi p- such as the anvils, the copper and iron arm ring and ankle ring , and the double­ edged and palm tree s haped S\\'ord of rulership (Dev isch 1 9 88 )- and pl acates his ru l ing ancestors near the bindzanda shrine. This is a roofl ess rectangular enclosure of poles and dry leaves ( sig nifying the c hief's te.rritory ) around the ancestral

n-yoombu trees planted at his en thronement . Not more than some

seven to ten names of ru l i n g ance stors arc commemorated� that is, as manv �

.

a�

define the genealogic al rami fication of the rul er's direct predecessors and heirs. Chief Taanda ri tu all y control s the s uccess of the collective hunt by propitiati ng h i s ances tors so that they besto\v p l e nty of game upon their descendants, co l ­ lects tribute from the h unt, and aut horizes setting fire t o the plains for the co l­ lective hunts dur i ng the dry season. The re lationships of opposition between li neage head and the. central i zi ng

Luunda po\ver� or between the autoc hthonous and matri lineal lando\\'ning groups over ag a i ns t the Luunda( nized) ruler, are part of a much broader con­ stellation of assu mption s with regard to the o rig i ns of physical life versu s so­

cial identity, blood ties via the mothers versu s lineage relations based in agn atic descent of social ident i ty. The.se presu ppositions u nd erp i n the re lati onship of

(n-totu) versus territory or rule (t�·i), \\'hich is analogo us to that of the u te rine life source and vital flo\\' (nzooyi) ve.rsus agnatic life force and soc ial pre stige (ngolu). or of the vital , soft or fl es hy parts of the body that do not resist

land

decay over agai n s t the . hard bony parts that give the body erecti l e stre ngth. A c hie f is on ly a sovere.ign ruler in diurnal time and the village space by virtue of his counterpoising the nightly rea lms of sorcery and forest. And h i s 0\\'11 power i s kept i n balance too : the lukhaanga priest \\'ho ini tiates the ruler

in the cu lt of paramount po\ver i mpersonates a contraposi ti on to the ruler. In the occurence of repeated cases of mortal di sease and la s ting mi sfortune in the ch iefdom, the pri est will be summoned to intervene . During the enthronemen t, \vhile acting as the matern al uncle of t he ruler-to-be, the priest exhorts the

enthroned to respe ct the rules of · alliance � that he no\V has established \\' ith this subjec t s and territory. It i s bel ieve d that the lukhaanga priest can cou nter

Chapter One

14

the

c hie f�s

n ightti me vi olence . In his tum th e mediumistic di v i ner (see ch. 5)

is another and yet eve n m ore effective counterpole of the chief, keeping the polit ical and patriarchal order in some balance. In trance , in the clai rvoyant sen sing out and etiol ogical divining of problems in the uterine l i fe transmis­ sion , the mediumistic divi ner's body w itnes ses to a deep ontological under­ standing and linkage of all with the uterine life s ource . The diviner does not enact the authoritative speech of traditi on and power, but opens himse lf up to the body"s and life's innermost V\'ay of bei ng \\'i th others and in the \vorld. To witness to the diviner's having c ompleted h i s nine month of initiati on, the chief should carry the div i ner on his shoul ders from the bu sh into the village .

K\\'aangolese people are very much aware that order, health, and life stem from uniting or bal anc i ng out polar e lements or values. Health and prosperity derive from the very branch ing out of the uterine line of life, on the one han d .. and agnat ic ties on the other. To bri ng out an asymmetry in thi s doubly un i l i ­ neal descent, I am u sing the terms uterine fi l iation an d agnati c descent. Uterine. fi l i ation of physical l ife i s reckoned within the span of at least t\\'O and more commonly four generations . As I \Vil l sho\v in chapter 4, the Yaka hold that health, bl ood, vitality, and inborn capaci ties are passed on to the indi­ vidual through matern ity from a primal source of l ife via the mediation of mother, maternal grandmother, and great- grandmother. According to Roosens

( 1 97 1 : 1 94-95),

the Yaka of Middle K\\'aango tend to merge uterine a�cent

w·ith the agnatic forebears of one's mother's mother. Even more than mothers, brothers-namely, the maternal uncles -may channel this ' life source and lifebl ood ' to their sisters" children just as they may c hoke it off. To keep one­ self in touch \vith this flo\\· of vital bl ood from the uterine life source, a married man in particular should share the product of hi s \\'Ork with his maternal uncle s duri ng any of the major moments of transition i n the life-cycl e : w hen children are born, undergo circumcision or marry, \vhen returning home from Kinsha�a

or marrying , as wel l as \vhen becom i ng a title-holder or u ndergoing a maj or initiation. The uterine life fl o\\' is al so furth�r manife.sted and transmitted through vari ou s natural elements that feed, restore , or sign ify vitality, such as cassava, some he-rbal medicines, and \\·hite kaolin clay. ...�gnatic descent tran smits social identity and membersh ip in segmentary pa­ triline.ages : the • h ou se

•

is the ba�ic social unit of kin s hip organization and

patri-viri local residence . Each c orporate local patri lineage group makes up a rel atively auton omou s h amlet in a vil lage. One 's name and posi tion in the kin group , in short the individual 's soci al ide ntity, are pa�ed on through the ag ­ natic line. �1oreover, the patrilin eal ancestors fructify the soi l �ith their rains and populate the savanna and forest with game. It is the mai n d uty of fathers and ri tual elders to maintai n the flow of s acrifices w· ith their fore.bears .. so that the latter may continuously reinvigorate the l i fe force or potency in their .de­ scendants. Junior members in the patrilineage mu st show their re spect to�'ard

FieJd and Method

15

family heads. By offering them val uables ( European import s9 such

as

belt s�

cloth, gun s, gunpowder, salt. domestic animals, or armchairs), the j uniors ac ­ kno\\'ledge how much the elders exercise full control over the life force in man and envi ronment. The words of elders are empo\vering when they reenact tradition, that is, v.'hen words spoken long ago by the ancestors are. rea\vakened to once again interweave ascendants and descendants, humans and thei r life ­ ,�·orld. These \\lOrds of pov..·er thereby establish order and link up \\7ith the ag ­ nati c li fe force. Only when elders have received the necessary gifts serv ing to arouse their own bodily strength are they \\'illing to reaffinn the bonds linking the juniors with the ancestral l i fe force : palm Yline, the booty of the hunt.. and cola nuts are al l highly val ued items in their exchange. Col onial rule, in place from about 1 9 1 0, \\'eakened Luunda control by im­ posing alien masters on the Yaka people. The l iterature on the colonial and missionary endeavor and conquest in Kwaango l and is not to be summarized here ( see

Bailleul

1 959;

Lamal

1 965 : 297-306;

Piazza

1 978 ; Roosens

1 97 1 : 1 9-29 ; Ruttenberg et al. 1 96 7 ; Wi I I arne 1 966, 197 3 ). Colonialism as

a

threat to the survival of some groups and the culture, particularly the mission­ aries' attempt to undermine the healing cults and authority of the div i ners� ha' not been dealt \\'ith in that literature. On their side, people recall the forced military recruitments for col lecti ve work, as \vell as the trade, the. taxes. the. bene.fits of school and medical -preventive and curative-care ; the colonial

repartitioning of the chiefdoms has led to disputes that are. not all yet settled. Pe ople recall the names of those expatriate doctors, agronomists .. missionaries, teachers, traders, and entrepreneurs who made common cause \\'i.th villagers or chiefs. It is a most complex picture. And in lines with Vaughan ( 199 1 ), I suspect that an in-depth study of the colonial period in Kv..·aango land would reveal as much about the collective fantasies of colonizer and missi onaries as about the dynamics of K\vaangolese society and cultures. K\\'aango land has remained in the margins of techno-economic devel op­ ment, as motorized acce ss from Kinshasa across the sandy plateaux9 parti cu­ larl y in northern Kv;aango9 is difficult. The activ ities of colonial government, schools, and the medical and Christian institutions have not produced lasting or deep changes in Yaka kinship patterns, political institutions, and healing cults beyond the administrative, educational,

or commercial centers in

Kv-'aango. Most commercial and medical services have disappeared due to na­ tionalization in 1 970s and to disastrous i nflation in the late 1 980s. In large parts of Kwaango land, secondary school education, reliable medical care .. and the elementary consumer imports (such as salt, sugar, tinned or dri ed fish, rice

.

•

soap, and paraffin) are no\�· unavailable.

. Migration s to town and back to the v illage are part of the life of young men.

From about 1 93 0 on many of the young men have been migrating from the Kv...·aan go area to Kinshasa in order to procure. consume r goods and accumulate

16

Chapter One

the bride-\\'ealth -at least for their fi rst marri age-through casu al wage labor and petty c om merce People conceive of their ties to and movements bet\v een .

c i ty and v i l lage through the rel ated categories of male and female, husband and

wife, young and elder, individual and communal interest, forest and village, insubordinate and subordinat e In v i l lage talks among men, Ki nshasa repre­ .

sents the male real m of individual freedom and abundance, ach ieve d through ingenuity or good fortune, c omparable to that of the forest of \vhich the hunter and trapper is so imm e nsely fond . However, in the conversations of Yaka ur­ banites, tO\\'n and v i l l age seem to comp l emen t each other, as do husbands and wives . In deed, for the Yak a, life y,rithout a marriag e partner is unbearable, an d in the many overcro\vded hou ses in the suburbs, conjugal intimacy i s almost impossi ble . A man's first wife, that i s, the mother of his heirs, shou ld ideally come from and remain in the v i llage ( Kalambay 1 986-87). Ho\vever, since the 1970s , an increasing number of young people prefer to settl e in Ki nshasa­

although housing in the suburban to\vns often imposes l iving conditions below tho se of the village . The feY.' senior men \\ h o migra t e to Kinsh asa maintai n '

their first spouse with the younger chi l dren in the village \Vhile they found

a

second hou sehold i n town. Yaka to\vnsmen, like most other people in Kin­ shasa, tend to ad opt the outlook, and to some extent the l i festyle of the ..

younger gener ati on s

.

For Yaka tov.'Ilsp eople! ' the village" of their ori gins i n Kv.'aango land repre­ sents the world of the elders and of cults, and as such prov ides a to pol ogic a l framework for the idealized foundations of their existence and a uni que base for Yaka ide-ntity in town. Notv.rithstanding the fears they feel towards the v i l ­

lage realm , many young people do con sider i t as the ontological space \Vhere life, meaning, repleni shment, and hea l i ng but also life-threatening i l lness or ,

misfortune, princ ipal ly originate. Particularly in discourse related to marriage, descent, and the search for health and g ood luck, the vil lage and espe c ial l y the

healing cults figure as a nurturing source fro m \\ihich people may draw time and again in order to refresh and rei nvig orate al l \\tho tap i t. In po l i ti c al and etiological discourse, the village represents the \vorld of the e lders. The v i llage

!

not so much as a colonial invention but as a moral realm, unfolds the ances tral space-time order (mu yitsi khulu), t he legitimate order of moral values, empo\\'­ ennent, gender differences, gerontocratic social organization , coercion, and

persec ution. As such, ' the villag e of the elders' entails the coercive, both life­ e nha ncing and -threaten ing use of channs and interaction \\l·ith the ancestral -

shades and cult spirits . In the mind of t he K\vaango immigrants in K i nshasa�

the villag e also stands for l i neage priv i leges. territorial affiliation, a nd e t h nic i dent i ty : the re.ference to one 's vill ag e of origin helps to define allegiances '"·ithin the urban neig hborhood Moreover. in the present catastrophic recession .

and i mplosion of V.'age-earning , most townspeople are very mu ch depend.e nt on their good relati onships with the village of ori gin for their economic, social,

Fiel d and �lcthod

17

l security. Young men purchase cassava in the ir vi l lages of an d ps yc hol ogica that 1nay come a l on g once in two origi n; they then hire their part in a truck month s . B ack i n Kinshasa, th ey sell the produce to women of their kin or re­ gi on . Polit ical ti tlehol ders , fa m i ly heads, and many cult le aders do stay in th e vil lage, but the ir de.Je.gate-often an o l d es t son -moves back and forth be­ .

tv.'een vi l l age and town for m arriag e arrangements, mortuary and puri fic atory

rit u al s, c ol lectin g the e l ders part from the j u ni o r descendants � i ncome i n to\v n . an d the lik e. In search of vigorou s healin g or c le a ns i ng from bad l uc k , tow ns ­ '

.

men ,,_,i ll u lt imately tum to their maternal uncles and a rep u te d healer ' •i n the v illage,'' i nasmuch as it evokes ngoongu: the pri mal \\'om b or sou rce of l i fe "'

''

ceaselessly rene\l.'ing itself and re energ i zi n g from the ce.nter o f th e earth, ,-.·here rivers spring up along v;ith all that g ro\\'S and lives on the soil . The preg nant mothe r, the maternal uncle and the he aler may a l l tap from thi s source and .

uterine space for the benefit of family or client. The ways in which the i n d ivid u al acquires both a social iden tity and individ ­

u ality or uni qu e ness in Yaka s oci ety re flect the contrasts bern'een public or

diu rn al village l ife an d l i fe at the i n ters ti ces �'he.re one. connects ,-.·ith ngoon.g u, the source of l i fe ( see 3 .4 be low ). S ocial identi ty is acqu ired or bestO\\'ed

on

the individual in the center of di urnal and publ ic v i l l age life , in particu lar

through name-g i v ing and the mastery both of langu age an d of h ou s e ho l d or produ ction skills as \\'ell as throug h the cere mo nies of m arriage, chie fl y en­ ..

thronement, and funeral s . Social identi ty may also be conferre.d throug h c ir­ cumcision and initiation rites for the pubescent boys of a vi l l age or ne.got i at ed �

in the competitive col lec tive hunts, as \\'el l as th ro ug h the acq ui sit ion of rhetor­

ical skills in co un ci l s an d j udi c i al deliberati ons . All of the se p roce du res mobi­ lize soc ial roles, pub l ic ly shared k now ledge the di scourse of authority, and ,

finally the sove rei g n ' super-vision' and control by the ruler. They arc al l means to empowe r (cf. ngolu) the subj ects , the group, and their l i fe-world.

Inso far as p ersonal ide nt i t y is concemc� the many he al i ng cults { see 4 .4) co ncen trate o n the affl icted individual and i n part icul ar o n hi s o r her physical

and uterine ties ( cf. moovf, w i t h the life source . Illness is co nsi dere d not so .

�

·

much as a mere proce.ss in the body al on e but as stemmin g from a di sturbance in the relati ons hip bet\\'een persons and th eir lifc-�·orld. Illnes s i s not in the

last instance co nsi dere d to reside w i t h i n the individual, but derive s from some disturbanc e in the re lationsh ip bet\\'ee n persons themse l ves and/or bet\\'ee n the m and the l i fe- world. Healing cults reshape the various bodi ly and sensorial \\'ays in \\ h i c h an i n div i dua l has con tact with others� the life-\vorld., the ,-.,·orld '

of dreams , an d \\'ith spirits and ancestral shades. At the edge of society and of public space-that i s , in uterine space and a co ncen t ric space-til\le order of

tran sition and cyc l ic al renewal-healing cu lt s lead the initiate through the mo ­ tions of death, self-fec undation and rebi rth, simultane.ou sly both on t he corpo­ ..

real leve l and on that of per sonal bonds w ith the kin group and l i fc-\-.'orld.

Chapter One

18

Ensorcellment and c u rsi ng are re ckon e d as the major s ourc e of i lln e ss

and

misfortune ( see 3 .5). N i ght and

the gloom of the deep forest i n spi re popul ar imagination \a..r ith image s of the 'other \vorld � of sorcery! l icentious sexuality.

and me tam orph os i s . where all c onventio nal values and pa rt iti ons mix or invert. The sorcerer is thought to be able to enh ance. his own life force through se­ cret l y i nt ruding upon his clos e kin by mean s of clairvoyance. He then feeds

himself by '' eati n g" from hi s victim 's life source . The intrusion leads to death only when the victim"s maternal unc le is com p l ici t . There are dozens of d i ffer­

ent type s of ritual experts for the manufacture and manipulation of medicines and po\verful objects (n-kisi) to protect, cure, and secure the unity of the house, or to e n han ce success in hunting, love, fe rt i lity! and hence to inflict misfortune

and prote-ct the sorcerer. More pervasively, in the co l le ct iv e i mag inati on the v,rorld of sorcery fi gures as an enco mp a ss i ng realm of heterogene ity, that is, of forces and signs w hich

'}re beyond conventional order and control! and \Vhich can both reinv i gorate and overthrov.' social al l egi ances a n d di urn al vi l l age life (see

2 .4).

Particularly

at night in the period of the new· moon, in the gloomy and luxuri ati ng realm of the deep forest, or throu gh the h untin g of ferocious animals like the buffalo, the entire loc al soci ety and life-v.'orld enter into a state of exci tement and tap and g ai n po\a.·er from the free-floating or imaginary re gi st ers of forces and po­ tent sign s. T hrough the medium of c l airvoyance and the mixing of reg i sters� sorcery seems to arouse and feed upon a totalizing and en c om pa ssi ng imagi­

nary mo de of ap prehen di n g pe op le and the world . Its g reed

yiphala)

( ndzala, kheni�

mu s t be c ont in uall y tempered through the c onventiona l ru les of vil­

l age daytim e, ki nship, and poli tical alle g ian ce s .

In Kinshasa, Yaka di vi natory and healin g p rotoco l tends to be com e simpl er, less rit uali zed , and le ss kin-oriented� Yaka therapy is also requested by many

non-Yaka clients. Healers are a l so s olicited for proble ms that relate more di­ rectly to the cash economy, urban employment. and school e ducation . The

practice of Yaka div i n ati on and heali n g in the urban context tends to involve more spee.ch-\a.·hich may be very colloquial v.'hen the Lingala. the lin gua franca� is employed -and ritual therefore loses much of i ts m ultil ayered meta­ ph oric al resonance. In tow n, the herbalists engage inc reasi ng l y i n a trading rel ationship with their clien ts � giving in more e as i l y than in itiate-d healers to

v.'hat I \•lould tenn bricolage: they readi ly offer potions and in s trume nts of luck i n tended to p rov i de the consumer-client \a.tith sexual or eco n omic success and

soci al s tandi ng . In any case, traditional healers in the Yaka nei gh borho od s of Kin shas a share the same lifestyle and s t a ndard of livi ng with their fellow peo­ p l e. The support of local community elders and the rappon among healers and in the cult groups seem to guardll t ee the i nit iated healers ' profess ional ethi cs .

In search of vital kinship support and treatment, pani c u l arl y for reproductive

and men t al affl iction, townspeople m ay return to the v i ll age . The pat i ent \a.·i l l

19

Field and Method

trV to settle in a supportive

domestic group, either in his or her v ill age of birth 0; marriage, or in one of the uncles'. Weakened by the emigration of m any active people , some h o useholds may be unable to offer care. Yet, lasting inca­

pac i tatin g dy s fu ncti ons like disability, barrenness, and insanity may leave the sick stranded v.rithout proper care.

In seeking by one means or anoth er to \Vithdrav.' or p rote-ct themselve s from "e.rontocratic control, the y oung e r ge nerat ions may at time s provocatively ree ject t radi tional healing cults and other c ustomary practi ce s and proclaim their

allegiance to Christianity or to an independent spirituali st he aling church. :Many adherents openly say that the faith healing and empov.'erment obtained

in the ch urch and the \Vatchful pr otec tion ex pected of the Holy Spirit act as a safeguard again s t the elders' sorcery and their demands for a share in the in­ come. In some areas. these churches start as a prop hetic 'W·itch-hunt movement \\'hose aim it is to clea n se the. village of all ritual p araphernalia and sorcery. or,

as in Kinshasa. to purify the prayer group from all of Satan's machinations. Some of the charismatic leaders of these movements are genu ine sp i ritual heal­

ers. They attract followers largely because of the urban traumas of social

breakdov.'n, psychopathological crisis, an d vac uousness that come with the

b reaking of the roots of tradition or tie s of family solidarity to sup port oneself,

or with an inability to adapt oneself to a new social role and lifestyle . Escape

from gerontocracy. unemployment, marital problems. disease, or some other misfortune may lead p e ople to join a church, or even to adopt the li fest y le of

the 'convened,' whether in the congrega tion or in the fami li al and p ublic

Vw'orld. Converts acquire new identities by shedding something of themselves

in favor of a new source of personal strength; conversion entails l e avi n g behind

a state of illness. misfortune., servility, error, or emptiness to enter a world of

truth and ligh� a fraternal and protecti ve co mmun ity, in a word, a nev-' \\'orld of posi tive m etamorpho s i s . A great many of these churches are rooted in the

Christian, Pentecostal, and part icul arly Kimbanguist traditions (MacGaffey

1983 ) , or are in s pir ed by the precepts and a pp eal of contemporary p roph e t s

(Devisch 1979:160-61; Roosens 1971 :90-91 ) . At the same time, they bomnv

heavily on the traditional images of evil dra\\l·n from sorcery, both employing

the traditional fonns of bodily exp res s ion and integrat ing trance and its abre­ action patterns.

In the present context of severe socio-economic crisis and general break­

do\\l·n of state institutions-called the villagization of tov-'n- and their disrup­ tive effects on kins hip sol idari ty and on gender and seni ori ty relations� many prophets and healing churches act as purveyors of new fonns of moral account­

ab ility. In their preaching and eti ologi c al assessment of ills and societal disor­

der, p rop hets suggest that the de stiny of the individual is linked to the state of

sin or of g rac e of all of God 's people. Moreover� elders., diviners� he alers ,

prophets in h eali ng ch urch es , and popular songs speak of the �'disease of

20

Chapter One

money'' (yimbeefu lya mboongu.J: they refer to the. frustrations of contact \\o'ith capitalism and the vices of possessive individualism \\·hen condemning the schools of privileged minorities� joblessness, great income inequality, inade­ quate housing, and hunger. Additionally.. chaotic public affairs, di splaced per­ sons, the breakdo'"rn of fa mily solidarity, the insubordination of youth, as well as AIDS-in sum� the experience of the contradictory social realities of capi­ talism and urbanization-are labelled "the diseases of the city, or the \\o'hites�' ( malaadi nraville. malaadi mamindedi ). In late September 1991 and January 1 992, I w itnes sed how, in \Videspread civil unrest and looting� people seemed to have aimed at cleansing the major cities from the grim ensorcellment of 'imperialist' technology from the North. In a kind of J acquerie or Luddite eruption, many industrial complexes, enterprises, dispensaries, and businesses and houses of expatriates and notables w·ere emptied or dismantled \'lithin a couple of days. People sought thereby to rid themselves of the grim social costs .. of economic growth, and hoped to unleash the con ditio ns of self-determination and the cosmic power of regeneration. Sadly, for the se people in despair. the v,rhole impetus and source for rev i taliz ing the diurnal order of urban society seems to ste.m from an imaginary order of ,;'night and sorcery'" (see 2.4). 1.2 Fieldwork

The ethnographic data dealt with in this study stem first from field research carried out between January 1972 and October 1974 amo ng the Yaka of north­ em Kwaango . My sojourns of at least some six Y-'eeks annually, since 1986, a mon g the Yaka population in Kinshasa (in Masina, Camp Luka-Ngaliema in particular, as VY'ell as in Kintambo, Ngaba .. and Yolo) and, since 1991, in north­ em Kwaango land, mainly in the localities of Yitaanda and Yibw·aati-a region of some 60 k ilome ters radius-have allov.,·ed me to complement and update my information. In 1972, after a fe\\' weeks of progressively mixing '"'ith the people of the Yitaanda territory, I was given a double identity. I came to be considered as a reborn chief Taanda, namely N-leengi, \Vho, in 1939, had been led into e x il e. Moreover� I app eared to them to be a good omen as I ofte. n reciprocated hospi­ tality \\o'ith the offer of first-aid medical treatment, an activity V.'hich throughout my stay took up an avera ge of tY.'O hours a day. Perhaps reassured by this aieL my hosts came. to domesticate some\vhat the unprecedented and intrusive na­ ture of my presence by ascribing to me a capacity to divert evi 1 or danger. T hey first had perceived me as a sauf-conduit during a fatal thunderstorm one ev . e­ ning in late January 1972, \\ hen lightning set fire to the house of chief Taanda Kapata's successor, N-noongu. Kapata \'las alleged to have sent the lightning­ it \\'as the night pre.ceding his death - in an attempt to kill his successor. L...pon my arrival in the area at the beginning of January, chief Kapata had been in '

field and �1cthod

21

mortal agony, and I v-'a<.; solicited for medical help. Because of my association ,..,.·ith Sv.'a Kapata� people believed that he. had reache-d his exceptionally old age in anticipation of my arrival. During a council follo\\'ing his burial, I became in some way assimilated with Kapata's predecessor. Surely una\a..'are of the ety­

mology of my first name-'Rene� � literally 'the rebom'-a delegate from the regional chief N-nene associated me in a kind of mythic narration \\'ith ''Taanda �-leengit reborn from death.�' The Belgian colonial administration had taken N-leengi into exile at Oshw·e far away in the Kv..·ilu region, some five days' \\'alk east\vard, \\'here he had died upon arrival in 1939. He \vas accuse.d

of having participated in the anticolonial revolt of the Bamvungi prophetic

movement. Somehow this position made my anthropological interest in the

ancestral past of the Yaka appear as something genuine to the tnu.lition �s l .

..

experienced things, this event initially added to my confusion in the field, and

only later did it make sense \vhen I discovered how one's biog raphical and genealogical pedigree can be redefined to conform to a consensus with regard

to one's succession as titleholder. The Taanda group of villages is situated some 160 kilometers by road to the southwest of Kenge and about 450 kilometers to the southeast of Kinshasa � .

.

dispensary and some cash goods are at times available at the nearest parish centers of Kasiindzi, 70 kilometers to the northw·est, or Yimbeela, some 60

kilome.te.rs to the south. Yimbeela boasts a school for training primary school teachers. The Taanda area is separated by the \\'aamba river from Mosaamba.

some 40 kilometers to the east, \\'hich is the local and loVv·est level administra­ tive center serving some hundred villages comprising the Taanda cluster. Sev­

eral such centers together make up the zone of Kenge. The Taanda group

includes thirteen villages totaling some 1,500 inhabitants. I had more or less frequent contacts \\'ith thirty-four other villages, which I could reach in less than one. dav's \\'alk. As I lived most of the time in Yitaanda� the localitv around J

.

•

chief Taanda 's court, I quickly ac-quired an insight into daily life and at the

same time learned the language by sharing as best I could in dai!y activities.

The first months were spent establishing contacts and recording some. 260 folktales, 35 songs .. about 600 proverbs, the complex fields of kinship and ge­

nealogies .. agricultural activities, flora and fauna. Cnfami liar as people were V..'ith photography, which they considered as "capturing their shadowy double,'� 1 delayed it till the end of my stay. I combined participant observation with

lengthy conversations V.7ith the elders responsible for the preservation of the

essential traditions. I had the opportunity to be present at diagnostic oracles­

noting extensively more than 200 oracles -and to attend some fifty judicial councils. I repeatedly held lengthy conversations� at times using a grid of pre­ pared questions and tape-recorder, v..·ith t\venty-seven therapists individually during the first period, and with eight more in Kinshasa. later in the 1980s. I mai ntained intense contacts with five therapists in the village, and three of

Chapter One

22

them in town� and v..·itnessed the healin g seclusion of some fifteen patients. I also collected information on disease classification, on illness career seen in

the light of family histories, as \Veil as on the curative pow·ers attributed to a vari et y of plants and animals and specific medicinal recipes. Moreover, I asked

the therapists to theorize about their art and core concepts. Further, I took care to check my observations and some of my tentative interpretations w·ith som e senior men and women with \\·hom

I became very familiar on an almost daily

basis. The data I have been able to gather on the various rites of circumcision

( 1972).. mourning and funeral ( 1979), sorcery ( 1986 ), paramount rulership (1988), divination (1991a), and the healing (1991a, b) a� well as the hunting cults, and the familial and judicial councils seem to me largely representative of the entire Northern K\vaango. Be.cause all the data I am reporting stem from my O\\'n fieldwork, yet con cur in fairly great detail \\'ith the observations of Huber ( 1956)� Vorbichler ( 1957), and particularly with the abundan t informa­ tion of De Beir (1975a, b), it would be rather self-serving to cite the findings of these authors throughout my study. It w·as in the regional chiefdom of N-nene co mprising the Taanda territory that Father De Beir and his catechists, bet\\'een 1938 and 1945� collected the data published only thirty years later. I myself chose the Taanda area as the group I wanted to live v..·ith upon his ad­

vice, and because his \\'ritings could serve as a precious source for some dia­ chronic comparison. \\'hen I met De Beir in October 1971 .. he portrayed the area as one in which the traditional healing cults had been very much kept alive and� politically speaking, as a fascinating in-betv.'een zone where there­ gional dynast N-nene and the subregional vassal N-saka \\·ere competing for control over chief Taanda. From accounts by Eugeen Roosens (1971) and Fa­ ther Alain van der Beken ( 1978),4 as \\'ell as from my OvY'n research in Kinshasa v..'ith Yaka emigrants from Middle Kwaango, I could gather much evidence of a profound cultural continuity between the North ern and Middle Kwaango peoples. Luunda title.holders are more prominent in Southern K\\'aango, partic­ ularly in the area of Yiteenda, as are the accompanying cults (Plancquaert 1971). My recent sojourns in Kinshasa and Northern Kwaango allow me to say that traditional political structure and authority as well as divination and the major healing cults remain popular among Kwaangolese people. �y special interest in symbol and rite in fact derives from my perplexity regardi ng the strong hold of Yaka traditions: why have fifty years of �develop­ ment" efforts in the fields of trade , agriculture, medicine, education, and reli­ gion not brought about, as expected, more important changes in the principal sociocultural institutions of the Yaka? More specifically-and here I am in­ debted to the research of Eugeen Roosens ( 1965� 1971 )-at the onset of my research I asked why cash crop produ ction , animal husbandry, and petty trade all seeme.d to have disappeared within a few years of the departure of \\'estern

Field and Method

23

technicians. Instead of accepting the mor.tlizing and economic explanations prov ided by outsiders� I sought to investigate this pr� blem

�f

development

from i nside the core values of Yaka culture. and soctety. Th1 s approach of course assumes a kno'.'�·l edge of the conceptions of the individual , societ}'� and time , and of the soc ial divis ion of labor and its benefits, which govern the Yaka response to development ini tiati ves. fieldv.,ork allov.'ed me to observe how, through ritual means , the senior men and elders, the holders of powe.r and authority., confront and absorb the effects of contact with the technological and Christian world. They see to it that at least the meaning of the various practices i n the fields of kinship, seniority, sharing , and etiology over \\'hich they preside remains l i nked to tradition, that is, grounded in the basic moral values. In the face of such resistance, the i nflu­ ences of \-..·estern schooling, health care, missions, trade. and government have only been able to introduce very superficial and materi al changes into the cus­ tomary milieu. Because of the key role of ritual activity in the cognitive and mordl issues of a group confronted with foreign technology and ne\-...· material needs, I grad­ ually focused my research on the ritual domain (khita therapy had as yet not been identified as the primary theme of my fieldwork). Indeed, ritual activity constitutes a single drama putting i nto question individual and group. past and present, tradition and innovation. This is Vlhy a kno\\·ledge of the hold exer­ cised by rite on its participants appeared to me as a first step to\vards an internal approach to the modes of intercultural contact among the Yaka. It goes without saying that, because of its limits, such an investigation v.'ould not alone be able to furnish a valid explanation of the problem of technological development. But it should allow an insight into the ethnocentric, mascul inist, energetic, and func tionalist presuppos itions which generally govern many a current approach to the question .

1.3 Bantu Cults of Amiction To appreciate the importance of the gynecological khita healing cult, let me. first sketch the wider African civilizational traditions (Janzen's expression:

1989) and Bantu cults of affliction of \\'hich the khita cult forms an integral p art, only then raising some questions about its place in the modem urban setting. Traditional medicine forms an important part =>f these civi l i zational tradi­ tions. In its attempts to revalorize traditional health practices, the World Health Organization ( 1976:3) has defined traditional medicine as 'lhe sum. total of all knowledge and practices , \\o'hether expl icable or not, used i n diagno sis, preven­ tion and e limination of physical, mental or social imbalance and rely ing exclu-sively on practical experience and observation handed down from generation

24

Chapter One

to generation." The tenn 'traditionar thus refers to

a

rootedness in civiliza­

tional traditions as \\�'ell as to the predominantly oral means of transmitting ( tradere) information, practices, and imagery in seeking or improving health w·ithin family or initiation group circuits. These traditions are nevertheless characterized by their capacity to invent, adapt, and incorporate elements from other cultures, despite their allochthonous nature. There are, moreover, the questions of the professionalization of healing and of controlling the issues affecting health and illness (Feiennan 1985: 114ff.). African health and healing traditions, also called African medicine, are less ethnically based and fragmentary than has been alleged by colonial discourse. For their survival vis-a-vis the biomedicine-5 introduced by colonial po\ver paired with the negative attitude toward popular healing by missionaries, heal­ ers cultivate secretness. Anthropologists and historians such as Chavunduka

( 1978), Feierman (1981), Janzen ( 1982, 1989, 1991)" Janzen and Prins (1981), M'Bokolo ( 1984)" Prins (1979� 1989), Turner (1975), Vansina ( 1990), and \\rerbner ( 1975) have begun to offer thoroughgoing historical and comparative analyses of the major healing cults in the societies of central and southern Africa. These societies, from the equator down to the Cape of Good Hope, are grouped by linguists as speakers of interrelated Bantu languages . This region displays extensive linguistic and s ymbolic homogeneity alongside the some­ v.rhat more evident institutional variations. The Bant u traditions have evolved through a diffusion not so much of populations but of cultural traditions or civilizational forms, of technologies (pastoral agricultural, and perhaps also ,

metallurgical), and of health and healing traditions. There is a common and robust core of

�asic

assumptions and institutionalized behaviors in the fields

of etiology. diag nos tics , and therapy, \\l·hich are often invoked and displayed in the context of elaborate ceremonies or cults. Ngoma-in southern Bant u re­ gions spelled isangoma, for example-is a healing cult kno\vn throughout the Bantu area (Janzen 1991 ) This cult focuses on reproduction-of persons, .

game, herds, and harvests-and is therefore also invoked in cases of sterility and drought. It organizes group therapy around the large ngoma drums that rhythm dance and song, and it weaves together interregional networks of pa­ tients and therapists. In the decentralized societies of southern Africa (particu­ larly the Xhos� Zulu, Nguni, Sotho, and Tswana), isangoma comprises a web

of pluricultural networks: initiates may participate in parallel fashion in several isangoma beyond the ethnic borders that the so-called Zionist healing churches and homelands have enforced. Other cults or the.rapies, such as khita, have spread onl y within more restricted areas. Civilizational forms, for centuries ingrained in people's culture� shape the Vv'ays in which the therapeutic notions from the Islamic East , \I./estern science, and Christianity are being received. They determine specific reactions to\vards the forces of European colonialism and industrialization and its attendant

so-

Field and f\.1ethod

25

cial forms. like the new modes. of urbanization, the state,. \vage and migrant labor, and mass production and consumerist needs. Particularly in the domain

of therapeutics, the classical African health cultures or civilizati onal traditions continue in the urban areas alongside scientific-industrial health systems. The

rather superficial, and biomedical health services tend interpenetration is often to become the privilege of an increasingly smaller part of society. At least in

the popular suburban milieux, where \vage labor remains subordinate to kin­ ship and community co-operation. cults of affliction survive violent attacks

from Christianity and prophetic or spiritualist healing churches; here, divina­ tion is in no \\'ay threatened by laboratory tests and science, and people con­ sider pills to be more efficacious when paired \•lith a kind of client-healer interaction (VanderGeest and \Vhyte Janzen

1988).

(1989) offers a broad outline of classical Bantu ideas about well­

being and affliction in relation to worldviev-', divinatory diagnostic techniques� and therapeutic traditions. In the tow·ns of w·estern . and central Africa it appears that, like the healing traditions, many curative practices also lose their ties with the traditional cosmology of healing and healin g sites or come to partly ignore ..

the practical kno\\'ledge and cosmological understanding of flora, fauna, and other curative substances and devices.

1.4 Healers in the Tow·n 1.4.1 Healing arts hnve recently been revalorized on the na­ tional and internalional scene. The forecasts Y-'ith regard to the disappearance of traditional therapy have proven inaccurate (Bibeau et al. 1979; Feiennan

1 979; Good 1979: Janzen l978).1n previous decades w·estem modernist think­ ing about development placed far too much stress on the socio-economic dis­ continuity v.ith the past and on a decline of tradition and its alleged magical

or irrational pursuits. Things traditional were considered to be prescicntific .. inefficient, or even •primitive.' In other \Vords� in this viev.' development had to do with the transfer of money� technology, and other means for change and implied the spr ead of western knov-·lcdge. Development meant secularization, an increase in the chances of survival, and the arrival of prosperity and higher standards of living. The rationalistic optimism of the 1960s fueled the belief that the traditional healing arts would disappear in the African context as

V.'estern-style biomedical practice became more accessible to health se.ekcrs (Janzen

1978). As a consequence, stress has been laid on the planning and

implementation of Primary and Preventive Health Care Programs and the man­ agerial organization of campaigns to combat diseases such as acute.respiratory illnesses, malaria, malnutrition, measles, smallpox, leprosy� dyse.ntery� skin and vene.real infections (Foster

1982). Neither the colonial and missionary hos-

_pital approach nor the Primary Health Care Program favor or support tradi-

Chapter One

26

tiona) healing, but the first is not incompatible \vhile the second is. �owaday s, in viev..· of the dramatic economic crisis, effective biomedical programs are becoming far too expensive for a gro\ving number of African countries .. owing principally to the cost of training, infra..�tructure, and drugs. Moreover, the problem is far from being only an economic one. Given its numerous failures, the strictly technological model of (health) development is

clearly

in crisis.

Very often the major causes of failure of development programs are not only managerial but also

sociocultural:

the root of any health problem and any

con­

ceptualization and implementation of healing is cultural. The end of the 1970s saw a rediscovery and revaluation of African healing arts on the. international African scene colloquia and publications;

(WtiO,

OALT� international 1979; Janzen and Prins

UNESCO,

cf. also Ademuwagun et al.

1979; Last and Chavunduka 1986; Maclean and Fyfe 1986). This recognition goes hand in hand Ylith an increasing cultural emancipation. Attention is being paid to the potential role of the different categories of healers \vho live and v..·ork in the rural or popular urban milieux (Aryee 1983; Bannerman 1983; Bibeau

1979,

1981� Corin 1979; Fassin 1992; Good C.

1987 ;

Lapika 1980;

Last and Chavunduka 1986; Pillsbury 1982� Sofulu\ve and Bennett

1985).

�ore and more it is recognized that the African art of healing, because it is to do with

mea ning

and forces, constitutes the regenerative heart of a people's

culture (Comaroff 1985a,

b).

Collaboration bet\\·een major African civiliza­

tional traditions of health care, more local folk t raditions of self-help, and bio­ medical health care programs is one of the major options enunciated by WHO's African Committee at Kampala in its discussion of traditional medicine's role

(\\'HO 1976). some time later (WHO 1978: 1 3 ):

in the development of health services in Africa with an even broader scope.

It \vas restated

Since Traditional Medicine has been shown to have intrinsic utility, it should be promoted and its potential developed for the \\'ider use and benefit of mankind. It needs to be evaluated, given due recognition and developed so as to improve its efficacy, safety, availability and \ovider ap­

It is already the people's O\\'n health care system is vlell accepted by them. It has certain advantages over imported sys­

plication at low cost. and

tems of medicine in any setting, because, as an integral part of the peo­ ple's culture� it is particularly effective

in

solving certain cultural health

problems. It can and does freely contribute to scientific and universal medicine.. Its recognition, promotion and development ""·ould se.cure due respect for people's culture and heritage. Recent \\'HO reports (Akerele 1984) show that a growing number of African governments subscribe to the position taken by the WHO. Ho\vever, and de­ spite enthusiastic official proposals and recommendations .. actual attempts at collaboration bet\\'een medical services and traditional healers .. except in inid-

27

Field and �1ethod

\\rifery, are facing difficult problems almost evei]'Vlhere, and re.search on tradi­ tional healing is by and large restricte.d to the study of herbal knowledge. Some of modest co-operation seem possible (Feiennan 1985:126; imaginative forms

\Varre n et al. 1982). Recently, the promoting of useful health care skills has been tar geted on women and their participation in health and development ini­ tiatives (McCormack 1988).

In Kinshasa the.re is no\v a growing av.,·areness among administrators of the national heal th services, as well as at the 1992 Sovereign National Conference,

that the functioning of a country-\\'ide health plan cannot rely on 'modem' medicine alone. This system requires an all too costly infrastructure and inten­

sive training. It must there.fore revalorize the positive contributions of classical African health and healing traditions. However, the government has so far sup­

ported only one exploratory research project among healers, in

1974-76. This

research was conceptualized along the lines propagate.d by the WHO in vieVw' of restoring the image of and hence promoting traditional medicine as a com­ plement to biome.dicine ( cf. Bibeau 1979, 198 1). Ho\\'ever� because of a lack of means this programme \vas prematurely called off and never led to a practical implementation. Today v.'e are sti II in the starting phase: traditional healers are excluded from the national health policy which continues to support only the very classical (para)medical training and the use of patented phannaceutical

goods. If these research programs were not that productive in research output, or in adequate legal recognition of the healers' status, at least the.y undeniably helped the healers to recover their dignity, emerge from semi-hiding. and re­

ceive broad de facto recognition. Biomedical health care facilities in Kinshasa and the country nowadays tend to offer services that either are of poor quality or are too expensive for the average individual or family to afford. Moreover, the demand of health-seekers largely surpasses the supply of health care. In the recent years the existing official community health care infrastructure has almost completely collapsed. This situation has contributed to a reinforcement of the position of traditional healers and healing cults, \\'hich are increasingly becoming the sole recourse for many health-seekers. Past failures with regard to the promotion of traditional healing v.'ithin pub­ lic community health care \\l·ere often due to the fact that the political decision makers themselves had an inadequate knowledge of the specific nature of these therapeutic forms . They ignore the cultural dimension and multilevel inter­ \Veave in the culture-bound syndromes, and in the therapeutic skills and forms

of cult healing with regard to these syndromes. There is, moreover, a consider­

able gap in the kno\vledge concerning the daily health-related behavior and practices of health-seekers, as \veil as of the. major healing cults in. the ever­ expanding urban milieux. One often ignores how the. ritualized gestures of daily life (blessings and curses, invocations of peace, visits of uncles� purifica­ tions, and so on) continue to have much impact on the health or mental balance

28

Chapter One

of individuals in both tovln and village. Self-treatment \Vith more or less well­ known folk remedies is also rather commonplace, if not frequent. Se.llers of medicinal plants and recipes can be found at most marketplaces and on the fringes of bus stations, \Vhile the number of pharmacies and small private I y run 'medical centers' along the major urban thoroughfares continues to rise. The function and prestige of traditional diviners and healers are grov.'ing steadily in the to\vns (Lapika 1983; Mahaniah 1982). Mass media and popular songs both praise and criticize the role of the traditional healers (Tshonga­ Onyumbe 1982). In turn, many tov.'n-based healers maintain hopes of prov id­ ing their services v.'ithin the context of re.cognized health centers, or of collabo­ rating \vith the national ··Health For ��lr' program.6

1.4.2 African healing art.'i

are

more

than herbal medicine.

Many traditional healers have sought, particularly in the 1970s, to reidentify tHemselves as herbalists. They might thus be able to divest themselves of the negative image regarding healers-an inheritance from colonialism and Chris­

tianization� v.rhich identified traditional healing with magic and the occult or \Vith prescientific, inefficient, primitive� and even satanic practices. Many African countries are nov.' founding centers for the promotion of tradi­ tional healing-in most cases v.rith the help of pharmaceutical firms. Although biomedicine is the most recent of developments in this field. the -lasthorn,' it nevertheless plays the role of 'senior brother,� often v..·ith the suppon of politi­

cal and international institutions. In order not to deprive themselves of interna­ tional financial resources, these centers often comply V.'ith their sponsors' wishes and exclusively study chemical-therapeutic qualities in plants or animal and mineral products. A pattern of neglect and disregard for psychological and socio-anthropological dimensions, or for the. clinical evaluation of the healer�s total performance, has thus become apparent (cf. Corin and Bibeau 1975; Kaba 1981). The major healing rites became more and more widely practiced in the to\a.,·ns in the 1970s, in coexistence with the biomedical services. In Kinshasa, the major healing rites are performed in the language and style of the culture of origin, and are thus adapted to the kinship allegiances and cosmology of the

given group. Nevertheless, as many as fifty percent of the clients \\'ho tum to these hel a ing cults belong to a different culture. Prospective patients easily cross cultural boundaries because the cults possess a common cultural substra­ tum, especially with regard to therapeutic strategies and to the metaphors re­ lated to the body and to other preverbal symbols at play in the therapeutic setti n g : dances, mimes, bodily decorations. ritual objects, massages, fumiga­

tion, medicinal substances� ancL above all� possession trances. Who are these healers? Depending on \\ihether they use medicinal plant�, diagnosis through divination, andlor healing rituals, they are known as herbalists, diviners� or

29

Field and f...1ethod

specialists of the major healing rites. The patients , for their part, do not resort indiscriminately to the various types of treatment available, but ultimately

choose a healer on the basis of his effectiveness. The 197 4-78 national survey

guided and reported by Bibeau

( 1979� 1984; thi s study is unparalleled_ and has

not yet been update.d) sugge . sts that \\'omen , half of them betv.'een the ages of

21 and 30, account for a clear majority of those seeki ng the help of the main healing rites. The study was conducted by some. thirty investigators who inter­ viewed almost 5,000 patients and about 500 healers. It revealed that in the to \\'115 most of the healers' c lients tum first to the biomedical health care sys ­ tem, contrary to what has been commonly held. This was at least true at the time of the investigation; since then the economic crisis has made biomedical care unaffordable for most of the population. The most frequently cited rea­ sons for resorting to traditional medicine \Vere as follo\vs (Bibeau 1979:15-

16): the desire to know the underlying cause of the disorder (for example

sorcery, ancestral \Vrath); the presence of particular symptoms that threaten social functioning, for example .. because they hamper orificial function s, entail a lasting h umoral disbal ance; referral to traditional health care by

or a

member of the biomedical institutions because the symptom or the patienfs great anxiety seems to suggest the need for closer group support and ritual treatment; the. inaccessibility in the area of \Vestem type medicine. Life in the Kinshasa suburbs is hard. As it appears from my own observa ­ tions among the Kwaangolese population in Kinshasa .. the degradation in nutri­ tion, housing, and environment that occurred in the late 1980s is increas ingly threatening ever larger parts of the capital city. Correspondingly, Yaka people abandon the jerry-built type of self-proclaimed healers whose curative tech­ niques and commoditized practices are divorced from Yaka culture. They tend to spend their little available spare cash only in cases of serious misfonune� and then tum rather to the classical traditions and the reputed and fully initiated heal ers in the centuries-old cults (see plate 1 ).

1.4.3 Traditional therapy is a

total phenomen on. and dij}ers

qualitatively from biomedicine. Much of the skilL method, and meaning dis­

played in traditional healing practices e scapes the biomedical understanding of physical \\'ell-bei ng (cf. Good and DelVecchio Good 1981; Lock and Gor­ don 1988). Many a project envisaging a revaluation of traditional healing methods has failed when healers have been invited to work in a hospital setting and under the supervision of me.dical doctors. Such a relation ship bet\\'een healer and medical doctor remains from the stan a one-sided one. In this situa­ tion healers are never able to acqui re an i ndependent or full status. The setting · ali enates their method, \'-l'hich heav i ly relies on cosmology and group dynam­ ics. Furthe rmore .. they tend to feel that biomedicine is not only a critical judge o � their activities but also that it empties their identity of meani ng: in the eyes _

30

L hapter One ..

of the clients healers no longer have control over the total therapeutic process and therefore appear to lack proper ancestral legitimation (Dozon l987: 16). The traditional healer-at least in the Yaka and related cultures-\vorks from a broad dcfi nition of health pertaining to the interactive spheres of ph ysi­ cal, social .. and spiritual life. In

other

words. his etiology involves at least three

fields of parall el investigation. The interpretation of the cause of the sickness hegins \Vith the hypothesis that there exists a meaningful resonance bet\\'cen the three fields� namely, nf the body (luutu). of interacting persons (tn.uutu) or group {tsi), and of the life-\\iorld (n-totu). Symptoms and illness are read as marker� of socio-moral lesions, as a disruption both of the life of the individual sufferer and of the physicaL social., moral� and cosmological contexts \\o'hich

embrace him or her. The traditional healer auen1pts to throw out the sickness� t hat is. to expel the conflict to \\'hich the patienfs symptom is a \Vitness. ln this way the therapist seeks to rehabilitate the patient \-Vithin the group. At the same tiine.. however.. he is also concerned with the. illness� in a holistic, symbolic. and multifaceted way he tries to counter the cause� or rather to master the origin of the illness and turn it against itself. Illness concerns the subjectively and culturally infom1ed experience of the ailing person and the way it is given shape and interpreted in the terms of the meaning and core values of that cul­ ture. The cult objects and medicinal preparations. the usc of cupping horns,

scarification and ointments. and the regulation of cooking and food are all part ..

of

an

encotnpassing ritual drama that \\'Orks on corporeal processes by using

tnetaphorical equivalents of bodily processes. For example, a woman suffering from amenorrhea may be invited to self-administer lukew·ann enemas at sun­ do\\'n \\'·hi le crouching in the doorv.ray bet\veen the sleeping chamber and the cooking hearth. The particular potion she employs, one made from buds of some tree or shrub, associates her \\7ith the transformative process of ripening. The. healer's attention is in the first place directed neither towards the disease nor the somatic trouble. In order to understand and value the spectrum of Bantu healing practices in their own right, it is necessary to study their group ethics, religion, and cosmol­ ogy (see chs. 2 and 3). Only v-'hen the underlying conceptual framework and the logic of their symbolism \\'·ith regard to solidarity and the coherence be­ tween body, group. and cosmos have been brought to the fore (see ch. 4) do the healing practices and symbolic imagery no longer appear as irrational acts and beliefs. At that moment one also begins to understand Vt.'hy or ho\\'· the solidarity built up between healers, or betv.'een healers and patients in cult groups, fonns part of and is informed by a more encompassing cosmic and cultural order. Healing practices then appear as condensed expressions of be­ liefs and etiologies concerning man, descent, life, good and evil, and the reso­ nance between the various fields of experience (see ch. 5). Insofar as the cults are founded on these elements, they often act as strongholds against capitalism

31

Fi e ld and f\.1ethod

a nd bureauc rdcy. The i r cohe rence and total ity are partly ge nerate d in the condi­ bu reau cratic systems , partic u l arl y of colon ial he al th t io n s of imp osed total izing as \\,.e l l as of the heg e mo n ic ide.ology co nveyed c are and m i s sionary activities ,

by the mo de m state (cf. Comaroff 1 9 85a, b ) .

Illn ess and healing are multil ayered real itie s. Contrary t o c urrent biomed ical noti ons th a t vie\\' health m e re ly a� the abse.nce of organic dysfuncti on , the

members of Yaka cult and self-help groups in Kinshasa and the villages appear to interpret health and i ndividu al v.. e l l be i n g as resulting from specific relatio ns ·

-

seen in a m uch broader conte x t. To be in good health d e pends on the relati ons between people-or be twe e n the individ ual � the group� and the e nvi ronmen t or life-\vorld- and results from the v i tal integration of eleme nts V.'h ic h also

dete.nnine the ferti l i ty of the soc ia l group, succe ss at sc hool or Vw'ork, and the moral and material well-being or co nti nu ity of the fam i l y group. Being i n good

health the r e fore rneans being wh ole, that i s, bei ng integrated in a me aningfu l Vw'ay into the relational fie. I ds of body. group� and life-\\'orld .

Notions o f sickness , i l l ne ss . an d misfortune are relate d t o thi s integrative

noti on of perso nhood and health. The interpretatio n of the meaning of il lness can on ly be understood \Vithin the wider c on te x t of the forces at v-'ork in the

social contex t and l i fe-\\'orld. Like heal th� i l lness situ ates itself betv.'een peo­

ple, or i n the re lation of the indivi dual to the social group and the life- world . Illness, di sintegrative a c t s suc h

a�

sorcery. or the tran sgression o f the vital

boundarie s ( of the individual body. household space� marital relationships, and so on ) are vie\\o'ed as a �'bindi ng,. of the victim� a ' •ty ing up� ' or "block i ng'' of

vital connections and j unction s . The pathologi cal condition the reby consists of an e n tangl e m e n t of those t i es \\'hich shou ld i de ally fonn l egi timate bonds connecting body� group, and life- \vorld into o ne si ngl e v i tal unity. In other words: illness obstructs , di sconne cts , or deflates. It i solates individu als and groups, and hems them in. It "'ties the v ictim wi t h cords" in to a disintegrative bond that co u n ters vital i ntegration .

Biomedicine, c onversely, i s ch i e fl y and inten sive ly concerned \\o'i th physical

disease an d pathogens rather than \\o'ith illness and sickness. Through biomedi­ cine's preoccupation \Vith the sign s of phys i c al health and disease, illne ss is natural i zed and transformed from a cu ltural into a natural fact : it is defi ned in

terms of a p red om i nant ly biological and functional viev-' of the body. The med­ ical doctor fi ghts the disease al l opathically and approaches the p at ien t as an

i solated instance and in a dyadic relation that is characterized by unequal au­ thority and one- sided responsibility. Inasmuch as he works as a scienti st, the

doctor n ei ther shares in the patient's net\\'ork nor wants to influence it. Medical doctors and paramedical staff b e l ong to a fonnal� bure aucratic medic�! organ i ­ zation which exi sts in virtue of th e Vw'ritten \\'ord and is characterized by its

particular conceptions of authority, rational and equivocal allocation of tasks, impersonal ru les, strict se g re gat i on betVw'een persons and role s� and its quanti.

32

Chapte r One

tative conception of linear, progressive time. I n biome.dicine.� power and depen­ dence are generated and concentrated on a so-called scienti fie bas i s and in the name of therapeutic service. Healing arts, as a major civilizational tradition, are at pai ns to recover from undue marginalization. Alongside education, jurisdiction, church, public secu­ rity, and commerce in modem technology and consumer goods, public bio­ medical health care fonns part of a set of formal organizations that force the more traditi onal institutions into the informal or private sector: one might think of kinship relations of solidarity and authority, or of production, exchange , and consumption, as well as marri age. relations, health practices , and cult associa­ tions. Hov.'eve r, the more the formal sector has become bankrupt or out of reach for the majori ty of those living in shanty towns, whose income s are ren­ dered worth less by the extreme rate s of i nflation (Houyoux et al. 1 986) , the more strongly does economic, social, and psychological securi ty become de..pendent on the maintenance of good rel ations v,ith one 's village of origin. The clash bet\\·een healing � urban life, and biomedic ine is replete with para­ doxes and bewildering issues . In The Professionalisation o.f African Medicine (Last and Chavunduka 1 986) , the contributors show ho\\' the. co-operation be­ tween traditional healers and biomedicine in various African countrie s creates the risk of a deprofessionalization of healers and a degeneration in their prac­ tices. Moreover, there exist many healers, as \\�·ell as sc ie ntific and political authorities, \\l·ho wish to avoid

an

adventurous or makeshift approach to public

health. On the one hand, public health care policy makers must increasingly address the follov.'ing que.stions with regard to the health care system imported from the \\'est: ( 1 ) Is biomedical health care really c apable of solving the countr;·"s health problems or responding to the expectations it has raised, given the absence of economic grov,'th and spectacular demographic expan sion? (2) \\'hat must be done about the concentration of hospitals, biomedical staff, and curative health care in the cities (more than 80 percent), thus "'leaving poor rural populations woefull y short of elementary heal th services, immuni­ zations, pure water and proper s anitation" (Morley 1 976; cf. also Buschkens

1 990) . (3) How must one come to tenns \\'ith the uncontrolled trading of phanna­ ceutical products (often very expensive) and the fact that multinationals use cities such as Kinshasa to dump medicines \\l·hich are often taken off the mar­ kets in the West (cf. Gereffi 1 983). Wnat can be done about the conception that a medicine derives its pov,'er and effect from the person \vho administers it (cf. the placebo effect)?

(4) Can one continue to ignore the existence of a plural approach to health care , and the fac t that most people, at least in chronic cases , systematically consult both health care svstems at the same time? ..

Field and �1ethod

33

On th e oth er hand, there are questions c-oncern i ng the ' sc ientific' val i dity, e practical effi cacy, acceptabi lity. and legality of the th rap e ut ic and curative. ac­ tio n of h ealers. Last and C havunduka- the latter being an anthropologist, p re s­

i de nt of the Zimbabv.'e National Traditional Healers Association .. and chairman of t he Zi m babwe Government Traditional �tedical Counci l -rightly conclude th eir i mportant study of these problems as fol l oVw's : The most obvious difficulty lies in the. formal training and certification of h e a l e rs in the future, and in particular w hat the content of that training w i l l be .

.

.

.

There i s an inherent danger that traditional medical kno\vl­

edge w i l l be defined simply in terms of its technical herbal expertise�

that this experience will in tum be recognised only for its empi rical phar­ magnosy, \vithout re ferenc e to the symbolic and ri tual matri x ,-.,·ithin which it is used-still less , the soc ial m at ri x in which those ritual s and symbols have meani ng at any parti cular ti m e or place . . . . Traditional m edical know ledge., ho\-..·ever� i s much broader and more subtle th a n tech­ nical herbal experti se. l n de e.d .. the very nature of this kno\"'lledge may mi l­ itate agai nst its fonnal structuri ng in the \vay professionalisation might seemingly require with its obj ective examinations and te sts of efficacy. (Last and Chavunduka

1986: 267-68)

Developme n� in my opinion, must occur to a large extent in uni son w ith the

structure, logic, and fi na l i ty of the culture of the involved group, with its partic­

u l ar concepts of time , space, causal i ty, solidarity� need, utility, efficacy., produc­

tivity, and so on , or \\l· i th its o\\l·n vievY'S on fauna, flora, and cosmos . In

particular, women's as soc i ations, often linke-d to one or another church� ac t as self-help groups that s u stai n health., fertility, and sanitation programs. They

offer a forum Vv'here traditional he aler s as well as medical care are exposed to social critique. In-depth understanding of \�·omen's cur at i ve skills and re­ sources , as Y.o'ell as their therapy management i n Kinsh asa, is out of reach of a

male anthropologist . In the fo llowing c h ap te rs , I Vw'ill be c oncerned \\'ith ana­ lyzing the cultural bedrock of the Yaka, the core of assumpti ons and institu­ tionalized behaviors in Yaka culture, and the fu ndamen tal m etaph ors that seem to persist over time and shape health behavior both in the countryside and in the city.

1.5 Healing as Social and Theatrical Drama: A Critique

Tradi tional heal i ng arts among the Yaka have much in common Vw'ith th os e of the Ndembu in north western Zambia, \vho have become so \veil kno\\'n through the c arefully detai led and insightful analyse s by Victor Turner. B oth

the Ndembu i n Zambia� south western Zaire, and northeastern Angola and the Ya ka in s o u t h\\' e ste m Zaire have for more than three ce nturies been exposed

34

Chapter One

to the Luunda sphere of influence . Ho\vever, my experience in the context of Yaka culture prevents me from fully adopting Turner"s viev.· on Ndembu ritual as a pragmatics of social transformation, hence as a theatrical drama. Since I consider Turner's position as antithetical to the perspective that I attempt to outline here � I will first briefly sketch his approach . I would clai m that Turner's ritual analysis is the product of Y�'hat remai ns an external, though tender, look, "a staring through the \�·indow'' (to paraphrase Edith and Frederick Turner 1 985) . The narra tive voices of ritual speciali sts and privileged informants be­ speak social and cultural reality, and establi sh a go-between the Ndembu and his ethnographic text. The fine- tuned description and analysis of mean ing that Turner offers of Ndembu ritual has elicited �'ide spread admiration (Defl em 199 1 ) , and has in­ spired ne\\' approaches to ritual action, variously called situational analysis, symbolic action theory, comparative symbology, processual symbolic analysis, or the transactionalist approach of symbolic interaction. The central focus of his work, in which he develops a processual-dialectic perspective, is on micro­ social drama, a ritual resolution of soc ial and emotional confl ict, and a strengthening of community values. In this ongoing social drama, Turner has us see social structure in action : conftict, contradiction , breach, crisis, redress, or recognition whether of reconciliation or of irremediable split are unveiled as a proce ss. Conflict is cast in a dramatistic mode in \\'hich conscious choice (Turner 1 957 : 230) and accidental circumstance are as significant as structural principles in the creation of social life . Life-crisis rituals like initiation and funeral mark the transition from one phase of an individual's development to another. B iological metaphors give way to a terminology of groY�·th, matura­ tion , confl ict, adaptation-that is, of both cyclical movement and historical production-and �·e come to see Ndembu vil lagers as producers of the history they are at the same. time liv i ng out. Turner's processual vie\\' ( l 967 :7ff. , 1 974: 3 5ff. ) deals both �'ith the dialec­ tics of social process as we ll as with ritual performance and proce.ss created out of the group's effort to resolve the tension bet\\·een reproductive social structure and anti-structure, i nasmuch as the latter is conducive to creative communitas and liminality. In other terms� symbols are part and parcel of so­ cial action and dynamics: they sustain a given social structure . Through their polysemy or multivocality� ritual symbol s may in a simi lar manner bring out and seek to overcome this tension . The interchange between the sensory, af­ fective, and/or normative poles in the symbols allo\\'S them to function as oper­ ators in the various phases of the social process, inasmuch as these phases

are

reenacted in the ritual . Sy mbols move actors, correct deflection s and devia­ tions� resolve social contradictions, and wed actors to the categories and norms of their society. Rituals store cruc ial symbol s and deal authoritatively \\'ith so­ cial and rel igious values of the community. B y virtue of thei r reference to the

Field and Method

s u pern atural , they are also transformative w ith regard to human attitudes and beh avi or. Turner is religiously committed and convince-d that symbols may have a load or effect that outreache-s the.ir meaning . Sy mbols, in Turner's approach, are above all to b e observe-d when ritu ally

perform ed. Concerned v.rith the efficacy of symbols, he analyzes how ritual works, v,rhat it does, and how people handle symbols. Symbols are thus pri mar­ ily studied for their action-meaning i n their significant social or action field, and/or their cul tural field of bel i efs, ri tuals, and religion. Acc ording to Turner

( 1 967 :45, for example) , ri tual symbols are as much a material locus in a uni­ verse of forces -a materialization of a moment or a politicized unity in soc ial real ity-as they are a captation point in the netv.'ork of signifiers. Symbols are representative s of the political �tructure j ust as they are. reiterations of the vir­ tues of kin i n the language of physiology. Ritual symbols and indeed affliction and communal cults are seen as strong means of maintaining group unity, and of mitigating tendencies of Ndembu soc ial life. In Turner's perspective , soc ial process, religious beliefs .. ritual , and symbol s are essenti ally interrelated. Rit­ ual is "a stereotyped sequence of activities invo l ving gestures, Vw'ords, and ob­ jects, petfonned in a seque stered place , and de signed to influence preternatural , entities or forces on behalf of the actors goals and intere sts" ( 1 977: 1 83 ) . Turner focuses on the individual as the. very agent or loc us in the soc ial drama. He is innovative in reenacting the � speaking subject ' -a phenomenological dimension of hi s approac h that builds up an ethnography from what partici­ pants say about what they do in the ritual , why, and Y�· hat thi s all represents to them . Turner relies heavily on the views and exegesi s of master-healer Mu­ chona, his best informant. Whi le acknov..'ledging his intel lectual indebtedness to Monica Wilson, Turner is, ho�·ever, unable to accept Wilson"s principle of going no further in explaining symboli c mean i ng than the informants � O\\'n statements permit. In Turner's view : "The anthropologist \\'ho has previously made a structural analysis of Ndembu society . . . can observe the real intercon­ nection s and conflicts between groups and persons, in so far as these receive ritu al representation . \\'hat is meaningless for an actor playing a specific role may well be highl y significant for an observer and analyst of the total system

'I ,

( 1 967:27). Turner later add s an i mportant qualification to thi s parti cular state­ ment. At least in the case of the Ndembu, �·ith their paucity of myth s, knov.'l­ , edge of Hthe total system . is to be obtai ne d "atomistically and piecemeal" through patient analysis of ritual symbo ls. There are, according to Turner, ··no short cuts, through myth and cosmolog}� to the structure of Ndembu religion"'

( 1 969:20). Hov.'ever, Turner has great difficu lty considering ritu al in its owp right. Hi s concept of metaphor i s imprecise. In his studies of the Ndembu , he confuse s metaphor and symbol inasmuch as they are. assumed to assign meaning to so­ - - ci al behavior and cond uct. At times, he considers metaphor as an englobing

stru cturi ng pri nc iple, as an archetype� or a root parddigm. Turner basically adopts the interactive sense of metaphor: it is metamorph ic or transfonnative 9 it effects an instantane ou s fu sion of

tv.'O

separated realms of experience into

one ill uminati ng, icon i c , encapsulating image. Metaphor is understood as the ''i ntercourse of thoughts� a transition between contexts'' ( 1 975 : 1 56). It effec ts an "i nstantaneous fusion" ( 1 974:25) that prov ides "new perspectives''

( 1 974:3 1 ). In short, the transfonnative interaction-intercourse or transac­ tion-that i s brought about by metaphor betw·een the vari ous realms explains, in Turner's view, the efficacy of symbols. The ritual action i n gestures., mu sic� chanting, dress., or celebration brings about a very concrete interchange of qualities bet\\·een the "nonnative or eidetic pole'' (norms, behavioral patterns , values) an d the ''orectic pole'' (taste, feeling, pleasure, desire) ( 1 974:55 ). In the interactive form s. nonns and values become saturated \\lith emotion , V.'hile gross and basic emotions become ennobled through contact v,rith social value s : the emotional norm becomes a 'norm-alized" emotion . Turner's v iews on l imi­ noid experiences and his approach to commun itas are influenced by Csi kszent­ mihalyi "s study ( 1 977) of liminoid activ itie s-sports, arts, and the like-that are autote lic . In ecstatic states, the body stand� in a di rect relation of im mediate feedback v,rith itself: it is centered on itself in a flow of action that passes beyond reflection or self-a\vareness . I contend that Turner's viev.,rpoint does n ot fully capture the autoproductiv ity of metaphorization, since it seems to presuppose an intention and goal that is somehow programmed and on ly accessible through the voice of an individual author or subject. My major cri ticism of Turner's views on Ndembu ritual con­ cerns his dramaturgical vie\\�· on ritual and the limin al, and his half-spoken Durkheimian s ociological approach to the social organ ism. If Turner takes into account the creati ve potential of the li minal , it is in virtue of the fact that it en sures the bonding of man

to

society, as it is a source both of soc ial order and

of change seen as a fundamental reorderi ng . A nalysis of the type offered by Thrner reduces the emergent or genu inely creative capacity of the ritual to something else : ritual is not regarded as an autogenerative praxis, and the so­ ci al order is seen as its hidden script. For Thmer., contradiction or conflict

are

the maj or source of symbolic production, and conflict management is its major function. Turner's more interpretive focus on the webs of significance embod­ ied in symbol s represents a shift in his approach and stems from a ph ase after his major work on Ndembu ritual \\'as completed . Although the later Turner

( 1 974:3 1-32) credits the reli gious be lie fs of the Ndembu \vith ontological value , V.'hen conveyed by ritual their rel igiou s content appears merely as a surplu s- value over and above the soci al value of ritual action and thought. In identify ing the sensory and ideological poles of symbols, Thrner has contrib­ uted to reconci ling sociological and psychological interpretations of ritual symbols. Social organization and ideological meaning, as well as nonnative or

Field and Method

37

o al va lues , are the very program for th e staging of a ritual: symbol s a re m r \Vith information, capable of instruction and rearrd.ll g c ment storag e un its filled very program in their ov.·n tenns, infused as they in vi e\\' of the ir st a gi n g this are wi th bod i l y or psychic energy. A ritual re pre se nt s a storehouse of t rad i­

ti onal Jcn o\\l l ed ge of meaningfu l symbo ls by v,rh ich information is revealed and axiomati c soci al values are reempo\vered ( 1 968 : 2) . Turner anal yse s the prop erti es of m ulti vocality and unification withi n a single dominant symbo l, ,

but he fails t o investigate the in terre l atio n betwe.en sym bols. Ag a in st Turner's substantivist viev.'s, I hol d that metaphorical producti on in

drama i s a structural innovation, and only to be understood in its very elabora ­ ti on . A s I \Vill argue more fully ( see 1.6), me taph or transforms various domai ns by transferrin g for ex ample , spatio-temporal princ iples or potent i m age s on to prev i ously unrelated domains . This unpreceden te d linking recei ves ta n gib le ..

fonn in metonymical e laborations. The basis and locus of this creativity is to be sough t not in l i m i nality (Turner 1 969) or inchoateness (Fernandez 1 9 74) , but i n the body seen a s a surface upon \�·hich the group and th e life-v:orld are inscribed, an d as a mod el for the se, that i s, in the body 's limin al capac ities. I v.·ill argu e that the body i s a genuine source of transformational symbolic cre­

ativity, of true praxi s or action capable of in t er ve ni n g effective ly on the world .

My perspective give s actual primacy to the b ody and develops an in side per­ spective on ritual as a transformational , he nce self-generative process.

Exeg e s is in my vie\\', is not ex planation , and ritual i s neither l iturgy nor ,

theatre. Although I have had the opportuni ty to v.'ork \Vith very reflective he al­ ers, I do not bel i eve that the.ir O\\'n exe ges i s has laid bare the heart of the he a l­ ing drama. And yet my more fundamental cri tic i sm of the \\lOrks of Turner is that the i nt e rpre ta ti on they offer of Ndembu heal ing rel ies heavily on represen­

tation and i nteraction al plot and yet does not lay bare the proper \vays in which cult healing deals \\'i th the human body and dra\vs on its genuine resource s: as I will more ful ly argue i n 7 .4, Turner overlooks the genuine an d creative

significance of the. human body.

1.6 Body and Wea\'e : A Semantic-Praxiological Approach Healing cults in Yaka culture develop a transformative ,

s y ne sth et i c ,

multiva­

lent, and multiscenic drama. They produc e a m u ltilayere d and comprehen sive interwe ave between the flo\v of affects� motivational forces, images� and bodily

st ate s .. on the one hand .. and the various processes governi ng the behavior of the group, on the other. B ody and group

are

intenvoven with the life-world ,

that is , the l i ved , partial ly shared and encompassing \�·orlds of images .. mean ­ ings, value s, an d s trategies i n V.'hich the participants are im m er sed ��t pl ay i n .

these cults are a s hap e of life ' and habitus� that is, a tradi tion a nd skills that '

��velop and manifest the msel ves \\'ithout referring to a s c ript Patterns may be .

38

Chapter One

made to emerge through a comparative and sequential analysis of the different cults , or of the various performances of a same cult by different cult leaders . A compari son, for example, regardi ng the theme of death and rebirth in the

heal ing cults and i n circumcis ion or enthronement rituals not on ly lays bare patterns of acts9 relations9 images , symbols, meanings and entitlements, but also demonstrates hov.' these patterns echo one another, even in the various transformations they u ndergo. Observation may uncover hov.' each interweave and flov,' of action anticipates or calls for other intenveaves and engagements as well. Therapy is not concerned Vlith historiography, nor v,rith trying to un­ ravel and re\\·eave the very contingent life and family-hi story of the patient. Instead, the healing ritual projects the body experience and life-history of the patient onto the space--ti me \\�·eave fonned by the seclusion house and the inter­ vention of healer and fami ly. Expressed in general terms, the patient moves from a state of being tied in, close.d up, or emptied out, towards

a

remolding

of the body 's shell and content, whi le sim ultaneously being gradually rei n­ serted in the complex i nterweave of body� group. and world. The therapeutic drama deve lops a space.-ti me \\'eave into \\'hich metaphoric correspondents of organs , affects , energies, and bodily functions are constituted and manipu­ lated . The cult spirits that are invoked are assoc iated w·ith basical ly ambivalent forces which may be both life-threatening and li fe-giving. In the rite, the pa­ tien t's body merges \\'ith the significance of the ritual house , itself a metaphor of mac rocosmic life-bearing processes. Both the trance and the seclusion are a li bidinal engendennent or birth-giving to meaning that surpasses or precedes conventional speech and that may recast a very deep bodi ly reminiscence of chi ldhood experiences and a set of imaginary and mythical themes concerning society ,s begin nings. Moreover, the various members of the therapy managing group, \Vith their multiple roles in connection with life transmission as orga­ nized by kin and all iance., all offer a projective space for the patient \vho is

thereby invited to relate herse lf or himself to these roles and positions , or at least to endorse one or several among them. 1 .6. 1 Adopting a semantic-praxiological approach, I in vesti­ gate ho'W healing cults among the Yaka develop a tranljormative drama. The

approach is selectively in line with some of the perspectives taken in Merleau­ Ponty �s phenomenology ( 1 945 , 1 964) , Levi-Straussian structuralism ( 1958, , 1 962) , Jul ia Kristeva s structuralist semiotics ( 1 969) , the poststructuralist prax­ eology of Pierre Bourdieu ( 1 980) and Jean Comaroff ( 1 985a) , as \\�·ell as v,,ri th the processual perfonnance study of Bruce Kapferer ( 199 1 ) . Healing cults en­ act a condensed version of daily life- but as it is apprehended from the edge and interstices of social order. In the cults, life is reimmersed in and reener­ gized in contact with the unconscious im aginary world of potent forces ( Cas­ toriadis 1 975: ch. 3). It is a very sensuous and bodily enactment. Healing

39

Field and Method

dram a , in Ya ka culture at least., dra\\'S on transformative transpositions of s en­ sory qu al itie s and forces from one realm to another: it aims at bridging bet\v een body, group , and world, between tangible and immaterial realm s . Ritual d rdnl a

i s a sort of play for the large part beyond the grasp of ve rbal discourse and conce pt ual representation : there is no full transparency of the ritual creativity in th e ri te to ritual wording or to elucidati ng comments supplied by expert s or

participants . I therefore. advocate an approac h that reache.s beyond a logocen­ tric viev.' and a model derived from linguistics, literary critic i sm , or (linear) writing. In the cults proper to thi s oral culture, traditions and ski l l s develop and m anife st themselve s \\l"ithout reference to a script or foundational m yth . Cult healing does not proceed i n a deliberate manner� from one realm t o an­

other, or from one meaning to another: healing does not develop as a theatrical play. Its very performance points only to itself, its structuring and di spl ay here­ and-now, that is , to the \\'ays in V.'hich it unconceals and inventively intertw ines diverse fields and aspects of life . The. flexibility and inventiveness of the brico­ lage and creative ach ievement-in-context prope.r to the heal i ng rite. exclude any

possibi lity that it might be comprehended according to a theatrical or liturgical model governed by a script and strict rules. Ritual activity in its most gen uine c haracteri stic is therefore not conceived here as a 're-pre sented ' narrative, as a reproduction of a myth .. or as a reflection or replay of a social reality. The concept of 'rite , is alien to Yaka cu lture . \\rhat I labe l , for lack of

a

more fit notion, as rite pertains to a basic 'techne . ' 1 w i l l show how much rite

entai l s a phatic contac t V.'ith life , a highly bodily dramati zed presencing of forces and sign s . In particul ar, healing rite involves a rejoicing in the group and aims at 're sting' in the l ife-v.'orld in an expanded al i veness and sharing. It see.ms best to approach rite as a work of art, a happening \\'ithin \vhose framework the actors may improvise a part of the drama. Sharing as they do a number of themes and obj ectives� they are able to reveal themsel ves to each other and to the outside \\l·orld as a group. It is appropriate to analyze the ritual drama from an interior perspective, a little like follov.'ing the development in a speech, not from the point of viev.' of the speaker or l i stener, but from that of the compelling argument and esthetic fonn that come about through particular devices and tran sformative processes. My fieldv;ork is very much a kind of esthetic experience, and my task in \vriting could be compared to that of a specialist in art engaged in the unveiling of the creative and e sthetic dimen­ sions of a \\'ork of art. My objective is to grasp the autogenerative development

of the therapy whose signification and healing effects coincide \\o'ith its

fonns-1 \\'itness to the moral aspect of my task in the Prologue and Epi logue.

I focus on how ri tual 'v.'orks, ' not so much in the sense of its achieving some­ thing, but rather in the sense of hov.' it works in and of itself, having no author other than itself. The act through \\'hich the healing drama forms itsel f is the ��me one that presents itself to us. �ly comprehe nsion of the drama should

40

Chapter One

have no other focus than the process of its formation. Ritual practice , for ex am­ ple, is no longer primari ly stud ied as communication, as the theatrical expres­ sion of a myth or trad ition, or as a reflection of social process . More preci sely� the object of thi s approach is to discover how people constantly bring about meani ng and empowerment from out of themselve s-their dreams, fantasies , bodies, gestures� and actions, their social , spatial, and h istorical contexts -by relating these forces, significative phenomena, and webs of relations to one another. B y virtue of thi s very fabric they are able to produce new rel ations in order to overcome tens ions, contradictions , or di sconnections in which they had become inextri cably ent\\'i ne d. I attempt to follow this \\�·eave or articulate process of drama, whose very autogenerative production. may be .seen as the

actor and author, from \Vithin. In a similar way, arti stic creation could be viewed as a l:ighly ori ginal patterning an d interweaving of forms , colors ,

rhythms, and i ntensities �·hich embrace one another, rather than as the fulfi l l ­ ment of some project o f the arti st, his patron, or the spectator. As for the semanti c-praxiological analys i s of ritual production , I di stinguish three partly overlapping steps . They do not constitute successive moments ei­ ther in the research or in the presentation , bu t offer di stinct angles of approach. (a) There i s first that of the internal struc ture of the ritual activity, namely the patterning of the devices into a ritual proce ss . I situate myself., in terms of perspective., at the interior of the \\'hole ritual process. To the extent that the process informs and links together a set of diverse activities that arise in con­ nection with a death, the rapy� or divinatory vocation, it is my task to high l i ght the internal configuration . I there by concentrate on the way in whic h an institu­ tional set of activitie s is structured into a whole .

A number of elements, procedures, and device s are in focu s at this level . The first is the ritual vocabu lary, reveali ng as much continuity as it does semantic di sruptions . For example, the notion of -kaya evokes a se lf-destructive reversal of evil or of the onset of i l lness : that noti on underl i es also the view that the booty of the hunt has to undergo a decay simil ar to ferme ntation that trans­ forms palm sap in wine, or to the trance that authenticates the patien t s voc ation '

to initi ation in a spirit cult. That very notion thus opens up a �·hole V.'ork of transferences of meaning (6.3 .3). This explains ho\v the healer also acts as h unter. The transformation proper to fermentation is not only mastered in view of a healing� but it is al so one of the many sources of i nspiration for transforma­ tive metaphors� that is, for metamorphic transpositions fnlm one net\\'ork of meaning and vital web onto another. Another procedure involves the recur­ rences and sh ifts in the composition of the part icipants in the rite inasmuch as they are impersonati ng certain social or kinship roles, or repre senti ng stitche s i n the vital webs of life transmi ss ion . This i s the case, for example� with regard to the interventi on of the maternal unc le and the fami ly respons i ble for the cul t

(6. 2) . Change and recurrence referring to time an d space- as , for exampl e, the.

Field and Method

41

g on the threshold bct\-..· een night and day, or the transitions bc­ v i o il s pl ay i n e n �· i l l age and fore st-al l are constitutive eleme. nts in the produ c tion of the t afflictions in a kin-group that lead to conven ing a farnily dram a. The vario u s

:e

cou ncil or con sulti ng a d i v i ne r, or the social dyn amics that are brought to l ight in the oracle it se l f or come i nto play at the reception of the orac le by t he af­ flic te d family, c on s ti tute yet ano the r category of e lements. Further, there are

all the rec u rre nt and i nterac ti ve c.on stirue.nts of the mean i ngfu l drama, be. they of a sensib le, ge stural, verbal, interactional� or quasi -intentional nature. (b) The secon d angle of analysis cons i st s of dis c overi ng the. lateral or conno­ t at ive references which often occur-also in a l ate nt fashion -in the p ro d uc­ tion of the drama.

It is a ss ume d that ri t u al pract ice co me s about by

i ntervleavin g s i g nificant ele.ments that evoke or stem from vari ou s parad igma­

tic c onte x t s , that is, from variou s semantic structures and classifi cations . Thi s is to say that the an a ly s i s examines all the element�, ac t s , objects, devices �

instruments, or skills in the ri te and co mp ares them with a nalogou s phenomena

i n oral lore, other rites, or dai ly life . The component elements, in other word s, are figured out. Drawing on the texts, I

co

n n otatio ns or laten t references to oth er con­

retrace the conventional sociocultural c l as sifications, procedures, and

sys te ms Yihich the elements of th e rite stem from� conform to, or are at variance

v,rith . I th u s

try to

de l i neat e the posi tion s the part i c i pan ts e.ither hold or w ith­

draw from in the systems of kinsh ip� hi e rarc hy, g e nde r and age categories� and so on. But, the perspective is also to be reversed: if the kinship pos itions may inform the ritual drama, converse ly, the very ritual dyn amics may as we l l un­

c over or shape other and very ge nu i ne .. perhaps le ss masculinist, perspecti ves

on the kinship or on reproduc ti on, gender. and the li ke . Moreover,

V.' h i

l e unraveling the v arious paradigmatic contexts that are made

pre sen t in the rit ua l , I examine how· they c oex ist and i nteract: ho\\1', for e xam pl e,

gestures or scen es of e a t ing , childbirth, or taking an enema may c al l forth or

even make pre.sent th e we ave of commensal ity and conj ugality-and the anal­

ogous processes in the lifc-\\'orld invo l v i ng gro\w.·th, flov.'ering , decay, lunar or s e a sonal c yc les, and the l i ke . Simi larl y, I atte mpt to di scover \\'hether and to

"'·hat extent the acts, objects, c ol ors , ornament�, and arrangements of s pace

and time in the ritual drama are in co n s on ance or dissonance \vith conventional

cla..�sifications regarding space and ti me , cosmological phenomen� female and male attributes, and simi l ar cate go ries .

For example, the ritual constituents permit one to uncover the relations of

si gnification and empo\verment betv.'een various activities or phenomena�

\Vhethcr these rel ations remain latent or othen�·ise. appear on ly w·hen p l ac ed in the appropri ate configuration . In this way the a n alog y be�·een the rainbow� th e · ere c t python, and the '"river which ri ses to the. sky' ' allo\\'S an interpre tation of

why the Yaka as soc i ate the di urnal and nocturnal move men ts of the sun as

�ing parallel to the g reat rivers crossing the K\\'aan go and v i ce versa (2.2).

ft

42

Chapter One

may perhaps be the case that th is type of analysis reveals contrddictions be ­ tv.'een some social signification , as hearsay or popular comme-nts would render it, and latent structural meaning . Thus, the healer who appears as a "male mother'' at the same time appropri ates the behavior of the hunter-trapper. I n this indirect 'Nay he communicates to the patient that she \v i ii meet death the moment she i s about to harm the healer or her consangui ne s . (c) The third step consi sts i n trying to fi nd how a meani ngful and empo\\'­ ering drama i s brought about, involving the i nteractive fields of body, fami ly, and life-v.'orld. ln other terms, the dynamics, quasi intent ionality, and effica­ cious or transformative nature of the ritual drama become the focus of atten­ tion . In order to discover ho\v the heali ng drama differs from rou tine practice and mere reproduction, ritual may be studied in itself as a species and a cre ­ ative totality. The cen tral question might be put thi s way : how i s a given ritual performance more than the nth reproduction of a model, or more than the sum of its part s? The unity. specific meaning. and efficacy of a ritu al practi ce cannot be accounted for by the lateral refere nces of the significative elements alone, that is, by the contexts from w hich the se elements are borro\ved, or by the way they \vere s tructured or classified in their original , more conventi onal context s . Nor can it be accounted for by its lineal development or staging, a s i f it were a kind of theatrical representation , both thematic and interactional , of a historical sequence or a theory. Nor, further, can it be accounted for by an interpretation based only on its social significance, informan ts ' opi nions, col lective repre sen­ tations of the group, or ritual terminology. The genuineness , i nnovative mean­ i ng, and effectiveness of a ritual practice come about through the creative metaphori c production of me aningful drama and its metonymic elaboration s . M y i nterest i s in ritual creativity. The emphasis in m y approach on the for­ mative , transferenti al, and transformative capacities of ri tual metaphor and its grounding in bodily processes contrasts with many theories of metaphor in the fields of l i nguistic s and literary criticism. Let me , howe ver, start from defi nitions of tropes and their ever-transforming play proper to l angage . Metaphor and metonymy may be sai d to be in oscill a­ tion \vith one another (Rosolato 1 97 8 :52-80; Durham and Fernandez 1 99 1 ) . Metonymy elaborates upon both the ' like ' and ' unli ke' parts i n the metaphor

.

.� metaphor involves an innovative transposi tion or 'transportation' of mean­ ingful elements from a given semanti c field i nto another with which it had no prior link. It violates conventional meaning by bridging various semanti c realms i n a transformative \\·ay, thus bringing about a symbolic congruence between affective, sensory, corporeal , social , and cosmological fields . The symbol ic relationships that develop out of this transpos ition, but \vithin one and the same semantic fielcL are metonymical . A metaphor relates elements from separate semantic fields � for example , in the case of the trance of the diviner-to-be, these are the fie lds of spi rits , mortal agony, the water shre\\' or

43

Field and �1ethod

at lays an egg, and the macrocosmic �'omb ( 1 99 1 a) . A metaphor cuts th e he n th The relationship in this case is unprecedented and structurally across fi eld s . new : as such it is not fully suggested by natural resemblances or by a pri or sig ni fi ca tio n, nor can it be paraphrased or explained �'ithout a substanti al loss 1 975 : 243-45 ; Zenoni 1 976). A metonymy, ho\\·ever� in i n me anin g (Ricoeur an indexical signifi cation that interre-lates contiguous elements y_,·ithin the same semantic domain by virtue of relationships that are precodified by language ,

convention, or use. The relationship is easy to grasp, for example. i n terms of part and ""·hole or c ause and effect. Metonymy differenti ales bern'een the d o­

mai ns or fields that metaphor interconnects in that it •translate s ' the. metapho ri­ cal link i n tenns of the uni que structuring or qualities proper to that field. The

metaphorical intertwining of separate fi elds i s thus worked out and made con­ crete through the use of metonyms that give it sensible form in the very terms of the context or the particular setting., plot. or mood (see Beck 1 978). ft..1 y praxiological defini tion of metaphoric production in

ritual breaks away

from lingui stic ones which impose a hierarchy bet\"''een body, senses , and cog­

niti on and thereby limit the capacity to generate meaning and empowe nnent

in ritual practice to coding and communication. I contend that ritual metaphors in Yaka c ulture are not a flickering touch of mind on mind but a blending and empowering of senses, bodies, and world. Here rituals seem to be very c areful in using words, a}y_,·ays highly styled, because there i s a fear that namin g the person or his attributes may open the person up to sorcery and defl ate him. I define ritual metaphor as a performance that doe s actually effect the innovative i nterlinking that it exploratively signifies in a given context and according to a set procedure. This approach di ffers from ""·hat Sandor ( 1986) calls the trans­ figuring of an objective-ly given reality in terms of something else. Ritual meta­ phor does not primarily aim to impose a grid of meaning or control, but rather aims to disclose and activate one. In the oral culture of the Yaka, \\'here cogni ­

ti on and instituti onal discipline are not mastered by linear \1./Titing, dictionarie-s.

and positive science, or by goals of efficient economic production and prog­ ress , the approach to reality is usually a highly sensuous and transactional one . Ritual encourages the senses.. emotion s. and habitus to be very active and prominent in informing the participants to \Vhat is going on in an endeavor in which the physi cal, social , ethical, and spiritual are i nteractive or \\'eakl y demarcated. Ritual meaning i s understood not so much as a text, a predication or an expose. but primarily as -disoongidila, -ditaandumuna, literally., Hsho�'­ ing, spelling out something by displaying its ingredients or its motto." Ritual displays the pol ar side of reality : it is associated with the realm of rest and dream that, like the reverse side of a leaf, reveals the un kno\"''n edge or side of diurnal life \vhi le recyc ling the sensuous and imaginary forces . Ritual releases

forces and disclose s meaning , but does not aim at mere representation . A ritual

metaphor is a performance and tran saction in a field of meaning s and forces. I

_ _

Chapter One

44

define ritual metaphor as a productive and metamorphic process grounded in corporeal capabilities and skill� that search out and develop beyond linguistic expression It brings with it sensuous, emotionat physical cognitive or ide­ .

.

ational, and dramatic e-ffects. It is somehow at the very foundation of operative meaning of \\'hich ritual vocabulary is a very imperfect voice. Ritual metaphor is basically a bodily enacted method for the innovative pro­ duction of synesthetic meaning and empowennent. It makes a ritual into a morphogenetic, hence cosmogenetic art. In its creative move, ritual metaphor does not kno\v beforehand ho\\' its ingredients should cohere or commit to one another. It does not point to facts in tenns of other facts but rather establishes �.facts of experience' and webs of relati o nships mostly through confluence, and in some cases through shock or astonishment. Various fields of experience and the plus-values of meanings are intert�·ined or superposed in ritual metaphors : in many cases the olfactory, visual, tactile� verbal fields of substitutables are familiar, but the junction is innovative, striking, or appealing, and in some cases a shock. Bearing on people's daily life and context, ritual m etaphor is the unsettling art of fantasy and \vonder for "mind and body,' bearing on peo­ ple�s daily life and context. All this does not imply that in metaphor people relate to the. world in a poetic, dreamy.. or subversive \vay; on the contrary, metaphor entails a multilayered and multisense contact with and deep engage­ ment in the world in its actuality. Let me give an example to briefly illustrate the metamorphic capacity of ritual metaphor. In the ngoombu cult, the diviner-to-be rounds off his initiation to become a clairvoyant medium by metaphorically embodying V.'hile in trance the behavior of the V. ater shre\v (lutsokutsoku). This small mamm al catches '

fish and eats insects. Its hole has

a

double entrance, one in the water, the other

above . A keen sense of smell make.s the �·ater shre\\' a good night hunter. Simi­ larly, the diviner, in trance and 'W·ith his bare hands, digs a tunnel under the ground and crawls through, emerging at the far end.7 This particular metaphor is v.'orked out and concretized through metony ms. The underground journey and reappearance of the ·diviner-Ylater shre\v' act as a projective space for the participants' feelings regarding death versus rebirth, and the world of the spir­ its and ancestral shades versus that of the living. While embodying the water shrew, the entranced diviner goes through the motions of mortal agony and rebirth. He himse lf is said to acquire the keen sense of smell characteristic of the water shrev.' that should enable him to track do'W·n sorcerers and uncover their nocturnal plots. Through an unbroken feedback process of alternation, metaphors and metonyms thus bring into play the m ediating and differentiating connections and transpositions within and betv.'een the bodily, social.. and cos­ mological fields of existence. And at the same time, these connections generate or unlea�h the forces, values, and conditions that are evoked in the expressive acts: the 'diviner-\vater shre\v' is both reborn and a mediator between ,-.,·orlds.

45

Field and Method

Healing rituals also include_ at transitional moments� powerful interstices of and baffles to perception. There are irruptions of non­ anti-structure

ungrammatical speech, lice-nse, and emotional outbursts. These signification, m set the conditions for and be follo\\'ed by a sequence of increas­ mo ents may nal order and �co-ordinated' interaction. License� nonsensical ing configuratio beha vior� parody, jokes, or laughter bring people to relate to one another in the setting of specific experience and make them receptive for a ne\"' message or a transformation.

lvletonymic ritual production gives contextual consequence to the meta­ phoric c.reation by spelling it out in the terms of more conventional meanings,

knowledge, status� skills� devices. l\1etonymy is the 'crystallization� displayed iconically or in a text. It elaborates on the unsettling metaphoric production hy bringing out a practical correlation of partial similarities. There is a familiar filter used for naming or interpreting. Popular understanding iden - tifies a ritual element by relating it to another, more customary meaning, belief .. folk con­ cept, gesture, fact_ or sensation, as .. for example, when someone says that the meat of spotted animals is prohibited to the initiates to preserve them fron1 leprosy. This is also the case when, in an effort to grasp a ritual and esoteric or foreign element, people reduce it to a familiar value or enterprise and give an explanation in social terms. Another example would be people's contention that breaking the rule of silence imposed on the candidate to the throne \Vhile

in se-clusion vleakens his health or compromises the prosperity of his reign. This type of exegesis predominates in folk etiology.. and� when the ritual behav­ ior is confined to one correlation among many, it may pervert symbolic activi�y into some fetishistic sacralization or magic. An example would be pretending that the chief imposes self-containment

so

as not to lose self-control in his

contacts \'lith the shades of his precursors. Likev:ise, initiands are recorn­ mended to use a leaf in the shape of

a

heart as a hanger to bring peace to the

heart during circumcision or enthronement; patients may tie to their left wrist a minute copy of a trap \'/·hich is conjured into ensnaring the illness; or a libation consumed at the ancestral shrine summons the ancestral shades to release. the animals �·here the hunter goes. Popular etiology of an illness, failure or death ..

is based on similar metonymic and sacralizing interpretations� and attributes responsibility for these evils to ensorcellment, acts of revenge , or ancestral wrath. Sacralizing elaboration tends to predominate. among the non-initiate-s in their popular beliefs, commentaries, sayings, and domestic rituals. Metaphor predominates in the esoteric ritual vocabulary and the specialized knowledge of ritual experts or senior initiates. �either healer nor diviner is pretending to hold the keys to the truth. In the context of ritual, the. healer, like the. diviner, speaks in metaphors. �ben asked to explain what they do·and why, ritual experts spontaneously associate their procedures with similar ones, qr offer proverbs,. clements of tales� or fragments of divinatory oracles. They rnay

clarify ritual terms by means of homonymy. To assure the transformative, self­ generative potential of the healing ritual., the practice has to be prevented from exhaustive exegesis of a vernacular cause-effect type of reasoning. Exegesis may lay bare the ritual·s sources of inspirdtion or its frames of reference-such as uterine links and spatial structuring. The etiology of an ill furnished by the diviner also functions in a metaphoric manner, in that it consists of the creation of an original relation between the realities of the body, familial life, and the world. .Metonymic comprehension reduces and impoverishes the ritual sense. E-ither sacralized or reified, the ritual element no longer denotes anything more than a conventional intention, and conveys but a univocal bit of information.

1.6.2

The praxiologicalfocus in this .vtudy is on the transforma­

tional capability of ritual praxis, mainly healing, through the use of the bod}:

The perspective has aspects in common \\'ith Bourdieu ( 1980), Csordas Lock and Scheper-Hughes

( 1980).

( 1987). �

Stressing the autogenerative dimension of ritual, my study extends beyond a pragmatic focus on expressing some meaning of things \\'hile doing them. A proper understanding of Yaka ritual should take into consideration a number of characteristics of this oral culture and subsistence fonn of life. The Yaka culture�s vic\\· of reality is multidimensional. It makes no equation bet\veen biology and the pre- or nonsocial , and in practice the boundary bet\\'een physi­ cal and nonphysical is very imprecise; there are but a fe\\1· physical artifacts­ tools and house-which are physical extensions of the human body. There is no dualism of mind and body or of man,

animal,

and machine. Rituals are a

form of techne, but not technologically mediated. There is no notion of pro­ gressive time: ritual develops in euchronic time. The senses-smelling, hear­ ing, touching, seeing-are quite equal modalities for comprehension and practice (see ch.

4).

Regarding ritual praxis, my question is, how can such a

drama produce a healing effect on the physical and lived body and on the emotions and conceptual representations such that it restores the patient to health or creatively fonns a new identity for him or her? unlike Beidelman

( 1966),

however, I do not rely on the perspective of depth psychology regard­

ing libidinal bodily functions. I am concerned here \\lith the \\·ays in \Vhich a culture shapes experience that is not only inspired by the body but also lived and mediated by and through it. The body is both source and agent, embod­ iedness and embodiment. I look at ritual as a praxis that produces meaning and po\ver in and through bodily action enhanced and reinforced \vith images, metaphors , and forces, all enacted or orchestrated in an unfolding drama. In ritual, corporeal praxis thus shapes. expresses. and reembodies a particular bodily and social order, and a particular view of, and relation with, the life­ world or cosmos. From this very vie\\lpoint, I intend to show that the khita

Field and

47

l\1ethod

o the g y n ecologi cal patient (_see chs. 6 and 7) sp ring s from a specific healing f etaphorical integration of the p atie n fs b odily experience, family life, and m I c onte n d that these metaphori cal relationships and align ment s are life worl d .

-

.

mbolic and performative, yet metamorphic: they explore new fonns of sy drama and produce the conditions and dynamics of innovation or transforma­

participan ts are bringing about a rich and operative drama that, tion� that is, the for them, is innovative and transformative. The dramatization operates largel y beyond the conscious level of representa­

tion and explicit discourse: it comes about in the dynamic and culturally struc­ tured weave of the fields of body, family or group, and life-v..·orld. The vel)'

transference of the cosmologica l space ti me order onto bodi l y ex perien ce or vic e versa, through highly dramatized ritual, has a tr ansformative effect inas­ -

,

much as it operates metaphorically. I v..·ould claim that body, group, and life­

\\'orld constitute morphogenetic fields that are at times consonant .. and at other

times dissonant.9 My account vie�'s ritual more as a weave or a musical oeuvre,

rather than a narrative or an architectonic structure. This approa ch is concerned v.'ith the ongoing fabric of plurivoc al, verbal and subverbal meaning, multi­

dimensional drama, and forces, through the body and the senses, through so­ cial interaction and in resonance with the life-\\lOrld

.

Healing is a corporeal method. I will thus analyze the healing cult as a cor­

poreal praxis, a bodily method of intenveavin g that relies on transfonnative ,

and mediatory devices. In the ritual process, these devices at p lay include a method. The inspiration for the method stems from the human body and con­

sists in intetvleav ing in a genuine v..·ay, the social, cosmo l og ical.. and corporeal ,

fields. The method of healing basically d evelops as a rite de passage: the pa­

tient is led to sy mbolical ly die to his or her fonner condition of illness and to

be conceived and reborn into a ne\\' condition. While reinserting the patient into the \\'orld and familial context, the life-\\·orld itself undergoes a transfor­

mation. The antago ni stic, illness-causing aspects are expelled or overcome.

Ritual form is given to this death and expulsion via cul t- sp ec ifi c metap hors and metonymies embedded in the wider cosmology. As I will demonstrate

.,

khita healing springs from a transformational process and perfonnative pro­

duction of encompassing symbolic realms that lead the patient through the very motions of death ag ony self-fecundation, gestation, and rebirth, that revi­ -

,

talize her relationships \vith the healer, coinitiates, and relevant kin, and that

reconnect her with the resources and processes of life-bearing in the life-world. The symbolism of the seclusion house fuses the patient's bodily experience with the s ignification and forces of the hen that is killed or that lays an egg,

doubled by the metaphors of incubation, the cosmic V�'omb, and so on.

The analysis of the khita healing cult will be sequential, sin ce any praxis

only takes shape in its temporal unfolding. I subscribe to the vie\v of Pierre

48

Chapter One

Smith ( 1978), who, in his discussion of the lncwala ritual, stresses the need to look at rituals as \\'holes and to understand them as an organic sequence devel­ oping around a cluster of themes central to the culture (just such clusters of major themes regarding Yaka culture will be examined in chapters 2 to 4).

Bourdieu ( 1980: 135-65) and Werbner ( 1988), each in his own way, have shoYln that one cannot hope to grasp ritual practices by reducing them to theo­ retical and synoptic schemes .. be they structuralist, functionalist .. thematic, or any other sort of abstract construction that ignores the particular temporal un­ folding of the ritual. By using a sequential analysis, I wish to show that every step in the healing ritual is a step towards a specific integration via a progres­ sive embodiment of the role of life-bearing and of other more comprehensive, transformative, and mediating functions. The healer is referred to as the one \vho rev.reaves the patient into a more encompassing tissue in which personal health and well-being are essentially coextensive with the kin-group and the broader life-world. Therapeutic efficacy is generated in an innovative and transfonnative drama which disentangles the confused knots the patient has been bound in, and \vhich re\\'eaves them into a vital fabric. 1.6.3 The focus of this study is very: n1uch on 'the

l-tJOrk of cul­

ture' in and through the organization of the sensorium in illness and healing.

The Yaka do not regard the individual ac; a dichotomous structure of mind and body, and neither do they conceive self and other, male and female, ruler and subject.. rational and sensuous as polar opposites. Polar elements in Yaka sym­ bolic order, such as in healing cults, become, ho\\'ever, oppositional in the ideo­ logical and political realm under men's control. In healing cults at the edge of public order, culture operates as a predominantly prereflexive set of symbols and as a source of meaningful drama: it acts primarily not through cognition per se but rather through multiple sensory or synesthetic bodily experiences and interactions. Culture sets the scene in which meaningful interaction and transaction take place. In ways that are specific to a given group, culture molds the individual's 'inner' or 'subjective' world of dreams, affects, bodily acts, senses, thoughts, and conscience. while connecting these \vith the 'outside' world. The work of culture is simultaneously a transmitted and an inventive production of drama in and through sensory, corporeal praxis. Culture is con­ ceived of as a fabric or a-drama, rather than a text or narrative. Whole layers of culture are. unconscio�s or simply felt or acted out; that is� they are not brought to verbal discourse, and yet participants actively engage in the sym­ bolic practices or drama Ylhile dra\\·ing on these layers and mobilizing them. Culture is an "intermediate and potential space" (Winnicot 1 971 ). To study the impact of culture on the patient. and in particular on bodily experience and acts (in healing), it Vw'ould seem appropriate to conceive of culture as a potential space or interface between .. on the one hancL the \vorld of unconscious feeling

Field and l\.1ethod

49

ding, of affe cts images, thoughts, and the sensory body, and, on and understan the other hand, the group and li fe \\lOrld Culture is seen as an intermediate .

-

.

space bet\veen a given individ ua l and relevant others, bet\veen, say, husband and Y.'ife, pare-nt and child, the l i v ing and the dead, or between past and present

.

The intermediate fu nction is constituted and ex pr e ssed primarily via the body

as a

surface of both separati on s and contacts (Anzieu

1981 :71-72).

As a sel f­

confined space and one of contact, the body allo\\'S for the mediation bet\veen

fusion and se paration , corporeality and language subjective images and shared ,

symbols. Th u s

the

,

'

potential

space" develop s bct\\·een the infant and its

mother on the basis of maternal care, nursing, enveloping sounds and odors,

the smile, tou ch and embrace, and the alternate presence and absence of the ,

mother. This potentiality

gradu ally becomes the site of cultural expe.rience'� (�1nnicot 1971 ) At this interface between inner and ou ter body and envel­ oping cult house, self and oth ers the patient participates in the cult ural heri­ tage, mean\\'hile sat isfying his O\\'n needs while making se nse out of his affects ..

.

,

,

and memories. Culture as an in termediate space will be studied here. m ore specifically from

the perspective of bodily mediation. This is the locus of the cu l t ure as �'eave�

as v..·ell as the very site and focus of the internal approach that I am •Indertak­

ing. As "analogic operator'

(Bourdieu 1980: Ill ff.),

'

the human body institutes

homology and communication bet\veen the fields of body, group, and life­ world It thereby brings about a k i nd of resonance bet\veen these fields � I .

.

..

will demonstrate (se.e ch. 4 ) the Yaka are very concerned \Vith both ,

and trespassing of bodil y boundaries particularly in

respec t for ex pressions of intimate

fellov.'-feeling, such as amiable commensality, the intert\\'ining of legs (an ex­

pression for conj ugal ing of parental

sexuality), the mutual exchange of bodily odor, the shar­ affect ion and i n timacy of the home, or in the exchang e of

speech and sharing of palm wine, and so on. This marking and crossing of bodily bound ari e s operates within the clearly delineated space of the co nj u gal

home or in the meeting pl ace at the cent er of the compoun d , and takes place at set moments of the day or lunar c ycle Yaka c ult u r e and in particular the .

heali ng cul ts positio n the human body as a st age and agent of intert\vining� as

a fabric and Vw'eaving loom: th e body shell, orifices (mouth, nose, eyes, ears,

etc.), and sensory and communicative functions (smell, touch. heari ng and

speaking, looking and bei ng seen) are poignant avenues of exch ange. bet\-..·een

initiate and healer, husband and \\'ife, parent and child, bem'een body,

group,

and wor ld. The ritual house, by way of metaphor, is a hen laying an egg, a

human and It is my

cosmic \\'omb in gest ation thesis that, in the khita cul t .

,

the human bod y, through the senses�

affects attitudes, intentional stances, gestures, and activities, is the .,

basic lo

for and agent of remolding the pat i enfs experience of her body in

c

us

rcproduc­

-�ion, of her relations \Vith the other gender and the kin-group, or \vith the life-

50

Chapter One

world . As displayed in the heali ng cults, the human body offers a sensory and

practical grasp or understanding of events, a v.'eb and \\'eaving loom for it. The measure of such grasp i s pragmatic: it i s a fee l ing and yet constitutes a knoVY'­ how or compete nce. Kno\vledge in ritual is primarily practical rather than declarative . Indeed, in

Yaka ritual, speech is either highly esoteric and fixed or performative . In ritual

activities , to kno\\' or understand something is to sense it and react appropri­ ately. Insofar as research is concerned, it appears very difficult to gain prec ise and re liable information about a healing ritual outs ide the context of its perfor­ mance, or outside a patient-he aler relationship . A few weeks after a therapeutic initiation , it is as if the practical and embodied kno\\'ledge no longer has the interactionaL contextual, and practical stimuli necessary for that knov.'ledge to qecome the property of public discourse. Therapy is for a l arge part preverbal and beyond cognitive or predicative mediation. Inasmuch as it involves affects, therapy operate s basical ly through bodily experience e mbedded in the very sense of being both bounded and con­ nected \Vith, and yet receptive or tied to, fami l y, ancestors .. and life-world, all of the se being rendered or transformed through symbolic drama. That sensory and affective responses are pri mari ly bod i ly experiences or actions that are already lived prior to becomi ng self-consciously aware of them is even v.it­ nessed on the verbal leve l i n expressions commonl y heard among the Yaka: "f\1y head fe.e l s heavy," HMy leg feels malignity.." uHe made my heart lift up," ,, ''My heart feel s stiffened� ''That man can no longer keep cool," "The gentle look of kinsmen strengthens me" ( 1990b, 1991c). One is trembling, agitated, feverish, in a state of arousal or trance before becoming a\\·are of it. The cogni­ tive content of sensory perception and emotional states varies greatly from one culture to another (Kirmayer 1984; Middleton 1989). This is to say that bodily manifestations-facial expression, quality of look , rhythm of speech , palpita­ tions of the heart, gestures , posture, and the l ike-interconnect , in 'Nays proper to the culture� the experienti al and communicative facets of emotions: smiling not only commun icates but also produces an emotional e-xpe-rience . This mean s that any soci al interaction that alters ho\\' and v.'hen people smile, grimace, or bl ush can part ly change their emotional experience beyond cognitive media­ tion. The experience brought forth through the body thus also goes beyond verbal discourse and conceptual representation and involves processes that link perception di rectly to the realm of sensory or bodily experience. In and through ritual action , the. body's creative symbolizing and empo\v­ ering capacities intertwine .. in innovative and mu ltivalent •.vays, the various le.v­ els of experience with group life and life-\\·orld. The heal ing rituals manipulate the body -in particular its surface or boundary and orifice-s .. its inner rhythms and functions--into a meeting point bet\veen pati ent.. famil y, and life-world. The Hsocial(ized) skin"

(T. S. Turner 1980) becomes the stage in space and

51

Field and �1ethod

time upon which the drama of body ex perience and image, (re)socializatio n and identi ty fonnation, is played out and constituted in healing or in life­

cvclical development By taking into consideration the body both as agent and s ene of multivalen t drama (at the le.vel of tactile, sexual, visual ex perie nce) .

�

and metaphoric transference bet\\'een the fields of body, group, and life world -

,

1 favor, and claim to have adopted, a genuine Yaka approach that ignores much of the divide between mind and body, emotion and idea, subjective and objec­

tive. irrational and rational, lower. part and upper part of the body, individual

and social, action and thought My approach has its due. limits. The choice of a point of vie\"' should neces­ .

sarily prevent me from attending to all dimensions of ri tual and at the same ,

time limits the number of topics en visaged Indeed, e ven if I seek to situate .

myself on the side of the actors. or more precisel y in line or in tune with the

ongoing ritual drama being enacted, my method urges me to go beyond the.

participants, experi ence, viev.'s, or de-clarations. In my search for the underly­

ing logic and very fabric of healing, I do have in mind the subjective accounts given by various participants, or the contin gen t interactions and concrete con­

tex - t, but I c annot possibly repon all these data. Insofar as the topics are con­

cerned, my analysis focuses on the therapeutic dimension of the khita cult

rather than on its initiatory aspect. I am not thoroughly unraveling the ideologi­

cal role of healing, though I assume-in line V.'ith Feierma n (1985)-that ther­ apy shapes ideology by interpretin g the patient s ex perie nce (see ch. 5). I v.'ill '

show ho\\i much the cult heali ng proper de velop s at the edge of the public and masculinist order of control. Ritual healing, I contend , unfolds a corporeal. maternal, and cosmological space-time order: in relating only by way of metaphor to the social manage­

me nt of the sickness by the elders, the cult aims at a metamorphosis of the social fabric. It is also not my intention to consider the cults as a sociological

device through which Yaka society \\'ould defuse the supposedl y numerous latent structural conflicts between its rules of agnatic descent and uterine filia­

tion. If this last analysis attrac.ts little attention, I may recall that it is also be­ cause the subject of Yaka kinship has al ready been amply treated by Roosens

( 1971 ). Moreover, the cult h ealing proper gives neither privileged ,-,·eight nor straightfor\vard attention to the social dimension or the conflicts ex acerbated

by the occurrence of a serious illness. The formal procedures for ordering the

fabric of social relations pertain to men's councils in the center of diurnal vil­ lage life. Healing cults, however, develop at the edge of public space and politi­

cal strategies. The di vi natory oracle does not primarily aim at moral

accusation; instead it lays bare shortcomings in the social fabric for \\'hich ._

family members who hold major positions in the kin group are responsible. By

means of m etaph or the ritual drama re.weaves the familial tissu e basically. al­ .

oeit indirectly, through its cosmological referents and

a

resonance attained be-

Chapter One

52

tween the corporeal, familial. and cosmological. Rather than

acti n g

in concert

with power-holders or being social refonners, healers tend to be genuine 'art­ ists of life and i nnovato rs of culture via its basic sources of inspiration: the '

human body or corporeality inspiring and informing a situational interplay or intern'eave betV·leen micro- and macrocosm, and itself informed by the reso­ nance between bodily states and processes in the group and the life-vlorld. They aim at healing the body, the kin grou p and life-world as an interweave ,

and rhythmi c resonance.

2

The Cosmology of Gender Arrange­ ments and Life Transmission

Yaka oral lore, cults, and ritual activities depict the seasonal, lunar, and life­ cyclical changes i n the cosmos and in the plant and animal v.·orlds as funda­ mentally processes of life transmission. To the Yaka it is self-evident that the processes of conception, flo\vering fruit-bearing or birth, ripening or matura­ ..

tion, decay, death, and rebirth are never ending and bring together both the sexes and the successive generations. Because the cosmic \Vorld order is less tangible than the social patterns of gender, descent, marriage, and labor divi­ sion� there is, in healing cults, a pervasive transvaluation (see Flax 1990) of the social and corporeal onto the cosmic. It is not so much �representation' that

orders the life-world and gender relations, but an intertw·ining of forces and meaning pertaining to the realms of gender kin , an d life transmission with the ,

cosmological fields of regenerative forces. This indirect cosmological portrayal of gender and life transmission, since it is so encompassing and very much acted out in an unspoken way in daily practice� gains the quasi-autonomous status of a self-evident V.'orld order. Space is not so much shaped by a visual

journey or by a v.ill to power that \\'ould gradually tum the life-\vorld into a man-made layout of located forces to subjugate� of path\\ ays and divisions '

to impose, or of predefined goals to achieve. Space is differenti ated through 3\\'areness of and participation in various centers and vectors of forces, events, and movements. In discussing these spatial layouts, I mainly render the per­ spective of men in both th e.ir discourse and daily activities How·ever, the .

homestead and the home, as Vw'ell as the cults, displ ay a more maternal sensing and reembodying of space (see ch.

5).

In this chapter 1 argue the following point�: First, concerning public dail y

life, the social categories of maleness, patrilineal descent, and seniority are corre.lated with lineal order, uprightness, and verticality, while female ness

,

uterine filiation, and mediatory roles are correlated V.'ith a cyclical and conce.n­

tric space-time order. The asymmetric attributions of gender reflec t and also

act as a paradigm for the cosmological field: they undergird the interplay be­ t\\'een the agnatic life force and the uterine \ital flow, and also betw·een the

life bearing processes of bloodshed in the hunt and of cooking in the home. -

Gender arrangements and categori es are associated \vith one or another of the

54

Chapter 'TWo

various processes of plant gro\vth-rising of sap, flo\\o'ering .. bearing and ripen­ ing of fruit. There are, moreover, appropriate foods and medications for men as distinct from the ones for women. Second, particular space-time aspects that are related to the various habitats of fauna or flora, to the lunar and female cycles, or to colors are imbued with motifs of death, ( re )generation, ( re)birth. and sexual maturation. The same motifs are the core of the transition rituals of boyhood, political enthronement, and funeral. And third, the 'collective uncon­ scious' conveyed in folktales and uncensured speech portrays the. hunter, sor­ cerer, and paramount ruler as culture heros. The hunter and sorcerer in particular engage in a capacity for 'imaginary' v,rorld-making that blends to­ gether key symbolic themes in an indistinct realm, a v.-ilderness, which none­ theless acts as a catalyst for capturing untamed forces and for 'cooking them outdoors.'

2.1 Horizontal and Vertical Space l\1ovements through horizontal and vertical space offer a \'�·eave, rather than

a

map, for gender differences and their mediation. Culturally encoded meanings and values related to such pairs as upstream/downstream, present/past,· dry/ \\l'et, cold/hot, bitter/s\veet, open/closed� accessible/conceale.d� raw/cooked, propitious/ominous, right/left, light/darkness, day/night, visible/invisible, and life/death are all components or conceptual underpinnings of this spatial order­ ing and of the gender-appropriate activities that are associated with the various spatial domains.

2.1.1 The cardinal points of cosmological space origiTUJte in

specific and practical interaction Mt'ith the su rrounding /ife-\vorld.

a

They are not

fixed in reference to some objective, 'universally' valid, criteria. For example, when standing, Yaka men indicate the direction of the rising sun \Vith the right ann and the setting sun with the left. In such a position the individual will have

a horizon (ndilu. �·border, limif') both in front and behind. The courses of the great rivers in K\vaango land-the Waamba, Twaana� and KVt·aango-offer the Yaka specific points of orientation. �eedless to say.. these orientations do not necessarily correspond to a set of objective geographical directions estab­ lished mechanically in reI. ation to abstract points-as with the aid of a com­ pass, for example. North, south, east , and vY'est are a terminology alien to Yaka culture. In practice the Yaka define the directions of the rivers with reference to the heavenly course of the sun from dawn to dusk. Folktales (yitsimblt-·a) and ritual texts, like the elders, explain that the sun rises upstream of the great rivers and sets downstream. The sun emerges from the earth in the morning after having traversed its breadth by following a subterranean watercourse. It exits the earth at the source of the large rivers. Upstream and rising sun-

The Cosmology of Gender Arrangerncnts

55

the east-all acq ui re in this manner a significative value rela­ ·tuated toward to diurnal origin as well as to masculine rule. Political traditions hold that Luunda arrived in the Yaka region at a p oint not far from the sources of the the.se spots are sometime-s a ssociated v.rith Nzofu, in the area J{waango river: of Kahemba, the cradle of the Luunda dynast Nzav. Kaolin clay destined for the enthronement of the paramount chiefs is said to come from Koola by way of the Lu unda dynast at Nzofu. During the accession to po\\'er of a political chief at the local or regional levels� the handing over of white clay or kaolin coming from this Luunda cradle to the chief, follo\ved by his anointment with it contributes to his ri t ual 'birth' int o po�'er. The ano intment confers on him the status of sovereign ruler and supreme mediator of animal and human fertil­ itv (see Devisch 1988). Just as upstream and river sou rce connote� in the male view, the masculi n e origin of life, conversely the \Vater flowing downstream connotes the ]a\\' of exogamy and the succession of generations� as ex . pressed in the proverb: "As v.'ater does not flow upv.'ards to its source, so the man does not marry his mother." In other words, the de scenda nt does not spill his life.­ giving capacity into the as cenda nt The sorce.rer Vw'ho takes the lives of his de scendan t s by \\'ithdra\\'ing the life V.'hich he himself had previous l y transmit­ ted to them is furthermore likened to an ince stuou s person. A proverb applied to both the sorcerer and the committer of i ncest declares that for such persons •'the source and mouth of the stream are situated at the same point on the Yingubu plains."' In folk tales , the n oti o ns do\vnstream (kubaanda, •'below'') and setting sun­ as does also \\'est sig nify a decl ine or end, but one pregnant with a new be­ ginning; the male perspective associates this world with the on set of mother­ hood. In the evening the sun appears to subm erge into the tributary of the great rivers. Some oral lore associates this tributary with the Zaire river, more than six days� walk from the northern border of Yaka land, or w ith the 'river of salt' {the Atlantic Ocean). Folktales report that, \vith the exception of paramount chiefs and pov.'erful ritual specialists, commoners may be stricken \\'ith blind­ ness when rea ching the p la ce \\'here the sun sets. For ritual purposes, this loca­ tion is a� si milated V�·ith the confluence of great rivers like the Waamba and Mbaamba situated at the edges of the Taanda district and flanked by forest galleries. Here also, it is thought life is extinguishecL and from this site come death and its agent, evil sorcery. Acc ord ing to popular narratives, the forests of the river va lleys arc� by extension, po pulated by nonancestral spirits (ln-fu) and monstrous dv-'arfs (yitsuutsuj r oam ing around to m ol es t ( -rsuutsa) the Vw'ay�·ard individual or drag him do\-..·n to the underworl d \vhere he will v isit Vlith the ancestral shades. A cco rd ing to the Luund a traditions, at the time. of their arrival in K \vaango land the Luunda drove ba ck the autochthonous Tsaamba and Hungana populations into these forests. The ftov.' of the water sig nifies to the Yaka that every ordeal comes to an end, as in the expression:

s!ve �e

.,

.

-

..

_

1V-koku kesi 11aana, kiima kyam·aala yibeti,

',;Water does not run for no reason

at all, it is the slope w hich sv.'eeps it along�' Every act that has no further bearing on the present situation is carried downstream� as is every stain from \Vhich the ne\vly circumcised, the initiate� the patien4 or the bereaved ritually rids him- or herself by bathing in the stream or wading upstream towards its source. The corpse is like\\·ise buried with its gaze fixed in the direction of the water's descent. Tradition recommends that one lie in the same direction when retiring at night; ideally, one faces the north when getting up in the morning, so that the rising sun is on the right hand. Front and back, left and right offer the cardinal points. \Vithin the frame of reference I have been describing, the left bank of the Waamba river is situated 'in front of' the Taanda population. This location serves as a horizon 'in front' (that is, to the north) of the familiar universe, as it is evoked by oral lore, \\�'bile the right banks of the T'waana and K""·aango rivers function as horizons 'behind,' that is, the southern boundary. This south is opposed to the north as is behind to front, the shadow to that Vlhich is clearly perceived, and as strange or dreaded phenomena are contrasted to that v.'hich is knov.rn and controllable. T he oral lore describing the great migrations relates that the K\\·aango river \\'as crossed from the left bank. It is striking, furthermore, that the Yaka groups tend to conside-r people living to the left bank of the great river of reference to be backward; its inhabitants are dubbed "the people v.'ho eat dogs"-in other words, those who do not practice exogamy, held to be the distinctive. human trait. These lineal directions and flov.'s in the cosmological order, as they are de­ picted in the folktales.. display a concentric and cyclical pattern in the female realms of the conjugal home and of the house of seclusion in the healing cults. Source and mouth, high and low, upstream and downstream, left and right meet in the initiand couched in fetal position on her bed: the positions of ascendant and descendant, male and female intertwine in the androgynous identity of the initiand in a process of self-gestation. In Yaka sy mbolism� the same positions fuse in the couple in conjugal union. 2.1.2 Village, forest, and savanna! dlly

and night,

and origin

and end a re key polar concepts th a t differentiate between the realms of inhab­ ited and non inhabited space. The distinction between "village" (hata) and

"forest" (n-situ) is primarily of an ontological rather than a geographical or sociological order. (An analysis of gender and kin-related partitions and activi­ ties in the village realm figures in 3.1 below.) Village corresponds to the realm of life, day, the known, organized, and licit, in opposition to forest, the realm of the dead, night, the obscure, unknov.'n , uncommon, \\'here the ancestral shades, spirits, and forces that deflate or empower mix, where toxic and edible plants gro\\· side by side, and both illness and healing find their sources. In other

The Cosmology of Gender Arrangeme nts

57

gn ates the space of the societas, th e. organizat ion of life for \\'ords v i llage desi th e good of al l , the rel at i on s of subordination, famil iari ty, and of mutu al a i d \\rithi n a parti cul ar group, that is., thei r recognized acti vities and social bond s .

Th os e pers ons forming a co mmun i ty or h aml et i n a village aid each other in y,•orki ng the fields, gather at the we l l to steep manioc, launder clothes or dra\\.'

wate r at the stream, and may well travel togethe r or at tempt to re settle in the same neighborhood v-'hen m igra t ing to the capit a l c ity of Kinshasa. Domestic

an imal s belong to that s ame v i l lage realm: chickens, pigeo ns._ goats ( app roxi

­

mately three to ev ery household) .. and pigs (a third again th e number of goats).

They

serve especiall y as means o f exchange and symbolization.

The category �fore st, ' in contrast, i s app l ied either to the fantas y or imagi ­ real m including pe. ople and spirits one has no relation with-th e fornarv .J eigner and all monstrous spirits - or to the domain of the v.'i ld, includi n g the predatory animals, the evil sorc ere rs ., and the reven gefu l deceased \vho are kept out of the ancestral \\'orld. In t h e eyes of the Yaka, any individual \\'ho does not figure among one 's acquaintances and who live s in a distant regio n -th at is, far enou gh aw·ay such that one does not go there to contract a marriage or exchange g oods or serv ices - is considered n-ndzeendza, literally, ''the sepa­ rate .'� It is, ho\\· ever, especiall y the deviant (this n otion will be de fine d later on ;

see 5 . 3 ) plotting in sec ret who is cou n ted as a fore. st dweller: su ch include the sorcerer, thief., or individu al \\·ho violates the rights of another, in particular matrimonial rights. \\ben an ill nes s or a disorder in the vil l age l ife is held to stem from some illicit act, it is understood that the forest has taken hold o f

or

encro ached upon the dominion of the village . Popu l ar fantasies hold that shades, sorcerers., and monstrous figures live in the t\\' i light of the forest. Ni gh t and forest are opposed to the social visibility of the societas an d infringe

on

the inhabitable space: on e presses close to companions on the dark moonless evenings . A solitary strol ler at night draws su sp i cion . For this rea son the Chri s­

tian miss ion ary., for e x ample , in th e habit of taking the air at t \a.· ilight , became suspect of seeking to draw the deceased i nt o his service. Only men may enter the forested areas and marshlands . The forest galleries are situated in the humid valleys of the great ri ver s and shelter the maj orit y of the l arger game a nimals (greater herbivore s ) ; hunting them i s a highly valued activity restricted to the men. S i milarly, only men may penetrate the marsh­ lands borderin g the streams. Brav i ng snake-s, they there cultivate ban an as and tap palm sap for wine. Secondary forests are to be found on the plateau border­ ing the forest galleri e s . It i s on this plateau and on the hillsides fl anking the valleys th at each fami ly unit engages in s ub s iste nc e agri culture (see

2.3. 7). The

cultivation of crops (sodi) on burnt-off land makes i t constant ly nece.ssary to

relocate the fields and consequently renders impo s sible any de marc ati o n

(ndilu) of the field being \\'orked (yilanga), o ther than the n ame of the valley or forest where it is found.

Chapter 1\1-·o

The sandy savanna pl atea u ( tseki) covered w i th herbaceous vege tat i on is recogn ized

as

a feminine milieu . Th e \\'Omen engage in various sorts of gathe r­

ing on these steppes an d savannas. The men do not ve nture onto the p lains except for the collective hunts carried out during the dry season when the grass­ lands are burned . As the s avanna gives \vay to denser vegetation , it i s usual to distinguish bet""·een the wooded steppes or secondary forest ( mab"'·aati) and the more lightly wooded savanna ( bilrn}aati ), where grasses are more abundant. Vegetation thus readi ly serves as an indi cator of season al di ffe re nce s . :

2. 1.3 Certain zones and acti.,·ities assure the transition or

me ­

diation bet�'een the realn1s of village and forest. Inasmuch ac; they allo""· transi ­ tion, they are propitious . Thus t he out�kirts of the vi llage serve as a meet ing place in the evening for youth where recreational sex and in particul ar jok i ng relations have. free rei gn. Agai n , it is at the periphery of the vi l l age , or at the stream where the vi ll a gers bathe , t hat the numerou s heal ing and purification rites, as \\'ell as t he phases of seclus ion and reintegration be longing to the ri tes of p a ssage , are he l d , frequently at t\\'ilight or at dawn . In these transitional real m s men and \vomen mi x freely, in contras t wi t h gender and age arrange­ ments observed at diurnal as sembli es held in the center of the v i l la ge . Menstruation is associated \\'ith the transiti onal zone at the edge of the vil ­ lage , where in former times women had their little houses for menstruati on ; it

is there that garbage is disposed. Unproce ssed goods from the bush-firewood or plants- are brought in, although not on the regu lar paths, and left at the edge . Once disassembled, they may be brought i nto the homestead. Be yond the vil lage itself, arran gements of space become more and more unmarked. The zone in which the i nhabitants l ive and carry ou t their activities is cal led n-totu, ''land that yields food." The category is di sti nct from that of the "chiefdom or territory'' (lsi), \vhich groups a partic u l ar population under the same traditional poli tical authority. Referring to the tributary relations

( -laambula) of that population to the rul ing chief to whom they should pay a tribute (n-laambu), the territory is also called n- laambu. Yikoolu de s i gnat es the familiar region that extends in concentric waves around on e �s v il lage and within v.'hose limits the adult m ight move about, or at least not hesitate to do so, in order to engage in matrimonial relati ons .. or to exchange goods or ser­ vices. Any distance within this fami liar region appears to its inhabitants to be signifi cantly shorter than an equivalent di stance beyond its bounds . The point of reference he re is not one 's O\Vn domesti c space bu t may depend on any of several po ssi ble orientations: the positions of the sun corresponding to the travel ler's points of depart ure and arri val, the number of ni ghts one must spend on the journey, and preci se spati al landmarks i nc lud in g related households , chiefly residences, or the hom es of diviners or ri t u al specialists . The rites of pube ny, by which pubescent boys prefi gure thei r mari tal condition, alto""· them

59

The Cosmol ogy o f Gender Arrangements

cess to

the yikoolu. The newly c ircumcised are permitted to organize dan ce s s everal dozens of the villages i n the re g io n during which they s tri ke . Jn J u die relations v,rith girls of simi lar age u · · p n the y ikoolu, plruns and .c1 0rests are d'I V t' de d Into name d sect1ons \\71th imI � boundaries; the region s rivers and the \Vat er­ recise and p artial l y overlapping ourse s erve as the main reference points for locating them. Their partitioning re fl ects the acti vities that take place there-hunting, collecting, agriculture­ activiti es \Vhich themselves are especially determined by the ec ology and types of veg etation to be found in the region. 2 Lineage groups may relate t o one another in tenns of geographical landscape: rivers, hills , forests � savannas� graves mark the routes of migration and give a stability to the past. The land bears the sign s of the sequential ity of the journey and helps to fi x the orde.r of su cce.s si ve m i grations : the most prestigious group, by referring its deeds to the sourc e of a river or to hills '•up high,'' earns primacy in time. The l andscape be come s a cultural one. Lineage names may recall such located deed s. The land tells a story of lineage hierarchy and sustains relations of co-operation, for example, in the seasonal colle.c t ive battues. Any area beyond the yikoolu is foreign land: it is usually out of reach for childrearing \\�·omen and their children. Young marriageable and marri e d men may venture into this area in search of s c hool education or paid labor. Some­ times senior men and \\'Omen \\�'ill enter this unknow n region to meet \Vith a reno\vned diviner. On a journey into the fore i g n Ian� men \Valk ahead and \\'omen foliO\\'. IndeecL the \\'orld is open far vY'ider for men than \\�·omen. The young men who travel to Kinshasa outnumber by far their female peers. The noninhabited land \\l'ithin one's region� in p art ic u l ar the savanna area, figures as a bene volent transitional zo ne betwee.n related locales as \\'·e ll as bet\'t'een the genders . An in-married woman is referred to as one v,rho has fol­ lowed the path through the savanna. Recreational sex or any seductive demon­ stration on the part of a married woman evoke this in-between z one. Popular imagery situates extramarital relations on the edges of the fields ( n- teenva j·odi); in folktales or palavers, a \\'Oman's lover is indicated with the expre ssion : "he from the top end of her field.�' Popular judgment thereby practical ly ex­ cuses the woman for her behavior; however, the offended party tends to situate the extramarital affair in the conjugal home. The crossing of paths (phaamb-.,t-•andzila) fonns the junction point for all the partitions and directions of the horizontal space_ especially \\'hen it is found i n proximity to a village: it li nks upstream and dovY'nstrearn , the village. with for­ est, savanna, stream, and fields, hunting tracts and the i nhabi ted space , differ­ ent locale s \\'ith each other! the homestead and the l i neage quarter. Intersections located at some di stance from the vi llage_ near a spring or st�eam, are sites \\there the solitary \vanderer is l;kely to be whisked unde rgrou n d by ghosts , or \\'here he may reac h or reemerge from the underworld. The ground e � olvin g v

·

�

·

60

Chapter T'"'·o

of such crossings is tread by all inhabitants of the village without distinction : it is here that the footprints are superposed ( -dyaatasana )3 and that misfortune may settle itself upon the individual, or may be chased away. The numerous rites of purification and incorporation intentionally make use of these points in order to exclude the participants from the inhabited space as it was before and to reintegrate them into it after cleansing. It will also be seen that a crossing of footpaths constitutes a junction in the vertical spatial ordering benveen high and low, surface and underground, and between the living and the dead. It is at a crossroads, at the outskirts of the village space, that foreign merchants se t up their business: it is he re that ca�sava and peanuts are compiled and packed for trading, when about every two months a truck comes along.

2.2 Cosmological Portrayal of Gender Cenain mythic statements or ritual activities depict reproductive u nion be­ tween sun, moon, and e arth, or bet\veen fire and water. Transposed onto the human domain, this macrocosmical uni on sets the scene for depicting both gender differences and their surpassing in the transmission of life. The rainbow palm, parasol, and banana trees .. the he-goat, the earthen j ar set in the fork of a three-pronged stick, the cock cro\\·ing at dawn, the laying hen, and the termite mound all serve as cosmological icons of life-bearing sexuality. 2.2.1 Palm tree and earthen jar are metaphors of the »'orld. The oil (mbati or tsaamba ) and the raffia (yiimba) pal ms, which grow both in the village and the forest, are rich in cosmological and sexual symbolism. When the tree has reached an age of approximately fourteen years , its trunk may attain a height of eight meters or more: it becomes smoot� except at the base and immediately under its sphere-shaped crown of abundant leaves. The buds of the crown successively engender female and then male inflorescences; by bearing these simultaneously, the palm tree fecundates itself. The clusters of palm nuts require six months to mature . As soon as the whitish sap of the raffia palm seeps from the trunk and is collected in a calabash, it begins to ferment and produces palm \\'ine, a drink highly prized by the men. This sap is gathered either by making an incision in the stem of a male cluster or by cutting the trunk at the base of a leaf.4 In certain narratives the cluster of red nuts nested in the center of the leafy crown symbolizes the sun placed in the center of the firmament, as V.'ell as the paramount Luunda ruler, regional dy­ nasts, and vassals. The trunk of the palm tree denotes the junction between the earth, where one stands, and the finnament. The azimuth, the vertical link between the sun at its zenith (which bears male connotations) and the earth ts surface (which bears female connotations), is signified by the long, smooth trunk of the parasol tree that grows on fal lo\\l land. It is also represented by the

The Cosmology of Gender .ot\ rrangements

61

nk of the palm tree as

\\'ell as of the banana plant \vh ich produces a lengthy

d down towards the ground and stri kingly colored with vio­ :orescencei sh-curve brown shades .

l e t and redd

Th e palm tree is first an icon of the diurnal life-bearing j ourney of the s un . The s ap ri sin g up \\'ithin the trunk and oozing from the male inflorescence i s

a ss oc iated v.rith the rising sun. The sun itself is considered as a body of v..'ater th e spring which i s the source of the great rivers of Yaka land . e mergi ng from Both the sun's trajectory and the rainbow 's arch are said to outline or demarcate

the heavens. At the height of its heaven ly course, the sun may someti mes �'bo il

over'' and flood the earth \\'ith a dov.tnpour, especially V�'hen it appears in its rni nbow form, khongolu., as the rainboVw'-serpent n -kongolu. At the moment of flowering the

palm tree fertilize.s the inflorescence \Vith i t s white sap. The Yaka

believe that through fermentation (fula), the \vhitish infl orescence is trans­ fonne.d. This is their \vay of saying that the male flo\ver-cluste.r is changed into the female inflorescence, thu s producing the grov.rth of a bunch of red palm nuts. T he ri sin g of sap i s seen as a kind of fe.nnentation which results in the be ari ng of the red fruits at the top of the trunk. Once ripened., the reddi sh palm oil may be extracted from the nuts through a laborious process of cook ing done

by men. Thus the sun, which at its height seems to boil over onto the earth i s ..

metaphorically assoc iated Vw'ith the maturation o f the palm tree, its flowering ,

and the effusion of sap. The palm tree. , moreover, metaphori cal l y depicts how much the genitor and

genitrix -like the initiate . tap from a maternal source of all life. The emer­ gence of the palm nuts and the movement of the sap dov.'Owards in the pal m tree and back into the earth for cooking or gestation serve as metaphors of pregnancy. In the rites enthroning the political titleholder and in the. heal ing

cults, the macrocosmic significance of the palm tree is transferred to the sec lu­ sion house and to the initiate's body. The khita or ngoombu initi ate , for exam­ ple , is returned to "the egg-like womb of the v..'orld" by being con fined in the ritual house. Through sec lusion , the initiate relives the foetal condi tion , experi­ encing both gestati on and self-generation, ngoongu, by sponsoring in his or her body the cross-fertilization of the \Vh ite (palm) sap and the red life-giving fluid (extracted from palm nut). l\7goongu includes the cosmogonic i mages of "arc.he� ' the ' arch-mother' or ' arch-womb , · the primal and ever-renewed gener­ ation of life from the egg- or palm tree -like ' macrocosmic womb, suspende.d bet\veen the heavenly and subterranean traj ectories of sun and moon . In the Yaka \vorldviev.', thi s womb i s bounded by the trajectory of the sun, w hich i s

thought to be paralle l to the great Kwaango ri ver that drai ns the \Vhole K\\l·aango basin, a maj or part of Yaka l and. The palm tree thus e\'okes the un ­ ceasin g emergence of life \vhen male fecundation ' ferments' into matemal potency. The double-edge.d s word of the ruler i s an icon of the palm tree. \\'hose form

Chapter T"t--·o

62

i s depicted i n the sh ape of s\vord and scabbard. It sel f a macrocosmic metaphor for l ife regenerating itse l f, the palm tree may \\'ell di splay a �ternary ' logic , that i s , one of mediation overcomi ng the separation bet�veen the realms of heaven and earth, upstream and downstream , white (of the blossom) and red (of the palm nuts, the sun), male and fem ale, polity and autochthony ( see De­ visch

1 988).

This sy mbol ism rece ives an iconic embodiment in the c hief's

svlord of rul ership, called "'the sv.,.ord of life and death .'' As commonly inter­ preted, the sv,rord.. w- rapped in a leopard pe lt or brandished in the Lu unda v,rar dance, recalls the bloody Luunda invas ion . It is a long, double-edged s\vord, w ith t\\lO para llel l ines engraved in the middle and over its \\'hole length and \vith a pointed, spherical metal hilt. The b lade and hill thus evoke the myth ic al and v iri le kyan.dzangoomhi python inhabiting the trunk of the palm� the para­ llel l ines represent the palm sap that first rises within and then , after fermenta­ tion, oozes dov.'n the trunk. The sword 's scabbard is indeed shaped like a pal m tree � it depicts a vagina-cu m-uterus. l\1 ale and female connotations are th us joined in sw·ord and sc abbard . As such, the s\vord stands for the chief's mediat­ ing (ternary ) function: he. combines male and female attributes and metaphori­ cally repre sen ts both himself and his offspring� that is_ he is his own life source. Hi s sv,rord i s a political \\'eapon and a symbol of his chie fly power over continuity and rebi rth, l i fe and death . The act of enthronement, like the ch ief's s\vorcL transfers the bas ic metaphor of the pal m tree to the Yaka nation . The region under the di rect control of the p aramount rul er in Yaka land, Kyaambvu.. can be figurative ly depicted as that c luster of palm nuts that is the most central and the closest to the trunk and its origi nal blossom . Other cl usters gravitate around this central clu ster, and this serves as a metaphor for the various regions and subregions in Yaka lan d . Li ke palm nuts , the clusters of vil l ages are axial ly situated on the stalks that stand for the autochthonous landowners. The palm tree in particular its rising sap, symbolizes the. backbone of the ..

agnatic soci al organ i zation in doubly unil i neal Yaka society. The parasol tree

(n-seenga) that gro\\'S on fallo\\' l and acts in the khita ' gyn-eco- logical ' healing cult as the substitute of the palm tree and contributes to the symboli sm of self­ fecundation (see

6. 3.2).

The. palm tree and in particular the parasol tree ,

through i ts association with sufferi ng and the overcomi ng of death, are the polar opposite of the m udy i umilk tree" among the �dembu (Turner

25, 52-5 8).

1 967 :20-

(The n -seenga parasol tree in Kwaango is ho\\'ever not to be con­

fuse-d \•lith the museng 'u tree in Ndembu land . ) In Yaka culture .. the pal m tree testifies to men's erectile stance of authority, and palm \\'ine sustain s their V.'ord of po\..,·er: both the men's stance and \\'Ord aim at regenerating soc ial ties, mas­ culi ne values, and hierarchy. Amon g the Yaka ngoongu seems to bear much of the values of 1nudyi in Ndembu culture .. a� a female or maternal principle per­ vading society and nature. The earthen jar (loondu ) is an icon of the cosmos. Pottery i s made exclu-

The Cosmology of Gender Arrangeme nts

63

men who are wido\ved or \\'hose h us ba nd s have left ho me for a si ve ly by \lw'O . ln m o ldin a jar from clay, the \\'ido\ved or cel i b a te ti me as migrant workers potter an tic ipat e s a ne\\' pregnancy (see plate 2). She forms it in the image of

g

the macroco s m the universe formed like an eg ; she also fashions a neck that de picts the male pri nciple of life tran smi ssion. S he the n allows the j ar to dry

g

,

it,

pre ferabl y on an evening w hen the (male) sun tints the in the sun and fires ( female) moon with a blood-red hue as it rises above the horizon at the begin­ of the lunar cy cl e .

�ng

Another example of the cosmic ic on ogr aph y of pottery is the

yisuungu

shri ne. Th e property of a c hief or patriarch, the yisuungu can be activated by way of a proper i ndictment to protect the co urt yard from an al l e ged threat of

g

sorcerous abuse of lightning and thu nders torm . A three - pro n ed stick, esoteri­ call y te rmed the lungundzyala, is placed in a ho l e fi lled v.·ith Ylaler dra\vn from

the confluence of two rivers-a site \...·hich stands for the set sun . (Since it represents the

g

parturi e nt

\\'ith bent legs-a

positio n

known as n-kuunda-the

thre e pron ed fork evokes the mother and the house. ) The bottom portion of a -

jar, also

containing w ate r, is place d in thi s fork . The region to be

from the lightning and

thunderstorm

protected

is fi g ured by the bottom of thi s j ar in

\\'hich a cov.Tie, Vlith vagina- l i ke connotations, is thrown.

In some

varieties

of

yisuungu, the bottom portion of the jar do e s not contain \\'ater and is sur­ m ou nted by a conical structure of \\'Oven Hanas c.overed \vith linen , almost like the neck of a j ar, or like the to p half of the masks used by the ne w l y circum­

c i sed. The shrine is topp e d with feathers of those birds of prey th at from heaven stoop on their prey in a movement compared to

lightning. Onto the conical top

are h ung two flat round baskets (kolu) bel i e ve d to bear, respectively, t he

i

and the moon as \veil as the r fields of light. The firmament

i

sun

( lufuumba) ··acro ss

p i erce s is figure-d by the top of the masks or by the linen cone of the yisuungu shri ne : as it is told, the \\/'bite spots e voke the rai n and the light of the stars. I sp e c u l a te that the cro\ll· n of geometri c shape s en­ graved on the nec k of many jars is also meant to sign ify the firmament. \v h ch the light of the sun

co re

''

2.2.2 The hen about to lay and the cock cro"'·ing at da\vn

are

symbols in the cosmology and healing cults. They introduce the particular

ability to surpass the convention al arrangements of vertical and horizontal

sp ac e The hen and the cock e.nsure not onlv the transition bet\\·een the .

.,

forest

and the village. or between the various fami lial and dome.stic spaces-these foVv'l peck about in all the dwellings without distinction-but also betv.'een earth and sky, lov.' and

high"

and day an d

night.

As a tv.'o-legged creature of

the domestic realm that cuts across core spat i al and te mpora l divisions, the hen is the optimal symbolic substitute. of the

hum an

being

in

mutation . The hen

about to lay as \\'ell as the cro\ving cock in spi re core metaphor s underl yin g the emergence of clairvoyance in a me d i um i stic divi ner-to-be ( s ee

5.2).

64

Chapter Two

The crowing cock

(kho!--.,va kJJookula), and in particular the white-feathere d cock \vith a blood-red comb ( buluundu), that announces sunrise while standing on one leg is an icon of the rising sun (see plate 1 3 ) . By substitution the cock also depicts the seminal hearts of the palm tree , the parasol tree. and the banana plant. Like diviners, renowned healers are buried with the i nfl orescence of the palm or parasol tree placed on their head. In ritual context, the crest of the

coc k and the one claw on which it postures itself metonym ically trace the veni ­ cal line stretc hing from the point on \\'hich one stands to the firmament above.

The pose struck by the coc k is named kataku and depicts the viri le and fecun­ dating erection. At sunrise and sunset while in seclusion� the young newly­

circumcised initiates, naked and chanting songs of their role in life transmis­ sion , are require-d to hold themselves erect on one leg ; the other leg is bent with the sole of the foot resting on the inside of the other knee. Family elders adopt this virile stance when they addre ss the agnati c cult spirits (see plate

4 ).

Just as the kataku position implies viril ity, a fractured leg instead expresse s impotence. The guardian and heal er of masculine fertility (the yisidika ) who presides over the numerous rites of puberty proper to the yikubu cult, also called n-khanda, and \vho is meant to foster the boys potency during the cir­

cumcision ceremonies, is the same person v.'ho practi ces the ritual art of heal­ ing bone fractures. There is another position considered equivalent to the

kataku posture which consists of pressing the legs against each other and cross­ i ng the toes. This gesture, cal led -lama, refers rather to sexual union, to the ''union or intert\\l·ining of the legs'' ( -biinda ..,ana maalu), and to taking posses­ sion of the conj ugal space.�

Like birds of prey, cocks crov.'ing at dawn may also evoke the realm of night

and sorcery. The Yaka say of sorcerers that in giving a white hen over to a renow·ned master-sorcerer they actually kill one of their kinsmen and hand over that life to their initiator in order to acquire the occult power of sorcery. This occult ini tiation is the reverse of that of the cl airvovant diviner who tracks
do\\'n the sorcerous plots. In a secret and perverse way, the apprentice-sorcerer seeks to appropriate some of the auspicious forces b undled in the chiefly

yisuungu shrine or embodied by the diviner-to-be. On such occasions the apprentice- sorcerer is invi ted to bite off the head of a cock \\'ith his teeth and

to place it in the base of a broken j ar set into the. fork of a three-pronged stick. This event is held at dav,rn and at a river source. Mali gnant sorcery is compared to death-giving virile sexuality that causes bleeding instead of fertility. It has the po\\'er of lightning

( ndzasi) ;

this last is pictured as a cock which� head

thrown back , swoops down from the sky to\\l·ard the earth to so\\' hi s spenn

there in the form of glazed sand (ndiingyandzasi). The sexual symboli sm of malignant sorcery is funher evoked by some small carnivores an d birds of prey. Smal l predators (phuku) such as the wease l (lu1nbongi) creep into the vil lage at night in order to steal hens. chicks. and eggs . Pregnant \\'omen and initi-

65

The Cosmology of Gender Arrangeme nts

tes - the in itiate is associated with the fetus-are forbidden to eat, touch, or aven name them (see Devisch 1 979: 1 81-85). Animals whose skins are s po tte d may also depict a sorcerer: they also are forbidden to initiate s and omen. pregnant w

�motoJUJ )

2.2.3 The trope o.f color displays gender and moral prope rties. B y v i rtue of their capacity to reflect the successive phac;es of day and night, of heat and co ldness, from one sunrise to another and in the various stages of the J unar cycle, the colors red, white, and black serve to symbolize the com ple­

mentary arrangements of the genders ; they also frame the definition and han­ dling of illness, heal ing, and health . Combined \•lith spatial polarizations" they denote the boundary-trespassing value of fecundation, gestation, and delivery, and the links betwee.n generations crossing over death . Blue (buundi) signifies the sun at rest. The. sun as it is about to ri se is associ­ ated with the subterranean world and \Vith V.'hat is not erect, with \vhatever is considered lo\v on the vertical axis, w·ith the river source from w·hence the sun emerges, or with cold. In this phase it is thought to have a blui sh hue, that of water in the shade or of •'blackened w·ood, pulle-d from the hearth'' (bundyanl ­ baaM'U). \\lhen used in fertility rituals, the bundyambaa'rvu connotes the virile member at rest. For curing masculine impotence, it is a piece of a trunk of the banana tree blackened by the fire which serves as a bundyambaa �vu. For circumcision, it is a log extracted from the fire lit near the house of yifiika, ·mother' of the circumcised, around which the initiates and the whole commu­ nity have danced through the preceding night. At da\\·n, the bundyambaaa·u is placed on a path w·hich leads a\vay from the village to the ci rcumcision camp located on the periphery. The most senior of the circumcision candidates is seated straddling the log before undergoing the operation. Shortly before the ceremony and dressed in a red loin-cloth, he would have executed a chie.fty dance on the roof of the house while display ing the chiefly sv.'ord. Just as red may e.volve from being pure color (tom1 j to fi re red (mbaalt'u), i t is said that pubescent boys and girls have the inner capacity to grov.' to ful l ardor and fertility. The rising sun i s associated V.'ith the vertical ' high up' and wit h the sky. It is emphasized that the rising sun "'feeds or strengthens itself-' (taangwa buditsaatsa), in that it constitutes its own vital source . That vigor (khoondzu) incarnated by the rising sun is \\'hat men v.rish each othe.r when, in the morning, they exchange the cola nut (kaa..�u). a sti mul ant. Circumcision or rites of reintegration that conclude an initiation, healing, or mourning period also take place at sunrise. A final step in the reintegration may be arranged for on the roof of the conjugal home" or if necessary on an elevated platform erected in the middle of the vi llage for the occasion. There, initiate and partper are invited to exchange pepper and to "'entwine the legs" ( -biin.dasana 1naalu) in a gesture signifying the lifting of the conjugal prohibition. In line with thi s,

Chapter Tlrt-'O

66

ritu al vocabulary desi gnates deflorat ion and the first experiences of orgasm

\\'ith the tenn -yoka tona, that is, "to make the color inc andescent," \\lith refer­

e nce to the sun. According to ritual symboli sm, the s un at zenith maintains itself in a constant state of ebullition (taang"'·a budifusukidi): to it are attrib­

uted the characteristics of fire (mbaatvu, a te rm de signating anything that gives

off heat or light), and , consequently, it is associated with blood (nleenga). Fire

red i s equally identi fied \\'i th upstream-the 'above' of the horizontal axis and the east, and further may evolve into an icon of the androgynous principle of autogeneration , after the manner of the cro\�w·ing cock and the hen about to l ay. In line with th i s, the sun i s assimilated to an origi n and a source of heat and force (ngolu). Oral lore, in evoking the sun v,rhich rises and approaches its zenith ( nyaangu)� de scribes the ardor (ndzuundza) of the conquerors , the great hunterst or those v.'ho legitimately seek revenge . One also turns to this meta­

phor in order to depict high fever, inebriety, or liminal experiences suc h as

parturition, mortal agony, or trance . In situations such as these in which certai n limits are exceeded .. the color red, con sidered as se lf-sustaining, connotes exi s­

tential completeness. The red of the morning sun, depic ted as rona, pure color, is the harmonious blending of colors and of spaces. This red similarly indicate s a fulfil led and mature human condition . Once news of her pregnancy has been made public, the young v.'ife is adorned with a belt of red pearls, after she has been spat upon with v.,rater on her womb. Paramount chiefs monopolize red garme-nts. Dark reddish bro\\'nt khula, also label led ngula or luundu. evokes longing and readiness for fertility, pregnancy, and the setting sun . The setting sun is al so associated with ravines and the do�·nstream direction of rivers, where it enters the earth for its nocturnal subterranean journey. Red take s on a ambiva­ lent value �-hen it is mi ngled �'ith the whi te of the moon at the onset of the l unar cycle. During initiatory seclu sion the small bro\vnish tennitary (nlbaam­

bakhuku) i s suspended from a branch or fastened in a treetop �rith a liana; the object thus carries, to put it in metaphoric terms, the fetal signification of the setting sun and first moon . The moment the darkening sun di sappears over the horizon is in ordinary language expressed \vith the tenns budisika khula, ·'\vhen the sun prepares khula." This phrase al so applies to the novice prepari ng a paste by rubbing a section of the red \\o'OOd of the n-kula tree against a wet stone. Mixi ng it �·ith pal m oil, he oints his body w i th this paste. Identified with the fetus bathing in i ts mother's blood, the novice is therefore required to avoid the sunsh ine of broad daylight and never leaves the. ritual d\vel ling except at evening. Other prohibitions see to it that val ues of the setting and rising suns should not contaminate the novice. He must avoid any allusion to spotted an i­

mals, for thei r skin s may combi ne different shades of red or mix red with

white. It is also forbidden to have anyth i ng which might resemble lightning in the initiate s presence , hence the prohibitions agai nst bri nging fire into the c ul t

67

The Cosmology of Gender .A.rrangement4i

\Vater or all ov.'ing a pie.ce of firewood to fall nearby, offeri ng u e v,r ho s ., thro i ng the nov ic e. some manioc whi ch during preparation has spilled over i nto the fire.

), or any reference to birds of prey \1lho dive out of the sky� ( lu k u t.�'a tya amuki plumage or legs are red in color. The setting sun, as \Veil a� the or bi rd s whose n red clay that are associated with it, connote concealment, subj acency. n ight a d l aten cy� rest, or gestation. Ritual practices and some folktales allow a glimpse

of the following cosmological scheme through their layers of metaphorical

transpositions. At twilight the sun descends into the \\'aters do\·�;nstream

and

disappears i nto the earth by \\'ay of the ravines (tnbeengi) to \..,·hich the sun has confe.rred its reddish co lor (kabeenga), or by way of the caves (yitadi) situated along the water's edge. During the night the sun returns to the upstream side by way of a subterranean river. The reddish clay ( luundu) collected in the ra­

vines and that v,rhich one might find in discarded snail shells or in hollo\vs inside the caves (muundu) thus come to depict the earth as

a place of ge station. �

�bite is basically associated \vith kaolin cl ay. Since kaolin is col lected at marshy spots that evoke the cradle from whence the full moon emerges, it

carries the life source in emergence. It is belie.ved that the moon retires in or rises up from one or another marshy spot near the main river Kwaango. Kaol i n is primarily the privilege. o f the maternal u ncle, \vho uses i t to l i nk up h i s sister's child with the uterine source. o f life (see

3 .4). In the agnatic line of

political titleholders and sodalities, the agnatic role is passed do\\·n through the male line, but it needs to be vitalized by the uterine life flow to gain a capacity to regenernte itself. When a patriarch, a political chief, or the initiate of an agnatic sodality (as, for example, the blacksmith) is close to death, the ances­

tral kaolin (pheemba yibati or pheemba ya yitsi khulu) must be applied for at least one n ight to the erecti le mu scle behind the scrotum of the dying man .

Popular exegesis has it that the hereditary kaolin put near the scrotum of the patriarch in mortal agony absorbs the vital flo\\' or life source which is in the process of escaping the person near death. The kaolin of rulership is transmit­ ted to the successor when he is ritually ' born' into his function . It is brought into the home of the ne\v o\-..· ner at dusk, and , like. other ancestral objects (bisi­

imba), it must be protected from the light of day. These ritual items and the kao lin may, however,

be found outdoors at the full moon in the case of their

owner's illness or of repeated failures in the hunt. White clay is then painted on the cult obj ects and around the eye s of the ritual fi gurine s, thus repeating one of the gestures that the initiate himself was exposed to during initiation. It is said to �'wash" or ';di stemper" the cult objects: -kusa pheemba, or -yeba la

pheenJba. As the different names use.d for it imply, kaolin represents that \Vh ich rev ivifies health (pheemba yakolaln baatu) and sustains longevity (pheemba

yiziingu: pheen1ba yiziingisa baa tu). The ancestral kaolin further insures an abundance of game (ph ee mba yabambisi). It unifies members of the same home stead or lineage quarter and demarcates them from outsiders . i\fter

a

Chapter T"�n

68

fam il y reconc i l iation or rite of passage i n the c omm un i ty, certain

patriarch s

v-rill spray the kaolin i n all d i rec t i on s before k i ndli ng the fi re and di stributing

it to all the members. The u ncle, or the he a le r \\'ho has c o n firm ed av uncular

links with his client, \vhitewashes the left arm of

his • u terine

descendants" or

the left -hand side of the cult obj ects \\'ith h i s kaolin in order to en h a nc e the transmissi on of life from its uterine source . This practice takes place on the

occasion of an ini t i at i on or its commemoration . Kaol i n may also be uti lized

along w·ith the red muundu cl ay in similar type.s of earth are different yet

trans i t iona l contexts. These two complementary, as are the ful l moon and the

setting sun V..'ith regard to one another. Pitch b l ack.

kaphiinda�

is assoc iated \Vi th the moonless n i gh t : it is a quality

associated with ch a rc oal ( holu), b l a ck a�hes� or the darkish-red pearl referred

to as ndiimba, literally, Hstai n" (Devisch 1 979 : 1 32-3 5 ) . The latter refers to

bloodshed or the violent and bloody work of an abusive so rc erer. Red shade s

va lue of bl ack w hen high and lov-' in te rsect in one of its symbols, as , for example , i n the case of lightning, birds of p rey.. or bloodshed . Charcoal and ndiin1ba, like dark nigh� and in part icu l ar the bla ck of mi dn i gh t (kntan ­ kolu) during \\'hich the v i ll ager s are in deep sleep and i ncapable of self­ defense , are the marks of the violent and bl oody V..'ork of abu s i ve sorcery. Ensorcellment that belongs to the black of ni g h t is one of i l l icit violence .. inas­ m uch as the selfish sorcerer appropriates the l ife of anot h er. b ri ng i ng the victim to an immutable death of never-e nd ing darkness. Black may be associated v-'ith lo\\', cold, the i nan im ate� and with the darkness of n i gh t during the ne\\' moon . off into the

Articles of kitchen refuse (such as com cobs , banana p e els , pressed palm n uts , and so on) that have been blackened over the fire denote "that v..'hich c a n no

lon ger rep roduce ." The.se blackened \vaste elements can be placed alongside the corpse of someone v,rho h as succumbed to his ov..'n to a

m ys t e ri ou s

disease, or also

al ongs i de

mischi evou s

deeds or

the corp se of a deformed or sterile

individuaL in order to prevent the unfortunate be i ng or its defect from ever reappearing among the de scendants . The black of night as

a trope

of degrada­

tion, i m pu ri t y, ne gati ve death is a bas ic constituent of t he "ritual arms of \\'ar"

(mateenda).

These anns contain charcoal , gun po\\'de r

(tJurya, b lac k i n color),

dark-colored fece.s whose appearance connotes the dec ompos i t i on of lost blood, an d the blackish and

poisonous /oonzbi ashes

th at

are obtained by char­

ring a mixture of tox ic in gre dients in a casserole over the. fire . For the popul ar

imagination a sorcerer may appear at the receiving end of his

do i ngs and there by kill himself �ith these matee nda : in S\\'ells up, di scharges black blood, and Such a ' b lack death'

vomi ts

O\\'n v-rrong­ de ath-agony h i s body

a substance similar to charcoal.

(my exp res s io n) ,-.,·ith no after-life-the latter being asso­ c ia ted \�lith a w h i te condition-strikes c u l p ri ts u n dergo i ng the poi s on ordeal . The black of ni ght contrasts \\'ith the positive value s of v..·hit e and red. �A.. blood s ac ri fi ce i n ritual s of family reunific ation and of healing aims at c omp en s at i n g

The Cosmology of Gender Arrangements

69

for blood shed i l leg itimately. Then b l ack becomes red , thu s recovering its posi­ tive q u ali ties of height and heat. The subsequent app lication of kaolin clay

has th e capacity to '"w hite\-..· ash� whiten� ' ( -seetnasa) the stain or defilemen t (mb"·iin du), to make it 'blank. " On the ontol ogical leve.l the black/white antin ­ omy, ass ociated V.'ith the perversion of red and with the rising sun, serves to designat� certain vices. B y mani pulating this anti nomy the group may succeed ,

for example, in expressing i ts rejection of the sterile i ndividual v-.'hen at the death of thi s person the community seeks to definitively dis associate him or h er from soc iety: a ban ana peel, a corncob , and a piece of su garcane-all Vr'hitish in color- are bl ackened in the fire .. Vr'rapped up, and placed on the buried corpse . This prac.tice expresses the wish that the in dividual disappear forever. White and red are in a kind of balance. . \Vhite,

kaseemn,

may positively he

associated with lowness , cool ness , \'lith fluid or an imate life� and w i th cold and the ful l moon . It may denote. mooyi, the uteri ne l i fe flow that con nects eac h individuaJ through the bl ood ties �·ith h i s mother. mother's mother. and m ater­

kaseetna i s the polar complemen t of positi ve red proper to bu undi and mbaal'\.'U� n1ooyi is the uteri n e. compl ement of agnati c life force, ngolu, when the heat has hardened the bone. nal great-grandmoth er, \vith the uterine source. of li fe . A s

Medicines obtained through boiling but adm inistered cool are pov.·erful

(n golu).

When in denoting the ful l moon \\l·hite m i xe s w ith the red of the. sun­

\\'hich al so mean s that it is associ ated w ith vertical height -it acqu ires an am­ bi valent or tran sitory val ue. The. kaolin clay

(pheetnba)

vt'hich serve s to med i­

ate bern·een highll o\\', hot/cold� day/night .. daylight/darkness, and red/black neutrali zes th i s ambivalence. Kaolin is used at ritual i zed moments of tran sition in the life of an indiv i dual , a family or a community. Final ly, white i s charged \\'ith a negative value, and is defiled or degraded to black� \vhen its connotes the last quarter of the moon , that is� when vanishing moonlight and rising sun� day and nigh� high and low� are confl ated . The smithery m anipulates the colors black, red, and \vhite: it is an in stance of both violation and foundation of cosmic order. The forge

( luU;{u)

is situated

on the outski rts of the village. The smith dispenses both life and death, for he fash ions agricultural and arti sanal tools, on the one hand , and \veapons� on the other. The smith is regarded as capable of reanimating the bodies of the. dead or of treating anemia. In times past the. forge h ad been tran sfonned on occasion into a sort of tribunal where. conflicts of interests bet\veen c.ompctin g brothers , that is, of conflict between the real m of diurnal vill age and nocturnal fore st, were adjudic ated through the ordeal s of poi son or fire : "Is not my brothe.r at the source of my lasting fai l ure in the hunt? Is he n ot the one who causes my \•life 's repeated abort ion s by intruding upon her in nightmares?' 7 The smith h as e arned the name of someone's secret arts."

nganngula :

literally, •'the arti san ,-.,·ho is able to undo

70

Chapter Two

2.2.4 Luoo r and female cycles pa rallel

one

another. The lunar

cycle at ful l moon enlivens the night as ;;,a threshold to a nev..- beginn ing'�

( -kyeela ), and it may al so chill it into the fal lovY' state of the new moon. Night , inasmuch as i t is a time c ategory9 i s portrayed in the oral lore as that '�·hich separates one day from another and \Vhich leads to the dawning of the ne.w day. The duration of a journey or of some excepti onal activ ity is normally measured in terms of the number of nights involved. Some narra tives deal Ylith the medi­ ative rol e exercised bv the moon on behal f of the sun9 in order that the latter J

may reappear. The idea of gradual progress to�·ards the. da�·n of a new day is

otherw i se e�pressed by the tenn -kyeela; it de signates the col lective celebra­ tion by means of which the community, in danci ng the w hole night through, celebrates the social reb irth and ne\v ly acquired status of one of its members . The new moon, in particular its total obscurity9 con notes coldness : it evokes negative feelings and keeps the vil lagers indoors and self- absorbed, making them more anxious and, they thi nk, more vu l nerable to sorcery. Oral lore marks it as an intrusion of the. forest realm into the order of the vil l age . The passage from the new· moon or moonless ni ghts to the crescent moon connotes the end of me.nstruation . The crescent moon is assoc iated Y.'ith the state of fal lov.' land ready to be c leared for a new cyc le of agricu ltural production . It evokes menar­ che and the bride after joi ning the groom. Partners may then resume conjugal communion. It is moreover associ ated with the sap that starts rising in the pal m tree. When the moon appears before the sun has set-in tropi cal Yaka land� sunset and sunrise occur at almost the same time throughout the year- it may sign ify ho\v much the moon takes over the role of the sun to wann the co ldness of the dark n ights . The explanation given to this speaks of the crescent moon as a renewal equivalent to that which marks the new year. A cryptic formula in songs-that are said to date back to ancient ancestral lore-surnames the cres­ cent moon as kyan-ziinga mateesa: Ha struggle waged in order to remove an obstacle." The same notion reoccurs in an archaic formula which ts pro­ nounced on the occasion of the rite of the crescent moon : 1

Kutukedi kungoondyakhulu

2

taang\•ia tsiindza

3

ngoondi bilal u.

4

Leelu kabal ukidi . (a)

5

Tukol a khoondzu, tukola ngolu. When the moon reappeared,

2

the sun had its

3

\\·hile the moon cra\\·Jed along like a log in the v.raler.

4

The moon has j ust turned a ne\v phase .

5

f\1ay

our

course

obstructed

health be restored .

71

The Cos mology of Gender Arrangements

conunent: Th e te� -balulca (to c hangc state s or condi tion) is often employed i n (a) _ design att ng the onset of pregnancy. In this expre ssion, just as in the therapy u sed in curing masculine impotency,

the cresc.ent moon is figured by a gourd -an object that in cenain contexts

signi fie s the u terus-v,rh ich is hung next to a cluster of ri pe red nuts in order 10 c ollect the whitish sap oozing from the incision in the inflorescence of the

palm. One t hinks here of the folktale that adults tel l to chi ldren in \"' hich the

tortoi se Vw'agers w ith man as to Vw'ho is best capable of reaching the sun. Each time the torto i se attempts to c l imb up into the sky the lightning takes the gourd from the animal and thro\\'S the tortoi se back to earth . The. tortoi se then hides itse lf in the gourd and is thus successful in reaching the heavens . The archaic

formula implic itly points to the appearance of the crescent moon as the. mo ­ ment when the palm sap ri ses and i s about to spill over, a s ign of l i fe attempting to regenerate itself. According to popular accounts , the young bri de should wait for the crescen t moon before moving into the conj ugal home. It is al\'iays

at the cre scent moon that cult initiates behave as if thev have come. back to life . "'

Once the period of seclu sion has been c ompleted, they prepare themselves to once again face the l i ght of day by eating of the tonifying cola nut, usually in the morning . At crescent moon, the household of a chief may temporari l y sus­ pend the means of union Vw'ithin the familial and domestic unit by dampening the hearth, abstaining from cooked food and sexual intercourse, and avoiding contact with knives. In order to do thi s each person \\'i l l "admini ster himself

an aphrodi siac"

( -diseengula) Vw'h i le hpron ou ncing his

motto"

( -ditaandumuna.J

evok ing the origin and role of the institution or c ult that each represent s. The

follow ing day familial union may be restored: the hearth is rekindled , the fam­ i ly shares a cooked meal, and conj ugal comm union may be res umed. The con­ fusion bern·een day and night brought on by the crescent moon is thus resolved .

At the time of the full moon , jo}ful dancing and singing , in celebrntion of

rhythm and de sire , rev ivify and interweave the flo\"' of l i fe in and bet\\'een people and their life-\vorld. �tostly only women joi n in the dance. at full moon

to celebrate the never-ending fluctuation between life and death. These dance s

are most vivid at the onset of the seasons of seedtime and harvest, or to antici­ pate and celebrate col lective hunting during the long dry season . According to

the Yaka, the success ion of lunar cycles and of the seasons, like the passing on of li fe and the succession of generations, are all an outflo\v of rhythm . Tran s­ mission of l i fe, growth, and healing are rhythm. In singing and dancing .. in particular at ful l moon, women, children, boys and a feVw' married men usuall y celebrate a co l lec tive arousal and sharing o f th e life source and li bidinal f�rces .

S ongs may voice libidinal desire, theme s of love and loss� but in dire.ct ly in the

Chapter Th'O

72

imagery of forest spi rits , of popul ar an i mals , or of cooking. Wom en s dancing '

posse sses mediating and orderi n g fu nctions. In rural Yaka areas, women al­

\'<�ays dance in groups. \\'omen's dancing seems to

the effervescent vital

arouse

flow in the mselves, the commu ni t y and their life-\\'orld, whi le superimposi ng "

a weaving movement onto the group and their \\'orld. An oblong \vooden cy l i n

­

drical drum (ngomtJ ) vli th a sin gle leather membrane is usually accompanie d by one or t\\lO sh orte r but larger drums (yimbandu). each of which has a differ­

ent tonality, along w·ith shakers ( sakila, bisaang"va). Keeping time \\'i th the rhythm of the drum an d chants, each \\'oman swin g s her hips and bel ly in a kind o f w heeling invol ving

a

skil ful circular rotation, while s l ig htl y undulating

her upper body The \\'Omen interrupt each rotation by extending their left hips .

in a pow·erful rolli ng wave . \Vhile dancing they rem ain fixed to one spot. Within the bonds of c onj ugal intimacy, the wife may dance in

a

sim ilar w·ay

as

a prel ude to conjugal intercourse, during v,rhich sh e i s expe c te d to m ake similar movements \�lith her b ell y ; -niingasana n- ti n1_vathaangi,

"

rhyth m ic ally shak­

i ng the s ticks of the b ed is an expres sio n for conjugal communi on . Underl y in g "

all these dances is a sen se of col l e c t ive ce lebration that enhances the l ife sourc e

or vital flow. Dance re i n fo rces the Yaka ideal of the female form: a round bel ly, generous hips and breasts that suggest nurturing, ful lne ss and ripene ss-maasi kuthulu, kuvumu kaanda dyahaatu,

··

bre asts filled \\'ith grease, and the womb

\V ith offs pring. The dancer's movements evoke the my s teriou s transmi ssion of ,

life th ro ugh the act of in semi nation and chil dbinh . Maintaining a ten se (ngaa­ ndzi), erectile (khoondzu) posture, the male drummer grasps the phal l ic-shaped c yl indrica l

dance drum between hi s legs ; some songs, pani cularly those em­

pl oye d in the context of ci rcumci s ion ritual s" make the associati on bet\veen the drum's appealing rhythm and the erect pen is s movement. '

By dancing at transitions i n the group and s easonal calendar� the co mm unity engages in a rather lustful celebration of the vital fi oV¥'. The success of the transi tio n i n the life of an individual , the group, or the life-\vorld is anticipated by a nigh t of celebration ( -kyeela) at full m oon, invo lvi ng an all-ni ght vi gi l of

nonstop dancin g by women , chi ldren , and young men . The th emes and sty l e of the mourning dance in whi c h both men and \\'om en participate are not very

different from the \\ omen s normal dancing at ful l moon . It is as if the lib idina l '

'

affects in women's un du lating movements and in their sin g ing inte ns el y medi­ ate between li fe and death , sorro\v and vi tal flow, c haos and order. The women seem to share and express their affec ts throu gh their b od i es Moreover, in the .

chant s that acco m pany the dances the \\·omen are offered a uni que opportu ni ty to voice thei r feel ings, especially to\\'ards the men,s group . Dancing is a fonn of \v eaving and a reenactment of th e universe 's binh . We aving li ke dancing , seeks to symbolical l y regenerate re-e mpow·er, an d re­ ,

,

order the life- world. \Veav in g raffia palm fi bers req u i re s the co-ordi nated ma­

nip u l ati on of the Yr'eaving-hook (n -noongu) and the fibers. The h ook 's

The Cos mology of Gender Arrangement�

73

determined by the prog res s i o n of the we avi ng itself: from top ove men ts are bottom ( high to low) , left to ri g h t , back to fron t The raffia cloth conno tes the effervescen t , sexual � and cosmologi cal symboli sm of the raffia pal m, an d

:

.

ding and de scendin g flo\\' of its sap. The \•leaving-hook be ars a viri le the as c e-n xual connotation and i s shaped in the form of the pal m tree "s inflores ce.ncc

se that l ater develops into a clu ster of palm nuts - itself a metap hor for both t.he

su n and offspring. \Vomen's dancing -in p articu l ar in the undulating m ove­ ment of the hips, as the danc i n g movement in sexual union-links \\'eavin g to

the celebration or act of life transm i ssion. As a metaphoric fonn of weaving, the wo men s dan cing from sunset to sunrise reactualizes the cos mogenetic '

significance of ngoongu, the earthly \\o'om b , that i s. the pri s t i ne cosmic emer­

gence of (re )generative forces in the un i verse �'hich ceaselessly re ne\v them­ selves at their poi nt of ori gin. By mimicking the flo\\' of life in the pal m tree,

both dan c i ng and w e av in g reenact the birth of the un iverse and the individual

by celebrating the con s t itu t i ve imbrication of the pol ar principles that charac ­

teri ze be-ings and thing s : east and west, up and do\\o'n, front and back, heave n

and earth, deco mpos i t ion and rebirth , sow ing and fl o\\'ering. ascendance and

descendance , genitors and o ffsp rin g masculine and feminine . Like sexual in ­ ,

tercourse, the dance ai ms at weaving the vital fl O\\'. It is stimulated by and fed

from the dancer's most interior source1 connected to her most i nterior rhythm �

respiration, fan tasies, and affects , and to h e r interaction with others and the

world. Dance produ ce s a reorgani zation of s y nerg i e s, channellin g the v it al flow from body to \\'orl d and vice versa.

2.2.5 The rainbotv snnke transcends both spatial and color di­

vision .. It is in fact likened to th e appearance al l at once of the total diu rnal .

.

course of the sun . Popular narr ative s e mplo y the esoteric name n -kongo/u for

the terrestrial or aquatri c rainbow snake and de scribe the rainbow, khongolu. .

as an immense Iiana or

a-.;

a giant bei ng, perhaps a crocodile, or python. It take s

on the kyandzangoombi form \\'hen i t arche s i t s b ack across the sky and bring s

about abundant rains� it is con s i de red a serpen t with its arched fonn stretched

across the sky, i ts head and mouth at each extremity.7 It comes to rest in a ravine th at has been eroded by a heavy rainstorm or "retires into the trunk of a

raffi a palm'' to ferti l i ze it by c h ann e l i n g through it the. unceasing emergence of life . The narratives hold that, once the stonn i s over an d the. leviathan bedded

do\\'n , the ravine Vw'he.re it abandoned its ski n is fu rt h er deepened, or vari o usly�

that a gi ant palm tree deve.lops in pro x i mity to a spring . These val l eys arc

therefore seen as the points \\'h ere the setting sun enters into the. earth and transfers i ts fetal signifi cation to the red clay ( luundu) that is used in the

�eat­

ing cults and rites of initiation. Fragmentary mythic lore a...;; s oci ates kyandza­ ngootnbi and the subterranean journey of the sun at night . Oral lore reports

that a large coni cal termite mound of red c l ay ( /uundu) \Vi l l emerge l i ke

an

Chapter Two

74

eruption

of the earth to\\'ard s the sky on the tomb of the so-called kyandza­

ngoombi healer of mascul ine fertil ity. He i s buri ed in a seated (that is, fetal )

position, with a bract and i nflorescence of the palm or parasol tree placed on his head, ,;'in order that he may be soon reborn." The tennitary of course shel ­ ters a queen ant \\'hose extraordinary fecundity enchants people 's imagination .

2.3 Animals and Plants In their attitudes tovY'ard an imals and plants, Yaka people very much di splay the genius of the yiphiti gazel le , which is one of their most popular and cher­

ished figures in folktales and is characterized both by ardor and by light­ hearted c leverness

in

relation to c hance . The hunter, trapper, collector. fisher�

or planter takes his or her chance. Animals and plants are suitable for human

consumption or use! not only because of some utility, but also because they are

.. good to think with''-to paraphrase Levi- Strauss ( 1 962). Some offer very distinct qualities, \\'bi le others display mixed ones . As such they may serve as

markers for gender di fferences and for the tran sitional states of gestation and

initiation,

and more generally for social belonging. Vvbat one eats or doe s not

eat, v,rhat one uses for therapy or not, helps to posit boundaries between what

can be internal and \vhat should remain external to oneself and one's groups .

Dietary differences express gender, age, or other social differences . (See 4.4

for discussion of herbal istic and phytotherapeutic practices . ) The outline c lass­ i fication proposed here is founded on l inguistic criteri� insofar as it refers to generic Yaka terms , as \\lell as on information gleaned from oral lore and ritual activi ties .

tune,

2.3. 1

..Most big game animals n1ake for the hunter's good for­ and are the choicestfood to strengthen the life force of senior men. Hunt­

ing is the men's most ideali zed productive activity in K \\'aango land, not only

because it yields rich food and material s for

symbolic

because it links men's virility and l ife transmission (see

or practical use , but

3.5. 1 )

with the deeds

of the foundi ng ancestors and the ancestral life force (see 2.4. 1 ) . Hunti ng stirs

up the ebull ient life resources (fulaj in the l i fe-world just as the geni tor arouses

the life flo\\' in the genitrix. The savanna forests, open grasslands, and valley

forests support a rich variety of fauna. Extensive use of firearms, ho\vever, has nearly decimated the large mammals. The prestige accorded to hunting game deri ves more directly from what it signifies than from w hat it produces. Such

esteem is a throw·back to the mythic narrati ves regardi ng the foundation of Yaka society, v,rhich e levated the first hunter to the status of founder. Luunda

settlers prized the use of firearms. The significative value of the hunt is ex­ tended to all the rewarded activities of men, reflecting and even ratifying them,

and invoke s a number of compl ex ritual practices . Hunting

is

associated both

75

The Cosmology of Gender Arrangements

as reproductive and foundational to some cosmic order and to �·i th v irili ty� well as with the life-bearing dimension in vio lence and sorc ery. oci al li fe. as The b unt is compared to an oneiric journey and is therefore associated \\li th

:

Oneiromancy in thi s context is deemed particularly signifi cant : cl airvoyanc e. a m an's dreams about a fight. a tearful Vw'oman, dancing, or seduction are held \\l·hile dreams involving menstrual blood or feces are ina us pi­ to be au� pic ious, ci o us. In the fore st the hunter forms a type of alliance v.d th the game and the spirits guidi ng it. M eat from the hunt is a basic constituent in the establi shm ent

of the matrimonial al l i ance . A successful hunt enhances the hunter 's sexu al appetite, and therefore the desire for marital union. Inasmuch as a man should

not abuse or waste his reproductive powers or semen, he s hould not kill more

than his family strictly needs . Trapping-but also fishing-is the means for boys to explore and prove for themselves their own talents . In folktales, children and youth are highly praised for their inventiveness and courage to explore the many life forms in the sa­ vanna and purvey their share for the family meal. Men experience vi vid emo­ tions and take much pride in hunting, and important imagery and folktales derive from it. Each hamlet reserves for itself certain hunting zones� staked out by footpaths, in the forest and savanna. The men may set traps in these areas at any time of th e year. Duri ng the rainy seasons-from October to December and from February to June-the men, armed Vw'ith rifles, individually track and hunt (ndzoomba, -zoomba) game Vt'ithin the tract. Hunters originating from di fferent villages organize collective beats

( -ta busuungu) in the forest galler­

ie s and steppes during these same periods; on such occasions bo\vs and arro\\'S are used as \\'ell as guns. The major beat, in contras� take.s place in the dry season in the months of June and July. The vast plains are lit with fires

( -yoka

miila) in a bow formation in order to better flush out the game. Thi s type of

hunting rarely produces more than one to three large animals per ham let and per season , however. The shrubs and plants that survive the annual fires take

on, following the context in V.'hich they are found, a significative value of mis­ fortune to the agent of evil or excepti onal resistance to one \Vho suffers an

affliction. It is al so in the forest and savanna that the Yaka gather different species of \\'ood, l ianas, plants, and minerals u sed for dwe l l ings, wickerware ,

curati ve practice, and ritual activities .

The category mbisi princ ipally covers the vertebrates whose meat or skin s are high ly valued. This category includes, in addition to the python and croco­ dile, the nonrodent quadrupeds that live in horizontal space , that is� on the surface of the land. Captu re of big game animals (mbisyakyaama, mbisyan­

haku) is reserved to men, probably because it involves the spilling of blood . The meat of th e. se animals is prized and i s the only meat to be found in the

exchange circuit or to be designated by the same tenn as that for the animal

category : mbi.si. Further, hunts for mbisi are used to test the pronouncemen ts

Chapter T-,t-·o

76

of divinatory orac les� and a successful hunt is taken as veri fication of the truth of an orac le or, in some situations , as a sign that conj u gal commu nion may be ree stablished after a period of ritual abstinence. S imilar!}'� cases of repe ated failure to bring home mbisi are themsel ves submitted to examination by divin a­ tory oracle. The rarity, ferociousness, and size of the mbisi animal make pre stigious catch. The leopard

it

a

(ngo), the crocodile (ngaandu), and the python

(mboma), all animals capable of killi ng men, are ''an i mals of paramount power" (mbisyayilu"Kt·a) : they

are not suitable for human con sumption, and the

hunter is obl iged to hand over the skin to the p aramount chie.f of the region who, in tum , offers the latter his ceremonial protection . For the other so-cal led ancestral animal s , the patriarc h presides over the "sh aring of the meaf '

(-bulo·vasana mbisi, an expression evoking the communality of the family meal: -diisasann). He offers a morsel of liver to the ance stral shrine carin g for the hunter. Animals with spotted or striped hides (mbi.ryatona), such as ocelots ahd zebras, combine colors Ylhich are held to be incompati ble in that they represent distinct spatial categories and may evoke the worl d of sorcery ; these creatures are therefore subject to numerous proh ibitions. They are stric tly for­ bidden food to pregnant V..'omen.. bereaved person s, novices, initi ates , and initi ­ ators� but their pelt i s used in paraphernalia to induce or sustai n the l i m i nal state of these persons. Except for anomalous mbi.si such as apes and monkeys, tortoi ses, crocodiles, pythons , cocks, and hens, most mbisi

are categorized ac ­

cording to the shape of the foot or tail or according to their feeding habits. The mbisyakhoodya (hoofed animal) group of ungulates comprise the bo­ vine ruminants including the domestic goa� of which the. larger part are unipa­ rous . It also incl udes the ngulwan-situ (literally. "the forest pig,"' a nonruminant swine), \\'ith Ylhich is associated the domestic

pig, hyooka. because of its snout .

Mbisyakaandzu (clawed animals) desi gnates those tnbisi which prey on othe.r vertebrates or insects, sometimes complementing their diet with plants. Carnivores such as the cheetah

(ngo, khooyi) and the civet (ndzima) are consid­

ered among those animals Ylith spotted hides (mbisyatona). The insectivorous giant Kivu shre\\'

(pfiveengi, Soricidae ), V..'hose bite is mortal for the rnts it

attacks, can be associ ated with this category. The uniparous anteate.r (ndziim ­

ba.J \Vith clawed front le g s and hoofed hind legs tunnels into the ground. All these predators are thought of as ornery and aggre ssive beasts ( mbiJ')'akhe­

menn). The fact that they cover their excrement al so gives them a negative reputation . Because of their individualism, diet, hide, nocturnal custom s. and abi l i ty to climb or strictly

dig, they i ncarnate modes of inverted life, and are thus

forbidden to any persons undergoing ritual phases of transition. They

symbolize \\l'ild spirits of the bush. By adding bits of pelt , a tooth or a claw· in his paraphernalia, the hunter seeks to turn hi s art of good luck into a battue or foray. In other

ds , a hunter is not a brutal kil ler of game, but should a\vait his chance; however, some m ay transform the ' art ' into a food-getting enterprise.

\\l or ·

77

The Cosmology of Ge nder Arrangements

2.3.2 Srna/1 manJmal:i are seen as products of the earth. T h ey are a prized food for women and ch i ldren., but prohibi ted for pregnant women,

nov ic es , and in i tiate s. The category of phuku compri s es the sm al l quadruped mammals (i ncludi n g rodents) of \vhom the maj ority are considered kaandzu, •'c) a\ved ."8 Since they do not live on the ground , the phuku repres e n t a confu ­ si on of the. c atego ri es of verti c al and horizontal space : they comprise bur­ ro,�·ing, arbore al , or amph ibious creature s (J\1uste/idae, as well as the water shre\"'t'.. Potamogalidae a nd the Kivu shre\v..

Soricidae), some of whom, the bats., are capable of fl yin g desp i te. the fact that they share no other characteris­ tics with birds . Like the weasel. the \\'ater shre\v lives in the water and on the

ground, and feeds its e l f at night on

fish or insects ; it is s ymbolically i n t e r­

ch ange able with the anteater. Rats and weasels arc kno \vn to l eave the forest in

order to steal foo
iate them with young \\'omen . The fact that they find she l ter themsel ves or ne s t their youn g in bu rrows .. cavit­ ies , ho 1 I O\\' trunks .. or betv; een the roots of tree s sug g e st s the pro c es s of gesta­ assoc

tion; because they may be force d to e.merge from a burrow by prodding it \\'i th a hand or stick or even with the he lp of a dog has made them a s i g n of miscar­ riage . Many of them are nocturnal , have a spotted skin (ph uktt-'atona j, and pass

for aggres s i ve creatures (phukwakhemenn j. These ch aracteristics mean that

are forbidden food to n ov ice. s and cult initiates; they may not pro­ nounce th e ir names or hear them spoken. The most promi nent attribute of the maj o ri ty of s pe c i e s in this group is \vi th­ out doubt their pre h en sil e tail, for it rep re sent s a di scon certi n g anom aly. This charac teri stic seem s to place them in the same family as serpent s ( nyoka., most phuku

"'creepers"), or even as fish

\V ithout

scales l i ke the catfish. The most striking

examples are the genet (mba/a), V.'hich sle.eps wit h its tail curled around a branch , and the arboreal p angol in ( khaka), \\'h ich do e s the same. But the pan­

gol in al so rolls itself in a b a l l to protect itself, and its upper si de is covered V.'ith sc.ales . The tai l of many of these animal s is cove.red Vv'ith fur whose ri nged pattern resembles certai n snakes, or \\'ith small scales (yiheyi), so meti me s cov­ ered with hairs . Ho\\'ever, it is not clear to me Vw'hy the tai l and the \\'hole of the dor sal portion, cal led n-kila

(whether for ph uku or mbisi captured in the hunt)., are meat reserved for wives. Again, if on e is to j udge from the oral lore and t h e rites, certain phuku supply a greater proporti on of food than mbi.vi. de spite the fact th at the former are not at all c ons ide re d a pri ze c.atch. The l ittle cul tural val ue that men assign to the meat of phuku is ev i denced by the fact that only women and c hi l dren hunt the.m . The meat of

mbisi i s a pre sti gious

and most invigorating food for men, and as su c h contrasts \\'ith the soft and fatty flesh of the ph uku; it is s i m i l arl y s u ppos ed that man .. strong and firm l i k� bone , is contrasted with woman., whose flesh is more tender (th i s comparis on involves a generalized c oncept u al homology bet\\7ee. n man versus woman and bone. versus flesh ) .

78

Chapter T�t-·o

2.3.3

Insects, as l·vel/ as the large category o.f worms, rnost rt�p­ tile�·� and a numhe r o.f aquatic animals are cons ide red innuJpicinu.s and unedi­ .

ble. The Yak a \\'i ll say of a foreign group considered inferior to themsel ves th at it eats sn

�e meat .

Wnen a serpent, even a nonvenomous variety, is en­

coun tere d or observed just after it has shed its skin \\'ithin the domestic area or

on t h e path, the event is understood to forecast an om i nous curse or a thre at

on

the ind ivi du al or on h is fam ily.

Aquatic animals are not prized food, and on l y the ca tfi sh has any symbo lic

sign ificance. lvdzoondzi (small fish \\'ith whiskers and dorsal fins), ngola ( e e ls) n-tsuka (catfish) , and n-kosu

(crustaceans)

,

are considered edible. Eels pass for

re l ati ves of the s e rp en t as th ey have no skeleton and lack a hard head� besides,

the eel l i ke catfish (ngaandz.i, leembwa) is able to move from \\'ater to land . -

Eels and catfish are prohib ite d anim als for p ers o ns in a state of initiatory transi­

tion. Like food collecting , fi shing is cons idered the prerogative of the women

and children who, accordin g to the season , might e mp loy a basket trap, dam the stream, or catch the fi sh bare-handed. B oys also uti lize imported hooks and

lines . The men mix the i c h tyoto x i c p lants in damned-up streams and use bo\\'S

and arro\\'s , as if in the hunt , to catch the s tupe fied fi sh .

2.3.4 Birds are

a

prized catch. The category of nuni. birds�

comp ri se s an imals with feathers (lusala) capable o f flight. S u bcategori e s

draw

in no exclusive way on particu lar p hysic al c onfigurations or behavior. Firs t ,

there is the categ ory of birds \Vith spo tted plumage (nunyatona ), including the

black partridge (khaanga) and the N umid i an guinea fov.'l (kheledi), \\'h os e dark

pl u mag e dotted \vith white evokes the. starry sky. S e c on cL there are the birds attractin g attention because of thei r red plu mag e (the ndu�tJa, a turaco ) or the

reddi sh tint of the tarsus and foot (the nguu1nbi. ng•vaadi, and yikK-·aaki par­ trid ge s ) ; similarly, th e grey parrot (khuj·u) is di s tinguished by its red tail feath­

ers and the fact that its

first

an d

fourth claws

are directed backward Both .

categories of birds are held to p ai r i ncom p atib l e colors-such as re d with

black, or black with Vv'hite-and are therefore prohibited to individuals in the throes of ritual transition. Third, there are the fo\vl that nest on the grou nd or on the water, or seek food in the v i llage : gui nea fo'W·l starlings (ngoongu) an d

ni gh th a\\ k s (kab"'·aahwa)-a noc turn al species -nest on the ground , and '

geese (yikoongi) ne st in rocky pl aces ; pi g eon s (yeetnbi) fee d in the village ;

wren s (yityeetya and tseetsyamaamba) confine them selves to the dense brush

bord eri ng marshes and streams . Fourth , there is the category of birds clas si fied accordi n g to their song or cry. The shriek of the waxv.,'ing ( thoyi_) in flight over the vil lage presages a sorcerous act, a dea th , or announces an animal caught in

a trap. The loud call of the turaco or of the crested hoopoe (mbudikhoku) may

be comp ared to the cack le of a hen. The cry of the h o neyb i rd (tseyi) s ignal s to the al ert hunter the presence of a snake. or ot her an im al Fifth, there .

are

the

79

The

Cosmology of Ge nder Arrangeme nts

Bec ause of the forward posit �o� of i �s eye� and the unique develbi rds of prey. . external ear, the owl sho\vs s• milanues w1th the caracal (ngaa.vi: en m t of its fybica). Though a nocturnal bird of prey, it is still classed \•.:ith its diurnal buzz ard (mbaandzya), African kite (mheenJbu). eagl e (yisyo). and c ousi ns: the the re now ne d vultures of the plains (ngosolu) and of the forests (mbaandzya 111bvtvooki). which are. \videly held to be subject to the sorcerer's (nunyabaloki) beCk and c al l .

felis

2.3.5 The fre e sta nding tree is an epito1ne of descent.

Plants are closely associated with man, as food, force� tool , material for fire or housing, and as a 'forest of symbols.' Plants may also symbolize complementary gender differences or the life cycle of a group by virtue of their ecological, morpholog­ ical, and cyclical characteristics. As they do for the ani mal kingdom, the Yaka e.m ploy several distinct registers for the c lassification of plants� in line. \\'ith people's use of them: hunting, collecting� agri culture construction of houses, � crafts , therapeutic and ritual practices, and so on. The density and layering of the fore.st vegetation obstruct a clear view of the treetops, make fruit gathering difficult, and re.nder agricultural production in the forest quite impossible. The se fac tors clearly influence the types of different registers brought into play. It may explain, for example, \\·hy the Yaka, in order to identify a plan� do not primarily examine its fonn or size but crush the leaf between their fingers and sniff it� odor, chew a piece of the \\'ood, scrape aw·ay the outer layer of the root, tear a piece of bark from the trunk, break a twig i n order to see the sap, or observe its fruit and the birds that feed on it. 1\'-ti is the generic tenn used to designate the ligneous plants (trees , bushes� arborescen t s, and their foliage) that grov.' upright and stand by themselves. It is thi s verti cality of n-ti \vhich assumes a cosmological dimension in relation to the hum an beings. The peak of the. tree (n-taandu, the ·'up high") is also indicated by the term kuzulu. -·in the sky,'� or by ha thnndan -ti� "in the top of the tree.'' The entire space covered by its umbrage constitutes the base of the tree : hatsi, •·on the ground,'' or tsytu�ndi n- ti, ''the ground surface under the tree.'� More specifi cal l y, n-ti refers to the central venical part of the plant (this may equally be the bore of a forest tree and the pseudo- trunk of species related to the palm or banana plants) , \1/'hether they be cro\\'ned \\'ith leafage or simply a section cut off and repl anted: the term can there.fore indicate a cutting of manioc (n -ti myan -toombu) as well as a shaft of the parasol tree (n-seenga) or of the Hlife tree of the village�' (n -saanda). A derivative of this word, n-tya bilo ongu, designates any curative plant. The term thus covers any element of a plant-bark, shoot, tv.'ig, root, or even fruit-that may be collected for thera­ peutic or symbolic designs. Sina denotes the foot of a plant. that is, the whole of the root and stem (or trunk) structure supporting it in a vertical position. The tenn is al so applied to any plant species, including grasses and herbs, thai

80

Chapter Two

fixes itself i n the groun d at a specific point.

Sodi, a name also given to rhi­

zomes , denotes the central root which , in co ntras t w ith the peripheral roots

called n-zeembu, is conside.red as the subterranean inverse of t h e stem or trunk.

The larger tree, because of its branching and its upright and freestanding

po sition , is an icon of the continuity of generations and descent. The side and branches to the ri ght are disti nct from those to the left, as agnatic descent dif­

fers from uterine fil iation . The foot

(sina)

designates di stant patril ineal an­

cestry-or even the ori gin of the li neage! order, and trad ition. The. summit

(kuzulu. n-taandu) points to the living descendants, and the branching-espe­ ciall y the left-hand side -refers to alli ance and uterine ki n. Any parts of the

tree which have fallen to earth- branche s, leaves, bark .. or fruit-and rot o n

th e ground represent the evi l that kinsmen may i nflict o n each other. To place a twig that has fallen from a tree onto the roof of an e lder's d\\'el ling is to accuse the elder or another inhabitant of a sorcerous plot . It is said that a yi­

balu� a dried leaf caught in the upper reaches of a tree , is sought after by sorcerers plotting an attack. In order to deny co-responsibility or the duty

to share �·ith another, for example, one pronounces the \vords yuzeeyi n-taanduku, HI can't imagine V.'hat relation at the treetop could link us.� ' The

tal l straight bore of some forest trees., l ike the denuded rachi s (lukaK'U) of the rotin palm, symbolizes hov.' much the vitality of a lineage rests on strong ties

between the succes sive generations that are able to overco me the ri sks of seg­ mentation c aused by succession or sorcerou s acts. Tree s Vlith a similarly erect appearance may symbol ize virility or domination in particular ritual contexts .

Certain of these trees in fact serve as ri dge poles (m-baangu, al so bearing a virile connotati on ) in the construction of the seclusion house. The statuette representing the yifiika

hathandan-ti, that is, the ��mother of the young circum­

ci sed initi ates perched in a tree ," is called by this very name and signifies as much. It is exhibited to the public during the dances \Vhich mark the close of the rite s of puberty. Certain fore st trees are inauspicious, namely those ••de ­ voured by l i ghtni ng"

(n-ti wadyandzasi), those in which birds of prey roost

()'ikuundinuni, �'where a lone bird sits"), or those �'\\'hose slippery trunk defy'· the climber (n-tyandelumuka). The parts of valleys that are cleared for mani oc gardens acquire a female quality. Ho\\'ever.. where the high forest giants abound, the vall ey denotes verticali ty and virility� in contrast to the flatness of the savannas.

2.3.6 Tangled vines and lianas symbolize liga tu re

a..r

tvell as

entanglement. 1V-zeembu designate s vines, lianas� or projecting root buttresses

that abound in humid forest as v.'ell as the peripheral s ubsurface roots of a l arge number of plants, whether ligneous or non li gneous. These l i anas usually exhibit a distinct foot

(sina) and a central root (sodi). Like t he plants that sup­ port them, the n-zeembu also point to the vertical dimen sion. During the rites

The Cosmology of Gender Arrangements

81 f

�n

i l investi ture. , a Iiana is looped around the ne\-..· ly i nstituted authoriti es po l i t ca order to affirm the bonds of solidarity and mu tual dependence that now l i nk together. Sometimes these v ines may be so heavy that they break loose

�andemfal

l back to earth; for thi s reason they may al so bear an am bi val en t v al ue .

opular exege.sis holds that the Iiana u sed in ceremonies of investiture or i n the P eve nt of a fami l y reunification may be transforme.d into a serpen t that stri kes or bite s an i mpo ster, that is, someone \Vho is ritu ally united to the fam i l y yet

later betrays it. On the. other hand., vin es ('n -z.een1buj that gro\v and thrive on the forest floor, perhaps after the tree to v.'hich they had been attache.d is cut down or has been pu lled down by their very weigh t , are cal l ed j�t-·aangi, liter­ al l y, 'lh at which rests on the ground.'' In certain ritual contexts tangle.d vine s

(n ·z ee m bu) may stand for i l lness, negative forces , or ensorccllment. The tan­ gle d vines are properly call ed m-bindu�'i. It might be added that the tendrils

(1naziingu) and thorn s (makoongi) of climbi ng flora ('Cucurbitaceae) bear a sign i fication equivalen t to that of n1 -bindusi.

2.3.7 The year circle, and rnen 's and tvo"len:� �1-·ork. j\fboungu

denotes offspring and othe.r form s of resourcefulness, such as the abundanc e of plants, crops� animal s9 and humans, as we l l as money. The empha'lis is on

abundance. not on needs . The association suggests a kind of conni vance or mutual solidarity bet\\l·een these various manife stations of fructi fication . Pod­ ded legumes ( a group i ncludin g beans and groundnuts , for example) serve to indicate fenility of the k i n rather than of a singular individual. Peanu ts are part

of family reunification rituals . In the same way, the preparation of a meal from

different agricult ural produce over the same fire is a major step in the fam i ly

rituals striving for the ferti l i ty of one of the. members.

Seasons and the months are named after changes in the ground vegetation

of the savannac; and v:oodlands, but not in reference to a numerical calendar of

moon phases . Several of the generic te.nns covering nonligneous fl ora the.rcfore indicate both the se ason and a seasonal characteri stic of the vegetation.

or

an

agricultural activ i ty. The seasonal calendar beg ins around the middl e or e nd of September, \\'ith the first rains ( mhvula zanwteti j: thi s is the period of the

1nutseeng'rva nguba, the utimc of the. hoc ;' that i s, for planting peanuts . At this

point the men rush to burn off the debri s from fields they have. c l eared in the

fore st; these mi ld rains al low the.m to better control the bru sh fires . The suffru ­

tex yiyeembi-a very lo\\' plant with a \\'oody base. and a herbaceous gro\v th above-is the first of the greens to appear on the plains which have been fi red

in anticipation of the m ajor game beat th i s is also the time at \Vhich the v.'omcn

collect te.nnites. The suffrutex and the savanna tennitary (yikuku) act as sym­ bols that mark the sec luded initiate 's return to l i fe.

In the months of Octobe r

and Novembe.r, during the ''season of germination and of ne\\' savanna vege ta­ tion" (m�vaanga ndeendi). the \\'Omen fi rst sow their fields. whic h also bear the

Chapter T�'o

82

name of thi s s e as on , binJMlaanga. and then later occupy them se lve s \\'ith fi sh­ ing an d honey-gatheri ng. J.'d tvaanga kubidi is the ' 'time at \\o'hich the savanna vegetat ion achieves

matu ri ty."'

Follo\a.,·ing the peanut harvest, the women c lean

the fields of \\'eeds, some of \vhich have thorns (designated by the gene ric terms tsaaka. kham u), before plantin g the manioc . Tied in a bun dle � these par­ ti cular \veeds

are

used as a tuft to splash \Vater for purifi cation (boondzu) i n

rituals of heal ing, mourning, and cleans ing . At this time the women may spend time gathering caterpi ll ars and mushrooms ; these latter are given the generic name luh "'·a . Acco rd ing to the Yaka, ce rtain spongy whitish mushrooms that tend to grow from decomposing

vegetation

evoke the flesh of a very we ak and

anemic person; they are p ro hibited food for the sick, initi ates , and nursing mothers . In March and Apri l, a period called yiso ki . "the time when plan t s produ c e seeds,'' heavy rai ns fl atten the higher gras se s (n-wanga, again a ge­ neric term) i n s uch a \\l·ay that the· narrow· paths (n -soku) that cross the plains are obstructed with matoom·ala, ' ;grasses w hich one cru shes beneath the fee t : � The men rarely hunt in the forest during this per iod of freq uent rains ; more ­ over, suppl ies of manioc flour

are

usu al ly in short supply and belts are tight­

ened. Kyangaanga, -'the short season in preparation of the longer," occurs in May and is a half- length dry season . The v.·omen may begi n to harvest the yams (the generi c term is yisadi) whi le the men once again take up game beats in the forest and tap the first palm 'Nine. Finally, the onset of the dry season , mbaangala, is announced by the tsoki,

" the

rains

Vv'hich

bury the seeds,'' and

by other e vents : some plants and trees flo\\l·er, certain birds appear in the vicin­ ity of h um an settlements, and some spe c ies of trees lose their leaves. The great game beat on the p lains may now take place . In preparation for the occ as ion , the Tsaamba l ando\\' ne rs deposit some manioc and palm \\'ine on the ancestral burial ground, while the patriarc hs and elders weed the fami lial bu ri al grounds. The firing of the savanna is then organized by zones . Once c loudy days return , the men begin to clear th e areas chosen for the new fields. From time to time game beats on the burnt plai ns and on the edges of the forest may be repeated. Hunting in the forest is made impracticable be cau se the dry u nderbrush of the forest betrays the hunter's presence , and on l y trapping can be c arried out Savann a and steppes stand to the fields as

men arc he

to motherho od , or men­

struation to gestation . Men strual periods convert the co nj ugal d\v elli ng into a ndzo tseki, literally. a hou se of the savanna. During th is peri od \\'omen of chi ldbearing age, as it is said , must sleep on the ground at the site of the dead­ ened hearth . It may be recalled that this is the same period in which the hus­ band forgoe s hunting and may not wield a knife. B l ood shed duri ng circumci s ion is sy mbolicall y as sociated \\l· ith the blood of defloration and men­ struation (one term , -ll1.'eeka, Hto make blood flow·," is used in all three in ­ stances ), and the suffrutex yiyeernbi. the first gre ene ry to emerge from the bl ackened grasslan ds , is ritually appl ied to the circumc i sed�s \\'Ound. If one

The Cosmology of Gender i\rran gements

83

. bes to invo ke the ominous signifi cance attac hed to these savanna bushes, i t a piece of the bark or root of this plant is cut off w ith a knife and ts ( -ku lula). [f, on the other hand, it is the me a ni ng of renascent l i fe which

x.piained. ��;�ed

�adesired.

the use of a

knife

is prohibited and a club is used to detach

woody base whi ch is c rus h e d in a mortar. ����embula) a piecene ofc othe llectively invade the feminine space of sav anna and In Ju l y. the m fi re to the. plains and organize a majo r beat: th i s i ntru sio n is steppes a nd set

is compared to menarche, men struation, and the new moon . inau sp icio us and The b l ackened brush which slowly return s to life is cal led n-tyambeetnbi�

·'shrub s s tricken by misfortune :· The term n1beembi, in the. various nuances of co mmon usage� indicate s v.'hat hampers fe-cundity or constitutes a threatening in trusi on of conju gal intim acy:� During th e day. women are alv.'ays involved in s ome productive manual work (cf. Roosens 1 965, 1 97 1 : 296--97 , for Central Kwaango) . During the thre e or

four hours i n the hottest part of the day, \\'hile sitting, they are. busy \'w'ith the children , husking cereal s, hu l li n g peanuts and beans, hair-styling .. making po t ­

tery, or preparing some khula paste for ointment . Their hand s fi nd re st ,-.,· ith the

gloom of the ni ght . Men are hunte-rs. They clear parts of the fore st to al l ov.' the

''�·omen to grow st apl e foods . l\1en gro\v maize . \\'omen cultivate both sweet

and bitter manioc or cassava, yams .. go u rds , and sesame. Peanuts are preferably

gro\\in on the sites of former v i l l ages , v.'here the plots are more easi ly protected

from goats. Once the hu sband has cleared the area marke d off for cultivation

of trees and bru sh, and burned it, the \'l·ife .. alone or with the aid of the maidens

in the househ old , is left \Vith the remaining ta sks of weeding- leaving stumps

and roots in plac e , sowing or plan ting the cuttings .. maintenance of the field,

field and the pool where manioc is steeped are both considered preemine.ntly fem ini ne spaces , and the ""·omen are. expect e d to defecate close to the entrances to their fie l d s .

and finally the. harve sting and conservation of se.ed. The

A woman de ve lop s a mother-child relationship with her fi eld and the cash

crops gro\\'n on

it,

particul arly the manioc and yam s who se suckers may be

considered vegetal offspring. She. s ho u ld nurture her m anioc patc h with almost

the same fervor she besto\\'S on her young children. Her movements in hoeing

are very similar to those of dan c ing : she advance s from spot to spot, each ti me m aking several stroke-s of the hoe \\'hile rotating in a semicircle. In the savanna and steppes, and depen d ing on the season, women and chil­

dren catch locusts , caterpillars , termite-s .. and cricket� , collect mushrooms , pick

fruits and edible leaves� and dig for certain tubers. They also trap rats and mice by destroying their holes with hoes . The boys set s nares for bi r s and c hase bat s.

d

d

There h as been little cash crop production in the. la�t decade, an the colonial

or mi s sionary incentive s for cattle herding failed because suc h acti vity proved irre.c on c i l able w ith the mi n d set of hunters. �1en b u i l the houses. The more

d

Chapter Tl�·o

me n ga in seniority� the more they adopt a positio n of rest. stability, that is., th e

less th ey move aro un d or use the i r hands for production. Th ey n o longer go

out hunti ng and re ly on j un i ors for c le a ri ng the fi elds. t\1ost men spen d half the

day ..generat ing thin g s \Vith V..'ords'' ( -yidika tnaambu), as they say� in meeti ngs�

cou nci ls ritu als, palm \�·ine parti e s, while some attendants are busy \\ ith \V ick ­ ,

'

er\vork and the c arv in g of to o l s Salaried \\lOrk is valued i n as muc h as it hpro­ .

du ce s ne\v resources" (-sala mboon.gu) for the group.

2.3.8 Some plants and animals blend the hnbitats ofl1-'ater, soil,

and heaven. \Vhen upri gh t green plants are fo u n d on the ground, they take o n an ambivalent or mediative value . The yiludi i s a vine., surface root, or bush

which has been fel led and barring a pat h , forces the traveler to s tep over i t . ,

The ritual speci ali s t may shoot a n arrov.' in t o the vine before c ol l ecti ng it f()r

ritual purposes . Other yiludi are incl uded in the cult obj ec ts laid across the

e nt \v i ne d legs of s p ou se s in order to seal their reunion after a per i od of initia­

tory s e par a t ion and abstinence . They also be long to the ritual paraphernal i a dep loyed in orde r to re i nforce that fortune which leads game an d h unter to

each o th er The n -/..."lveengi, a fragme n t of bark \Vorn smooth th ro ug h the rub­ .

bi ng action of t\\'0 branches s\vayed by the ,,.,.i nd, may replace the yiludi on

occ as i on Similarly, a branch \Vhich hangs dow n i nto the stream and has been .

ag i tated by the flow of water can be e mp loyed in mak i ng the ritual obj ec t used

to si gn al wel l-bein g to a troubl ed p erson It may be recalled that the di rection .

of a stre am 's flow give s a significative val ue to the \\'ater: do\�·nstream is the

locus of forgetting and of the di ssolution of evil An u prooted (n - tyakiinduka) .

or, a fortiori , a rotti ng tree or shrub (n -tya.fusa ) may s i gn i fy either an e v i l or

th at same evil turned ag a i nst itself self-destructively.

J\1akaya (sing. lukaya) is the generi c term for the fo l iage of p l ant s or livi n g ,

verdure.10 Bisaka den otes the tender part of leave s u sed in the prep arati on of

condi ment s, \vhile the harder stem and vei n struc tu re of the leaf is c al le d mati­ iti, ''plant refuse" ; bisakn c an also desi gnate a leaf freshly picked for use in

ritual , curative, or a l i men t ary preparations (e ac h of the se prepara t i on s also has

its O\\'n name ) In thi s context, t he esoteric term nzbakunumbakunu i n d i c ate s a .

series of plant s ub stan c e s consi dered as a whole an d made up of young shoots

of differe nt species of savan na and fo re st pl ants d eli bera t e l y p i cke d at different hei ghts . S uch an as so rt ment s i gn ifies the various means by which i ll n e ss , pain,

or sorcery may ove rt ake individuals, or th e multi ple ways in Vw'hic h calamity

may m anife s t itself. The n - tsumun i, an offshoot of a species of large forest tree

or of a tox ic p l ant, carri es a value equivalen t to that of tnbakunumbakunu wh en

it i s pulled ou t of the groun d with the root. Again , in si milar ritual contexts,

bimbong'»-·ala ( leaves w hich fall from the tree or \vhich are blo\v n into the air

by the \\'ind) or tsatsala (dried leaves fo u n d on the gro un d ) may bear the. same

The Cosmology of Gender Arrangements Other bearers of good fortune can be employed in like fas hion or . ni fi c ati on . �· g c onj unctio n w i t h the vegetal elements mentioned here; these in c l ude lu­ u nga (fl ots am coll ected by branc hes obstructing a stream ) , tsatsala za.\·ee n ­

:

floating upside- do\\'n on the \Vater� ly ing lazi l y on their backs )� g uka (_ le aves n gyatungya ( leaves or other matter caught i n a spi der \veb ) and phyangu

zaplwantbu � footprints at the crossing of pat hs: they may be represe.ntcd by

ru

�

ve getal refu se left at s uch places ). Th ere i s no specific term for non l i gneous flora as a group. Ho\\'ever, the conti nuously lush gre.enery of the fern s, mo sses , algae , and herbs that thrive in

the humid microclimate s of stre am beds and marshy \Voode d areas contrasts \Vith the cycli cal vegetati on of the plain s. Such gree n ery i s used to cover the

front of the novice and her or his major icons in healing cults . particul arly in

the khita. The signi fi cative value of the ve.rdure \\'om by the novice or of that \Vh ich goes into the m aking of the puri fi catory tuft employed in what is literal l y labe-led th e ••tuft for gaining weigh t'� (boondu dya \vutoolw) (see Devisch

1 979: 1 04) i s combined ,•.,.ith that of \Vater from the spri ng; the. verdure and flo\\'

reflect a return to l i fe of those \\'h o have been assoc iated \vith the dead, n amely wido\\'S , \Vi dowe.rs, and novices. Sap, resin , and latex exuded (budii1nbu) by plants disp lay an in side/out side dialectic. In order to signify the disappearance or ri ddance of an affl iction� the sick person is admini stered a preparation based on this vegetal liquid� in the form of an enema or by drops (nJ-m»-·eennva j in the eye s, ears, or nose . In order to i ndic ate rec overy or return to c on sciousness follo�'ing an epi leptic crisis� th i s potion is poured i nto the ear or on the individual�s cranium ; this symbol­ izes

a

restitution to the body of the ' 'foam " (fula j w hich has esc aped from the

l ips of the epileptic . In order to increase the c apacity of the potions to penetrate the whole body� they

are

mi xed with vegetal substance s giving off strong odors

(tsudi, fiimbu) that are supposed to traverse the various partitions of the organ ­ i sm. The individual undergoing this treatment should avoi d any fonn of contact \•lith plants that are off limits: he is forbidde n to pronounce the name of the plant or to consume any pithy or vi scous ( leendzi) fruit or any vegetable or squ ash to \\'hich oi l has been added or whi ch produce s a starchy liquid (/een­

dzi) during preparation. Customs of consumption� prohibition , and ri tual use introduce ye.t other classifications. A few in sects are considered delicacies : locusts� winged ter­

mites , larvae , and c aterpillars. The myriapods, arachnids� and some. true in­

sec t s -espec ially venomous specie s .. v.'asps� and dung beetles (kokotu)- are

of course not fit for cons umption . These insects are burned to ashes� so as to sign ify the destruction of the offen der and to form the ingredi ent /oombi of

ritual \\'eapons, that i s , ritual means of defense and attack . These ritual arm s also compri se substan ces \Vhich are ambivalent in nature and thus by them-

selves ab le to revert the evildoing agai nst the cu lprit hi m self. Such substance s are deri ved from amphi bians (toad s and frogs) and reptiles, \Vith the exceptio n

of the iguana

( tl·e engi)� 2.4

\Vh ich may be eaten .

Capturing and 'Cooking' llntamed Forces

Young manhood, cmeftaincy, the hunt. and sorcery sh are simi l ar utopian inten ­ tions of exp loring desire and harnessi ng mysterious forces beyond the rule s and conventions of vil l age l ife and mat rimony in the far off or unknown domains of the forest realm . These. domain s captivate men's and women!s fascination for v.'hat reaches beyond the order and lim its of their kno\vn and domesticated world , that is , for invisible and untamed forces and forms of be ing, for the m ys terio u s

re.sources of des i re or passion, and of sleep or dream . My informa­

tion mainly stems from men whose fasc inati on for thi s realm y ields a weal th of masculinist metaphors portray ing men essentially as predators in the realms of reproduc tion .. that is, of th e hunt and life transmiss ion . Converse ly, sorcery and healing depict men's fasc ination for v.'omen's generative capac ities in gesta­ tion and cooki ng . In other \vords, men's fascination for the untamed is predi­ cated on a spl i t between male and fe male gender. Men picture them se lves in the profuse ftov.' of folktales as en chanted wanderers and adventurous preda­ tors in the realms of forest and darkne ss . Me n's life in the diurnal vi llage real m stands to forest as c onfinement stands to the realm of desire and affl uent forces .

healer an d paramou11t ruler, like the hunter, seek detect, or coun teract untamed forces of the fo res t realm in view 2.4.1 The

harness.

to

of

empo\verin g the indi vidual, the group, and the l i fe-world. Initiation has led them to embody attributes of both virility and motherhood . On the one hand, they are an epitome of virility inasmuch as they engage in ritual acti vities that , each i n their o\vn w·a}'� reenact foundations of an ordered cosmos and group l ife . And on the other hand, it is said th at through thei r clairvoyance they reach beyond the bounds of cu stomary order and the norms of establi shed society in search of potenti ali ties of renewal and life-bearing. In hi s viri le function, the therap ist in the major healing cults-as I will s how below -acts

as

a demiurge an d trapper who considers the patient's body and

life-\vorl d as a hunting ground and a space over which he mu st gain dominion . The healer traps and tames th e v...'i ld nature o f the evil i n a way analogou s to the snaring of game . Hunting symboli sm offers the healer a method for de ­ tecting the di sease, catchin g it, and conveni ng i t into its opposite, that is, into something life-bearing . En sn aring the g ame moreover initiates in the an imal

a

process of ' c ooking in the foresf that dra\vs on its inner heat-the animal 's

decay being seen as a cooking. It is later completed by the cooking in the house done by the hu nter's \vi fe, so that the game can then release all of its vital force

87 .

The Cosmo logy of Gender Arrangements

the sh a ring of the meat in the family meal . In a similar \'lay., the therapist at n-appi ng the disease so as to domesticate and appropriate its vital force .

·�rns

usion leads the patient to identify her- or himself with the motions of cookel �� . .

ng and gest ation 1 Hu nters best ow on themselves the attributes of their most popular mode l , the azel le (yiphiti). In folktales and lei sured speech while sharing palm \V ine g or in the evening in the homestead, men prai se both the gazelle and the good gaze, \\'anderlust, and ardor (n - tsuuta), for the-ir desire or b u nter for their sharp greed (ndzala) and sexual lust (luht+·eetu), as \\'ell as for their light-hearted

� Ievemess (nduukn },

of the forest.

which enabl es them to penetrate i nto the remotest areas

Analogously., the hunter's and lover"s conduct inspires that of the.

therapist v.'hen he tries to outvlit the evi l( doer). For example , i t is essenti al for

the hunter never to step on the game 's i mprints . This is the reason w hy he

sy ste matical l y avoids al l places \\'here the v.'alking is easy. In the same way the therapis t approaches the v i l lage \vhere the treattnent will take place at sunrise�

unexpectedly and avoid ing the path s . One of the therapisfs main methods re­

sembles homeopathy : here he seeks primarily to outwit the evil by its own

rapacity rather than by sheer force, l i ke the trapper-hunter who seeks to play

on the animal 's greed in order to attract and catch it. The ski lled hunter-trapper can cunningly transform an area unfreq uented by game into a crossroads ; he

creates a source of attraction by urinating on the ground to eithe.r side of a trap or pit . Once the animal perceive s the smell of ammonia, it seeks out the p lace \\#·here it can lick away the uric acid crystals left by the urine. Odor and the

animal's gluttony thus make up the real trap. Likev.'ise, a hunter believes that a good catch will awaken his v..- i fe"s desire, and hence the meal with meat i s a prelude to conjugal union and l ife transmission . The chief is both a hunter and a nurturer. The realm of the. forest and, in particular, the productive processes associated with the termite mound, the

p alm tree (see

2.2. 1 ) , and

the hunt are important sources that provide the chief

Vr'ith paramount power and nurturing capacity. The chief i s portrayed as the

one V.'ho in his capac ity

of

hunter and culture-hero regenerates and nurture s

his group, and moreover, yet most i mportantly, as the one who seal s these roles v.ith his capacity for sovereign control over aggre ssion and sorcery. In this, he

appears as the virile instance bounding off his territory and land see n as a maternal domain from any noxious intrusion. The route that the newly en­

thron ed chief follows acros s his territory -literally, in order to "eat his tribute.,

( -dya

n-laambu)-defi.nes the boundaries of the territory and completes his

taki ng po ssession of it: the journey is a \vay of integratin g and enclosin g his te rri tory. In his body, regalia, and functions, the chief ties the \\#·hole territo ry up \\l'ith the "'primal maternal life source '' (ngoongu). To fully assume this con- . trol and nurturing function, the chief takes pos session of his sac red enc losure

(ndzo mala/a j and behaves

as the supreme predator v...·he.n eating of the product

88

Chapter T"'O

of the first collective beat organ ized i n his territory shortly follo\\'·ing his inve s­ titure. B efore that., he performs his dance v,rith the sword o f rulership \\'h ile

entering the enclosure as hunter- warrior: he thereby gives metaphoric expres­

sion to the alignment. beyond challenge, of chieftaincy, society, land . and cosmos. The sacred house is constructed for the chief alone at the outskirts of th e

village. at the back of his house. The structure resembles a small hut and its entrance faces the vi llage. Each of the chief's totems is represented i n the hut :

the leopard and the crocodile are depicted in one drawing set on a mound next

to a hole i n the ground V.'here the chief deposits the remains of the meat frotn the hunt . The rainbow is portrayed by a n-ngubanguba liana forming an arch

from one \Vall to the other along the roof. There is also a collection of ritu al

objects referring to the origins and hero-founders of the Yaka civil ization� the first couple evolving out of an androgynous t\vi n

figure,

the invention of fire�

h unting, smithery., and so on. According to ski lled informants. the chief�

ac­

companied by Kha Mandzengedi -literally ''his counselor in the affairs of the

night"-enters the house in the secret of t\\'i l ight . 4�s s uprem e predator� he

then consumes the raw meat of one of the greater antelope species caught in

the hunt, normally an adult female . It is also prescribed that he snatch morse l �

of the meat from the hands of his companion . The animal , it is said, stands in fact for the flesh of a human victim that should have been sacrificed in order to be stow the nev.' chief with the Hreign of the night'' that is, the power of and over both the maternal l i fe source and sorcery. The metaphoric cannibal ism is a substitute for royal incest. v...· hich is another form of extreme violati on of the

minimal boundaries that exist bern-·een consanguines . The act completes the

metamorphosis of the chief-to-be into the male ruler's absol ute dominion over the maternal domain and uterine life source . Then, keepi ng a stiff posture, and \\'ith the S\\'ord of rulership on his knees, he displays a stance of undisputed authority: un flinching, composed, and finn, he maintains order within the bounds of his territory. Data presented in a previous study (Devisch

1 988)

show that the relation between ru l er and people mirrors the one betv,'cen patri­ liny and matri l i ny, between v iri l i ty and motherhood : it is from the agnatic

founder that the ruler inherits his po\\'er to rule and use violence , \a.·hereas

the matrilineal landowners-the Tsaamba autochthon s- link him up \vith the

uterine life source fructify ing the soi l . In his double identity, the chief is the regent who oversees life tran smission .

2.4.2 Th e sorcerer and hunter explore an imaginal}' 'rVorld of

the nonsedentary and unsettling over against the familiarity �·ith the enfolding

village world and its surroundings.· they feed on a ftux of forces that emerge in drea� in fantasy. and the imagi nary. Folkta l es and dream-like or imagi nary

discourse s with respect to the remote nightly forest realm depict a world of

The Cosmology of Gender Arrange ments

S9

(b uloki, busingi ye buwandi)-almost like a fai ryland-v.,hic h evade s �0 n·strai nts and bring s togeth er in a play li ke manner an imal and man, ancestor . rcery

:d

the

-

li\: i n g . In t hi s wo rl d, animal s act as king and become witty compan ion s of

bunter;

they express the far-off utopia of collective fan tasie s h opes and ..

desires that are so much alive \\'ith

children. There

,

is an imaginary tran sp os i ­

e fusional and darkened realms of the fore st and the utopia of ti on bet wee n th

h ierarchy and role division d\v indle. These discourses materi­ the hom e w here

practices and rituals to assure the hunter�s good l uck vlhich a li ze i n an ti-so rcery bri ng th e. di urn al v i l l ag e realm of order and di sti n c tion face to face. with w hat is not s e den tary, Vv'ith a fonn of �extraterritoriality ' pregnant with \Vonder� sur­

prise, baffle.ment ,

excitemen t ,

fear.. i nstab i lity, or \Vildness . Thi s imagin ary

or­

der doe s not shov.' off but rather conceals the exi stence of a split i n to t\\'o opposed v,'orlds: the realm of sorcery and forest is not thoug h t of over ag ainst the vil l age realm as subversive� ' demonic, ' bu t as the lo c us of unsettled, vaga­ bond desires, interm ixture� and confusion. The collective im age s

regardi n g sorcery

ment, li ve liness , ebul lience.. forces

..

and h u n ting seek to captu re exc i te­

insights, and se nsibilitie s beyond the

bounds of diurnal v i l l age order, so to speak, i n vie\\. of energizi ng societas. Both s orcerer and hunter draw

on

the i r keen sen se of sme l l and mobility to

track do\\'n their prey in the dens i t y of the forest or the night. Folktal es dep ict fabu lous journeys of sorcerers and hunters \vho fraternize w ith ghosts and ani­

m al s, join sorcerous banquets , learn extraordi n ary ski lls, or receive. forces of c-lairvoyance and bil ocation fro m deceased kin sfolk \\l·hom

they

meet \\'ith at

the other side of the river in the remotest forests that lead to the ancestral underv.'orld. At least in folk

representations the image of the sorc ere r like that ,

of the hunter� depicts people 's longing for surpassing limits : in thi s they por­ ..

tray a popu lar, but

m uch utopian, version of

very

the

cu lture-hero, a utopi an

qu est for reaching ou t beyond mere c us tomary orde.r and for tapping unkno\vn potentialities and un t amed forces from zones of uncerta inty, amb i gu ity, and mixture . They shov.' how

much

the Yak a world order is neither fu lly caught up

in polar contraries nor traceable back o n l y to an inte rplay of contrary entities .

Though the imaginary locu s of sorcery has very much to do V.'ith hybridization� inversion, or re vers al it ,

nevertheless points

beyond pol ar division s or oppos i ­

tional eleme-nts. Col lective fantasies of sorcery do not primarly depi ct

a v.'orld

cofl'lnl unitas� but essential l y the im aginary c on stru c t is not so muc h an

turned up side do\\'n, a kind of drea med of \\l·orld turned in side out . Sorcery, as an

.,

instance of reve rs al of or offen se again st the diurnal an d known order of the \\'orld. Sorcery is not to be seen as the otherne ss fig ure d by mere i nversion and th ereby reduced into samene ss-a reduction , for example, that characterizes European fancy fairs since the Ren ai ssance . There is no hierarchy at play here

betvw'een upp er and lo wer bodi ly strata, but rather bet\\'een ins ide and bounded­ ness ,

on

the one hand, and ou t si de and openness, on the othe r Sorcery strive � .

Chapter T»'O

90

at a form of defam iliarization 'Nith the local customary world . It feeds on and

displays the forces of the night. And night is not only the inverse of

day :

it

exceeds day si nce night i s considered the source for the regeneration of the diurnal, and day is not born from an inversion of the night. In folk repre sen ta­ tions, sorcery expresses a longi ng for a basic source of v ital ity, empowermen t �

bafflement, desire , prior to distinctions and divi sions . Th i s quest i s not in

a

relationship of inversion to customary order, or of deficiency to the realm () f the day. Sorcery is the topos of movement, inc l usi on , intru sion, looseness , i r­

regularity, or mi xing, proper to affects, emotions, and motions, such as de sire � affinity, seduction, passion, c hance, aspiration, hunger, curiosity, avidity, ardor. It is as if, for the Yaka, the structure of the world, know ledge , classi fications�

and customary order do not keep all thi ngs in their bounds. The realm of sor­ cery, l i ke that of the hunt reaches beneath and beyond the compelli ng-patri­ arch al -order and obedience. The imaginary realm of sorcery does not entail a politi cal or moral izing di scourse that \\'ould claim that reality entails but

substantive contrariety in all natural , intellectual , and social phenomena. The

discourse on sorcery displays people �s fundamental resi stance to draw dow n

the richness of experi ence in the world to a categorical orderi ng in terms of opposition and hierarchy.

2.4.3 Men's fascination with 'cooking outdoors '

domesticates men:� violence.

celebrates and

Man , the hunter-predator, associates his acts of

ki lling game and tapping palm wine Ylith acts of cooking and feed i ng . They

metaphoricall y portray man's contribution to life transmission. (Thi s hunti n g symbolism di ffers from th e complex agri cu ltural metaphors that may inform

the erotico-sexual imagery of agricultural ists in the eastern part of the country, as we know of through Remotti

1 987 .)

The man hunts and harnesses the life forces in the forest realm. The palm

sap that he collects in a calabash hangi ng from the male inflorescence of the pal m tree (see

2.2. 1 )

is compared to game caught in a trap. B y be ing c aught,

both game and sap undergo a process of fermentation- man's method of tap­ ping the life forces in the fore st. They imply a similar process of cooking out­

doors by stirring up the inner heat or energy of the sap, or the ardors in the animal , and result in a highly valued cultural product for sharing and conviviality.

Smell make s for a basic connection

(see 4. 1 )

between the hunt and the use

of palm \Vine, on the one hand, and views regarding the contribution of geni tor and genitri x in the gestation and the tran sm i ssion of the flo""· of life and l i fe forc e to de scendants . Decay and flowering, fermentation and cooking evoke

the maternal realm, and they all inspire metaphors that disc lose something of the mysteriou s reciprocity betw·een the realms of forest and village , or between bride-gi vers and bride-takers . They are metaphors regarding maturation al pro-

The Cosmology of Gender Arrangements

91

in th e couple of genitri x and geni tor, in the mother-chi ld dya d, in the i on bet\\o·een kitchen and homestead, as bet\veen soc iety and cosmos . They

cesses re lat

are c ore metaphors 1. n cu It he aI1' ng . Fo lktale s and fragm e ntary discourses on sorcery express a simi lar masc uli­ ni

st fancy regarding forms of feeding and cooking .. beyond the village realm ·

induce. . They celebrate highly individualist and transgressive in­ th at men can li festyl e that e-scapes the dema nds of societas an d customary tenti o ns for a wor ld order. Phantasmagoric discourses on sorcery dep i c t hovY· sorcerer s reen­ ergize th e msel ves through abomination s in cannibal banqu ets and promi scuity

in the remo te forests and the darkness of the night. In these imag in ary realms of liberti ne predation, women figure as those v,rho are victi m ize d and surrender as pas sive mean s for sexual gratification an d tribute, or v,rho themselve s be ­ i come hig hly active, reach ng the l i mits of luxury, thereby disb a l anc in g the rule of sorcerou s exch ange. As such t the fantasies of sorcery g l orify men as pre da ­ tors, but the s pe ctac l e of inversion that the w·ome n undergo at sorcerou s ban­ q uets bri ngs to light the ambig uity in men's role as predators vis-a-vis women,s nurturing role for the community. In the actual divis ion of labor, men al so behave as predators� but contrary to the i deal ized picture, they are quite rarel y

able to provide the family with a good catch from the hunt, w·hereas \\·omen are responsib le for feeding the. family on a dai ly basi s and recycling the product of men's violence in the hunt into a means of nurturing. Men's imaginary fasc ina­ tion \'lith the realms of night and forest figure their unease \Vith the concretely

I will portray in the next chapter as the asym­ metrical relationship s between brid e-t ake rs and b ri de - givers , genitor and geni­

e xisting social order. vlith Vw'hat

trix . When bri dging Vw'orlds-that i s � in conjugal sexuality, in the hunt, on

a

journey, or more g e neral l y outdoors and outside formal cou ncils-a man's be ­ havior

should be

that of th e hunter : forceful , explorative, and witty. On the

contrary, the female space is depicted in pu bl ic and masculine discourse as one of confinement and containment in w hich the male may temporarily enter for meals, life-bearing, and sleep. \\'omen's cooking is to be. done in enclosure ,

ind oor s , out of sight and any talk� it is a basic and routine task at the very core of the communi ty 's reproduction . These maternal tasks

are

taken as se lf­

ev ident� and sp arsel y addressed in folktales, family u nions, and rituals. f\1en portray their ideal marriage partners as mothe.rs for "their" ch i ldren" as c lever and devoted nurturers i n the domestic realm but pleasing and self-contained in the publ i c domain . The imaginary realm beyond the customary order yiel d s a n image ry of

force s, and a scene and some empoY.'erment for the s y mbolic intetvleaving of th e real ms of body, group , and l i fe-world . Yet, these forces and s ymbols are prone to an i deolog i c a l ' use ' in the. hi ghl y masculinist pov-'er game .

3

The Social Formation of Life Transmission

At the center of Yaka soc ial space stands the reproductive family unit and its homestead . In v.ridening concentric \\'aves are the other kin in the domestic quarter and , across the local savanna area, the home steads of those with whon1 marriage has been or could be contracted. Infringement upon the boundari es of the homestead connotes ' 'intrusion, ass aul t rape'·

(yidyaata) i nto the m ater­

nal or commensal domai n : thi s is an even more ominous threat to feni l i t y and the physical health of the offspring than "the breaki ng of the social, viz. mari ta l rule"

( -hoonda tsiku). Marri age is seen as linking up various homesteads acros s

the savann a stretc h bet�·een the vill ages of bri de-givers and -takers, and the bride is 4t'the one \\'ho came along the path to the village'�

(K'eedi mutse/..:ya loongu, lveedi mundzila hata) to join the bridegroom and his homestead . Bride­ groom and bride , bride-takers and bride- giver s stand to one another as the do­ me s ticate d village realm (hata, litera l ly ' lhe weeded or cleared land") stands to the b us h (tseki) understood as source of renewal . Agnatic descent stands to uterine filiation as vi l lage realm with its founder and history of successive g e nerati on s and settl eme nts stand to the back-and-forward movements \\'hich lead the in-married woman "across the path to the village" from her paren tal home to the conjugal one, or to th e one of he.r maternal u nc le , grandunc le , and great-granduncle. Gender, doubly unilineal de scen t, and roles in the social hierarchy shape and express concepts of selfbood, and sort out appropri­ ate attributes and relati o ns with others. Uterine. filiation sustai ns the large de­ gree of autonomy that in-married women have and share with the V.'omen in the neighboring h aml ets . Marri age, parenthood, social roles, and life-cycle change s moreover modify the gender relations. The cosmology of gende r arrangements generates an d repli c ates basic gen­

dered values and views of the body. The ability to control and be in controt

that is, to stand erect. is a requirement and symbol of virility. Force and vital ity

(ngolu), erect s tance and e xc e llenc e (khoondzu)

are

highly prai se d qual ities of

virility. They are at stake in the speci alist roles that men m onopo lize in the

social hierarch y.. suc h as hu nte r, orator in the family council� jud ge, family head, political ti tl eh olde r. cu lt leader, and ritual specialist . Blood relations

The Social Formation of Life Transmission

93

th o ugh the m others channel the vi tal How ( n1ooyi) from the uterine life source throu o h th e successive generation s of mothers and their chi l dren . soc i al rel ations of gender and the gendered values and relation s of dom­

r�

help to con stitute the very fibers and fabric of experiences of self that pe rs on develops throughout his or her life . These relations and values help

. at io n 10

s, disposi tions, and bodi ly awareness, and they are experienced :o sshalf-pe vifeeling nt, and as such are not readi ly acce ssi ble to the subj ect's

as

e

e

rational

de

c on sc i ou sne-ss. Th ough cult heal ing is practiced at the edge of social space, it ties in \\'ith the we bs of agn atic descent and uterine filiation. It leads the patient to experi­

e nce aneYl the ingredients of gendered relations, but in an overtly matern al domai n .

3.1 Life- bearing and Nurturing in the Homestead Inhabited space takes the pattern of a series of successive ly larger conce.ntric

domain s. Thus name-giving introduces the nev,,r bom into the comm unity of home and vi l l age quarter. The rites of boyhood, by inducing the neYlly circum­

cised boys to anticipate the conditions of marri age, i ncite. them ' to cross the. neighboring savanna area as \Vitne ss to their circumci sion'"

n-khanda).

( bu beedi mut...ekya

It is with i n that same nearby area that later they wi l l seek m arriage

partners. Simi larly, domestic space is organized accordi ng to a concentric pat­

tern . The center is the meeting place for public palavers and counc i ls� and the houses face thi s center. Next, domestic space extends to neighboring com­

pounds, and it is further expanded by people�s movements back and forth to

the fields, the nearby river, and the savanna. Rivers and loc ations i n the savanna

be.ar proper names inasmuch as they constitute zone s of mutual aid. Finally,

the large river or the dark fore st at the outer frontier of the familiar region ., as well as the capital Kinshasa, are considered as antipodes to the village realm .

3.1 . 1 The hom.estead (ndzo)

is relatively autonomous and con ­

notes rest and equal sharing. Housemates understand that care and empoVw'­

erment is a shared task. No one \vorks for hi mself or herself alone. The

compound or homestead unites into a common dwe l l ing the elementary family comprising the hu sband (yakala), his wife

(n -kheetu)

or wive s. their ch i ldren

(sing. mwaana, gender undefined, often called "those who snuggle together�

n -leeki), and possibly the widov.,ed mother of one of the spouses. These coresi ­ dents are referred to a..4it

n-ziika,

literally. ''those \vho share one hearth .'� The

residence is viri-patrilocal as a general rule., but in the case of some di ssension

it may be either neolocal or avuncul ocal. The familial space is organize-d around the kindled he arth

(ziku)

in or in front of the ho me. Most houses are

94

Chapter Three

rectangular and quite small, 3

meters

\\'ide and 5 long,

v.rith o ne

or two room'\�

V.'alls and roof are made of sticks and are usually covered \\'ith p al m leaves and grass. To mark out the l i mit s of the co mpound , the hu sband \Viii S\Veep the courtyard in the morning or trace a circ l e. around the domestic space at the menace of an ap pro ac hin g thunderstorm. Having constructed or ren ovated a house, the newly'A'·ed hu sband b ri ngs to it his wi fe , "she who must live in a conjugal home" (fweeni kundzo). This house becomes the conj ugal home in rea l i t y v,rhen, as we sh al l see, the husband a ctual l y invests his V.'i fe with her rep roductive and do mes ti c functions. The spouses take exclusive pos se ssion of the c onjuga l space through sexua l commu n i on . As a protective shell for mother and nurseli n g, the home is th e very icon of motherho od . In and around the house, a mother holds her baby on her lap� c arrie s it on her hip or in a cloth on her back; she keeps it close to her in bed. She nurses the ch i ld on demand and comforts it when it cries. She \\'· il l hand it over to oth ers only for brief periods. M oth ers are very playful v.rith thei r nurs­ li ng s . Till Vr'eaning, the strong mother-chil d tie isolates the father. Life in the homestead is one of equal sharing . The sh ari ng of table and of bed, the endurin g int im ac y of phys i c a l and olfactory contact between husband and wife, parents and children elicits affection ate fello\v-feeling (yibuundl-t'a) a nd . literally. "a unity of heart' � (ntbuundwa mosi) and confidence : members of the famil y offer mutual comfort an d find protecti on in the familial dwelling at mealtime, around the hearth, and in the common sleep in g pla ce . The range of habitual and stable contacts in the home assures and supports the rec iproc a l identification of the fami l y membe.rs while at the same time forming a bound­ ary and a rampart that separate and protect the family. The maternal bod y and the family d we l li n g are one another's i c on : here parents and children retire and confide in each othe r, ab andonin g themsel ves to the com mu nity of life and to the shared quest for we ll- be i ng. In this way the home , and particularly it s as­ pects of c ommen sal ity and the shared s l eeping p l ace .. ac quire a vital complete­ n ess and an inviol able i ntegri ty similar to that of the moth er �s body. By offeri n g one another the image of all t akin g for themselves what comes from the com­ mon dish, eati ng creates toge thernes s \Vithin the family shelter. By its very nature , eat ing must be shared equally. Eating ci rc u ms cri bes a space of physic a l co-presence. In the eve ni ng parents and children sit c ro ss -leg ged on the ground in a s emicir cle around the pots of food . They, l iterally, ·�invite and give them ­ selves reciproc a l l y to sh ari ng the meal'' ( -diisasana), a te rm co mpos ed of the verb -dya (to eat) to which is added the c a us ative suffix -isa and th e suffix -ana, indicating reci proci ty. The act of sh aring a meal become s a mo de l and a norm for the di stribution of go ods produced by cultivation, hunting, or salaried \\'Ork (in Kinshasa) by the fami ly members . Prized or cooked food is by defini­ t ion required to be shared: the hunte.r \Vho eats his game al l alone \\'ould be suspect of ma l e ficent sorcery.

The Social Formation of Life Transmission m displays symmetrical reciprocity. Any form of competition corn ensality · e uality at mealtime is carefully avoided; such \\/·ould be the deed of a or n q er who feigns commensality in order to feed on the blood of his own so er . Through shari ng the meal, the commensals in fact serve as mirrors for ple ch other, that is, each person offers another the possibility to perceive or

� :

pe

��ntify himself or herself as a partner in the meal.

One co nseq uenc e of this

� rroring is that it is impossible to maintain a special diet for young children

rs on; such \vould mean excluding them from this basic form of or for a sick pefellow-feeling and the. vital protection of the family shell. Like the a dult s, chil­ dren eat the solid food of cassava, yams, vegetables and bits of meat. Although ,

it is unthink able that a child take its meals alone., children nonetheless experi­

ence a large margin of freedom concerning their mealtime behavior, the por­ tions they take, or their desire to be fed by their mother. Following weaning, mothers encourage the child to share food, to offer it to siblings and to accept food in return; adults will often praise a child \\'ho makes such gestures.

The ho mestead is a realm of interiority, and its bounds are like a veil of shame. Husband and wife, fathers and grown children demonstrate affection and physical intimacy on ly in the interior of this space. Contacts occurring within the home are protec ted by the veils of night and decency. In such con­ tacts, on e does not comment on what one sees. Family members almost do not

speak: to each other during the me.al or in bed, look at each other at mealtime,

or comment on what they see Y-'hile making love. This conjugal or familial

intimacy is of course protected from the gaze of any outsider. The integration of the wife in the conjugal home and the familial space grants her a certain autonomy, for the inviolability of the familial space reflects that of marital rights. The familial space is also the space that is trampled by the spouses and their children; members of a household may declare: thaambi tudyaatasann.

tnbaa}1JU tudiisasana, '•the tracts in \Vhich we \\'alk bring us together, and e.ating

\\'hat was prepared at the same hearth unites us." Here one lives in physica . l

intimacy, and here the children until pubescence spend the night snuggled close. to one another. \\'hen they e.xit the domestic shell and come into the public arena, diffidence requires that husband and v,rife, parents and grown

children keep their distance from one another unless role relations govern their staying together. In public, they will avoid speaking to each other or allo\\'ing

their eyes to meet. Such diffidence and restraint ( tsoni, n-kiindzi.J is especially

required of the young wife. It prevents turning the \\7ife into an object of anoth­

er"s desire in public, but it also constitutes an important norm of sex ua l appetite

(luh"»-·eetu) in

the conjugal home. Pubescent boys leave the parental home. and

seek housing \\'ith classificatory brothers of the same age group. The father '

may also construct a new d\\ elling belonging to him and bearing the name o{

kyoota.

The d\vellin g may late-r become a conjugal home (ndzo) in the event of

a second marriage.

Chapter Three

96

The conjugal and parental home (ndzo) is like a double or extension of the maternal body: it is an exclusive space. The focus is on the maternal shell and

its opening up in sexual communion and childbirth. Likewise, threshold, hearth, commensality, and conjugal bed all refer to life trdllsmission. Thus it is forbidden for the pregnant woman to pause erect on the threshold of the house

or to seat herself, legs crossed, in the doorn·ay or on the bed under penalty of

mi scarriage or a difficult birth. Intru sion on this familial space is perceived as a real encroachment, as is ex pressed by the terms yidyaata (the nominal form

of -dyaata, 'lo v,'alk over or trample on�') or n - l uta (nominal form of -/uta. ''to

pass over"). The arrival of a cowife or the fact that the husband inordinately favors one of the co\\·ives also constitute cases, literally, �'of encroachment the marriage"

( -dyaata

on

loongu). Anything that might violate family unity is

also seen as an intrusion: abusive commensality, grave insults or curses� and

especially extramarital or premarital sex, or even att itud es, gestures, jokes, and touch by a stranger which might be interpreted as an invitation to intercourse.

Such intrusions into the familial space, particularly should they occur shortly

after the conjugal home has been founded or when the \\'Oman is pregna nt nursing, tend to rupture the intimate wholeness of the family and constitu te

or an

attack on the shared corporeality of the members by exposing them to illness.

The intrusion may entail afflictions \•.:ith regard to the body and its orifices: the

spouse is "shut up" ( -biinda1na ), that is, incapable of conception, or runs the

risk of miscarriage. She or one of the small children might be fatally stricken with phalu, that is� vomiting, d ysentery, or menorrhagia . Husband and \Vife

may nonetheless prevent any such intrusion on the domestic space by avoiding both physical contact with nonkin (namely, by refusing to shake hands and by making sure that nonkin do not sit on the bed or step over the hearth or one of the fire-logs) and any allusions to extramarital sex; they might also offset the consequences of such offenses in advance by offering a hen or substitute to those under the threat. To show that they avoid intim ate contact ( -batika) \\rith one another and with any outsider to the house, the y may tie a loin-cloth be­ tween the legs (a dress called yibati) as a public sign of abstinence. It is pre­ scribed for the same reasons at moments of family disintegration. When death or a fatal injury in the hunt of one of the members leaves the domestic group open to disintegration, the survivors \vill \\'ear the yibati; additionally, the hearth fire \\'ill be quenched, the family members will remove any footwear, uncover their torsos, abstain from cooked meals, and ·'sleep on the bare earth"

( -niimba

hamaafu) or ulive in a closed place�'

(-kala kuyikaangu),

in other

v,'ords, forgo sexual relations. Such behavior, on the one hand , enables the members to avoid having to deny the disunity of the group, and�

on

the other�

prevents them from being overly distressed by the fatal accident or death of the other. Maternal space offers the great intimacy of the shell and yet hides a dimen-

The Social Fonnation of Life Transmission ..

. 00 of alienness. The status of the in-marrie.d \voman is ambivalent to the that she perpetuates the agnatic group of the husband and at the same repres ents the out-group. the alien, namely her group of origin. De­

��tent ;iroen

ng on \\'hether or n ot her matrimonial and I ife- beari ng function is empha­ pe di against her foreig nne ss , the \\-'Oman may either be p e rce ived sized ove.r posi tively. or negati vely. The hearth, bed, cooking pots, and reserves of grain are unambiguously po s i tiv e . The far side of the h ouse (m-fungubNandzo) and the refuse heap ("1-buu1nbwa n-totu) both to t h e edge of the village denote a

married woman's double belonging. The stillborn or t he deceased nurseling

(m\t,..anandzeelnha) is buried in next to the wall at the far outer side of the house , behind the. conj u ga l be.d, so that it may "·rapidly return to the maternal \a.,.omb. '

It is there. that the. shrine of healing cults of uterine origin is installed. It is at

the ambivalent ed ge of the vil lage that the initiand in the seclusion house goes throu gh the motions of gestation and ritual rebirth. Furthermore, in as muc h as

she is alien to the agnatic group of her hu s ban d , the in-married wife \vhose fertility is not yet inte. grated in the husband's household may evoke th e sphere

of encroachment, lite. rally, "·overstepping�'

( n-luta). E very thi ng

in her that

might be opposed to her domestic and life-bearing role in the service of the

husband's family can be charged \Vith a negative, he nce menac in g, significa­

tion for her people and for the husband in partic.ular; any such opposition is c onside red

as an encroachment, an irruption of the. forest or the sphere of sor­

cery into the familial space. It is a recurrent motif in folktales, for example.,

that v.'omen v.'ho refuse to share the conj ugal bed run the danger of becoming

barren or dysmenorrheic, by virtue of their supposed intercourse with forest

spirits . Similarly, this concept of Hoverstepping" is applied to adultery, men­

struation, misc arri age , barrenness, and rectal piles, the latter bei ng seen as mix­

ing di sch arge and menstruation, the anal and the genital .

De.filement destroys basic sociality: because it cuts off vital ties, it is close

to cursing . The spe cter of defi leme.nt evokes all that the individual must keep a\vay from, it is sai
or incest. Bodily stain links the fragility of the corporeal boundary to the fragil­ ity of social and cultural norms and limits. At the outer limits of the body, t he

individual-in particular at ch i ldbeari ng age-seems to control the bound­

aries of his or her social identity. It is not the absen ce of cleanliness or of health

which degrades, but that �'hich threatens the normalized order and divisions

regulated

by

the cultural norms that may be considered an abomination, an

object of disg u st and abje.ction (mbee"lbi, -bee"1bula ) . Defilement represents a virtual attack on the person's hea lth . \l'om iting, flatulence at mealtime, defeca­

tion in the house, genital scents or the odors of excrement while t aking a meal�

ej acu lation outside of coitus, and manual or oral exc itat io n of genital parts are

such acts of defilement: they cause consternation in that they evoke. particular

boundaries and a corporeal topography \v hil e negating them. This confusion is

Chapter Three

98

more a nom a l o us when it occu rs \\'ithin zones of transi t ion . To leave excrem ent at the entry way to a ho use or to c ommit an obscene act ( f or exam ple , for an adult to show his or her gen i ta ls or naked bac ks i de : -bolomana) in this space signifies an e-ruption of the social order by a fonnidable and chaos­ c aus ing assault on visi on (mbeembi). Such acts are in fact considered those either of a n insolent sorcerer or of an unbalanced individual, that is, someone \\'ho is en sorce l led or crazy. Erotic dreams augur evil (ndosyambeembi) in that they prefigure an encroachment or mixing of conjugal spaces; or they under­ score exogamy or incest p rohibiti ons in that men and \�·omen may use charms to free themselves from dreams where they are visi te d in bed by a clos e rela­ tive. If a family would fancy to share a meal outside of the domestic perimeter, in the forest for example, this \\'ould not onl y mean taking a s eriou s risk ""·ith re gard to thei r health, but wo uld al so connote an ac t that popu l ar imagination re l egat es to the sorcerous banquet s in forest darkness v.'here consanguin e s en­ gage in incest and consume raw human flesh. The symmetric joking relations ch aracterizing the rapport between grand­ parents and grandchildren are by contrast larg ely exempt from standards of sh ame and reveal the lively ex p re ssion of intimate familiarity. Such re lations are de-signated by the verb -n1olwsana, Hto en tice one another into joking and m aki ng advances:, VY''i thin the domestic environs, the grandfather may for ex­ ample apprise the at tractive body of the gnmdd aughter, particularly w hen she is retu rn ing from the ri ver or the fields. He may describe or touch, in playful fashion� the erogenous zones of the pu be scen t granddaughter : the chee k , neck, breasts, hips, or abdomen. The young grdll ddau ghter may steal food fr om the m ou th of the grandfather, or both may urinate or defe cat e side by s i de. The joking relationships that de velop be-tween gnmdson and grandm other are less intimate and transgressive, te m pe red as they are by their diffe ence of patriki n . Marked transitions in th e domestic space are paired \\'ith transitio nal mo­ ments in time. One does not, for example, prepare or e at meals at night , and one does n ot have interc ourse during the day. Sexual communion may not be practice d during moments which are clearly marked as transitional, such as ne'"' or full moon, m o uming t rites of passage, and the eve of a col lective hunt or trip into a fore ign land. Simi larly, the space reserved for food preparation, me als, and the conservation of prepared foods is strictly sep arated from that area reserved for sleep . Any allusion to sex is prohibite d during the preparation or eating of meals. Wh ile she is getti ng a meal ready, the married woman-at least the \Vife o f a man v,rith some prestige-must we ar •'clothing \�·hich keeps the breasts covere d" (n-ledya kaanga mayenu). lf a visitor joins the family� the women \vill reti re in order to avoid any allusion to sex du ring the meal. This ri gorou s demarcation betwee-n alimentary and sexual act i vit y implies that th e pro hib i tion of i ncest is thereby be i ng in scribed in the realm of bodily exchange� insofar as commensality is prevented from be coming an incite m ent to sexual all

the

r

The Social Formation of Life Transmission

nion. Nourishment manifestly carries a maternal signification, especially

other gives up her maternal and nutritional role in favor of the wife ��inhce the mthe moment the \vife first takes up residence in the conjugal home. f er son �

such delimitations equally encourage brothers to respect one. another s marital rights: in the absence or indisposition of his \vife, the husband may no longer . to forego meals rather than join his married brothers at a meal. He also prefers be forced to do the cooking, \vhich is strictly a feminine task. If he no longer has a mother or a cowife to prepare the evening meat he must content himself not need elaborate cooking (such as yams .. maize, or pea­ ,•.,.ith food that does outs) or that is imported one (rice� canned meat, or fish-which are no longer ava ilable) and \\'hich does not connote the. context of commensality. At times, the means of familial unity, in particular hearth and commensality,

are ritually rejuvenated. These rituals aid in rene\\'ing the transactional quali­ ties of the. boundaries, especially after periods of affliction. \\'hen a lineage group se.eks to purify itself of anything that might bring it misfortune, each homestead renews the bonds of its union with the local lineage group. A puri­ fication takes place a few days after a burial (see Devisch 1979:83,

119-20). It

is sometimes followed by a pov-'erful cleansing of the whole neighborhood called -kula hira, literally, •'chasing the specter of death and e.vil," namely, an individual feared for his prowess in sorcery or one having died follo\·ving a mysterious illness. It simultaneously aims at a cleansing of the sorcery in the group. The whole compound participates in a camivalesque night of misrule

during \vhich customary forms of language and priorities of status and value unde.rgo a se.ries of inversions. Licentious folly leads to the. interchange of gen­ der roles and to simulated combat in which the men .. brandishing domestic utensils, and the vY'omen, holding bows and arrows, fight each other. Gathering all over the village, men and women mix freely during these periods of deliber­ ate topsy-turvydom. Through dissonant singing, indecent contortions, and de­ risive imitation, some of the behavior of the deceased is mocked and thereby expelled. It is also the moment that scores are settled against neighbors. At the

first crow of the cock, husbands and \\'ives gather up the ashes of the fire put

out the preceding evening� in order to hget rid of the old fire" ( -lobula mbl1/aa­

"K-'akhulu ). They run in the direction of setting sun, beating the packet of ashes \\'ith a stick taken from the dismantled conjugal bed, until they reach a fork in the path outside the village. There they abandon the ashes and the stick. On their return, the patriarch ''rekindles the nevl fire"

( -koolala mb"'·aa�'apha­

an expression that connotes the man"s role in his partner's sexual arousal), em­ ploy ing ancestral instruments ( n-kaamba j transmitted in the agnatic line; it is then shared in each of the dome.stic hearths and thereafter e.xclusively reserved for the family's O\\'n use. The patriarch offers a morsel of meat cooked over the same fire to each adult member of the family. The men then go off together on a hunt. The sexual prohibition is not lifted until the termination of a success-

100

Chnpter Three

ful hunt, that is, when at least one animal has been killed; the p roduct of the

hunt, destined for a communal meal� is in fact held to justify "the rekindling of the fire;' according to the expression -saklvasa "lbK-·aa"'-'U.

3.1.2 L{fe-bearing, nurturing, intimnte fondling, the gro1vth

oj

food, and cooking are basic tasks in the female space. Motherh ood and the caring for offspring and husband in the latte-r's residential group assign the in­ married \\'Omen an ambigous status and confine them to their kitchens-in the front

part of the conjugal

home or in an abandoned house in the compound­

or to the transitional zones of the paths bet\veen homestead and fields or be­ t\\'een the conjugal home and the parental one. In order to perform her domes­ tic chores in the service of her husband"s community, the \\'·oman p roc e eds to the periphery of the village where she dries the sodden manioc or other food­

stuffs, to the edge of the dwelling area where her mortar for manioc is kep�

and finally to the front or inside of the hut v.'here she prepares the manioc paste and cooks it over the fire. It is in the shade of the d\�·elling, to the side or back

of the conjugal home that one observes the potter at work and other v.'omen at rest or busy coiffing each other's hair. The physical act of birth-giving is so­

cially unmarked, relegating the parturient to the margins of society. 1 One cus­ tom requires that the woman in labor remove herself to the outskirts of the village. During delivery she must be undressed and seated on the ground, sup­ ported by another woman, for the newborn is expected to emer. ge in an almost upright position. The afterbirth is to buried near the roots of the n-saanda w·e­ tree in the compound planted there to connect the eldest brdllch of the lineage groups in the settlement \\''ith the life force originating from their founding ancestor. Some parturients \Vithdraw to the conjugal home and seat themselves at the extinguished hearth. There is no talk of a distinct midwife role, for the assistance brought by some elder ly V.'omen to the one in labor does not entail a privileged status. Activities, utensils, and tools are part of this gender-related topology. The mortar, the. fish trap, the carrying bac;ket strapped to the back, the cooking pot, and kitchen utensils all signify at least the woman's domestic role, if not her reproductive one. In cenain ritual contexts, the pestle and the fire-log in the hearth display an overt masculine significance, \\�·bile the carrying basket-an overt symbol of the v.'omb-and in particular the fireplace, V.'ith its coals and ashes, like the be� denote the inviolability of the conjugal home and union. Men . avoid mixing with the women while they \\'ork and V.'ou ld belittle them­ selves if they handled their uten . sils. Moreover, there are probably no chores Ylhich \\'·ould mobilize both men and \�'omen or \\'·hich could be performed by either gender indifferently, apart from several tasks related to basic provisions. Even here differentiation is attempted: a man v.'ould rather drav.' \Vater with a demijohn than \\l'ith an earthenware jar, which is reserved for the woman'!s use;

The Social Formation of Life Transmission

10"1

band gathers and cuts logs for the hearth while the. \vife gathers dead

the hus wood.

3.2 1\'larriage as a Transfer "Along the Path to the \'illage" ng a �arri age is spoken of in terms of a repeated journey of the brideContracti m with goods and valuables to the house of the. bride, and of her passage roo s soc iated \"iith abundant fecundity, "as along the p ath to the village." She is a

�

the one \\l i th breasts replete \Vith grease and a \\'omb with offspring'� (1naasi Through their many cross i ngs of the sa­ kuthul u, kuvun1u kaandn dyabaatu).

va nna area bet ween their respecti ve house.h olds, bridegroom and bride seem to O tune their life-bearin g capacities to each other. ne commonly refers to marital

alliance in terms of ''the marriage path acro ss the savanna to the village.;� namely, of a passage leading the bride to the marital home. Any form of casual sex,

as well as menarche" menstruation, and delivery are all thought to take

place in the savanna near the village or at the edge of village space. It is there that the seclusion house for healing is built, and it is the site for the circumci­ sion camps . The passing of the bride\vealth from the groom's hou sehold to the bride's socializes conjugal sexuality or introduces it into the social realm and center of the homestead. The typical expressions ,..,·ith regard to w·edding used in the palavers, orac le-s, and rites all refer essentially to the follow·ing notion:

tsiidiza m undz o nongonu, bapheka mayenu nJaloongu� ,.I have paid the bride­

\Vealth to the house of so-and-so, so that they \\ ould return me breasts to '

marry.'' The Yaka strictly regulate access to marriage and to the transmission

of life, as v.'ell as rights over progeny, through a system of reciprocal obliga­

tions and rights bet\veen households . This handing over of goods validates and makes public the surrender of the bride, called -kweela loongu, and the consti­

tution of the couple. A full matrimonial alliance sealing together the lineages

of the marr ied couple \\'ill not be ach ie ved, ho\\'ever, until after the birth of several children in good health.

The various transactions and w·edding ceremonies prefigure and socialize

life transmission ...�ccording to the themes in songs at circumcision or at \\'ed­

ding dances .. crossing the path in the in-between savanna by bride and groom acts as an antic ipation and figuration o f marital intercourse and reproduction, both human and agricultural ..-\ccording . to circumcision songs, certain \voodcd

and humid strips in the savanna di splay a genital connotation; it is there that the maternal uncle collects the bouquet of plants \Vhich he. hands over to his sister's pubescent or ne\-..·ly\\'ed daughter.

The choice of a spouse is subject to certain restrictions. The Yaka, how·ever,

do not hold to a preferential primary m arriage. Normally, alliances are struck \Vithin the confines of the same yikoolu. a region specified by the ability to make contact in less than one. day"s march . Approval of the choice of a spouse

102

Chapter Three

falls to those \\'ho

are

responsible for the patrikin. The elders in both the boy\

and the girl's patrikin take into account the social origin of the spouse as \Veil

as his or her individual qualities. Criteria indicating that a girl \\'ill make

a

good \vife include good health, signs of fertility including a well-developed body, particularly the breasts and pelvis, a brovlnish shade of skin color, defer­

ential speech, lightheanedness, and diffidence with regard to men. The boy should display a sense of respect to\vards the elders, vigor, endurance., ingenio­

sity, and an art with \\lords . 1\vo types of prohibitions further limit the choice of a marriage partner. First, there is the rule of exogamy that forbids marri a g e

\vith a partner of the same patrikin or Ylith an agnatic descendant of one's matrilateral grandmother and great-grandmother; spouses v.'ho might be assim­ ilated to the mother, such as a co-spouse to the mother or the widow of an elder brother, are also strictly prohibited. Secon� alliances are forbidden V.'here

a

marriage bet\\'een members may have been cursed by an ascendant Vw'ho had

been the victim of an unfortunate or tragic alliance. In the collective imagina­

tion� these prohibited families are associated with the dark forestland to the north , that is, a nocturnal zone.

The practice of restricted customary polygyny is governed by the same rules

concerning the choice of a spouse for a primary marri age . While the more

extensive customary polygyny involving more than tv.'o or three \\'ives is the privilege of p aramount rulers alone, petty polygyny these days is less \Videly practiced than it has been (Ngondo

1982).

A man of an average age of thirty­

five years may take a young woman as a second wife to increa�e his progeny

and access to the products of female labor. Nevertheless._ polygynous marri age

does not i mp ly the monopoly of spouses by elders at the expense of the

younger men, because of the differences in age at the time of marri age. A

young woman may in fact marry soon afte.r menarche, at about the age of six­ teen years, v.rhile a man gets married not earlier than the age of tv.'enty-three.

At the death of the husband, the youngest of the co-spouses is quite often still of childbearing age and a junior brother of the deceased may

inherit her as a

marriage partner. Marriage tends to be delayed among those who have settled in Kinshasa or

in the administrative centers of the Kwaango region. In these areas , a woman marri es at the age of t\\lenty to twenty-five., a man in his late twenties. Wnile

in the 1970s many men in these same milieux hoped to acquire two wives, and that \\'ithout too great an interval, or cohabited with more than one woman� steadily \vorsening economic conditions in the 1 980s-Vw'hich seemingly do

not affect the birth rate-as ""·ell as the threat of

AIDS have put a damper on

these virile aspirations. Nowadays city dwellers tend to exert their seductive t alents and sexual prowess far less than previously: unlike in the 1970s, bars

and dance halls are no longer the heart of popular life in the suburbs. Among

the adult generation, there is at present a greater and greater tendency to place

]03

The Social Formation of Life Transmission

ce on the education parents can offer their chil dren , ofte.n at great importan it is no lon ger acceptable for a fa ther to fl au nt his involve me nt in sacrifice; a '• econd of fice ,' ' a euphemism Vlidely used in Kinsh as a for an extramarital s companio n. Yaka youngsters find it increasingly difficult to produce the bride­

,,.,.ealth, and in a gro\\'in g number of cases ( on e household on ten, perhaps) the moth er�s se rial cohabitation \\'ith the several genitors of her children adds to

their economic vulnerability. The marriage process gener ally takes shape in the following ,-..,·ay. The young man in forms his father or the household chief of his intent ions to marry and thereby finds ou t if the latter h ave a lread y selected a spouse for him. It is in

fact rather rare th at a father \\'ould have arran ged a marriage fo r a son who has

been abse nt from his rural ho me in order to study in school or engage in p aid labor. Ho\\'ever� even if he has n ot chosen a marriage partner for his son� the

father reserves himself the right to eventually veto his son's ov.'n choice. Having consulted the fath er or household chief. th e young man pays a visit to the vil­

lage ,-..,·here the girl of his choice lives. He offers, through intermedi arie s some �

palm \Vine and cola nuts to the chief of the girrs household. This ste p is under­

stood by those invo lve.d as a request for marriage. The f oll owing day t he house­

hold chief advises the su itor to return with palm v.'ine , thereby signalin g that

he is not opposed to negotiations. The chief then consults \Vith the mother of the girl. The favorable attitude of the chief does not yet constitute a commit­

ment� however, and a negative ansYler for the young man on his return wo uld not require compensation. On the occasion of the second visit, the young man will also go to greet the girl 's mother. The mother \\'ill indica t e her O\\'n

agreement to the proposal by declaring: •'Go and see the girl y ou rsel f.�' This

t i me the suitor offers the girl a small plate ( Ioong a) and a cup ( ktnva). These presents are called yizaayidila, i'a thing

\\' hich

invites reflection." Popular com­

mentary in fact conveys the same meaning th rough a homonymous ass ociatio n

of tenns: loonga kadiloonga, ka-.,va ka�t,.a, ''the pl ate, in order that she advise hers . elf, and the cup, in order that she listen.''2

In o rder to shov; her readiness for marriage, the girl takes an initial step towards commensality by prepari n g that evening a first meal of meat for the

young man. It is the mot her, ho\\'ever, who prese-nts it to him. The suitor is expected to set aside a portion of the meat. which he will take back to his

father �'in order to break the n e ws to him.'' Accompanie d by a younger si ster�

the girl ""·ill sp end the evening in the house that has been made available to the

young man . The couple is then together for part of the nig ht. Nevertheless, if

the girl is alre ady pregnant \�.t·hen the bridewealth is to be paid, her uncle will dem and a khoomb�t-·atsiku, '"a goat for the interdiction." As \'/·e shall see , this

go at and other valuables are inte nde d to compensate for the ill that offe.nding

the rule against premarital pregnanc.y may have caused the girl or her clo se

family. The sui tor and young girl wi ll t ake turns visiting each other, resi ding

104

Chapter Three

each time for several weeks in the compound of the future partner. They

are

gradually intn1duced into the domestic space. and the familial environment of one another by taking part in agricultural or household chores. These visits

pennit the couple to "explore and anticipate maritallife" ( -laanga loongu ). 1 f now the girl's family fails to propose a date when the bridewealth is to be

handed over or makes unrealistic demands \•lith regard to its amountt it is be­ cause they \Vish to break the engagement. In this case there is no compens ation for exchanged services and goods. However, at this point, if the patriarch agrees on the bride\vealth, neither the refusal of the girl nor that of her mother will necessarily pose an obstacle to the marriage. The bride\vealth has a triple function, according to common exegesis. First, it makes official �'the news of the alliance�' (n-.5amM-'a n1ak��·eela); second� it constitutes a ''value of exchange" (ndziimbu) in that it has a compensatory function; and finally, it legitimates the couple's participation in the transmis.. sion of life. Giving birth,

-

vtveela

,

is a reproduction of "stock, goods"

(-\-·tva).

The \\'hole of the local community celebrates and is associated \vith the fami­ lies as witness to the payment of the most significant part of the matrimonial goods. Particularly the women will join in the collective dancing, in the eve­ nings, to celebrate the wedding. The different moves toYlards the alliance \Vit­

ness to the rappon husband and \•.tife \\'ill have. Their union is a weave of life

transmission and not a 'writing together of a common life-scriptt' for all essen­ tial communication between the partners regarding the children's and their O\vn destiny passes through the husband's mother� the \'life's brother-that is, the maternal uncle of the children-and, later, through the grown oldest son. (a) First, the payment of the bride\vealth is an all-important procedure which makes the alliance official and acts as a major Yledding ceremony. The t\\'O families meet together in the village of the girl. As the formula designating this practice, n-samwa mata, expresses it,

..gunshots announce the nev.'s to the

surrounding areas.�' All the elders gather during the morning and the goods to be handed over are placed in the center of the congregation. The bridegroom is seated apart from the assembly, ho\vever. He is careful to avoid any behavior or dress which might be considered ostentatious.ln contrast, the place of honor 'Nhich the bride occupies . in the assembly suggests that it is through the 'Noman that new bonds are \\'oven between the family groups. The bride is dressed in the beautiful attire that she has received shortly before from the groom as part of the bride.wealth. For most V.'omen in rural Kwaango, these articles \\'ill prob­ ably be the finest that they will ever own: \\'ig, kerchief, a luxurious blouse and pagne, underclothing, shoes, and perhaps sunglasses. The bride takes her place next to a classificatory brother \Vho will later be an uncle to her children. The spouses \\'ill not approach each other, as decency {tsoni) prohibits them from displaying any form of conjugal intimacy outside the home. The household chief or one of the groom's fathers then speaks. He first identifies the nc\\'

The Social Formation of Life Transmission

t05

�

�

�

an by sit a?n g him in the genealog cal li ne, e ither by patri ineal d�scent husb d . . _ r matri lin eal fihat1on. The speaker dec hne s (-sa sa) the groom s t den t t ty : h e 0

different grades the groom ha-; achieved or honors that have been nt n e io s the J11ttfibuted to him, and notes any other important events in his life.� Next, he ry of the relations the groom's household or patril i ne has had aces the histo of the bride. Finallyt he expresse. s \\'ishe s for cordial rel atio ns wi th the. fami ly bet\v e en the families and for the fertil ity of the new coup le to the. benefit of the. home an d the \\'hole lineage. The discourse is applauded by the assembly. The

�

girl ·s patriarch o r one of her fathers in turn give s a simil ar speech . This oral xchange constitutes �'a formal announce ment of the alliance" (n-samu

;

"'akr.,eela ).

(b) Second, the actual tran sfer of the bride\vealth i s des ignated by the expression -kweellJ biinuJ or -k�t-·eela ndziirnbu, •'to p air off the goods ,'' in order

'1o we d the \•li fe, (-loveela n-kheetu). The goods are both an antici pation of and compensation for the bride's fertility and \\'ork, expre.ssed as -fiika ndzi­

;1nbu, '•to furnish plenty of goods and valuables.',4 Today� as in earlier ti mes,

besides some commercial items� most goods are

like salt and gunpow·der, w·hosc

p robably dates back

to

rare or highly valued ones� compensatory value with regard to human life

the slave trade across the Angolese boarder. There are

moreover dyed cloth (matona), white woven fabric

(marecani), rifles� demi­ johns, cutlasses machetes, large basins , large pots, and a goat or its equivalent in cash. A part of the cloth goods offered may come from the house of the groom's father, w here they v..·ere kept in a packing-case; the bride's father may transfer them l ater to another househol d on the occ asion of the marriage of a ,

son.5 Durin g the transfe.r of the marital goodst the w·hole of the audience act� as witness, and each of the gifts is closely exami ned by a third party. Ad di tio nal

goods m ay be claimed (hiloo1nbi) by the famil y of the bride i f they find the

preceding gifts insuffic ient. Judging from ordcles and cases brought before the

counc il of e lders, the require.d goods are often not surrendered quickly but become the pretext for much haggling as each party seeks to main tain the up­

per hand in these rela t io ns of dependence. Thus, \�·hen the young husband has

finally

offered the l ast of the required goods, the father of the �'ife can no

longer claim any services from the s on-in-la\\7• One of the parties may go so

far as to invoke the nonpayment of the required goods in order

to

demand or

refuse a divorce, or to pl ace the b lame on the partner for i nferti l ity or the de ath of a child. (c) Finally.. the bridewealth places strong e.xpe.ctations of motherhood upon

the bride in

a continu i ty

\vith her mother, mother's mother, and mother's moth­

e r's mother vY'ho conne cts the bride with the uterine. source of li fe . The.refore� certain

goods,

called di"'u.. of the

bride\-..·ealth compensate

in advance the uter­

ine forebears for the offspri ng to be born ou t of the bride. In other \\'ords, the hu sband �s kin do not only 'pay' for the bride'! but a l so - a nd anticipatively-

Chapte r Three

1 06

for the children that w i ll be born out of her con nectedness v,rith the uterine

to the one who gave hinh to the young w ife. The bride 's mother receive s the yidiimhu kyangudya nnt)u n a,

source of life. An in itial portion of these goods is due

literally� a mark that she is the bride's mother; it usually consists of t wo

or

three colored pagnes and several household utensi ls. A second part of the dil,vu

I

including a sow and a she-goat, both pregnant, as

well as enough colored cl o th to make six to ten pagnes , go to the bride's maternal uncle �·ho in turn gjves one or two of the pagn es to both his u ncle and granduncle. A popul ar lo c al tradition demands that the primary unc le then mime, to the great amuse me nt of the audience, the labors of

a woman giving birth. When the bri de 's mother

also joins in the mimicry, she is given the remainder of her yidiimbu k_vang u­

dyannvana. Finally, in order to seal the al liance, the t�·o parties share the pal m vtine offered by the groom 's jun ior brothers . The transiti on to permanent

co ­

habitation only takes place a few V.'eeks later, when the elders are satisfied that they have received most of the bride\vealth . There i s no actual transfer of bridewealth for a marri age by inheritance, that is when

a widow i s inheri ted as a spouse by a j unior brother of the decea�ed

husband., or vY'hen a widov,rer's untimely deceased wife is replaced by the l at ­ ter"s junior s i ster. Chi ldren born t o these latter types o f union are i n fact depen­ dent on the group guardians w ho original ly offered the bridewealth. One therefore distinguishes bet�·een the

gen itor (taata meenga, "father by blood'�) and the pater (taata ndziimbu, ' 1ather by payment of the bridewealth"). I

3.3 The Reproductive Cell Begetting and rai sing up children are i nseparable from marital status and alli ­ ance, and v ice versa: these tasks must be �·oven into the exi sting social fabri c .

In prac tice a� i n speech, motherhood is far more val ued than th e v.ife 's eco­ nomic productive functi on . The difference in va lues here is even more evident \\/hen the spouses live apart (in bil ocal residence), as in certain secondary mamages. Marriage is consummated by the partners ' sharing of

a meal and, literally.

by thei r "intertwinement"' in the reproductive act, both of V.'hich he lp to mark off the bounds of the conj ugal home within the web of the larger househol d and lineage quarter. In anticipation of their cohabitation, that is, of their consti­ tuting

a ne�· hearth in the existing homes tead or domestic body., the bride­ groom offers a hen to the household chi ef or the patriarch as well as to the bride. The chief wi l l have the meat prepared over the fire and distributed to the different houses v.'hich share the same fire. The bride does the same for her coinitiates if she is a cult i nitiate . Each of the coin itiates turn s over the hen to her own mother's brother. In return, the l atter offers bouquets of plants for a

The Social Formation of Life Transmission

to7

arm v agin al or cold anal ri n se (a prac t ice described belo\v, 4.2.2). The se ke w 1�fts elicit the community 's recogni tio n of the passage to conj ugal l ife . gt The tran sfer of the bride that follows, from her pare n tal home to the conj u gal e i a sy mbol i c rebi rth. The bride �s father or li neage chief shows the young on � s the door of her p arent al home and command s her mother to ''take ,voman to t th marriage" (-fila kuloongu). On th e same day her father counsels her her o e w s e c lude herself in the parent al home hthree day s (yitatu)-in fact till the nex t morn ing-before joining her husband. He strengt h e n s her by offering a "

-'hen to conduct he.r out of the parenta l home' ' (khoku ban- loblvelele kundz ­

aawu). \\'hen she comes out from th e parent al shell, th e father o f the bride then

in strUc ts her in the rights that her status as w i fe confers on her: specifically� her right to the game her husband b ring s home from the hunt, as an incentive. to

sharing me al s and the conj ug al bed . He ad vi se s her to apply herse lf to house­

hold work and disp lay an attitude of su b m i ssion to\vard her hu s ban d and

mother-in-l aw. He spits on her front and authorizes her ''to leave from bet\\'een

his legs'' ( -Jobula mun1aalu mayaandi ). This p h rase e.choes the name- g i v i n g

ceremony follo\�·i ng birth (as we. v.'ill see next) as \V ell as the emanc ipatio n

from the therapeutic re lati o nshi p (see 7 .2 ) . The bride 's d eparture from the pa­

re n t a l home is c a l led -to/ula n- loo1nbu, "to break or divide the loin s"-of ei­ ther father or mother," almost like bre akin g an off- sh oo t or tv.rig from the ' tree­

like ' parental body ; n -loombu bei n g th e term for the lo\�·er body and its vital flow v,rhich

are

compared to the tree trunk and its rising sap .

The task of introduc ing the young \Vife into her nurturing role falls to her

mothe r For this, the mother v.·ill have taken care to put together some stoc k s .

of drie d meat, manioc flour, and pean ut and com seed so th at the bride can be

''sent away \\ri.th a full bas ke t (- loon gala n-yendi). Further, her mother or u n c l e .

"

w i l l prov ide her \\'ith other goods : several pa g ne s , household utens i l s, agricul­

tural tools, an d a pregnan t goat. These good� remain the prope rty of the \\'oman

or he r uteri ne kin if the marriage i s u nti mely e.nded throu gh death or divorce . The bride 's i ntegration in to the hu sband's

v i l l a ge

and c onj u ga l home i s grad­

ual Given the rule of virilocal res idence, on l y the in-marri ed women are able. to i ntroduce the bri de into the introverted residential group. The bride 's mother .

an d one or more. youn ger si sters e sc ort her to th e entranc.e of her hu s band s v i II age. B ut the bride \Vil l not enter before several of the \\'omen of her conjugal �

homeste ad come out to greet her and t o offer some frui ts of a recen t harvest .

Her mother- in-lav.' v.'ill sit in the middle of the path, barrin g the \\'ay until she

receives several piece s of cloth as a mark of rec ogn i tion . She \\'ill repeat th i s

sce ne the first time that she accompanies her daughter- in-lav.· to the fields or

to draw water.

The bride groom introduces the young bride to h er new home for the n u pti al .

even t and the creation of a ne\v hearth (ziku) in the l arg er homestead. It is at

1 08

CIUJpter Th ree

the same time symbolized as the. constitution of a new weave , inasmu c h as h i s gi fts are called m-fiku tnyaloongu., literally, "the interlacing of those \"'h o re ­ joi n ." In front of the \\'Omen of the homestead e scorting the bride, the hu sb a n d gives her some gifts , mainly dyed cloth., while briefl y insisting on his m ar it al

rights over her: he expects that ''she \\'ill be sure to S\\'eep'" ( keti kako onrb a J and also to fulfill her other household duties; he hopes to see her ''ch c \\' an d sw·allo\rv'' (m-tninu.), that is, share the meal ; and to ·'see her naked'' (kan-nzona

khoonga), and "straddle her in bed'' (kasuumbui«J kuthaangi). (At the death of a spouse, there are gifts , kno\\·n as bikookulu [Devisch 1 979: 1 35 ] , that �ho

the ones at the nuptial retreat., in w·hich the husband pays compensation to the

maternal ascendents of his deceased wife for all the household and conj ugal

services she has rendered. ) The partners express their desire for reciprocal b e ­ longing and u ltimate physical union by Hexhorting each other to em brac e the

other w ith the leg s" ( -biindasana maalu ). They al low one another \\'' ithin their respective bodily intimac y : -dyaatasan� '�maki ng one another v,ralk and sit in each other's imprints and to hold each other c lose l y.', The next morni ng�

as a

sign of her ne\\' statu s 9 the bride dre sses in some of the dyed cloth she received the day before and share s some money vlith her mother-in- law and fello\\'

\\'Omen in the homestead.6

The ritual announcement of the first pregnancy afford s the various groups

l inked through the al l i ance an occ asion to affirm their respective rights- of

de scent for one , of fi liation for the other- with regard to the progeny of the

new couple . In the third or fourth month of pregnancy husband and wife select a day on which they will -tuumbula zimi, "reveal the pregnancy." The husband or chief of the compound gathers together the pre sents to be given : a gob let

(ka�va ) and a small plate (loonga). The husband appoints one of h i s brothcr'5 daughters to hand over the presents to the pregnant \\'Oman. The gi rl joins her

at her work place , lifts up her blou se .. and pours some of the \\'·ater contained

in the goblet on her bel ly V.'ith the words dya mbote. zimi dyeetu nyeedya, ..eat we l l [that is, stay with us and fare welll , you carry our child .9 , The girl then offers her the presents. In stating "our ch i ld, the emissary speaks in the name of those agnatic ties that link herself both \Vith her O\\'n c l assificatory father. \vho is the h usband concerned, and w·ith the child to be born. As noted above

(3.2), the gift of goblet and plate is intended to encourage the \\'i fe to "refle.c l'·

upon the fact that, socially, the child \\rill belong to the father and the patriliny. If the hu sband is h imse lf a first son , the girl will offer the pregnant \\'·oman , along v.ith the cup an d plate , a necklace of pearls (ndzel•va n-saangu) belong­ ing to the husband 's mother, Vw'ho v.·ould have received the necklace, a genera­ tion ago� from her mother-in -la\\'· on the occasi on of her first pregnancy. On her next return to the parental home9 the pregnant \\·oman is expected to tum

over the goblet and plate to her father. If she does not do so. her family of

The Social Formati on of L ife Transmi ssio n

) 09 0

rigin m ay dis regard the pregnancy and refuse to i ntervene in the case of any

u b problems. The transfe r of these symbol ic gifts also affords the u seq ent ung wom an an occasion to stay in the company of her mother for several

�

"'eeks. \Vhen the pregnant woman prepares to return to her conjugal home, the head of the pare n� house.hold offe.rs her a hen signi fying that he. renounces any

claim on her and the c hild she will bear. At the same time and for the benefit of the chi ld, he will en trust his pregnant daughter to her matern al uncle :

� ge. m\vana n g anya maleemba. Taa khoku� nda kola. Nda buta batsuki ye ndzala. You, you are another's child, a child of the uncles. (a) Here is a hen ; may your health be reinforced. Leave no\v and hear chi ldren Vv'ho have hair and nai ls . (b) Comments: (a) Life is tran smi tted along the uterine li ne.

(b)

The normal birth of healthy chi ldren is wished for.

By offering a hen and bouquets of plants for an anal or vagi nal rinse, the uncle

protects the expectant mother and her child from any malevolent force that c.ould result from an offen se or curse that i s bein g transmitted along the uter­ ine li ne.

Other practices serve to further convert sexuality into social reproduction so

that the flow of life. that the \voman channels is appropriated for the husband and for the sole benefit of his patrikin . At least ideal culture. forbids the married

\Voman any pleasured sex outside the conjugal relation or to the detriment of the. reproduction of the husband's patriki n. A few· days before the announce­ ment of her first pregnancy, or immediately after, the expectant woman is in­

vited to ''reveal the names of her lovers" ( -tuumhula ltUJZina nJabatsuutsa). She

is required to give to her husband or mother-in-law a'i many small pieces of \\'ood or strav.' as lovers (n-tsuutsa) she has had out of mere "e.n)tic attraction� '

(yitsuutsa). If the pregnancy is complicated or a difficult birth is i ndicated, the

confession of lover's names is given a ne\\' urgency and an even more ritualistic cha racter. In thi s case. , the husband requests the intervention of h i s w ife�s uncle, as the latter represents both the line

of transmission of physical life as \Vei l as

of the. rules of reciprocity between bride-givers and bride-takers that govern it and whose infringement may c.hoke off the life flo\\': either the angered uncle

may have ensorcelled the young wife� or an ancient curse once put on a e�tnl­ marital affair in the \\'ife. 's uterine kin may no\v agai n have acted as a trap .

110

Chapter Three

When the uncle arrives, the husband presents him with a khoombtvats iku. "•goat for the interdiction" against extraconjugal relations in order that t h e

a

un­

cle in turn give his niece a hen, thus neutralizing the offense and foregoin g a ny further hindrance in the uterine transmission of life. The goat offered serves

a compensation for a past wrong and as a scapegoat.

as

Conjugal sexuality is aimed at achieving reproduction.7 First, the \'v'ife may exhort her husband to regular conjugal communion. If for some rea�on he re­ fuses, he is exposed, especially if he has more. than one conjugal partner� to the wife's public reprimand or to her threats to break the marri age. Since the marri age no longer serves its reproductive function, the woman may declare :

baana bapfuula mukati, ,;'children are dying in my belly." Second , mother and nurseling are very vulnerable to any rupture of the reproductive shell. The post­

partum taboo on conjugal intercourse holds as long as mother and nurseli ng form one body in breast-feeding . A new pregnanc y is not preferred as long

as

the la st- born is not yet walking and has not been weaned . It is believed that if

the mother does not ab stain from sexual relations until weaning, her milk w il l

dry up. I n practice, and especially in urban milieux, thi s spacing of births either is not \�·anted or is not successfu l .8 Where adequate spacing of births is not achieved , the infant may suffer ; children \veaned before the age of t\venty month s show great difficulty in adapting to the poorly varied diet of the adu l ts . Third , conjugal commitment is asymmetrical and a function of social repro­ duction : the wife is more coercively than her husband under the threat of social rule or marital prerogatives, n-tsiku. Sterility on the part of the husband is over­ come by inviting a younger brother to spend several nights Vlith the wife. The husband v.'ill nevertheless be considered a� the ..father by blood" of the chil­ dren begotten by the brother (see

3 .2).

In compensation for thi s mixing of

conjugal spaces, some chickens or a minute sub stitute in cash are exchanged

between the younger brother and the husband and between that brother of the husband and the wife, just before or after the period of sharing the bed. �'here the wife lacks continence-a woman's adultery is seen as an extreme and ill­ fated fonn of rupture-she may be repudiated for having •'gone above the pre­ rogatives of the husband"

(n-tsiku myayakala kasuumbuka).

The wife's refusal

to prepare food or sh are the conjugal bed (the l atter behavior being motivated, for ex ample, by j ealousy tO\\o'ards a cowife preferred by the husband) could be the occasion for repudiation by the husband. The contrary does not hold after healthy children have consolidated the marriage: a mother with children is not entitled to divorce on the ground that her husband is lazy, does not produce any food from the. hunt, favors a cov.rife., or stays in Kinshasa and leaves his \vife empty-handed.

The marital prerogatives are asymmetrical : it is as if the rule imposed on the

marriage by the in-lav..'s does not bind the husband as long as there appears no impediment to the transmission of life in his marriage. Neither partner nor

1

J1

The Social

Fonnation of L ife Transmission

o l adi ti on can forcefully repr ve a man for his extramarital affairs as ong a s he ritu ally and effectively prevented any harm fall i ng on his extraconjugal ne r on his own chi ldren. In order to neutralize any harmful effects i n part r o dvanc e, the two partners of an extramarital affair perform a ritual exchange f hen s. The man may also present his child or first-born son with a hen. Inso­ others and pregnant V.'omen more explicitly incarnate the conju­ far a s you ng m oa l cel l than other \\'Omen , they carefully resist any seduction . It may be eca ll ed in this context that, according to deep-running convictions , a man�s or a v,'ife 's extramarital affairs may provoke abortion , dysentel)', or fatal hemor ­ rhagin g in the v.rife and fetal dysentel)' (n-luta) in the infant. As gossip would have it, women \\'hose husbands are repeatedly absent a year or more. in search of income in Kinshasa might acquire a certain independence in their husband's village and be apt to have a sexual affair. In particular, \\'hen she joi ns her village of origin, or at feasts where people of a same region meet for a \vhole night of dancing and rejoicing, the unmarried sons of the \\'ife 's brothers or husband's sisters may tease their aunt of their age by cracking jokes \\'ith a sexual content or attempt to solicit her for sex . These lovers are almost like the physical double of the absent husband whose place they take: their love affair is like a conjugal one and hardly a social offense. It is not brought before a council of elders. In case these affairs lead to pregnancy or to a gynecological problem, the husband will do no more than reproac h his wife "'for disre.spect to her husband'' ("'·akoonda luzitu ltvayakala); or the betrayed husband may seek to ensorc.e ll the relative \vith \\'hom his v.'ife V.'as having an affair. �arne-giving marks the social birth of the neonate. It recycles a forebear's name and socializes some of the special circumstances attending the binh. Not parturition-an event which takes place. in the margins of public space and attention-but the coming-out rites and the naming assure the infant's social birth into the agnatic group. �1other and infant end their 'three day' seclusion (yitatu) following delivery and leave the conj ugal home. The child is for the first time expose.d to the light of day. At the. request of the mother and in the presence. of coresidents, the father, in a gesture of spitting, '�vomits the name'� (-luka zina) and covering it with a rag 6 9dresses the child" (-viika m\1/(llJ fUl ) thereby starting to shape. its social skin (see T. Turner 1 980). The father, a g randfather, or the mother may have dreamed of a forebear, either living or deceased, and interpre.ted this vision as an invitation .. 'to revive his or her name" ( -tuumbula zina). The oldest son often receives his father's first name, whereas the oldest da�hter is named after her father's or mothe.r's mother. This birth name integrates the child into the genealogy. It is not exceptional that an infant receives two names at birth. The birth name (zina dyakabutukila) may otherwise refer to events or persons marking eithe.r the birth or the. period dur: ing Vlhich the group a\vaite.d the newborn . Here are a fe\\· birth names that ill u strate ho\\' they may mark the individual

:as :

�

1 12

C'hapter Three

chi ld�s history. �1 a n y of these

names emphasize, as

much as some folktale s d o . how reproduction appe ars as an oft-thv.'arted enterpri se , and how c irc u1n�

stances determine the fate of the c oup l e and the kin groups they belong to.

Tseki, ""savanna'� : a name of a child

born on

a journey. 1\'-suunda: a name for infants who have been born feet first. Luyaa/r1. '•governmenf ' : a name for a child born to a nev..· l y enthroned poli tical titleholder.

Lr1meengu, ha te enmity'�: '"

,

a

the patriki n or the in-laws.

n am e for

a

gi rl \\'hose tnothcr or father i s hate d by

Batukudidi, "'\�·e have been ch a�e d away'� :

the

birth fol lov..· ed divorce.

A-1aa.fu, e a rt h " : the birth came after se veral sti ll -birt h s.

Kafii kakut '"

"

ushe v..· as fruitless', : the mother"s illness postponed the marri age .

kaluungidiku, "'he did not wai t fur penn i s sion' ' : the in fant \\'as begotten be­ fore the tran�mi ssion of the bri dewealth. Beenda krwaa �1.:r1, '"may they leave'": t h e parents have been forced to flee the patri­

."-'-swa

local homestead.

JV-dyaata't ' "favorite Y.'ife'': the mother aroused j e a lo u sy in the C O\\'i ves. Tatanreni he hes itated a long ti n1e.,: the in fan fs father did not l i k e the marri a ge arrang e d for hi m. Yit.B1t'andzuka, "'talkative girr· : the infanfs moth er is a repute d gossi p-monger. Kyasala bayakala, ' "whatever the men do gets attenti on� ' : the mother feels periph­ .

..

eral in the hu sband "s hou sehol d.

W'ubatakana, ••to be

a

neighbor'·: the father has quarre led w ith his neighbors .

The name i ntroduces the c h i l d into the social space and into nurturing con­ tact w·ith housemates. One custom, w· hich seem s more and more neglected, requires that at the name-giving the mother, \Vithout a V..'ord� carry the infant across the homestead. S he will hold it above the threshold of each home ,

chicken coop� pe stle, and manioc rack w ith the i ntent of u n i tin g the c hi ld to

the basic elements of domesti c life . Thu s the infant , v.'ho is referred to as kadi

human) and \\tho up to thi s point has no ties to any expe-riences an initial mark of demarcation o r of individua­

( ne\vb orn not yet become

particular space ,

tion. A name, clothing, and the integration into a domestic space confer on the

infant the first qualifications of a human being : muutu. If the nev,.r born should die before the

naming

ritual , the death v.'ill be of no social significance and

there w i ll be neither mou rn i ng nor public buri al. The birth name inscribes on

th e chi ld 's body, as it \\'ere. a mark of belonging to the li•eage and thus testifies

to the. claim h�ld by one ge ne rati o n over another and to the expe-ctations arising from that claim . When the child receives its name, the parents may be ad­

dressed to by their tecnonym._ as ' iathcr/mother of. . ." and the ch i ld moreover

,'! by ad din g the name of the father or family B ecause of th e indiv idualizing fu nc tion of the. birth name, it is employed

by its patronym, a� �'child of . .

head.

.

113

The Soc ial Forrnat ion of Li fe Tran sm i ssion

nly \\;i t hin the domestic circle or among age- mates. The ch i l d w i l l bear it unti l rnaY se lec t a second o r more publ ic name out o f a stock of ancestr.ll names at boy hood rituals or marri age for girl s .. that i s , until they leave the maternal

:

shell and search elsewhere for physical affecti on. The nurs in g baby remain s al most constantly in c l ose bodi l y and nurturing contact \•l ith its mot her and siblings . The father, his parents, and coVv'ives may

all fondle the baby, thereby progressively breakin g open the mother-c hild dyad. There is rarely an occasion where a lack of physical contact \vould i nspire the

baby to l earn to fi l l the void with an affecti ve and lasting rel ation w ith an object - a comforter or toy. A ch ild is breast-fed for t\\'O to t\\'O-and-a half

years . To withdra\\' the breast from the nurse ling, a mother may put pepper or bitter substances on her nipples. From then on , the mother may leave the ch il d alone in bed for some moment�, or \Vith other siblings, at the t i me she resume s

marital intercourse . Then , \\'hen a new baby i s born, the you ng child i s left to the care of a young ( c l assifi catory) s i ster� usual ly one who i s very i ndulgent

and the father may a l so spend sorne ti me with h i s ,-...eane d ch i ld during the. day.

.l\ child is in any case rarely left alone.

\\'hen ch i ldren reac h the age of three, games begin to have a mirror function .

Children like ve ry m uch to sw itch roles i n the course of their play or games: a child wi l l then imitate his play mate's gestures or exhibit his own for the on­

l ookers. In this way the chi ld learns to fas hion his gestures for his own and the

others' pleasure. Any aggre ss ive move toward a younger sib l ing on the part of an older brother or sister is repri manded, \\'herea s the adults encourage the

child to stand up to his age-mates . Adults .. through their remarks and c ommen­

tary, gradually tame and thereby socialize the aggressiveness of the boys . A mother \\'ill quickly and loudl y poi nt to the aggressive act of an older chi ld as cau se of her own chi ld �s di scomfort.

When coming of age as a ne\�· generat i on , boys undergo circ umc ision, - tapa,

literally.. uto cu t,'� j u st before or in early adolescence , "'\vhen they tum over"

(babalukidi) from \Veak ness (n -ndzeendza j to strength . \Vhen the boys reac h the age of ten or eleven, paren ts ' -hand their boys ove{ ' ( -laarnbula

circumcision combined w i th initiati on into the

yikubu

baana)

for

male fecundity cul t ( see.

4.4) . The ci rcumciser, namely the tsyaabula priest, is responsible for the ri te, which i s carri ed out in the bus h at the outski rts of the village . �'bile. a boy

"'straddles''

( -suumbukaj a log of a banana tree blackened by

the fire. or a mortar

turned upside down� placed in the middle .. of the road to the vill age," the cir­ cumciser pu lls forward the foreskin over a little sticl(. He cuts it off and collects

the foreskins of the various boys on

the

same pie.ce of wood. The boys then

withdraw to the sec l u sion hou se , \Vhere they Vv'ill remain for four days \Vithout a fi re or cooked food . Their foreskins \\'ill be buri ed i n the seclusion hou se's backyard, a place they are s trictly forbidden to enter.

For the time o f sec l u sion ,-.,·hich may last from three to six weeks, the initi-

Chapte r Three

1 14

ands receive i nitiatory names. U nder the responsibi l i ty of the circumc ise r a n d the /...yandzangoombi priest v.,rho ought to secure the. boys potency, three young

companions-soon to be or just married- stay v,rith the youngsters duri n g th e entire sec lusion . They act as identification figures regarding masculine lead e r­

ship roles and their turnover. Both the young companions and a same nu m ber

of new·ly circumcised boys bear the following role names: Khahyuudi

(�1e s­

senger, Consultant), N-lobu (Subchief), ltlangoma (Drummer). In a kind of mirroring relation they stand to one another as two successive generations of major leadership roles in rural society. Throughout the coming weeks� the ne\\'ly ci rcumcised boys must give their full attention to v.r hat is conveye d ( m a ­

hoodi), and more importantly to cultivating (called loongw-·a) bravery, strength, and potency: they, literally, "learn to keep in step with the elders''

(baka ­

ndaandi). In the morning and evening they gather in front of the sec lusion house. Whi le cheri shing the heat of the morning sun and standing upright w ith their big toes crossed, they call attention to their penis through erotic songs .

They sing of the virtues of the gazelle and of hunti ng it� the boys are led to identify with both the game and the hunter. The ambivalence experienced here

directl y points to their relationships with their fathers. Circumc i sion i dentifies

the boys with their fathers-like them, the boys nov.' have virile penises. At the same ti me how·ever, the hardships oppose boys and fathers since the suffer­ ing is somehov.' mandated by the fathers who pay the circumciser. One month later the newly circumc ised , \Vearing masks, are paraded around the territory (Devisch

1 972). More than an obje.ct to be admired,

when v.'orn in

the dance the mask represents an intermediary space for all of the participants, i nv iting them to join in the regeneration of the group and of the cosmos. Alter­ nating \\'ith or opposing this celebration of social order, some carn ivalesque dancers and the m'tA-·eelu mask seek to shock and also to tap from the profuse and untamed forces of the wilderness . Overtly erotic and transgressive dancers seduce

yifiika,

the ritual mother- figure of the initiands, and lead her onto the

roof of the seclusion house or on to a stage made for the occasion , where they act out a fantasy of hunting . I interpret this as an expression of men's anxiety

regarding the sexu al act: facing yifiika and standing tight against her, they imi ­ tate an an imal caught in a trap, called -yekanza, a term that connotes also the movements of pairing. Initiati on severs the strong ti es of dependence boys have with their mothers and sisters and turns them into adult-males-to-be. Initiation teaches them to control females through social and affective distancing from the mothers and their sisters very much through a process of strengthening thei r relationship with their fathers and maternal uncles and engaging in the gerontocratic au­ thority structure. A fe\v years later, most adolescent boys will probab ly find their way to Kin­ shasa. From there, the young men may return to the village more than once to

J

J5

The Socia] Formation of Life Transm issi on

s ect for a marriage partner. They \v i i i reach maturity only Vw'hen they beg et pro p re h maniage some ten or more years after the ir circumcision . hi t d n th roug a man reaches the age of marri age when his father retires from beget­

�sual ly

en, at about age 40 to 45 . With marri age and begetting chi l dren� men ti ng c h il dr nction as co-responsib le adults in their father's compound� where start to fu

they may_ remain for life.

3.4 The Two-forked Tree of Agnatic

Descent and lTterine Filiation 1

am principally dealing he-re with the predominant kinship system in mai n­

stream soc iety in northern Yaka land and thus not \Vith the ru ling Luunda clans and those- of the landowners . The Yaka i ndivi dual is led first to develop a socio­ centered identity through the vital ties shared V.'ith those to Vw'hom his or her existence is ov-'ed; senior men and cult initiates are s timulated to acquire a self­ conscious, cultivated sense of a unique self. In fact, the more one 's identity

is

interwoven w ith c onsanguines and allies , the more one develops a strong ­ that is, highly socialized- se nse of personhood . On the public scene , the indi­ vidual is defined as a knot of famil i al relations and therefore owes his or her v.'ell -being and soc i al value e ssentially to familial bonds . Thi s heritage repre­ sents the intersection of patrilineal descent 'Nith its rights and pri vilege s de­ term ining social status , on the one hand� and, on the other, the uterine fi l iation through which the mother tran smi ts life .

3.4.1 Agnatic descent (yitaata ) fonns residential kin groups.

Yaka soci ety is organized in segmentary patrilineages within loosely structured patricians. Each person is soc ial l y identified in relation to a line of agnatic ascendants from \\l'hom he receive- s his position in a kin group, his ri ghts, privi­ leges , and ancestral n ames, in short, his soc i al belongi ng or identity. Agnatic kin live as corporate groups in homesteads and ham l ets . Origin and location

of

the lineages reflect and le-gi timate their hierarchy. In urban setting s, ne ighbor­ hoods are usually constituted of kinsmen or at least emigrants from the same territory of the K\\·aango region.

A major lineage group or clan (/«Janda or yikhanda) is segmentary, and com­

pri ses all those pe-rs ons who trace their common and distant ascendanc e

(kaanda) in the agnatic line to the- same mythic founding ance-stor. Just as the fo liage of a tree covers an assembly \Vith its shade , so thi s common ascendance coifs its members with the same clanic name : phu, literal ly, ' ,;head covering_, ,

Even though the clan at present no longer occu pies its ov-'n or original te-rritory

alone, or has a unique chief, members of pres tigi ous clan s do con sider. the territory of the founding ancestor as their civili sational crad le . There, the legiti­ mate successors may sti l l tap the life-giving force of the m yth ic foun der: Vw'hitc

Chapter Three

] 16

kaolin clay ''is put to sleep� · ( -niimba) on the ancestor s grave for three days. Likew ise� the \\'atercourse traversing either the cl an's original homeland o r th e region it presently inhabits furnishes the cognitive map l e g i ti mati n g the fi l i al and blood bonds shap i ng it into a si ngle exog amic group. Autochthonou s and l e ad i ng l ineages t hus claim for themselves a territory de l i neated by a p arti c ular river, forest, or stre tch of savanna. Spatial fram i ng and residence are the pri­ mary i d i om for deli ne ating outer bounds and i n ner se-gmen tati on . The dist an ce between the te-rritories of relate d patrilineages and their cradl e serves to differ­ entiate the l ineage segments and their respective ri ghts and attribute s one from another. A lineage quarter or hamlet is the largest residential kin g rou p, literally, �.�of the inhabitants of an elder,s territory" ( besi nongonu). A h amlet comprises t'"-'O to five neighboring and closely related homesteads, and it unites from thirty to eighty individuals. In general this i nc l udes the compound of the patriarch tll tn­ self, of o ne or several of h i s brothers, and th os e of their married sons . The hou se s are place d at distances of eight to fifteen meters from each other and are usually ali gned in a concentric pattern and in such a manner that their doorv.'ays are faci ng the patriarch 's house. The village or locality (hata) c on st i tute s the largest but least marked of the residential units and in gen era l is com p rised of two to four hamlets. Except for those vi llages along a track, there is no strai ght road traversing the whole of the vill age. It is w·ithin this space that the individual seeks solidarity and sup­ pon, and here justice is meted out. Public or communal activities take place� in the shade of a tree, some\vhere in the center of the village's oldest l i n eage quarter. This is the site where the council of elders me et s , in the morning, to tackle common issues regarding, for exam p l e, succession or territory. There they may discuss familial affairs relating to marriage, illness� and death, or more g en eral j uridical matters and disputes bet\\'een individuals of related or nearby hamlets regarding land, hunti ng right s � domestic animals. Here, as v.'el l, take place some wedding and mourning ceremonies, diurnal danc ing \Vith masks, the yearl y encounters w·ith the c ivi l authorities, and Christian reli gious services� which are hel d po s s i bl y once or twice a year, when a pastor or priest is available. Goods are distributed or exchanged out in front of or inside the dwelling of the lineage elder and might involve handing over matrimonial goods or mortuary compensations and sharing al coholic beverages (palm� pineapple� or l o ney V.'ines) . These various councils and meetings unite all the adult men, who are seated in a sem icircle� ideally according to some order of seni o ri t y or prestige; their assembly is depicted by the e xpr es sio n baluungana ndze n-kaandzu 1nyanteenu, "to be complete l i ke teeth in the mouth." They form "webs of solidarity''! ( kuumi dya baatu). The \\'Omen observe the discus­ sion and negotiation on l y from a distance. In some cases , it is the eldest hamlet or quarter, but in other cases it is the '

.

] 17

The Social ,t

01 argi n al one that e stabl i shes co ntacts with the fore.ign ,._,.orld, namel y ad m in istrative. me ical, educati onal, a � d pa st�ral serv ices. It i � fro m _ _ s mi l ar contacts Vw'tth the col ontal admtnt stratton that these vt l l ages rrner, i their proper names and some kind of renown. Mutual aid actu al l y e s p lace as much betv.'een households or hamlets of nearby vil lages a s it

:�; the :tained �

Formation of Life Tn1nsmiss ion

�

tak

dOCS be t\\'een those of the same l ocale . . E ac h l ineage duplicate s itself i n as many homes tead s (ndzo) as there are archs be longing to that lineage \\'ho arc recogn ized as capab le el ders , or patri u ni fy in g and repre senting the domestic group \vi th authority. It ofte n hap­ of pe ns th at i n the entourage of a pre stig ious patriarch, as in any other residenti al erou p co u nti ng more than four or five e l ementary families, a c ertai n nu mber f f in div idual s seek the s upport o a close e lder before consul ting the l i neage

�

chief. B y building their homes ne.ar that of one of the elders an d by sharing thei r produce! they and the.ir households gain a certain au tonomy. Thi s virtual

fonn of segmentation increases in i nten sity when mi sunderstanding s betwe.cn

eld e rs are exac.erbated throug h accusati on s of murderous ensorcel l menl. A sec­ tion may leave the lineage quarte r and bui l d their re latively autonomou s home­ ste ad alon g another track of paths. Nevertheless, on l y an el der who has given dau ghters in marriage -thereby becom i ng the

recipient of matrimonial

goods -an d Vlho has marriageable sons can take it upon himse l f to represent their interests in the assembly of lineage elders . In this way. he can assure his fami l y a certain independence . The homestead forms the i ndividual 's commen sal group and niche. It usu­ ally comprise s tv.'o to five conj ugal homes, one or more ho uses for adolescent

boys, and kitchens. It is in this context that the indi vidual, day after day, partici­ pates i n the weaving of a most vital \Veb through the sharing of physical con­ tact. commensality, and mutual aid. These relati ons are such essential components to his or her exi stence that, according to the oral lore . the individ­ ual \�·ho i s rejected by or al i e nated from the household body either peri shes or

is reduced to the status of a slave , literal l y '•of the other'' (m-phika or n-hikn): a s lave is by definition an indiv idual whose parental ti es , rights, and p ri v i l ege s are unknov.rn and \\'ho there.fore has nobody t o spe ak u p for him in family

councils. In reality, i t is possible for any adult man , single or married, to go l ive

\\'ith his OVw'n or his \\'ife 's m aternal uncles, and hi s children \v i i i the.n belong to

re spectively his O\\'n or his ""·ife's matriki n . Si milarly, a married man may seek

integration in the patrik in of his \\'ife . \Vithin the commensal group one does

not easily suspect another of hostility or serious threat, whi l e potential or for­

mer commensal s are quite likely to do so. In the case of some misfortune-a l asting il lness, fai lure in the hunt or any ot her productive enterprise� loss of one,s j ob, a traffic acci dent, loss of valuables or domestic animals -one first suspects membe.rs of the l i neage quarter to have attracted the mi sfortu ne as a· retaliation for an inj ury, for, that is, an act of sorce.T)', offen se, or intrusion once

Chapter Three

1 18

committed by a lineage member. D e v i an t behavior such as ass ault on one �s

c onj ug a l shell, the refusal to perform req u ire d services . a wife 's refus al t o do

the cooking or share the marital be.d, obscene conduct, a man's fai lure to pro­

v i de clothes for ""·ife and children, or a lack of re s pec t for the sp ou se 's fam­

i ly - an d the. list is hardly exhaustive -arouse.s fear and complaint if it emanates from members of the hou sehold. The status of the elder or senior male

(mbuta) is

prin cipally acqui red by

virtue of his p l ace in the ge n e nttional continuum. R el ati ons betv.'een elders

j uniors litera l l y forebear (mbula) and ,

and

descendant, are expressed in tenns of

engendering (-buta) and paternity. The fact that one has marriage able or

mar.

ried children- indicating th at a fol lowing generation has bee n ensured-pro­

cures the parent seniority. Rel ate d elders neverth eless are ranked according to

thei r genealogical proximity with the ance st or s whose s tatu s and p res t i ge are

carri ed do\\l·n thro u gh the agnatic descendants. Gen e alogica l h i erarc hy, at least

as much as personal meri t or competence. • detennines one �s acce ss to the status of patriarch or the role of priest in a

c o mm u na l

c ui t of agnatic tradition

(see

4.4 .2 ) . The antagonism which risks rais ing the new generation up against the

o l d e r one is diffuse.d inasmuch as those individuals considered as belongi ng to

the generation of elders in fact vary i mmensely in age. Becau se the elders

relate to the young members of the kin group very often as grandparents, there is betv.'een them a

kin d of mirroring,

a sy mmetric reciprocity and joking rela­

ti on sh i p that may he l p to balance out strai ned relations bet\\l·een the genera­ tion s of classificatory fathers and sons . At any rate, a son is expected to assi �t his father in preparing the fields or in the hu n t , but most n otab l y in providing

him \\' i th valuables through cash labor. Peopl e are convinced th a t a linea ge

head or patri arch who finds himself in rags is l i kely to ensorcell his sons \\'ho refuse to share their income .

If a dispute divides father and son, the latter is

usually blamed for his lack of re s p e c t . Even \Vhen his children are grown-ups,

a man will s till avoid outdoing his older father in titles or va l uab l es for fear of rai s i ng anger and ensorcellment.

Elders are h i ghly respected and enjoy an incontestable authority. They see to it th at norms rem a in in vigor \Vithin the household and seek to bal ance the

sharing of goods and services. They also in te rpret the failure of a hunt, bouts

of i l lne ss, or any other neg ati ve turn of events in the household by re l ati n g these to other i n au s pici ou s signs they are aware of in their life-\vorld or in dreams; they may therefore consul t diviners . Yaka e.lders enjoy

a

mon opoly on

the communal rites i nherited from the ag natic ancestors and w·hose legitimate prac t ice is authenticated through success in the hunt (see 4.4 ). T hey make the

decisions as to the distribution of the ordinary game caught in the h u n t , and the vital organs are reserved for them. No alcohol ic beverages may publ icly be consumed in the vi l lage or neighborhood except i n their company. Activities \Vhich a l ineag e. member undertakes outsi de the household are ge ner al l y de-

t 19

The Social Formation of Life Tran smi ss ion

in del iberati on v,rith one or more li ne age elders . It is final ly the . de- d u po n who we i g h any decision s concerni ng marriage (the choice of a spouse

c;ders

er a reque st in marri a ge . its annulment, and the inheri tance of a widow ), taki ng

�nto consideration the

interests of the group as well

as

any hindrances or

obj ecti on s. The soc ial fabric embraces a structural c on c ept of time rather than the as-

time can be mastered thro ugh events that may s hap e a new fu­ s umption that ture.. The tradition-oriented t ime perspec tive in palaver s , divinatory et io logy,

an d ri tual practices-all highly valued acti vitie s in the publ ic v.lorld of Yaka me n- is centered on the patterns of lineage seg mentati on and the s uccession

of generations, that is, on s pat ial order and soc i al seniority, rather than on one 's real age. Palavers , oracles, and ritual s, by definition, seek to discover or reenact a contin ui ty w ith the p a s t ; this contin uity is not essen t ial l y material or rigid, for changes m ay occur, but structural . Rituals and c ou ncil s pursue a spa ti a l ,

hence vitalizin g linkage of the soci ocul tural institutions and organi z ati ons with their a ncestral source.. Cosmi c phenomena, such as the d i urnal movement of the sun or the \\l'atercourse, offer patterns reg arding mi gration and settlement.

In their turn, the se patterns depict agnatic de scent and the establishment of society and po l i tica l power by b loodshed and hun ting . The foundation of soc ial

order, rul ership, and lineage div isions is di s tinctly associated \vith tran sforma ­ tive movement, masculine sexuality, and h un ting . And ye.t the agnatic order that sh apes one 's social personho od (muutu) ties in �·ith uterine li fe-giving: as

a being of 'itesh and blood" (luutu), in his most i ndi vidualizing outer appear­

ance (skin) and i nnate capaci t ie s , the indi v idu al is a sprout of the u terine source

of all life. Birth-giving is seen as an evers ion of the mo ther's \\'omb-a bas ic issue in transition and h ea ling rites, Yihich I v.'ould like to tenn ' exvagination'

or 'exfoliation. '

3.4.2 llterine filiation. even rnore than patrilineal descent. un­

derscores the individual s health and uniqueness. As such, it does not give rise

to residential units . The northern Yaka h old that p hysi c al and innate characte-r­ istics such a� health , blood, and inborn c apac ities (yibutukulu) are pa s sed on

to t he

individual primarily through maternity and the uterine li ne (yikhee tu.

y imaama, yingudi) . Uterine filiati on is thought of in tenns of birth-giving (-buta, -Vl1laala), and of the mother-child and brother and sister relationships.

Sibling s V1'ho "come from the one v.romb" share pri v ileged bonds of bodily

contact, of c ommensali ty, and of Vw'armth, trust, and mutual aid withi n the household, along Vw'ith their parents . The b l ood ties be.tween si bl in gs are per­

manent. An alogously, maternal relations typify the bonds betv.'een the coini ti­

ates themselves and with their healer in the context of a c ult � coinitiates may

share their lifeblood or v ita l flo\v ( mooyij, V1'eakening or strengthening each other's physical condition through the exercise of these sam e bodi ly activities.

1 20

Chapter Three

The aptitude for the roles of divi nation and healing are also thought to be trans­ mitted through the uterine line. Motherh ood \\'eaves bride-takers and bride-givers_ agnatic and uterine rel a­ tion s together. Since residence is patri-virilocal , uterine links allow the exog a­ mous agnatic group to break open at each generation : \\'omen join the group through marri age and pass on life to their children, who v,·ill marry in the ir tum . Uterine l i nks may thu s e nvelop people from many different villages in \Vebs of vital bonds , but bonds that have no particular pol itical value. To hon or his wife's capacity to bear offspring , a man besto\vs her with the honorific title of m"':aadi, v,•hich is de-rived from the same root -aad as - \.'l-t-'trola, literally, •'the one �'ho regenerates (through) the blood .' , The tree, particularly its stem and branches-strictly speaking only the left­ hand side (literall y, "female hand side")-depicts the uterine li nks v,·ith the source of life, whereas the right-hand side ('�male hand side'�) refers to agnatic descent. Each ramification of a branch represents a matrimonial alliance by \\'h ich a househo ld cedes a woman to another lineage for V.'hom she \Viii al so bear life. This metaphor is transposed to the human body: the youngest descen­ dants are the buds or leaves of the uterine tree, as the fingers of the left han d are the buds of one 's ann and body. Vvbe n referring to their mother, grand­ mother, great-grandmother, as \\'ell as to the respective brothers of these moth­ ers, people successively poi nt to their left v.rrist� elbov.', shoulder. Pointing over their shoulder to their back, they refer to the uteri ne ascent of their great­ grandmother, that i s, to the stem of the life-tree. Conversely, \�·bile speaking of paternal descent. their gestures indicate that they have come� as if it \\'ere, from bet\\·een the legs. Thus, left is to right as uterine re lations are to agnatic ones� and as the river source and the s ap ri sing up in the tree are to the do\\ln\vards flo\\' of the sap and of the ri ver. At ni ght and outside the protective. family shell , children and young o r \\'eak people are addressed by the term luk.aya, literal ly "leaf"-it is said that thi s anonymous name seeks to misl ead the sorcerer \vho is laying i n \\'ai t. Uterine physical bonds \Vi th the life source are representecL on the soc ial scene , by the three generations of maternal uncles. They are the classificatory brothers of the mother, maternal grandmother, and great-grandmother. For

want of more colloquial terms, I migh t cal l them the m atern al un cle, grand­ uncle, and great-granduncle. They \\'eave the vi tal \vebs \�·ith the mothers and uterine life source into the soci al fabric . These av uncular relations are also pictured in terms of the tree metaphor. The pri mary uncle is referred to as unc le from the top (leemba dyamathaandu), the grandunc le as the uncle from the middl e (leemba dyamakati), and the gre-at-granduncle is called uncle from the base or at the roots (leemba dya1nasina). Normally it is the primary uncle \\'ho actively assumes the avuncular role ( buleenlba .J delegated to him by the unc l es at the asce-ndant generntions .9 The pri mary unc le is responsi ble for keeping the

The Social Fonnalion of Life Transmiss ion

121

u ncl es informed of any events in the l ive s of the u t e rine dcsce.ndants : 0 arri ages births, cult ini tiations� g rave illness or death , and so on. The latter share in any gifts from their uterine kin . The mate rnal uncle plays a particularly important role in the. individual 's health and destiny. Motherhood and avunculate (that is, the rel ati on sh i p be­ r.ve en bro ther an� sister and the role. of matern al uncle) intert\\iine both a gn at i c and uterine relations in analogous V.'ays. First, the '{aka address the uncles of succes sive generations in the uterine ascent by a tenn of respect : ngt,t-·akhasi or ngudyakhasi, "male mother� male \1life, male source :� These ge-neric terms re­ fer to the sovereign potency of the uterine life source . Being the mother's broth er, th e uncle is uof the same. \Vomb�' as the mother, and ·'of the same blood" ( nJeenga mam osi) as she and the mate.mal grandmother. As such, the maternal uncle has a most vital function of inter\veaving the physical or mater­ nal ties that connect the individual with his uterine source of life. Second� the uncle is referred to as leetnba, literally, ��the one in rest, the one who unleashes, unbends.'' The. maternal uncle acts as a keen mediator, a meeting pl ace or inter­ medial]' betv-·een the genders as \\'el l as bet\veen bride-g ivers and bride-takers. AJ I reciprocal gift-gi ving passes through him. Though he is of the same blood as his sister and her offspring .. he moreover represents the bri de-givers in the context of his sister's alliance and tO\'iard her husband"s group. In relation to his sister's husband and the latter's patriki n group and progeny, the maternal uncle represents the group of wife-givers (buko) and the line of transmi ssion of physical health, blood, and innate abilities. In thi s same capacity he is the one \\'ho at his sister�s marri age dictates prohibitions to the husband that shoul d secure the tran smission of life: he sees to it that these prohibitions protect the uterine offspring. The uncle combines the register of uterine filiation (extended via the marriage and progeny of his si sters) with that of the agnatic rights that he as bride-giver, in the name of his own patrikin, maintains tov-·ards thi s uter­ ine offspring. In this latter position, he is called buko, "in-la\v that i s, he i s assimilated with h i s father"s household� V.7bich has given a daughter in mar­ riage. The maternal uncle therefore plays an important role in the structuring (and possible de-structuring) of an individuars identity. He is able to either dimin ish or exacerbate the gap or tensions bet\\'een the individual's physical and hereditary makeup and h i s or her social position. The. weave of uterine ties is ego-centered and most vital for the individual. It is a paradigm for other fonns of exchange as \\'ell . Through the agency of their maternal uncles .. that i s, via their uterine links, maturing males discover themselves as individuals on which the group of their compound of birth have no total c- laim. Once married and e-njoying some seniority, a man may join his mother's brother to a'tsist him in an avuncular task, particularly at mourning or to collec t his part of a bridewealth. It might be said th at uterine filiation com­ prises as many \vebs of life transm i ssion as there are livi ng persons owing the ir th er

,

�so

..H

1 22

Chapte r Three

ex i stence to the maternal line of mother, grandmother, and great- grand moth er . Each uterine web ties together, on the one hand, a marri ed man and the ascen­ dant generations of mothers and maternal uncles and._ on the other, the n1an and his household. A marri e d man is expected, at different stages of hi s l i fe

�

to compensate the uteri ne forebears of his children i nasmuch as they rep re s e nt the life source of hi s v,rife and children . This occu rs at the time of puberty,

marri age, pregnancy, maj or changes in social position , ritu al initiat ion , a n d death . Inasmuch as matrimonial al l i ance founds a basic \\'eb of exchan ge , it serves as a paradigm for other form s of exchange as 'Nel l . Mortuary co mpe n sa­

tions (n-kuundu) have the function of bring i ng the li fe of the individual, in c lud­

ing both personal as �'el l as hereditary characteristi cs and even his faults , ba ck

to th e i r uterine point of origin ( see Dev i sc h 1 979: 1 3 8-40, 1 56-57) . �1onuary rituals transform the particular individual into a structural position \\'ith in the

agnatic ancestral order, and they recycle his idi osyncratic and innate characte r­ i stics back to their origin in the uterine life source. It is via the uterine line

as

well that the consequence s of any of an indi vidual 's misdeeds may befa l l

a

particu l ar descendant. The uncle is the purveyor of the pheemba, the kaolin drawn from marshy ground near the source of rivers. In applying this kaolin on the left arm from �'rist to elbow of his sisters ' children, he rene\\'S their ties with their uteri ne life source . He thereby bridges the succe ssive generations of mothers and bride-givers and acts as

the male give r of the uterine source" ( ngl"-'a khasi).

..

Those acts which negate or pervert exchange-ensorcel lment, sel fi sh benefit. theft, all acts that "unbind'' or "hamper" life transmi ssion-are consi dered causes of i l lness, death, and disunity. The unc le offers tonics (makolasa ) to vi cti ms of infringements in order that they regain health ( -kolasa). In many people's view, the uncle may also exercise an existenti al control over his sis­ ters ' chi ldren tha t is far more powe rful than that of their father. An i ndividual also avoids at al l costs serious disagreements with an uncle, for fear that his own health or l i fe, or that of a chi ld or anv other close relative. , �rill be threat...

ened . Before committing his son to any choice affecting his future-such as

a

profession, marriage, or the conferral of the g ift of sorce.ry, or even, as may happen._ before allow ing the son to be e.nsorcelled-the father will "hear the

uncle's advice" (-bidisa); the uncle's seeking the father out for his advice \Vould rarely happen and in any ca se is not co mp u l s ory. Adu lts tend to consider the uncle as a respectable person yet nonethel ess one to be dreaded. Once acqu i ri n g seniority ti tles, an individual may fear his uncle even more than any one. of the patrilineal consanguines who is capab l e of conspiring \\'ith him.

3.S Hunting \'ersus Sorcery, and the Fabric of Kin In the vie\\�" of men, the fabric of dome st i c kin relations is sustained

or

re\•loven

in the fore st realm through the hunt and sorcery. Hunting and l i fe transm i ssion

t 23

The Soc ial Formation of Life Transmissi on

f� .r i m age s for one another. The hunter captures life forces i n the forest for 0 ebenefi t of hi s family. He reenacts the deeds of the culture hero inasmuch thebe i do mesticates viol ence nto life - beari ng . Conversely, the sorcerer is con­ �dered a sel fi sh hunter who abuses the relations of descent and the blood ties. e n from the perspe ctive of est ablished soc iety, sorcery negates or inverts -balula) sociality and reproduction: the sorcerer draws down the pri nci

� -�oka. 1 e s of ki n ship, alliance , and life transmission ; he breaks down the bal ance J �tween day and night, red and white, giving and receiving, and so on.

-

,

3.5.1 Hunting displays an exploration of the void between t-•io­

/ence and order, bloodshed and life- bea ring, genito r and genitrix. forest and village realm. The hunter is compare.d to the genitor in as m uch as through

bloods hed he produces highly prized food that strengthens the. life force in hi s family.

Hu nting and conjugal i ty are. one another's omen. A n es sential part of social

life i s played out \\rith i n the con fine s of the nuc lear family and the hou sehold , soldered together through conjugal uni on and the sharing of hearth, meals. and

bed. Each of these elements, touching on the inte.grity of the community, is

reflecte.d in the hunting domai n and vice versa. The man who h a s a house built

and the one Ylho constructs it for hi s commi ssioner are re qu i red to share e qually

the fruits of their hunt so long as the \\'ork continues . Every ri te to

enhance the unity of the househol d. the hamlet, or the territory, and the health

of its members, naturally leads the men into the forest in a collective hunt . The success of this hunt

"

gi ves sh ape to or confirms" ( -saka and its causative

-salovasa) the very reality e. x pres sed by the hunt, that i s , it shows off that the

contrari eties of fortune in the

v ill age

realm do no ex hau st the order of the

�·orld, and that on the contrary the \\'orl d is an ever renewing source of forces -

and chance. In the eve.nt the h unt fai l s., an oracle (of the sort outlined i n ch 5 ) .

i s invoked i n order to bring to light any hindrances and disunity among the members of the household or among the elders of the lineage which mu st be "cleared away" (-sa"-•·va la). It is also forbidden to hunt so long as prohibitions

are in force regarding conjug al relations or the exchange of fire. be.tween conj u­

gal homes , for these are interdictions which themsel ves signify disunity.

\\rith in the frame v- o rk of the family group, the relation between hunter and game is con sidered structurally analogou s to that benveen the genitor and the '

ferti lity of his first spouse: she can only release fertility to the ex tent that his

hunt is succes s ful and succe ss in the one is an omen for the other. The. conj ugal ,

rights conferred on her at the moment she arrives in the conjugal home equally

imply her ''rights of the hunt.'' The day that the young \•;ife leaves her paternal

home, her father instructs her in the rights that her status as spou se be stows on

her to the spoils of her hu sband's hunting, as well success. In offeri ng his daughter a

''

a.�

of her in fl ue n c e on its

hen for the hunf , (khok•va husuungu.J ,

whi c h she in turn must present to her hu sband, the father of the young wife

Chapter

1 24

Three

fors\-..·ears any attempt of his to negatively influence the new household . On th e morning fo l l o\\ ing the nuptial n ight, before the husband departs for the h u nt� '

the wife is assured her rights over the product of the hu nt. In presenti ng the ''hen for the hunt" gi ve n her by her father, she invokes by repe ating the tra di­ ..

tional formu l as , the future success of her hu sband as v,ritness to her conj u gal commitment and the excl usivity of the marital rig hts : l

Tala l eelu meni kundzo ngeyi yika yikota.

2

Yina k\\o·aama ye bayakala bahikaku; nge yakala yatheti .

( Variant: Yina k\\oaama ye bayakala bahika, leelu \o'ukaam ba b\"·oku.)

3

Leelu khoku yaayi , yam-funu ya t�oombi. yan-k uundya ngulu .

2

Today I am entering yo ur house [and becoming your wife. J I have not lrno\•in other men; you

are

my first.

( Variant: I have kn own other men whom I will not name here.) 3 Toda)'� I present you \Vith this hen, in order that you may be successful in the hunt . The ferti lity of the wife augurs a productive hunt. Conjugal commi tment in fac t revolves essentially around the transmi ssi on of l i fe through the uterine line. Whereas the success of the hunt witnesses to this contrac� the fertility of

the v.'ife signifies the fertil i ty and abund ance of game. Inversely, any impedi ­ ment to human fertility symbolically denotes a corre s po nding obstacle to ani­ mal fertility, w·ith all the repercussions for the h u nt that might entai l . To establish the young \'/'Oman in her role as \vife equall y implies that she be invested with the fun cti on of l ife- bearer i n the maternal l ine and in her ro le �'guardian or bolder of the rights of the hunt"

(yiluunda kyabusuungu).

as

The

mo ther of the husband incarnates the last link in the c hain of the transmiss ion of life for \\'hich the young w·ife \\'·il l hereafter be re spon sib l e In order to fully .

transfer the maternal role, the mother of the husband, at the moment the nev.'ly­

v,red comes to live wi th her son, wil l beque ath her daughter-in-laY�· with the

rights over the spoils of the hunt that she has held up until this ti me . From th i s mo m ent on, the husband \�·i l l no longer give certai n parts o f the animal (the

n-loongu

n1yambisi, literally, the "reserved parts" of the animal; see Dev i sch

62) t o the mother bu t t o h i s first wife: from no\v o n she may al so called yiluunda kyatsiingu. '-bearer of the rights over the neck;' since the

1 979: 1 7 1 n . be

neck of the animal is alv.'ays reserved for her alone. In giving over her rights to the game , the mother al so relinqui shes in favor of the daughter- i n-lav.' any

The Social Formation of Life Tro.nsm i ssion

1 25

powers to i n fluence her son's hunting. The rite of renunc iation of the ri ght s of

place in front of the home of the young c ou ple , where husband, the b u n t takes his mother and father, and the young wife gather. �nile pouring water over the

bands of the wife, the mother declares to he.r son : 1

2 3

4

�ieni yin-khen-,.·a mwaadi, kyeleka, ngwaaku \\rabuta

n g eyi .

B wal ee l u me.ni yikedi kudya n-loongu.

B \valeelu ngeyi \\'uka ye n-kheetu . Meni leelu ndobuke le:

moosu meka kwan-kheetu,

5

kadya n-loongu. ��\Vaana kayedi ,

1

I, in fact,

kalala mumayenu mangudiku. am

your first wife, (a)

I, your mother \vho brought you i n to this world . 2

To this day I have eaten the portions of the game reserved for the \\rife.

3

Today you have m arri ed yourself a v.o·ife .

4

Today I relinquish [ t hese rights] : may they be passed to your \Vife ; may she eat the ponions of the animal reserved for her. When the child has gro\vn, he no longer remains bound to the breasts of his mother.

5

Comment:

(a)

The mother of the youth is compared to the son's first wife in the sense

that, before her son's

marri age,

the right to eat the parts of the game re­

served to the \vife fel l to her. Her own son's welfare in mi nd, the mother of the yo ung man pre sents the young wife with the symbols of the successful hunt : red ointment, yikula, '\\'h ich

serves as a sti mulant .. and a hen for the hunt that the spou se will later prepare

for her hu sband, \Vho \�·i l l eat it alone. The young \Vife hands over the yikula

to the h usband to \\rish him a fruitful hunt . Once in the bu sh, the husband

proceeds ,-,.·ith the h unt after spittin g some yikula on the trigger spring of his rifle . The divi natory oracle-s would have one. believe that the. omission of j ust

one of these rites \\iould not only provoke a long-lasting fai lure. in the hunt, but would al so prevent his wife from conceiving. i\.s long as the mother has not

given up her rights over he.r son's hun ting , conjugal rel ations remain i l licit an d

are treated as equivalent to "assaul� rape" (yidyaata), as the oracle states. As · I have noted i n a previous work ( 1 979 : 1 1 6-1 7), the \\r'ife must be stri pped of

her ri ghts of the hunt, under pain of the appropriate calamities, when the

riage ends in di vorce or in the event of the de ath of the spouse.

mar­

1 26

Chapter Three

Blood i s not to be spilled in the hunt if it cannot add to the fecundity of th e

hunter,s \vife. In general it is considered fooli sh, and even dangerous, for th e man to go off on a hunt or to handle a knife without having taken ritual prec a u­ tion s during periods in which his w ife i s evidently inferti le : \vhile she is men ­ struating or w·hen she suffers from a gynecological disorder. I n s uch periods. the wife should avoid contact, even v i sual , with hunting instruments

(rifle,

knife , bow and arro\v), \Vhich connote violence and the shedding of blood ,

as

V..' ell as with ritual objects belonging to the hunt. Inversely, any gynecol og ic a l anomaly or sexual abuse on behalf of the Ylife is capable of causing the hus­ band's hunt to fail . Extramarital relations on the part of the \\li fe or her refu sal

to have sexual relations \•lith her husband are seen as equivalent, in the terms of an appropriate expression, to ''tv.risting the neck of the an imal " ( -zeka tsii­

ngu), that is, compromi sin g the fortune of the hunt. In order to remedy the situation, the husband w ill demand that the V..' ife produce more propitious signs

w ith regard to the hunt . If i t i s a nev.' marriage , those respon sible for th e matc h

are expected to intervene in the conflict. On the other hand, the husband redou­

bles his hunting effons when his \\'ife is pregnant or nursing a child.

3.5.2 �Waleficent .�orcery is the means to represen t and control

the agents of social disruption . At the end of the previous chapter, I argued

that the imaginary order of sorcery unsettles and reaches beyond the many

pol ar concepts and arrangements on which the world order rests. B ut from the

perspective of the legitimating di scourse of elders at the village center regard­ ing order and authority in the kin group, the di sruptive sorcerer embodies con ­ fl icting defi nitions. In lines w ith customary de mands , fami ly elders in their counc i l s as well as di viners in their etiological statements compare sorcerers to d\vellers of the forest intruding upon the vil l age , sub verting the social order� and feedin g on the blood of the relatives . Con flict and misfortune in the home­ stead are ascribed to the sorcerer v.'ho figures as the 'demonized' extraterri­ torial identified \Vith the blackness of charcoal and the obscure night, or w ith an acrid or pungent smell that arouses revul sion . Seen from within the center of diurnal and established village life , sorcery i s considered maleficent, the e mblem of anger� greed, wickedness , indecency, fil th, fol ly, inconti nence. , con­ cupiscence, and aggre ssion . Vvnereas in the utopi an and im aginary viev.' sor­ cery opens up to a realm of wonder and unexpected forces, called yipha, the

'norm-ali zed' viev-· inverts the boundlessness of the extraterritorial vlanderer

in search of vi tal resources , cal led mboongu, into an epitome of mboongi: ob­ scenity, lechery, incontinence, adu ltery, intrusive greed (yiphala). There are three basic modes or sources of fatal ensorcellment, namely, as a form of abu sive feeding on the uterine blood tie s, as an effect of visual intru­ sion implicating agn ates , or by occult means that outreach blood relations. First, fatal sorcery operate s along uterine li ne s and is con sidered a form of

The Social Formation of Life Tran smi ssion ,.

tin" the

other., . It thereby sustai ns the basic rule of sharing and commen" The capacity to ensorcell is con sidered co ngeni tal, for it may be trans­ to the individual from birth either by the mother or by the father in maternal uncle. It means that beliefs and accusations concern­ teague v:ith the ically aim at domesticating in-married women and in-laws� and ing sorcery bas thereby s us tain . exogamy. A sorcerous attack or fatal curse ( -kasa pfuundu�· is never de ad ly unless ''"an uncle has entered,., that is, has become vifi�'aandu) �n ac comp lice. to the affair. S orcerers tap the vital flo\\· (mooyi) from other kin smen. The transmi ssion and exercise of congenital sorcery is largely a ques­ tion of the matrikin� the three generations of uncles and their sisters' children; this is evidently a strictl y exogamous sphere. Ensorcellment in the uterine. line is spoken of as a form of eating or feeding oneself selfishly from the blood of a consan g uin e . Sec ond, in the agnatic line., sorcery is transmi tted and exploited as a fonn of sharp vision, a correlate of the elders' super-vision. The agnatic life forc.e (ngolu) that flo\\'S from ancestor to descendant is most powerful in the agnatic elder and grants him clairvoyance, that is, the piercing gaze. of super-vision. It may turn into an intrusive and ensorcelling eye by way of which a senior mem­ ber of the patrikin may steer his junior victim by intruding upon his thoughts, heart or inner vision, motives and dreams. A junior fears the lineage elders� except his father, and through gifts and deference he prevents their anger and revenge. According to shared conceptions, the patriarch sees to it that the elder in his lineage \viii avenge any of his descendants vlho suffered from ensorcell­ ment, and that the sorcerer \\'ill pay back the damage caused ( -laandila tsita). The lineage elder is assumed to knov.' through a kind of clairvoyance of any fatal sorcerous acts occurring between members of the lineage in order to com­ pensate a prior ·"debt of the night.'' The elder's intrusive gaze can dispossess the victim from his selfbood and inner life force ( ngolu ), but cannot kill unless there is complicity on behalf of the mother or mother's brother: together they may "cat away" his pnysical life-essence or vital fto\\' (mooyi). The sorcery that is transmi tted in the agnatic line from father to one or another of his (cl assificatory) sons is termed -teeml4.lasa, '•to open the eyes to." It occurs at the first cock 's crow when the realm of the night cedes to the diurnal one. One of the most important marks worn in this occu lt transmission of sorcery is the V.'hite clay that the father applies to the temples of the apprentice-sorcerer in order to "enlarge the sphere of the eyesH (-vuumbula meesu). When agnates conspire \�lith the matrikin to fatally ensorcell a descendant, it is said that the ancestral kaolin is "soiled with the blood of victims.'' When the ensorcelled person is made a\\·are of the impending harm through an oracle, he or she may legitimately respond by placing a curse on the suspected culprit. Third, there is sorcery that can be acquired through clandestine ritual initia­ ti on, often far a�'ay from home or from a foreign magician, and one \Vhich

�tv. �itt�d

1 28

Chapter Three

deploys the forces of poi son s , "medicines or ritual artic les of fi ght" ( bin w£la�

nunu), and occulti sm.

Repre.sentati on s regarding sorcery underscore in a subtle way soc ial order

and soc ial cohesion through an indi rect coercion in the realm of the imagi nary. On the one hand, sorcery situate s individuals in a kind of ' placebo ' in teractio n with the imagi nary \vorld of dreams and fantasies: sorcery arouses po ten t and

empowering images that enhance the social order through camivale sque inver­

sion and the revivification of desire, delight, and fascination with the n1o n­ strous. On the other h and , and conversely, the dream-like desire and lu st

(ndzala) that motivate the sorcerer is c haracterized as capable of sheer se lfi sh greed or envy (yipha/a). The sorcerer may engage in a sol itary and trans­

gress ive quest for force. He may join nocturnal and promiscuous meetings in

the dark and remote forest. In order to remain young and v igorou s , he then

feeds on the blood of his relative s. The sorcerer thus personifies the anti model�

the very inverse of the reproductive family uni t Yli th its highly val ued ideal s

of commensality, bodily contact, and shari ng of smell � sleep, and heart h . .A. s

antimodel, sorcery depicts a realm of greed, vice, horror, and aggression that

turns soci al life into a nightmarish scene, i nto nocturnal banquets of cannibals

in the fore st. And ye t, \\'hen po\verful l y displayed, these i magi nary phantasms

of sorcel)' come to work their po\ver of fragmentation, assault, curse . They

issue into 4>nocebo" relations between kin that may victimize some vulnerab le

members : the latter seem to open up themselves to the group 's an xieties , night­ mares .. and vicious speech and forces of repression.

The fantasies regarding cannibalism, l iterally, the "cooking pot of sorce rers'�

(ndzuungu zabaloki), in the remote rea l ms of the dark night and deep fores t depict, in an inverted way, the ideals of commensality in the family. The shar­ ing of meal s and the conjugal communion between partners and chi ldren at

home in the evening norm ally transform the bodi ly boundaries and orifices into means of exchange. Sorcery i s about agenc ies of empo\vennent through

the violati on of limits (see Devisch 1 986). Openness towards the other in com­ mensality and conjugality, hov.'ever, can be perverted into any extreme viola­ tion in the sorcerous banquets that are held in the black of night in the deep

fore st. Fantasies regarding the promi scuity of sorcerers demonstrate the extent to which the realm of the night, the imaginary, dream, sleep, and desire are replete with forces and agencies on w·hich sorcery feed s beyond the grip of the social and conj ugal order. The sorcerer"s reign is one of the senses over the

mind, of desire over reciprocity : sorcery undermines the reproduction of the community. The sorcerer is a sol itary actor \vho feeds h i mself se l fishly�

without sharing, and perverts intersubjectivity. Vlhereas conjugal union inau­ gurates a most vi tal intersubjectiv ity.. sorcery encloses the se lf-absorbed sor­ cerer into selfishness , confl ates fie lds , and perverts sociality into \\l'ickedne ss.

The Soc ial Formation of Life Tran smi ssion

J 29

he imagi nary disc ou rs e on sorce.ry, in \Vhich people proj ect on •the othe.rs '

T

· r 0,�·n u ncon scio u s images .. expresses i n i ts OVv'n ri ght society 's deep fe ar s . thel . re a di ng a d t ssol u t • on of the s el f and the household , an d thus formulates n ega r . g ly b a sic social rules and arran ge me nt-; . Terms such as ensorcel lment and

u:� o cere allow an indiv idual or the group to give vent both to fears and to sed in all e xp self­ o ns � be lie fs c on ce ing s orce ry �:si� expectaintithe third person, Vv'hich contributes to generalizing their appl ic a s

r

r

rn

are

res

a

e v ident way the same time p reven ti ng any cri ticism or c on testati on . The speak­ bil ity and at unkno\\'n : it is inconceivable. to depict onesel f as a sorc ere r or to ing s ubj ec t i s make an ac cusation in one 's O\\'D name as if o ne \\l·ere a wit nes s to a gi ven aginatio n .. through the individual act of sorcery and cannibal i sm . Popular i m ­

use of the i m age ry of cann i balism an d extre.me sex ual de.viance., constructs bou ndarie s that allow one to vividly im agi ne and, at the s ame time, to temper any suc h \\tild desire that cou ld pose a t hreat to society and, in particular, to

the househol d from \\'i thi n . The di scour se of ensorce llment fi g u rative l y e x ­ presses th e family 's de.eper fears faci n g the succession o f generati ons an d mat­ ri moni al exchange: it may disp el the group 's fears in opening i tsel f up to

\vomen marry i ng into it, to c hildre n who are born and member s \\'ho die. i\t

the same time, the discourse exorcises or di ss i pates evi l and m i sfonu ne , and further gives an indirect ex pre ss i on to soc i al rules. The. figure of the evil sor­ c e re r- i n

popular stories and etio l og i e s as we ll as in m any anti s orce ry prac ­

ti ce- s - i s the li vi n g examp le. of \v h at the ave rage Yaka should not become .

Conversely, it depicts \\'hat \Viii necessarily happen to individual s \\'ho depart

from the V.'ay of the elders and ancestor s , V.'ho n e g lec t to transmit tradi tion al

kno w ledge and customs, or dis dain s ocial boundarie.s, and so on . In the popular mi ndset, dogs and goats that in the d i urna l vil l age realm mate with the fem ale s

that dropped them al s o belong to thi s gloomy wor l d of sorcery. In order ttl atte st to the bounde dn es s and inv iol ab i li ty of his hom estead, the married man

will claim compensat ion from the head of a neig h bori n g but unrelated house­

hold whose goat or dog has repeatedly entered the house or'! \\'orse, crossed

and thu s de fi le d the hearth .

The theme of ev il sorcery sustains the rule of exogamy. In the c on te xt of

sorcerous b anquets , themes of nud ity.. i nce.st .. and quasi anim al feedi ng habits

characterize a nonsocialized

sex u a l ity,

or a sexual ity that i s too endogam ic .

These. themes serve to circumscribe the s e t of sociall y acceptable alliances

through images depi c ting the e q ui va len ce bet\veen the. n on m arri a geable. and

the noncomestible, inasmuch as each kin group has its particular food taboos .

Pop ul ar i m aginatio n releg at e s the world of sorcery, cannibalism� incest, and other a bo mi n able behavior to the gloom of the fore st \\'here pri mary kin walk about naked in each other's presence, practice ince. s t , and eat ra\\' human fle. sh.

This reference possesses an i ntegrati ng function, a me an s by v.'h ich the gr� up

1 30

Chapter Three

may represent itself to itself w ith the proposition: HThat is the other, of c o ur s e

in that it is the i nverse of what we are ;' al l the while remai ning ope n to

th�

incomprehensi ble, to the ' new ' an d unexpected event that it wi ll have to face. The panoply of protection paraphernalia against sorcery vents dee p a nx i­

eties i n the kin group regarding dismemberment. The protective meas ure s m av be compared to a hunt or a war against the intrusion of figures of the nigh t i nt

�

the heart of family life: the homestead, its unity, ferti lity, and vital c o m men­

sality. Ritual articles of \var ( mateenda, loombi, bin�t-·aanunu) tum mea n s of

mixture and intrusion- for example, the amphibious animals that are th e

disguise of the sorcerer after metamorphosis -th rough incinerati o n self­

destructively against themselves (as \Ve noted in relation to blackness, at 2 . 2 . 3 ) .

The patriarch or family head closes off the h omestead from th e intrusion o f a

monstrous forest realm: he places ritual arms of attack in the center of the homestead, at threshold points such as the doorway and entry to the sleepi ng

place, or attaches them to the beam that sustai ns the roof. The house is trans­

formed into a protective cell for life-bearing.

\\'ho engage s in these sorcerous jou rneys .. who is the witness to their deeds ?

This sort of question may be the concern of the guardians of customary order and the diurnal v illage realm inasmuch as these guardian s sustai n seniori ty relati ons and settle people w·ithin bounds, values, and categories. Both sorcerer and h unter are depicted as unsettled \\'anderers and predators who se aim it is to re-empo\\'er their v,.·orld through the kil l . Whereas a hunter may openly tell the pub l ic of his endeavors, a narrator of sorcerous journeys and plots, hov,.·ever., has never hi mself been a participant or a v,rime.ss to the journey. A success ful hunter may enjoy immense prestige by reason of the almost superhuman power that he holds over the animal \\'orld and of his capac ity to empower his kin sfol k through the ki ll. At ti mes settled villagers may attempt t o reappropriate this ex traterritorial vagabondage . It happens that the too successful hunter attracts suspicion because the imagery, in bestov,ring an almost s acred power over the forest realm onto his person , also ascribes to him an equally exten sive hence subversive pov.'er over the vill age realm . B esides, established diurnal society dra\\'S a fundamental distinction between these tw·o extraterritorial figure s :

hunter and sorcerer are depicted as moral opposites . The hunter i s praised a s a founder of diurnal society, for he leaves the village domain on ly during the day and provides the community with its most rewarded sustenance , reinvigorating blood and meat. On the contrary, in the moralizing discourse, the sorcerer i s considered th e anti thesi s o f civilitv... settlement communi tv.. and commensalitv.

Like the hunter, the sorcerer sets traps, lies in wait for and attacks his prey.. and �

�

�

'

�

carefully chooses the choice st cuts from hi s prey. But the sorcerer's prey is a close relative� as it is commonly said, the one v,rhom the hunter purveys w ith food. In other \Vords, the sorcerer feeds himsel f on the life force of the ve ry person for \Vhom the hunter provides susten ance . Disgust that established soc i-

The Social Formation of Life Transmission �·ith regard to the evi l sorcerer is t he same as th at for the pi g's expres ses hve na's ea ti ng habits : the sorce re r feeds on his children just as the pig and re spectively eat feces or c orpse s. The dog and goat i n turn are like s or­

e� �en; c�rers: they commit incest (see 4. 1 ) . In these various assoc i ations, the despised

figure of the evil so ce r is thus variously a powerful c.ensor o f semantic c on ­ � r_e flation and extratemtonal vag abondage, as \V ei l as of oral greed, sexual desire,

and threats to life tran smission.

B ody, Group, and Life-world

4

Beh·veen Maze and Wea"'e

Yaka cul tural symboli sm and healing practices sugge st that the ways in �·hi ch a person inhabits and repre sents her or his body deep ly affect the connecti o ns that person has Vlith others and �'ith the \\'Orl d. Day a fter day, coresidents

or

coiniti ates weave a m ulti l avered fabri c of relations between the fields of bodv, �

.

group (in essence the kin group) , and life-\vorld. A conson ance or resonance i s brought about and modulated betv.'een the se fie lds . It i s in this connection w ith others and the world that pe rs onhood is achieved . For pube scent boys� the focu s is on ex plorati on and on permeabi lity to others. The value of t h e fema le self both of t he young girl and o f married \'lom an is o n exchange o f serv i ces and some q ua l ified openness in the domesti c and conj ugal rea lm, and on clo­ sure and restra i nt i n the diurnal, pub l ic realm. Paradoxical ly, the more the se­ nior adu lt man extends his authority over seve.ral wives and a gro\\'ing number of descendan ts and in-la�·s, the more he grov.'s towards a bounde d, yet a u ton o­ mous self: the elder v.ril l eat al one speak w ith great moderation, or even refrain ,

al together from speech during formal meetings . Illness and misfortune d isrupt the fabri c : they close up the body in a

maze

of contrarieties, or they d i sco nn ec t or u nthread the weave. It is largely in their iconic language that the various symptoms are conceived of. The. cults of af­ flicti on and communal sodal ities are the many weaving looms through vlhic h Yaka culture rene\\'S itself. They produce each thei r own types of i nterlac ing

�

braids , plaits in and bet\veen the initiate 's body, group, and life-world . The Yaka regard the body both as a limit or bounded e xpa nse in sp ac e and time , an d as a possibil ity of opening up to the other and the \\'orld. The. body

( luutu)

limits the indivi dual

( nulutu).

In spatial term s .. the individual is more or

less confined within his or her envelope of ski n, she ll of dress and adornment, and conduct of modesty and restraint

(tsoni),

that is, within the soc ial ski n ;

temporal l y the indi vidual i s caught bet\\'een birth and death . At the same time, ,

the body also constitutes the site, medium , and filte r of physi cal and sensory e xchange \vith the others and the world. Contact �'ith other persons and the world is a function of the \\·ay i n �·hich the indivi dual inhabi ts his or her body. The orifices serve as the medi a for both exchang e and

s e.parati o n

indi vidual and others, between inner an d outer, and so

on.

between the

Body, Group, and Life-\\'Orld

_1 33

ce and transmi ssion of life are equa lly con st itutive of personhood . I n he ri tan this exch ange Y-'h ich forms the bas i s of social individuation , of social ide n ­

.

�

l� 1� and personhood:

u t)

in the exc hange, the subj ect inserts hi mself in the outer

r l d an d there by "becomes a pe rs on "

(wuka muutu):

"he becomes a whole ' '

;�uunga). The person i s a stitch of the fabric o f kin , and

as

yet separated from

nonkin. Acc.ordi ng to Yaka culture, spouses and chi ldren living tber v.'e bs of in otle dwellin g establish intense physical and sensori al contact w i th ..e th er other through bodily tran sactions suc h as the sh aring of table and bed,

�o e.a�h

olfactory con tact, physical intimacy at night, conversation. i nt i m ate fondli ng, and eye contact. These olfactory, acousti c, tactil e, motor� and v i sual fields of

tran s action serve to model hearth, home., and kindre.d, and through them t he

Yaka offer to one another signs of identity. The bodily shel l� orifices, and sense org an s ensure the reciprocal identi fic ation of the family mem bers ( see above

3. 1 ),

and, tran sposed sy mbolical ly upon the dome.stic space , they form a ram­

part around the household Vw'ith i n which the basic life-giving functi ons occur.

The house marks the she. l l into v.'hic h the. fami ly withdraws and devotes itse l f to li fe together, to a shared search for heal th. Bodi ly, family, and domesti c sp ace are in day-to-day bas ic activities symbol i cal l y e.xtended to the life-world . The twofold function of the body, name. l y of bounding off and interrelating ,

forms the underlying dynamic i n the construction o f the i ndiv i dual 's universe.

(Devisch 1 990b , 1 99 1 c) . The physical body provides the most immedi ate and

tangible frame of refe.rence V.'ithin which the indi vidual forms and compre­ hend s herself or himsel f in relation to the kin group and the life-�·orld. This

bipolarity of bei ng connected and yet apart underl ies the i ntegration of the

social, cosmological , and bodily domain s. In thi s "'domain cross-referencing',

(Dougherty and Fernandez 1 98 1 : 4 1 3 ) , the body metaphorically intert�·ines it­ self \�·ith the social body and the life-\vorld \\'h i le it is itself patterned and

con solidated by this integration . According to the Yaka, the core of th i s dy­

namic and vital interac ti on betwee.n, for example, inner and outer, boundary

maintaining and crossin g, is formed by mediational tactile, olfactory, oral ,

sexual, and interactional experiences. As the Yaka see i t, these experiences

are related to l i fe- giving or life-promoting acts and exchange such as the inti­

mate contact within the fam ily, the exchange of corporal smell or bodil y shade ,

eating and digesting, transmission or reception of semen, gestation and

delivery.

Through taste and touch, feeling s of hunger, attraction and repulsion and the

like, the skin and bodil y orifices filter a \Vide range of sen sations, perception s ,

an d reactions that may or may not en ter o r affect the body. Interaction v i a the

b odily openings thu s serves to construct a bas ic polarity: the ori fices diffe.ren­ tiate bet\\'een ins i de and outsi de of the body, upper part and lo\ver part, front

and behind, before and after, all the Vw'hile. pennitting or preventing pass age

and contac.t. At the same time., taste. , touch, and fe.eling s ti e in v.rith percepti on s

Chapter Four

1 34

such

as

of savorine ss, ni ceness, delectabi l ity (nyeki, mbote) versus disgu�t,

harshness, hurtfulness (plwsi, nJbi ). It would appear that the experie n ces of

conjugal in tercourse, breast-feeding, V.'eaning, and, more than any othe r, th e strict rules of commensal ity, serve to fashion the imagery relative to fel lo \\'.. feeli ng and concord as opposed to separation and dissension . There is a close relation between the spatial position and posture of the bod v.

the type of sensory contact, and the type of identification that together serve

t�

con stitute the identities of persons living together. Our attention is drawn her e

to the position an d posture of the body \\'ith regard to other persons inasmuch as these re lations are qualified along vertical or horizontal, lineal or conce ntric,

progressive or cyclical axes of space and time. The Yaka do in fact share the

meal seated in a circle on the ground. The husband lies in bed \Vith his back to

the door as if to cover, protect, and enclose the w ife, who l ies on the side of

the rear wal l . Insemination is perceived as a movement from high to low - a man should b e above his \vife during conjugal union; erotic songs assoc i ate

insemination \Vith the image of buri al, inasmuch as the genitor prefigures hi s

death by engenderi ng a son \Vho will succeed him. Birth, by contrast is per­

ceived to occur in an opposite vertical movement : the parturient leans sli ghtly

backwards in the arms of a senior woman kneeling just behind her, so that the

infant comes into the Ylorld in an al most upright movement. The emergence of

the newborn is thu s a prelude to the movement which must gradually separate him from the mother and from mother earth. A chi ld or youth is expected to interiorize the words of the adult�, as if by means of a horizontal and centri­

petal movement. The adult man stands erect and speaks with authority, \\'hile the aged person, likened to an eagle, is thought of as being above al l others by virtue of the c lairvoyant gaze that places him in a position of super-vision.

Spatial logic constitutes a norm and serves to ' norm-al ize' the activities of the orifices and the sen se organs . Spatial partiti ons and prescribed movements function as the criterion of the normal or the normalized over against any devi­ ant or pathologi cal state. The spatial code acts very much as a preverbal means of socialization. It is the infonnal and often tacit eye and tactile contact and the transmission of language, etiquette, and the code of interpersonal behavior that insert the child and the i ndividual in the symbolic and ethical order shared by the group. Space ties in with time : the more important transitional phases in the course of one's life in itiate the i ndividual into the ancestral past through its ritual reenactment and link him or her up \\'ith the group's development.

4. 1 Physical and Sensory Modes of Contact !\1any of the criteria of partition transition, and mediation deployed in spatial � and temporal categorizations are equally applicable to the human body. Age , gender� patri lineal descent, matri lineal fi liation, genealogical pro ximity, initia-

Body� Group , and Li fe -\.vorld

t 35

. 0� and va rious form s of socio-professional activity and status are by

me.ans

u;r;� and soci al code ( re)in scri bed in the body, the group, and the l ife-world �at lhey themsel�·es bel� to �as �o� . Certain soci al and spatial differences in­

espondtng boda ly dtsllncttons. vo l ve corr �'be n referri n g to the nose, the Yaka are av.'are of more than the si mp le ell, for to the m smell repre sents something unconfined that easily sen se of sm ral barrier s and spatial limits. Olfaction and sexual ap petite ro e c s s s corpo v.; hi ch i s com pared to hunger, are co n si dere d to be mani festati o ns of the vital ,

fl ow (mooyi). In informal talk, people. confide that seduction and sexual de s ire are stimulated less by games of touch� speech, or sight than by sharing in a m e al of the fruits of the hunt � and even more by another form of s hari ng vital flo\\', the exchange of body smell or heat . In the amorous encounter, the se nse

of smell alternatively plays the role s of source and witness to the sexual desire of the partner. The term for erotic t ran sport , -nyuukisan� trans l ate s literally, , '-to cause to mutual ly scent the odor that one excites because of the. other.� In

olfactory as in coital exchange, each of the partners gives and recei ves at the same time . The desire and pleasure that the partners incite in the other refle.ct and reinforce the excitation and the reciprocal giv ing in sexual union. Scent, breathing in and out, and sensation- i n other v.'ords, bodily odor, heat, rhythm, and energy-are all intimately rela te d in Yaka thought . The. excitation of scent increases the rhythm of breathing and heartbeat and gives the sensation of

a

higher temperature. (The lungs have no particular soci al signification.) The olfactory domain is, according to the Yaka, a generator of vital flov.', vital im­

pulse, and regeneration . The link bet\veen olfaction� sexual attraction, and vital ft ov.' in l i fe transmis­ sion and health is transferred to the fields of soci al relations and life-\\iOrld. Cigarettes and tobacco are the. gi fts par exce.llence for tacitly soliciting, main­

ta i nin g and symbolically represe n tin g l udic sexuality outside marri age. As its ,

odor is highly appreciated, tobacco tends to function in a v.ray analogous to the use of pe rfu m e in many other societies. An apparently insurmountable dis­ agreem e nt between partners, for example, may be explained as an incompati­

bility of odors . This accounts for the Yaka b el i ef that aromatic forest plants,

for men, and savanna plants , for \\'omen , may be used to remedy infertili ty.

Fragrant essence s are employed in smoke or steam baths, ablu tio ns, anal or vaginal douches, or for covering the bed v.rith plants in the khita gyn-eco­ ..

log ic al ' healing . The sexual connotations of the sense of smell are also sy m b ol ­ i cally expressed in the phallic nose ad orni ng the kholuka mask used in the circ um cision rites ( Devisch

1 972�

Bourgeois

1 984: 1 35-77).

B ad odor by contrast, may also evoke th e ob l ite ration o f b oun dari e s wit­ ,

,

nessing to a pe rv ers ion of reciprocity. S t ain and repugnant odors can thus be fou nd at the base of moral sentiments such as rej ection or condemnation of the

behavior of a foreign individual or group. The behavior of the dog v.'h i ch is

1 36

Chapter Four

attracted to the bitch in heat, sniffi ng at the genital part s and even mati ng \\'ith its own mother� prov ides the imagi nati on with an example of the noctu r n a l

promiscuity of sorcerers . In any case, the Yaka do not pet their dogs, nor do

they exalt canine habits. Hence, a suitor may be rejected on grounds o f th e accusation that he or she consumes dog meat. If a strange dog enters seve r al

times i nto a particu lar home, the household chief may demand compen sat ion

of the o\vn er. An i ncestuous person - literal ly. '�the genitor \vho choke s down

the foam of his own fermentation" -is bel ieved to expose h imself to lepro sy. In my interpretation, the association vY'ith leprosy sho\vs how much i ncest i � regarded as negating the very role of sldn t th at i s t the minimal limit bet\\iee n

consanguines. The rev ulsion pertai ning to incest and l eprosy refers t o the tai nted gen ital smel l, as do the aversions to the unc i rcumcised adult man and

to hemorrhoids, which appear to mix anal excretion \•lith me nstrual blood . Such forms of po llution m ay "bring mi sfortune"

( -beembula).

The link between odor, sexuali ty, and health is a l so expre ssed in the cu l tu ral conception of the rel ati on betwe en decadence and prosperity, bet\l,'een death and life . Fecundation is considered as the partial death of the geni tor, follo\ved by a "fermentation" and "cooking" \\l·ithin the womb of the male semen and the lifeblood of the genitri x. Genital odor i s considered a particular form of organic energy that, through sexual exci tati on, transforms decay i nto regenera­

tion . The exchange of genital odor in sexual intercourse exercises a function of \Velding together vital forces and is compared to the odor given off by the carcass of game ; through i ts incipient decay, compared to fermentation t vY'h i le remai ning one night i n a hide outside the vil lage, and through its subsequent cooking, the product of the hunt i s transformed into force-giving and vital nourishment. In other terms� attraction, odor., food, sexuality� and health are all metaphorically connected as conversions of de ath into rebirth . The sense of touch as it is exerci sed by the fingers or skin is also a keen faculty of sensation and perception . To identify plant life , people will touch the pl ant with the fingers and l ips� or sme l l it, as much as visually examine it. The variou s sen sations are expressed in tenns of compactne ss , roughne s�, li quidity, flexibili ty, or in terms of taste. However, a meal is appreciated no t

so

much for its taste but for the spices th at heat up the body and for the n utritional quality of the meat and fatty sauces -indicati ng their propen sity to renew the blood-as V.'ell as for the feeling of havi ng the stomach v.'ell filled, a sensation best attributed to the th ick manioc porridge. While men seem to particularly enjoy spi ced and s alted di shes of meat, condiments , and sauce s �·hose consi s­ te.ncy or savor- as is said-connote virile hardness and alertness, they di sdain soft , juicy., or s\\l·eet comestibles or su gary snacks and drinks re served for Vw'omen and chi ldren . Taste or distaste do not connote any moral evaluati on , although in the game of love or pl a}1ul seduction a girl may be described as "savory" or the boy as a ''tonic

.9 ..

t 37

Body� Group. and Li fe-world

a re i s given to properly boundi ng off one's bodily space : it is a fu nc­ G re t c a . n of s e l thood. One 's clothing, shado\\', and bodily emissions- suc h as hair, uri n e, feces , saliva and sweat-arc all c losely associated with the body

:�idls, t may be separated from it. They thus serve as substitutes for the body e =a y}arge number of rituals and in the confection of means of protec tion and sorcel lment. On_e should never step on the shadov.r of an elder person , or n �ake some leaf or sand from w here he was just sitting . These bodi l y extensions

are to

be bound off., c l eansed, or removed at the beginning or end of a ritual

sec l us io n in which the initiate, or the w id0\\7 or v..· idower, undergoes a profou nd ch ange thro ugh ritual death and rebirth. The individual is conducted at daw n

10 a nearby stream i n order to bathe. H i s o r her ol d c lothing is al lowed to be s v.·ept aw ay by the current and the body is v..·ashed with an ointment; the head

may als o be shaved. Any bodily pol l ution i s thereby removed

(-katula ntbvi­

seetnasa .

The hou se\\7ife

indu) and the indi vidual is "puri fied, made bright'- ( -

)

bathes the baby, \\'ashes her own and ch i ldren's c lothing, and s\veeps the house : it is the task of the married man to s \Veep the courtyard, and he doe s his o\vn

laundry. C leansi ng not only marks a rupture with a previo us condi tion, it a l so

resets the limits of the body and inv ites the individual to re-o\vn his rej uve nated body as h i s. The pagnc or belt

(tsibu,

or a substitute cord) offered to the cir­

cumcised, initi ate , or \'-l' i dow by the uncle at the end of the sec lusion are the signs of thi s rene\\'al and reappropriation . After birth- giving the mother ties a v;oo len cord around the waist of the nev.·born for the name-giving cere.mony.

In passing through the thre shold of palm leaves that close off the ritual dv.'e l l ­ ing or screen off a compound, the i nitiand enters o r leaves a foetal condition .

Congru ently, leaving the state. of sec l u sion si gnifies bi rth or de livery. To\\'ards the end of the rite .. in order to sever initiatory ties, the initiated pays a fee consisting of a cloth or its equi valent '�to his master to clothe him and come out from betv.'een his legs." In other i nstanc es, such as in a l awsuit, the offering of fabric connotes rehabili tation as \Vell as bou nding off. Even more than c lothing .. \vhich is to some extent an artifact of recent date ,

diffidence or shame ( tsoni) has a concealing or indiv idualizing fu nction i n that

it ke.eps the more uncon trollable of the bodily or emoti onal reac tions-such

as sexual desire and bodi ly emissions , as we ll as handicaps-from the gaze of others. Shame also atte sts to a certain inviolability of the body, thereby making the person impermeable to intrusion. At dayti me and in the village space� for e ;(ample, it i s strictly forbidde-n lo denude oneself, excrete, or make sex ual allusions in the presence of close ki n to\\'ard s \\.. hom one ov.·es respect, the

same set of persons� in fact, \\'ho arc mutually held to respect the rules of i ncest. l\.1en \\'ill refer to this kin group as

plu:Jangya kaanga n-kapa.

' •re latives

of the closed belt." In the diurnal village space, an intentional act of di srobing

in the presence of this c lose. kin is consi dere.d a most se rious obscenity., an

at tack, as it were, on the very eye sight . Such an act brings misfortune

Chapter Four

1 38

(mbeembi)

upon the wit ness \Vho, accordin g to popu lar \vi sdom_ is liab l e t o suffer i nj ury from a knife or other accident. In s ulti ng a person by making re fe r­

ence to his genitals or those of his mother amou n t s to an assault on or a de fl a­

tion of his i denti ty or to an accusat i on of ill-fated promiscuity. It may in fac t res ult i n the near os trac is m of the person who has been insu l ted . On the ot h er hand, rules of decency governing interaction , speech, and dress are less s tri ctly

enforced on the peri phery of the v i llage or at nightfa ll_ as well as am ong age­

mate s of the same ge.nder when meeting outside the compounds duri ng the day. Finn bre as ts

(mayenu mandzaanga)

along v.rith the hips are9 within the

circle of joki n g relations , the object of teasing and erotic desire. Fal len breasts

(mayenu mabwa), chi l dbe ari ng .

because of the ir nouri sh i n g function, are synonymous for

The head , a� the seat of the main sensory organs9 i s a m ajor focus of petiec­

t i on in soc ia lity. The elder s hould d i spl ay a stable mood and gravitas (zitu,

literally, '-wei ght, rest") in movement, ge s ture s , an d facial e x.pre s sion , e spe­

ci ally o f the eye s ; h e i s expected not t o reciprocate eye co nt act o r to shov.' signs

of sympathy� surprise , s e d uction , anger, or disdain. In everyday expres sion,

h unger� col
(-mona ndzala, kyoosi, phasi, kyeesi,

9

literally, hto

see hunger, cold9 p ain , j oy,' etc.). One refers to ep i le pti c fits. trance , fain ting.

drunkenness, madness, and several other fonns of loss of control bv i!.. . s tat in ....

that the "head i s softe ne d , impre ssible"

(n-t�t-·a '":ukooka).

Blood and be l ly, and more general l y the soft tissues of one 's body, make up

one 's vital ties with the mother and the u terine source of al l life . Givin g bi rth

to

children , be ing and having a mother provi de a profou nd experience of human connection, ''of bei ng of the one v.·omb" (mu yivumu kintosi). Healthy blood and the function of the belly, it is believed, depe n d on a good b ala n ce betv.'een

proper i ntake and regul ar excretion. The Yaka believe that the belly absorbs food a n d exc retes th a t \\'hich it is not able to transform into blood . B lood is

th ought to be either p rod uced or co rru pted specifically in the abdo men and

es pec ial ly in the heart and li ver. Anemia9 rectal piles, and stools with blood are

indications of a deterioration of the blood. B ecau se of thi s dual function , the

belly may s erve to signify many other types of am bigu ities , polari zations. and

reversal s . The pro du ction of he a lthy blood req ui re s not on ly a good diet but

also the regular e vacuation of the i n te stin al tract. Facil itating bowel movement, it is said, directly contribute s to improv i ng one 's health, and efforts in thi s

di re ction are e s pec i al l y recommended in p e riods of trdll siti on, \�·hether sea­

sonal, life -c y c li cal , or during pregnancy. Enemas- and very rarely vaginal

douches- are taken V.'ith the goal of p urg ing the body of any in te ri or ill. The abdo me n i s the seat of di gestion and human reproduction . Like hu n ge r9

desire is

a

9

sexual

fu nctio n of the "ma ster of the abdomen .' Coitus , child b irth, and

menstruation defy the bodily li mits a nd vividly point to the outside/i nside po-

Body. Group,

t 39

and Life- world

1 rit y. Thi s is the reason V.'hy the belly may al so des ign ate the maternal di mcn­ of the homestead enclosing parents and chi ldren, as a place of departure arrival for nev.' ly •Ned women. The belly� more than any other bodi l y part

�on �r or

fu nc tion , symbolizes ho\-..· much , because of their common uterine orig in� nsangu ine s have a direct, p hy sic al influence upon one another. Thus an elder

c.o who has reac hed an exceptional ly great age is thought to have done so by feed­ source at the expense of others . ing on that very uterine life

4.2 The Relational Body The Yaka perceive of the bod y as the p ivotal poi nt from \Vhich th e subject t graduall y de velops a sense of iden i ty. One gradu a l ly becomes a pe rs on

through the progressive formation of a center of interiority, spoken of as the

heart. The major achievement of childhood and youth is the c apacity to l i sten

attentively, that is., to learn and educ ate oneself through hearing. Except for the

communal rites and initiations, traditional education is rath er suggestive and infonnal . A

child is expected to understand by

her- or himse-lf, that is, v.rith the

aid of the heart: the latter allo\\'S for the form ation of imag e s or i nsight, de­

pictin g by

way of some i nner vi sion what the ear has heard and decoded. A

ch ild i s rarely corrected in public� though she or he may be chased away. It i s

the privilege o f the fully adult man , notably the father o f marriageable or mar­

ri ed children, to speak on

the occasion of a palaver, ceremony. or tribunal . The

aged man, having attained the summit of socialization , rises above al l oth ers thanks to h i s piercin g gaze and supe rior vision: he thus di stinguishe- s

in a relation of verticality vi s-a-vis his group. Listening ( -wuula) is an active and deman di ng

himself

process . It perm it s the child

and youth to progress ively establish in the heart a center of inner understand­

ing , evaluation , and remembering. In the process the child is not taught to hear, value , and strengthen his or her own voice . In Yak.a though� socializat ion derives essentially from listening and particularly from the capac ity to enc lo se

and ponder in the heart the ideas and ideal s that one he ar s in the words of

others . Most talking in the fa m i ly

is

not during the meal , but in the evening

while si tti ng in front of the home. The grandparents are more likely than the

parents to draw out the voices of the young c hildren . In

tum, grandparents

and

grandchildren love bri nging up or co mm e ntin g on �'hat they believe, on their

journeys to fi elds and river. Meanwhile , there gro\vs a sense that there are but a fev.· ve rs ion s of the same story. The grandpare nts in

explain

particular take

time to

to children , through story and play, ho\\' they are expected to behave

tov.'ards their relative s in tenn s of respect and shari ng . The q uestions adu lts

often ask of chi ldren are of the type: '�Vlho told you that?'" or "\Vhat uncle say to you?" The ear� and therefore hearing or listening,

to membership

did YQUr

are a prerequisite.

in soci e ty. To l i sten and to learn to speak is to accept the social

1 40

Chapter Four

rules and the order of culture expressed by the word. The ear deciphe rs the

s ig nifi cation of the voiced . •'The ear is its o\vn master" (p_{unn t'a l rl ). say the Yaka, as it is itself a b l e both to decode the message and to c onvey i t to the heart to po n de-r for a correct response. Listen i ng and speaking in di urnal and public village space are even

coded. Here the c o mplem e ntarit y

bet\\·een j un i or and senior

m ore

is one bet\\o'een

l i s tening and speaki ng, bet\veen recep tion and emission, bet\\'een '"those Vlho snuggle togeth e r' ' (pl. baleeki) and

toge th er

"

gen itor' '

(mbuta). For

a chat, people hu � ._..

in a circle, s itting on a mat, a tabouret or a lo\\' rattan chair. ln the se

dai l y conversations, the. relati onship between speake r and listener is not

thou ght of in terms of

verticality,

as would be a relation of s ubmi s si on and

domination, but rather in tenns of centripetal and centri fugal m ove me nt s . In publ ic diurnal space and till seniority, identity is very much received through

the voice s o f othe s . Chi l dre n an d you t h are not encouraged to expres s th eir r

thoughts spontane-ou sly in public. They are to adults-both men and women­

w hat the ear is to the \\'ord : they are. an ear to the ad u l t s . In other words, they

are encouraged to subordinate the ir ov.·n \Vords t o the representations and val­

ues that they hear in the voices of others . From the age of five or six ye ars girls remain in the company o f women or peers, \\#'hile boys often remain in the

company of male elders : they kno\\1· that th ey should keep quiet when joining t he ir fathers in a council. Elders will seldom tell a junior \\#·hat they v.·ant hin1

to do; they apparently expect of j uniors to kno\\' in advance. It is i n the comm u­

n it y of e lders that the child learn s the rules of respec t and how to behave him­

s e lf or herself when in pu b lic . Juniors learn that kno\vledge is receive.d and

on l y to be di splayed at i nvita ti on and as a mean s to come to term s \\7ith

dyaambu, ''an affai r

,

a

critical situation� advers i ty, or predicament." An adult wi 1 1

rarely praise the un iq ue traits or skills of a child i n pu bl i c . Adults do not u su­ ally ask a

c hi ld

what he thinks or desires yet n everth e les s are careful not to

offe n d a child emotionall y. And a chi ld, or even an adult, will never ask, "\\'hat

do you think of me?'' or "VYbat would you \\'ant me to become ?'� The heart

(mbuundu) is the

core of the individual, namely of i nne r unde-r­

standing or i nner sight. The individual he reby grad ually ide-nti fi es herself or

himself w·ith a core of re ce i ved k nowledge of kin, of th i ngs good an d eviL

trus tworthy and dangerous, and of proper v.·ays of spe aking . The heart is not a

loving or he lp i ng others. The child i s supposed to progressively acq u i re a certain i n t eriori t y, and to become capable of maintaining some dis­ t ance v.·ith respect to others, and to sift out the mea ni ng of their speech. In the Ya.ka view of the person, the heart has the abil i t y to envision the me-ssage cap­ capacity for

tured by the ear and to empowe r it from inside. Specifically. it allo\\'S the i magi­

nation to pi c ture \vhat the ear has captured and thereby offe.rs tran slation of \\l·hat

h as been heard. It

a v i sual

appears that the chi ld or youth is in fact

enc ouraged to observe and scrutinize \'lith the aid of the heart rather than the

Body, Group� and Life-\vorld

]41 ves. The

usual question di rected to chi ldren is "Have you heard it?'' and not

�� mu ch "Have you seen it'!" Meanwhi l e, the chi ld learns to spontaneously �bare its food and bed V�· i th brothers and sisters, \\'ithout an adu l t hav i ng to

i n tervene. The heart is the center of moral vision and the source of •'concord and cor-

dial ity'� ( -buunda, yibuund�l-·a). It enable-s the person to review his or her past and to en \'i sion ho\v e ssential plans s hould be carri e-d ou t in the future . A moral

de ci sion sprin gs from the heart's inner vis ion while attending to the expecta­ ti on s of others and to c onc eptions of right and \\rron g. The heart is the seat of s tabili ty and patience, of feelings and reflection upon the.se, of v i rtue and c on sci ence ; w i th age the heart becomes the source of wi sdom, memory'! and

commemoration . It is in the heart that is borne one's sense of difference from

others-a differenc e understood in terms of kno\\'l edge and statu s, rather than

of l i fe project. The heart sustains

fellow-feelings

such

as

sympathy, joy, con­

cord, sadness .. and regret. In sum, it is in the he art that the individual grows towards a responsive and cente.red s ubject, thu s acquiring a core of being interi or space. The more the person echoes or ponders \\'ithin

himself his

or

per­

cepti ons and becomes capable of we l l-balanced comprehen sion'! the more he

enjoys the good\\'ill and acceptance of others. Persons incapable of l i stening

or demonstrating any receptiveness are , in contras� consi dered obtuse and con ­ sequently

less

than human . S hould it ever happen that the ears, eyes, or hands

become repeatedly unable to correctly fi l ter or decode messages given by oth­

e.rs , it is as sumed that the heart and body of the individual are inhabited by a

mal iciou s spirit or are ensorcel led . The afflicted person c loses in upon himself

or begins to lose hi s senses (see 4.3 belov.') . It is considered a sign of death �·hen the person in mortal agony no longer responds when addressed.

The liver is the pol ar opposite of the heart., literally "at the bottom of the

heart'' (kutsyambuundu). In contrd..�l to the heart 's ability for listening and for

envisioning the message so as to en hanc.e cordiality and con science'! the liver­

al so cal led katika, '\\·hat is c l osed or turned i nv.'ard" - i s see.n as the seat of

unbalanc ed feelings that may

and fierce hostil ity.

be

too hot or too cold, as are aloofnes s, anger,

In praising the man as hunter, Yak.a c ulture dome sticates violence in favor

of reproduction and sharing . The viri le life-generating force is complemented

by

a metaphorical equivalent from the forest in the i mage of the hunter \\'ho..

in drav.'ing blood , transform s game into hig h ly valued nourishment. For a man ,

"li fe tran smi ssion i s a manifestation of force'� (ngolu mubuta baana). Both the

acts of life tran sm i ssion and catching

game

in the h unt give a vertical dimen­

si on to viri l ity. A vast tradition of folktales and hunting cu lts as wel l as the.

complex of joking in the context of the hunt exalt the viri le powe-r which flaws

through the stiffened mu scles and the tonic vigor (khoondzu, "erectness") of

the hunter's \\'ho le body as it tenses for action, compared to th e manner of a

Chapter Four

1 42

bow ready to launch an arrow towards the prey. From time to time, seem ing l y more often i n rural than i n urban mil ieux, a husband beats his w i fe under th e

of a palave r \V ith in-laws during which he has been countered. He wil l do so in plain vie�' of h is neighbors, preferably around mealtime in the evening. And conversely, one i nfl uence of alcohol , after a difficult hunt, or on the occasion

may hear a 'Noman complain that her husband no longer beats her, implying his lack of endearments. On the contrary, divorce w·ould i ss ue if a man repe at ­ edly beat his wife, out of sight, at night i n the conjugal home . By releg ating this violent behavior to the public and diurnal domain, the cultural code seems to disconnect aggressive viril ity from the intimate and hearty sharing

conjugal enc ounter as it is usually lived in the privacy

in the

of the darkened home.

In their public discourse, Yaka men do not conceptualize sex in relation to love or intimate partnership. Sex is fonnally spoken of with regard to the reproduc­ tion of society. B ut the patriarchal ideology

and mascu linist life-style cele­

brated on the public stage appear to praise virile generative sexuality mai n ly as an act of dom ination . Publ ic exaltation of viri le sexual ity in songs,

jokes.

and rituals seems to have a ton ic effect, largely because it reassures the men of

their masculine power to control or domi nate .

Seniority grows with multipl ication of the self in descendants and initiates. Life transmiss ion .. productive work, and various i nitiations in communal sodal ­ ities and affl iction cults increase one 's seniority and �'eave the individual i n a multilayered fabric of re lations. Gender differences dwindle v.rith seniority :

kha or khaaka, literally, "gran" or '4grandparent:' are tenns of both address and reference for fu lly seni or people. Seniority channe ls an assertive sense of se lf, and seniority in women is socio-centered . Young women turn to seni or ones. namely grandmothers or mothers-in-law, for i nformation and advice. The se­ nior female is the beloved grandmother to a numerous offspring, the one \\'ho fondles the grandch ildren and \\·ho is "the guardian of the hereditary kaolin clay''

(yiluunda kyapheemba) to her husband's office as patriarch or priest i n a

communal sodality. Cu lt initiation moreover bestows seniority and empow­ erment on the woman, shared with the coinitiates . Faithful conjugality and generous commitment by \\'omen to domestic tasks are rarely a topic of prai se in formal public discourse . They may form topics of conversation or of edify­ ing narra tion in the homestead. Conversely the more men grow in seniori ty, the more they affinn autonomy, not as

an embodiment of 'logos ' but of totalizing

sociality and worl dliness. The senior male is able to augment his social status by responsibly exercising the roles of husband to several wive s and father of marrie d children, family head, judge, healer in a cult" or ritual speci ali s t . These

roles allow the man to extend his matrimonial goods, word, and ritual commi s­ sions over an ever-larger territorial space . The more he deploys contractual and spatial forms

of statu s, the more he must prove his mastery -of a more or

Jess ritual character-over the sensory body, including the demonstration of

Body� Group. and Life-world

( 43

ette, res traint, and a certain corporal continence. ln other v,rords, the m ore "�·� u t s amplified in terms of territorial space, the more a dense and self­ hJS i de n i ty i ntered individuality is constituted. B y contras t, any uncontrolled or extrusive hav i or by a senior male who is incapable "of keeping a level head, of con in ing h is pas sion or vengeance" inverts or perverts the nonns of seniority threat to community life. The impatient heart that is easily enraged and �u st as q uickly empties i tself in insinuations and hypocri ti cal accusati on s i s dis dained; such behavior leads to quarreling, jealousy, insults, i ntract­ able moods� and final y to v.·hat is labeled as madness. Authori tarian and authorial speech , -v-t-·eela, is men's form of ''bi rth-giv ing� ' ( -vli-•eela). In recycling received knowledge and tradition, men join in a \v i der rocess of regeneration. They do not so much aim at re as sertin g the ancc stral mas ter narrative about a basic project or telos in society. �1en's public discourse is not a narrative of mastery, but aims at renewing the fundamental inter­ \�·ovenness or vital solidarity between group and life-\\'orld. Palm wine fosters the elders' speech, and important councils are preceded and pro l onge d by sounds of drum and gun v.·hich link up the birth of v.·ords with a more encom­ passing cosmic and social space: it is a n-saml·va mata, "a bearing of a me ssage with a salvo," ofte n follov.·ed by "a bearing of a mes sag e \\'ith the great drum or the talking one" (n-sam l·va ngoma, n - samwa 1noondu)- drums who se re­ sp ective male and female gen ital significance is glaring . They echo the reso­ nance between body, group, and life-world. Authoritative speech is an art of senior men, and it implies the junior as l istener The senior orator stands to listener as partly recycled tradi tion and constructed wisdom stand to received knowledge . Formal speech is n ot so much conce-rned \\'ith truth as with empo\\'ennent and regeneration of group and life-\vorld. It happens that facts of gene al og y or relative seniority are rede­ fined into facts of meaning rather than of objec tive factual remembering. �fore readily for men than for women , seniority involves a transition from receptive, that is, interiorizing._ li stening to assertive speech. To sp eak with authority and organize ri tuals., that is, to generate. society through the word, is the privilege mainly of the male elder. A man whose c hi ldren in turn beget children may him self play a promine-nt role in the verbal and ritual reproduction of culture and the inten\'eaving of group and life-v.'orld. In councils, younger women are spoken for by the patriarch of the home­ stead, and elder women lack any central position In her function as ml'l-'aadi, c o-di gnitary of a senio r man� the eldest wife gains some access to public and authoritative spee-ch. \\'bile sitting in a rov.' of wome- n , with lo\\'ered eyes and often rhythmically tapping on the ground with the back of the hand, she may bring a complaint, reveal an i mperfection, tell experiences in great det;.1i 1 � drav.· attention to events in the homestead, or invite the audience to hear the voices of this or another hou se m ate Her speec h witnesses to her tendency to �

.

: �: a

and

!qually

l

p

.

.

left

.

144

Chapter Four

shape her thoughts to match those of others. She is less self-indulge nt than men, but very settled and connected with kin and life-world, displaying a

s tro ng sen se of shared self. Similarly, in a communal ritual, any individual \\'Oman may stand up and as sertively bring out a wish or grudge; w·hen neces­

sary, a w·oman may als o defend her rights before a tribunal. Women do proffer c u rs es just as men. In certain relations, si lence may have as much social significance as speech.

The in d ividual may not spe a k to persons tow·ard whom he is expected to feel re spect and modesty, at least not in public or on his own behalf. In the private sphe re , th e refusal to spe ak \\'ith tho s e who share the table a u gur s ill. Assertive spee ch (ngaandzi) and authoritative kno\vledge of the traditions (bumba!--u) displ ay force and vivify the listener and life-world . They are the privileg e of the pa triarch. family head , ritual specialist., and respec t ed elders. This spe ech enacts and imposes d i s ti nc ti on .. that is, the normative and hierar­ ch ical order. Elders take for grante d that palavers honor their concerns� that is, auth orit y and tradition as the source of or de r and well- be i ng . \\'hen speaking, the orator maintains an erect posture, vY'ith sh o ulders raised and chest protrud­ ing . The speaker is admired for his vigo rous voice. (ngolu), erect stance (khoondzu), com bative attitude, and s ense of surprise (ngaandzi). The upright st ance of the orator ex presses a j udi ci ary po\\ler and sovereignty, contrasted w·ith the receptivity of the seated participants \'lho adopt a su bordinate role. The rhetorical stance differs very much fr om the commoner in the audience \\'ho replies , or from colloquial, nonceremonial speech: a juni or who replies is e :\pe cted to maintain a mode r ate tone of voice while slightly lowe ri ng the eyes. Palavers are held in the pr esence of kin regarding d isputes over the hunt or land, or over j uridical and political affairs. In a formal council auth orit y and authorial speech are multivocal or s hare d among the leading elders: a fe\v ora­

tors join in and are the only authors. By definiti on , they refuse to enter in a dialogue on equal grounds \\'ith the audience or be. involved in any d isc u ssio n , and thei r voice may never falter. The orator, in a s urpris in g profusion of me ta­ phors. rejuvenates ancestrcil wisdom (ngiindu zambambuta) through his magis­ tral rhe torica l art (bumbaku). This rev,reaving of the ance stral tradi tions at the s ame time guarantees the legi timac y of discours e. A s peaker tries to outdo a former orator in rheto ri cal techniques rather than in argument. Orators enunci­ ate state ment s of belief and orde.r, not of criticism or self-doubt. They assess the matte-r at hand in terms of its aspects of disorder, lack of boundedness, and transgression. Authori tative spe ech is understood to be the ferment (fula) of the group and \Vorld order. The stiff posture of the orator is associated "'·ith the tense poise of the spear h unter about to strike or of the bov.' about to le.t fly an arrov,r. The \\'ord vivifies the anc estral wisdom in a creati ve fash ion and contributes to the production of cultural and social order. This generative capaci ty of the word is

Body� Group. and Life-world

145

V a palm sap that is collected from the male inflorescence and oci ted \ ith as sformed into palm \'l:ine through fermentation (julaj. Moreover, in order to ·

� of a judge. uncle, or family chief for the resolution of �s�licflit th. eneservices is first required to offer some wine. serving as an invitation. By n ict o

a

c ffering the orator some wine, the word is given to ferment, that is. to develop

�ts

lif

inner capacity of transformation. inasmuch it is connected with the ancestral e force. More \vine is shared at the beginning of the palaver in order to create

The �'ine produces relations of reciprocity analogous to those fe.Uov.'-feeling. commensality in the private domain. The wine offering links up the present

of

council v.'ith the ancestral life force. Simi I arly, ancestors are offered wine on

their grave when they are solicite-d to release the game in the forest and sustain the fertility in the kin group (see plate 3 ) . .tvloreovert the meeting is thereby t situated in the 'euchronic time frame of fermentation and maturation. Gla�s and bottles a� \\'ell as the barrel of a gun may signify the mouth

or

voice� in that they all predispose to or prolong the spoken \\,.ord. In order to

repre.sent the decease.d in a funeral counci I, one may deposit his drinking cup or gun in the circle of the elders. l\;arrativcs and proverbs explain that the mouth is not indifferent to

gifts

or flattery and that it may accuse, curse,

(lr

speak ill of a person. If an elder were to do so , a dispute \vould be sure to follow. �ben an oracle has established a connection between misfortune .. ill­ ness, or an unsuccessful hunt and maligning v..·ords, the victims have the right

to invite the elder in question to recant�

-.fyaawula,

that is, to renounce his

unfortunate \\'Ords and to offer instead a \\'ish for the prosperity of the. individu­

als concerned. The instigator accompanies his abjuration by rinsing the mouth with \Vater and spitting on the ground. The piercing gaze, that is, the capacity of keen super-vision

(-tala). gives to

the elder a status elevating him above all others. In the. public realm, control

through the gaze is on the. side of the male. Paradoxically, the more the elder has incorporated cultural tradition and social ordert the more he becomes self­

sustaining. The prestigious elder preferably sits on a spotted hide or

a

raffia

tissue. The patriarch personifie-s fullness and accomplishment, the very restful state of inviolable stillness

of full respect

( luzitu).

(zitu) of all order \Vithin his dominion: he

is \�·orthy

The keen eye of the elder scrutinizes and watches over

the fabric, that ist over symbolic integration of the various domains. To signify

that he is "the knotH that holds all beings in his domain together, the patriarch has his large loincloth-originally a w·eave of raffia-in an abundant fold� ca lled

n-koondzi,

hanging over his belt as an effusion ',;from between his legs,"

as it is said. Superior sight enables an elder to perceive persons and situations that are distant in space. and time� such as the. ancestors, those absent� and his people in the course of their activities belonging either to diurnal society or to

the nocturnal world of the forest. The piercing gaze of the e.ldcr is generated by a very pow·erful life force and has the capacity to aVw·aken� smother, deviatet

146 or

Chapter

Four

a bs orb the vital flow of the victim. The gaze spoken of here is a nonreci pro­

cal one and constitutes a veritable intrusion. (lt hardly need be recal led that traditional Yaka culture knows no mirrors, Y.'riting or printing.. or photography , \vhich could help people to detect the effect of their gaze on others and vire versa� that is, to manipul ate a certain reciprocity in gaze.) Whereas the div iner's clairvoyance or second sight is associated \\'ith the keen sense of smel l I inked V.'ith that of the dog, ·super-vision' proper to elders metaphorically refers to the sharp vision of (nocturnal) animals and birds of prey, particularly the eagle. This keen sense of super-vision is also an essential attribute of sorcere rs. For the Yaka, a person's gaze does not necessarily express his thoughts, nor is ob­ servation a sufficient basis for the evaluation of another's behavior. On the con­ trary, an inquisitive, hence piercing gaze is considered a synonym of pene­ tration or expropriation of a person. S uper-vision is ambiguous: because of it s supra-social powers, it may be turned against the order it is supposed to super­ vise. Defects of vision are considered the worst fonn of anomalies and a decay of the life force. 4.3 The Body and Its Aftlictions

As I have shown elsev,rhere in greater detai l (Devisch 1990b, 1991 c), in the popular mindset and in divinatory discourse illness is basicall y considered a problem of boundaries and relations: it alters the uterine vital flow (mooyi) and agna tic life force (ngolu) by Vw'ay of contraction or enclosure as opposed to effusion. The focus is on symptoms in the physical and social body, rather than on discourse. A first syndrome concerns closure-that is, contraction, withdrawal (yibi­ inda, -biindama), deflation , a state of coldness or frigidity (kyoosi), a cooling dov-.'11 of the blood ( -holasa meenga ). In this state the individual closes up. turns inv-.'ard in a state of helplessness� or no longer resJX>nds when spoken to. There are many interrelated expressions of closure: extreme timidity, sorrow, grief, prolonged anger, pent-up rage, refusal to speak or to share one's income, senseless spe.e ch , being stiffened by sadness or despair, apathy, melancholy, and \\'ithdra\val from social contact . A backache that ties the person to the house or to the ground-to sitting or lying the \\'hole day-is a threatening symptom of closure. These symptoms are further believed to be manifested in disorders such as severe cramps, chronic constipation� dumbness, otitis, deaf­ ness, sore eyes, blindness, madness, paralysis, and sterility. In these ailments the body boundaries act as fences or lines of cleavage. Through ensorcellment, the victim "s body and vital flow are turned inward ,;'like a fermenting cassava paste that is indissolubly bound in a bushel ." A second, and related or inverse, syndrome i nvol ves dispersal, effusion (n-luta, phalu) as an effect of intrusive outside forces . Included here are states

t47

Body, Group� and life-world

f xcessive h eat or fire, connoting fever ( mbaaMt·u). An assault or rape (yidy­ e particu larly one committed by agnatic kinsmen, may feed on a person s

�a).

'

rfe force and reverse or counte.ract the individual's functions of sociability: the ted suffers from effusion and weakens, or displays an 'extrusive' behavior �ic

temper. These symptoms are all the more thre atening for an adult or severe rnan. He is said to have. an impatient heart that bursts out in rages; he is no

longer able to keep cool and con trol his temper. Such exc.essive heat is also exhibited in hypocritical speech, inconsistent thought and discourse, genernl irascibility, wild cursing, obscene speech, sexual harassment, and an inability

along \\rith others-the latter especially indicatin g failure to agree \\rith the elders and disrespect of family ties. These fonns of asocial behavior may . tually lead to a loss of the senses, for they undermine the life force by even to get

subverting commensality and the nonnative social impetus to personhood Such insane persons may v-'ander around and finally get lost in the forest and .

die. A third syndrome concerns a fragmentation, an incontinence or emptying of

the body

(seendu� -selumrma), a \\'ithdra\\'ing

or gnaY.'ing away of the victim's

vital flov-' and life force: the bodily boundaries may be \Veakened or deflated

(-ltvaala) to the po int that they are no longer able to \\'ithstand many of the

impulses to \\'hich the individual is exposed. It di ssolves selfhood. In this state,

the presence of another person may be experienced as an intrusion. The life

source of the v ictim subsequently is obstructed

( -keyisa),

dwindles, and fails,

or conversely, may spill over uncontrollably. The envious and deprecatory gaze of another may penetrate the other's bodily space and obstruct the vital flow. This deflation may thus produce any number of disorders in the victim, such

as dysentery, lasting diarrhea, depression, respiratory difficulties, disorienta­

tion of the senses, fear and nervousness, suffocation, fainting and anesthesia,

physical injury, wounds� ulceration, and discharge of pus. An assau l t ' on the '

part of another may further bring about insomnia and nightmares or incite the

afflicted individual to v-'ords and acts of aggression, epileptic fits, apparent

intoxication, and obscene speech or sexual misdemeanors. Intrusive afflictions

are usually transmitted through agnatic bonds, and particularly those ailments brought on by the hostile look or gaze. Other persons living in close proximity

to the afflicted agnatic relatives may also be attacked by means of envious looks, backbiting, ghosts sent at night, or even by an aggressor who enters the victim's body in order to prey on and obstruct the vital flow and life force.

4.4 Cults of Affliction and Communal Sodalities The Yaka practice some twenty initiatory cult� (phoongu). Cults provide both

spiritual and practical devices and methods for h and l in g crises in the life of the

individual and of the collective. They are associated with ambivale.nt agenci es :

Clulpter Four

148

capable of being both destructive and reg enerative persecuting and healing� ,

de fla t i ng and empo\vering. The initiation lead s to a life long membership. -

They involve '·middle-range spirits" (Janzen's term'l 1989:237) that surpass in s pace and time the ancestral shades, w hi ch are bo u nd to rel ation s of descent.

The cults rea c h beyond li neage barriers and cross partitionings of kin and gen­ der. Some of them include alien spirits from neig h bo ring cu l tures, as they seck

to co me to terms with migrant labor or long distance trade. 1\vo particular -

categories may be distingu ished accord ing to the means of their transmission and their association with c om m u nity and family life respe cti ve l y Comn1unaJ .

sodalities are linked with v al ues and afflictions regardin g agnatic descent mas­ ,

cu linity, pu blic comm u nit y life, and government in the cen ter of the hoine­

stead Some offer spirit legitimat ion to the major masculinist values. The major .

cults of affliction, in tum, are transmitted along the. ute rine line and concerned

with complexes of afflictions and social path olog y in rel ation to m aternal val­

ues Their seclusion rituals take place at the edge of the p atienfs hamlet, at the .

.

gate\w. ay betwe.en the village realm and the alien \\·orld-that is, the realn1 of ·

the liminal While the rites in each category reflect a fo rmal si milari ty in tern1s .

of procedure, each of the cults differs as to its deployment of sp ecific meta­

phors that tie in

\'lith

the w·ider li fe world and c os mo logy. Each cult has anum­ -

ber of core metaphors, dances, chants, ritual texts, and medicinal prep arations

.

The therapeutic initiation may last from a fe\\' days to even a year or more

depending on the gravity of the affliction, the efficacy of the healing , and the

familial means for payment. On the one hand, communal sodalities convey, in

lines with rules of agnatic inheritance, a privileged social identity or role onto

men, or see k to rec onnect a g roup of men with the agnati c ancestral life force:

in recy cl ing the deeds and \vords of the founding ancestors, they regenerate

and re empow er the agnatic group and the v.·orld order. On the other hand, -

·

affliction is the onl y access to initiation in the cults of affliction. These healing cults focus on the ph y sica l body, its innate traits and ailments in relat i o n to �

the basic values of social exchan ge that sustain the uterine transmission of the

vital flo\\' thro ugh marri age, maternity, and the avunculate. Both divination and healing, like physical health itself, belong to the maternal, ute rine .. and avuncu­

lar d omain : they are resistant to control by m a sculine po\ver or by the polit ical

game of the elders in the center of diurnal village life

.

In order to address the question regarding the importance of cult h ealing it ,

is nece ssary to understand the political control of health and the degree to

\Vhich healers enj oy autonomy \w.·ithin the stru cture of po\ver. This topic (in

lines with Feiennan 1985) raises a nu mber of questions: Are healers only dele­ -

gates of the rulin g class? Does cult healing seek to enforce the polit ic al control

the elders have over issues of descent, marriage, and the transmission of life? .Are healers allies of the patients or representatives of gerontocratic and patriar­

chal power·! Do healers keep some categories of p eople or of suffering outside

t heir s phe re of concern?

Body� Group� and Life-\\·orld

t49

4.4.1 Cults oj' affliction and healing (phoong�·vamooyi)

are

in­

the uterine line onf.v through tni�fortune called on hy a curse. In case � rited in

';a lasting illness or other recurrent misfortune of some ill-fated kind, the ted may consult a clairvoyant diviner, whose oracle is some­ aJJlil)' of the afflic �hoW the of his O\\in ngoombu spirit within a cult that sta �ds independent voice

of and above all the other cults. ln many cases, the oracle. discloses that the.

misfortune has bee.n brought about by a curse uttered by a matrilineal forebear in ret. al iation for a "theft"-a notion that stands for ensorcellment and any

other offense or ill-threat-by relatives that the latter had been suffering from. In his curse the forebear has invoked the support of one or another cult, or mo re

. tral cult spirit to avenge the offense and prec.isely he has summoned a nonances persecute the \\'Tongdoer or one or another of his uterine descendants. Only the

victim of that retaliation may join a cult and devote herself or himsel. f to her or

his cult spirit to domesticate the persecutive relation and foster it into a sup­

portive one for the rest of he.r or his life. It is thus the divinatory etiol()gy

regarding the particular affliction that orients the afflicted to one or another

cult for initiation and treatment: as such. a similar affliction may be caused by

and thus treated in rather unrelated cults. It is the the.rapist's aim to revers . e the

ill-fated process by lifting the curse of the matrilineal forebear and thus the

origin of the illness or misfortune, after which he then will treat the afflicted

by means of initiation (n.-saku) in the same cult. The cults thus cure afflictions that are. thought to be, in a sense. congenital: as they are passed down from

mothers to (classificatory) sons and daughters, a son is exposed to the persecu­ tive action from the cult his (classificatory) mother has been initiated in. but

his children may be under the threat of a cult in his \"·ife ·s uterine kin. Four of them-khita, mhlvoolu. ngoombu, and maawa-are Hcults \Vith a demonstra­

tive trance'' (phoongu ya kalu/wj, caused by the spirit of the same name: the

trance is both a major congenital affliction in the uterine line and a resource for the healing of the initiate and the reviviticat.ion of her or his life-\\'orld.

In these same four cults, carved statuettes of human figures constitute a vital

intermediary space bet\\'een initiate and spirit. (These are to some extent docu­

mented in Dumon and Devisch 1992.)

Cults and sorcery are intimately but conversely connecte.d. Uterine c.ults of

affliction appear as an unauthore.d extrahuman management of retaliation and

redress that reverses evil-basically ensorcellment-into a process of healing

in the matrilineal line. Ensorcellment feeds gre.edily on vital force . s in people,

\\'hereas a cult revers . es the evil-both the. agent and the misfortune-against

itself self-destructively so as to restore the large.r weave. of forces. Thus, in using the tenn phoongu (''cult") Yaka people refer to a chain of forces or causal agencies, namely curse, spirit, retaliation. misfortune or illness. and healing.

The drama of retaliation for an evil, and thus of the misfortune that issues from it, is an unauthored contrivance of the self-governing rule of exchange in the

uterine line (see 5.2). The tenn cult can stand for the. entire drarna of self-

governance of the rule of exchange or any of these agencies at \vork, accordin

g to a feedback mechanism, congruently in the fields of body, family, and life world. The drama of retaliation and misfonune enacted by the cult spirit�­ ..

so to say, operative in the cosmological body-both shapes and echoes

co­

occuring ones in the social and physical body. In other words, for th e )"aka phoongu denotes both nonancestral and unlocalizable spirits that may

'

cause

misfortune or bring healing, as well as the institution itself for cursing and curing seen as a field of forces to be domesticated by a proper cult. The curse

and the divinatory etiology tend someho\\' to consider phoongu

as

named spir­

its. Ho\vever, they arc not regarded as self-steering entrepreneurs of vind icative actions or authors of their own script or plot. Inasamuch as the therapy brings about an autoproductive drdllla (see ch. 7}. the notion of phoongu concern� also the entire cult and process at work \\'ithin consonant fields of multiple forces that may bring about both illness and cure. Cults thus bear and manipu­ late forces in transgenerational time. And, as the divinatory oracle often brings out, sorcerers may conceal their plot so that the misfonune they cause to hap­ pen in their close kin of the same or foliO\\'ing generation appears as if it

were

only the work of a cult, that is, of a cult spirit. Reno\vned diviners hoYlever

can

unmask the sorcerous plot. The divination cult is thus the pivot of the entire system of healing cults in the uterine line. Because of its importance, divina­ tion-including the becoming of a mediumistic diviner-receives a close look in the follo\\'·ing presentation of cults. Healers, called ngaanga� are former patients �·hose initiation in the appro­ priate cult Jed to their recovery from the incapacitating illness they no\\' addres� in their client. A boy born shortly after or as a result of his mother's initiation is predestined to becoming a healer. All this enables a great identification be­ t\\'een healer and patient , and, since healing drav.'s heavily on interdependence, Yaka healers are intent on making allies among those people who suffer an affliction similar to the one they have experienced. To put it frankly, healers may also need patients like them in order to heal themselves. Consequently, in cases of severe illness such as severe psychosis, \\'ild epileptic fits, blindness, deafness, or serious infection, healers feel unable to intervene. The cults of affliction are similar to the mahaamba in the Luunda cultural zone of i�ngola, Zaire and Zambia (De Boeck 1991a; Lima 1971; Turner 1967, 1968; Yoder 1981 ). Most of the cult names prove to be untranslatable. In the following discussion, the most popular or prevailing cults

are

listed first� tal­

lowed by the more marginal or fragmentary ones. (a) lvgoombu or ngoombH-·aK-·eefi·va is a major cult with trance behavior (see Devisch 199la). It deals \Vith patients \\'ho intrude on another's private space through hysteric or epileptic-like crises, or, on the contrary.. 'Nho withdraw from social contact and suffer from respiratory and pulmonary disturbances such

as

expectoration, persistent cough� forms of bronchitis, and asthma. Some

Body, Group. and Life-y.·orld

]51

eem very shy, and confess how much they see the shade of a deceased tients s tive. These are in fact all symptoms which may moreover manifest viner rela al s vocation as mediumistic diviner. i ndividu an 'ben the hysteric. or epileptic-like crisis tips ove.r into a trance state that � s the. patte rn of the ngoombu cult, the patient may be. considered a candi­ bow for the divinership. The trance in fact inaugurates the initiation and trans­

�

"

�te

patient into a spirit medium. The medium-\llho may be a man or a forms the to metaphorically integrate the regenerative capacity of the v.'oman-is led hicken. Entranced, the diviner-initiand, like the fully certified diviner. may

c

without any help \l.'hatsoever climb to the crest of a palm tree t or jump up on house, and then leap to the ridge and tear away at the straw the roof of his (Devisch 199lc). In the entire. mimet in the movement of his eyes, head and

body, prancing about, Vlalking on the balls of his feet and crowing "coo, coo, coo:' the entranced imitates the hen. The possessed medium then reveals the name of a matrilineal forebear \\'ho was also a diviner and who now calls a successor. These various aspects of entranced behavior are termed -puumbuka. "'to leap;� -kalu� "to release, deliver oneselft'� or -\-·uula, �'to slip away.'" Such a

trance authenticates or reminds one of one �s calling to the divinership. After

going into the trance, diviner-to-be is se.cluded for nine months in a ritual hut to the edge of village space. The seclusion aims at healing and the prescribed � behavior, songs, paraphernalia, and the group ·s consent attune the diviner to the gift of clairvoyance that is awakening in him or her. During this initiatory seclusion, the diviner may enter in trance any time he or she he ars about or witnesses sorcery. When finally led out of seclusion, at da\\·n, the me.dium withd.ra\1/·s to the stretch of Y-'ood at the edge of the homestead, and there be­ haves like a predator. In a trance, the diviner bites off the head of a hen and holds this head in his mouth. Then a close parent carries the diviner on his shoulders into the village. Reaching the seclusion hut, the diviner prances about in a trance-like state and ide-ntifies again with the brooding hen as during the seclusion. The initiation is completed \\'hen a senior-diviner, literally hy,·ho has acted as his mother�' (ngula ngaanga), completes his paraphernalia so as to release his full mediumistic capacity and protect him against sorcerers. Since the clairvoyance is meant to be most bright in the newly initiated me­ dium, his divinatory oracles are usually given great credence: he acts as a highly respected, public, and independent consultant who authoritatively iden­ tifies the problem and then directs the patient to the relevant family interven­ tion and healing cult (see ch . 5).

My reading of the. symbolism in the context of the initiation procedure that is specific to the cult of divination indicates ho\•l much the cock croY-'ing at the. sunrise and more strikingly the brooding hen act as symbols of intermediacy and mobility, not only between night and dayt forest and village� low and high, but also between the one who engenders and the one who is engendered. By

152

Chapter Four

singing at dawn like the cock, the diviner-medium announces the end of the realm of the night and sorcery. By momentarily likening herself to a predator she overcomes the persecutive dimension of the spirit of divination \Vhic

h

made her ill. The diviner-to-be is thus a patient, and initiation into th e divin,

ership is also a healing procedure. The spirit's aggression from which she had until no\v been the victim is displaced onto the animal. and the spirit may then release its capacity_ to sustain her mediumistic art of divining. From now on.

the medium identifies more fully \\'ith the symbolism of mutation and re­ origination by metaphorically enacting the role of the hen brooding an egg.

The house where the diviner-to-be undergoes the initiatory seclusion acts like

a shell enveloping the initiate, \\'ho is her- or himself in a process of incubation that leads towards a new identity. The house moreover stands for ngoongu, the

primal, egg-like \Vomb of the world. The trance is a corporeal dramatization of

this mutation and in it the diviner transcends all those demarcations upon \\'hich the Yaka \\'Orldview depend (see Bourdieu

1980:348).

In this manner

the trance of the diviner-medium becomes an ontological trdllsfonnation: it

establishes the order of the demarcations by transcending them in a decisive

\vay. Trance thus permits the diviner to become the measure of both norm and

deviance. Trance. mortal agony, orgasm, and birth are all symbolically a'isoci­ ated in that they constitute either limit-experiences or the trespassing of human limits and therefore offer a model of self-healing in the manner of integration

of the corporeal and the sociocultural.

Consulting a diviner occurs near his house, in the open, and in the presence

of the representatives of the husband·s patrikin and the \\'ife's father and uncle.

The client, namely the afflicted person, is rare.ly present. Upon arrival, after a formal exchange of greetings, the most senior among the consultants, without

\\'ords, hands over to the diviner a yiteendi, '-a piece of cloth''-often substi­

tuted by a coin-which has absorbed the client's shadow or double by being

rubbed over her or his chest. It constitutes a kind of intermediary object be­

t\\'een the client, the consultants, and the diviner. From now on the. oracle proper may take place. During the entire meeting, the consultants avoid offer­

ing any information to the diviner; by their discretion and evasiveness, they

seek to test the clairvoyant or paranormal nature of the oracle. The consulting

parties have faith in the diviner's message to the extent that its truly clairvoyant

or divinatory quality manifests itself. The diviner should bring out by himself the subject placed before. the oracle: he should answer himself the fixed set of questions that he is chanting in the idiom of his cult with high-pitched voice

and accelerated breathing. f\.1ore and more overtaken by his inner vision, as if in a dream, he moves into some kind of trance-like state of expanded con­ sciousness when he is about to trace or bring out the reason of his clie.nts'

consultation and indicate the cause of the misfortune th ey are facing ..At that

Body� Group, and Life-world

,;3

oment, shocked by the sorcero . us complot that they are unmasking, young

ay leap into the ostentatory trance behavior that marked their initia­ viners m 0 Calming doy,rn and in a more colloquial speech, the diviner then further �� rates upon these revelations by analysing by himself the illness on the

:. ��

grid provided by his cult tradition (sec 5.2). :asisvofralan etiological r divination procedures that are part of the ngootnbu cult

mino may se e be consulted in the case of bad dreams and certain material misfortunes, as in

bunting, agriculture,. or business, or death and loss of animals and damage to tools. In the past, ordeal by fire ( ngoomb»'a luuj'u) \Vas used. Some or Joss of

p e ople are specialized in a kind of inductive oracle using an adhering hom of a duiker ( ngoomb}va n-seengu ). or a rubbing stick board (ngoombwa n- ti).

Because it is thought that these oracle forms can be manipulated by those con­ cerned, people do not acce-rt their results \vithout skepticism.

(b) Khita: This cult first causes and then treats afflictions relative to female

reproduction, namely incapacity to conceive, temporary cessation of menstrual

flov.', excessive flow of the menses, irregular menstrual periods� miscarriage, stillbirth .. and recurrent death of infants. Such afflictions are, according to some

thentpists, the province of

khita

1nandzandza. Congenital anomalies of human

reproduction, including the birth of tv.'ins .. albinos, and dw·arf or malformed

children, are the specific concern of khita

lukobi.

(c) ..MhM'oolu: The term derives from -�t-·oola, meaning both �'to impair or

deform .. ' and •'to reerect, revalidate:� The cult is first and foremost directed to disabled and rehabilitating patients. It is secondarily invoked in the treatment of grave and chronic fevers by which the fluid substances of the body are \\'asted aV�·ay� particularly those occurring in children or due to sleeping sick­ ness or malaria., exceptional emaciation, chronic diarrhea., black urine .. chronic

and productive cough \\'ith fever, and river blindness. Thirdly, it addresses pa­

tients suffering from severe •implosion�' those having lost all sense of self and living 'beside. themselves.' They perceive themselves in terms of frightening

nightmares \\'here they see themselves sucke-d into \\'hirlpools and rivers .. lost

in deep ravines� encountering snakes, or being struck by lightning. The tsyo or tsyoolva cult, associated \vith the elephant hunt. is an auxiliary to mh•1loolu.

From about

1910 on�'ards, mblvoo/u practice� moreover, has sought to domes­

ticate the unprecedented intrusion of colonial trade and influence in Yaka land (Devisch

199lb;

Bourgeois

1978-79;

Huber

1956).

(d) �WaaH-·a is associated \vith water spirits, and it is invoked in some cases

of closure and coldne-ss� such as in fe-minine sterility, amenorrhe� anemia, and ,;�S\\'ollen or extended belly' ..

(yivitnu ki"·iimbidi).

(e) Ndzaatnbit also referred to as ndzaambyaphuungu yiluunda, causes

as

well as treats a number of afflictions of implosion: the. belly is seen as a peel or cocoon hiding a greedy or parasitic core that sucks in and hides the body's

154

Chapter Four

en . tire vitality. C onversely, J..,.__,dz.nambi fi gures also as som e kind of bird h atc hi ng

out of a primord ial egg like state. This name has been r ec yc l ed in Christian -

discours e to indicate t he Sup reme B eing .

(f) The n-kanda cult is directed mainl y to skin d iseases of various kinds

such as b oils and abscesses.

(g) The last cultic category, yitnbala, is also held to treat various skin

diseases.

Cult healing in Yaka socie ty is a domain �'ithdrav•n from the p olitic al realm

- enjoy a great professional and public authority, and consequently cult healers au tonomy. This is not to say that the social aspects of sickness are d ismi s sed

,

but that they are dealt with in the homestead d uri ng public councils of fa mi l y

elders. The latter deal \'lith the social origin and effects of the misfortune. )"aka the rap ists ho\vever, do not seek to infl uence the public issu es affecting or ,

re­

lated �'ith health and sickness. C on ce rned 'N ith revleav ing the vital flov.'

( mooyi_),

the healer operates within the realm of uterine filiation at the margin�

of the diurnal order of village life. Healers countervail and challenge ind i rectl y

the bases of the political power of chiefs. elders, and family heads, that is� of

the viril e order. They witness to the incapa city of agnati c descent to do \Vithout

the inp ut of uterine fi liation Healers, so to speak, look back at the social order .

-from the edge, that is. from the resources of the forest and the transitional '

zone between v illage space and savanna or forest.

Yaka mediu mistic diviners do not functi on as political advisors; they will

never int entionally serve a chief's political ambition. A diviner is only willing to examine a c ase of affl iction if it is submitted by those directl y concerned.

Diviners will not unmask cases of sorce ry, theft . adultery, or o ther kinds of

abuse at the mere demand of a chief in his search for coerciv e control over his

subordinates. Nor \\'ill a chief seek a div iner s advice in order to organ ize rites '

for c ommun al � ell being to settle disputes. to resolve public cris es or to pros­ '

-

,

pect a coll ect ive hunt or the proper site to choose for the vil l ag e

,

.

Cult management may variously weaken patri arch al assumption s rather than

merel y submitting the patient to so ciety s control. Yet it clearly offers the pa­ '

tient and the sup port group an importan t c hance to frame and reassert their

exp eri ence v..dthin the cosmolog ic a l order of meaning and the intim ate social

net\vork proper to the translineage cult. Membership in a cult gives the initiate

a vital support group an d a relative autonomy vis-a-vis patriarchal authority.

4.4.2 ConJnumal cult.i or sodalities are agn.atic, and

are con­

cerned with pol-t-'er, public skills, and masculinist values. First, they are con­

cerned �·ith paramount ru le rship , corporate kin interests, fami ly traditions,

male fecundity, and the arts of s mithery and of hunting-\vhich are pri vil eged

masculine profe�sions. They do not re quire an illness to in dicate a vocation on

the part of the initia te, and initiatio ns are pu blic and communal. Second� inas-

Body. Group. and Life-world

much as these cults may provoke affliction, the ailments are not considered to be congenital, though, in some cults, a misfortune may indicate a vocation ming a cult priest. The symptoms involve loss of vitality, impotence, to beCO

urrender or weakness and dependence, great anxiety� repeated failure in the s bunt, be i ng struck by lightning or s u cc umb ing to other brutal accidents, lasting \vithdrawal from social encounter, or, more rarely, physi cal ailments such as

\\·asting diarrhoea or 'swelling' of the belly or limbs. Healing aims at social integrat ion in the lineage order very much through a communal ritual that reen ­

acts some of the. mythical deeds v.'ith regard to the foundation of social h ierar

­

chy and agnat ic descent, \\·hile conferring on the patient and coinitiates the marks of social ide.ntity or status. The te.nn phoongu zan-niku indicates the

great exte.n t to which these cults involve apprenticeship in the use or fashioning of medicines or pov.'er objects (n-niku). Public male cults-like virility it­ self-focus on ngolu: force, streng th, and control. That is to say that the ag­

natic cults are only for men, and in a fe\v cases the.ir spouses . These agnatic

cults are preside-d over by the lineage chie.f� whose responsibility it is to guard

the major sacre.d objects of the cult. They are comparable to the lemba cult that, among the neighboring Koongo, addressed the role of merchants in trade

(Janzen 1982). Family heads are titleholders of the agnatic cults: patients

treated in these cults mav share the use of the hereditarv artifacts with the �

-

.

titleholder. The haamb� khosi, mbaambi, and n-IUl-va cults display carved stat-

uettes and a number of hered itary cult relics and regalia that pass from one

titleholder to the next.

(a) Luklulanga: This cult bestov.'s the ruler in the Luunda tradition with sov­

ereign pov.·er and the. capacity to personify unity and perpetuity. Lukhaanga priests and initiates may counterbalance, particularly in the realm of night,

the chief's pretense to paramount pov.'er. The sodality comprises three cultic

traditions or associations for the elite. First, lukhaanga involves the political title-holder at the region al or subregional leveL and his fello\v-titleholders:

namely, the chief's highest -ranking y;ife (she here represents the uterine source

of life and prosperity to V.'hich the chief has access for the benefit of his peo­

ple); the chief,s son� the subchief; one of the chief's classificatory brothers in

the collateral line (and therefore. his heir); and finally, one of the chiefs senior

classificatory sisters. At the onse.t of the enthronement the chief and his fello w

­

titleholders fonn one collective body (see Devisch 1988). Enthronement in the sodality identifies this colle.ctive body V.'ith the 'parthenogenesis' proper to

the founding ancestors: it is as if each successive titleholder embodies anev-' the

ideals and forces at the. foundation of the sodality Impersonating the founding .

ancestor.. the chief and coinitiates make prese.nt �'the primal and permanent splice-time order" (yir... t khulu); they reembody or 're-pre.sent' and impose the

�rennial hierarchical social organizationt territorial uni ty, and order.

In the

enthronement and subsequent reignt the chief and fellow titleholders must re\ \

1 56

Chapter Four

enact the founding dramas of conq uest and life transm i ssion. Sacrific i al de ath

dr,,�

mortuary ritual., rebirth , purification., and other rites reenact the founding mas of the coercive po l itical order and provide transformative me tapho rs , virtue of \\l·hich the ch ief is e.nabled to transcend partitions or di ffere n ces -­

b�,

such as those bet\\'een the genders and bet\\'een ascendants and desce n da nts ­

and to conceal his own bodily trans itoriness . Moreover., lukhaanKa in c l u des

pov.'ers to provoke or treat cases of insanity, respi ratory or pulmonary infecti on. hemorrhage, leprosy, and certain forms of svlelling of belly or limb s due aneffila.

Second .. lukhaanga patronizes the maternal mlvani kab �vanga cult

��

for th e

fertility of land and people. The chief acts as the supreme mediator of the regenerative proce sses and resources in and bet\\r·een the cosmos , the land, the societ}� and humanity. Mlvan i kabwanga bestows upon the col lecti ve body

of ruler and fello\\' titleholders the life-giving capacity that links the genera­ tions together, even overcoming death, and that secures the ferti l ity and v..· el l­ being of the chief"s daughters and by extension of all women and the land in

the chiefs territory. He and his co-dign itaries link the people" the territory� the

land, and the cosmic order w·ith ngoongu, the primal womb- the cos mic and

egg- or tree-like source of l ife \\'hich ceaselessly emerges and regenerates.

Third, n-ngoongi is another sodality linked to lukham1ga. This sodality i s

called nJwiingoony among the Aluund to the south of Yaka land (De Boeck

1 99 l b). It associ ates the initiates with the respon sibilities, virtues , and secrets

of the title-holders, and enhances the bond between the ancestral line of Luunda rulers and the living male and fem ale members of the chief's lineag e .

Moreover., n-ngoongi bestows upon the ruler and his regal ia the capacity to

overcome the dominion of the night., death, and drought, thereby sustai ning the

cycles of sun, moon, rain, and the seasons-as is al so enacted in the chiefs ritual enclosure, ndzo mala/a (see

2.4. 1

above) .

(b) Yikubu. also called mbiimbya n-khanda or n -khanda, is the cult that

marks the passing on of male fecundity from the older generati on to the pube s­ cent boys just before or during sexual awakening and Hcoming in force� ' ( -kaanda) (see

( -tomasa

luutu).

3 .3

above). C ircumcision aims at �'getting the body better''

The cult accompanies circumcision and puberty, and i t offers

healing in cases of masculine sterility, bone fracture , or leprosy -the latter is

considered an effect of incest. It is also the cult in which i mpotence is treated.

Under the supervision of the family elders and patriarchs, boys undergo i nitia­ tion into manhood and virile society. The blacksmi th is someti mes responsi ble for the circumcision proper or for making the masks \vhich enable the new ly

circumcised to pass from one state to another at the conclusion of the puberty rites (see Devisch 1972) . The kyandzangoombi prie st, also called yisidika, pre­

vents ( -sidilw ) the. boys from experiencing a fatal loss of blood or en sorce l l­

ment. B y spitti ng aphrodisiac chewings on the genital s, he urges the boys

to

1 ;7

B ody, Group, and L ife-\vo rld

.. 001e po ten � brave, and ene rgetic .

In contrast to the khita ' gyn-eco- logical '

tion. circumcisi on initi ation doe s not foc us on experience s of death, ges­ a i � �:ion. and re birth . N-khanda initiation is much more concerned with the foun­ at the base of society : the original migration of the :tionanl deed s. stoandrs, ideals violence, s orcery, the origins of generations, the invention

nce foundi g a of fire� huntin g � smithery. The collective initiati on into manhood thereby bc­

tiates Y.'ith the ide als of the cul ture heroes and the hunter. The st ov.rs the ini b ous e of sec l usion (ndzf�(u) for the circ um ci sed is associ ated \\'ith the elephant (ruL�·oku). It is si tuated in the savanna bordering the vil l age to the east. The ci rcu mcis ion cult.. centered around sym boli sm of the greg arious elephant, cele­ brates male force. and potency as collectively s hared among the commoners .

The cul t su g ge sts that men of the same age group, through uni ty, may tive ly attain the force of the elephant and thereby become capable of fac i ng

collec­

the. mo nocracy and violence of tho se among the ch iefs and patriarchs who , l i ke their totemic anim als the leopard, croc odile, and eagle, behave as aloof preda­

tors ( Devi sch 1 98 8). This su gge sts that \vhile fostering unity among age-mates� the puberty i nitiation interjects a note of te nsion contrariety in the physical

or

and social transformation from boys to men. Access to malehood faces the

circumcised V.'ith the rule of subordinati on and poten tial terror imposed by elders.

(c) Haamba, mbaamhi, and n-luwa, the latter also called 1n1·vani phutu, are

sodalities that link up the Luunda dynastic fami l ies with the chiefly values of bravery and splendor and with the chi ef's totemic figures such

as

the leoparcL

crocodile, a type of large chame.leon , and the rai nbo\\'. The cults ''recall ' '

( -aatnba) the invention of smithery, hunt ing, and the coercive use of powe.r.

They are paired with the exerc i se of political power of L u u nda patrimony and serve to perpetuate the myth of the civ ilizing heroes of the Luunda empire in the Nkalaany homeland i n Shaba . Initiates in these cults may act as commi s­ s i oners between rival chiefly famil ies . On the other han d, when transmitted equally along agnatic and uterine l i nes, these. cults may inc l ude possession­ trance and provide. treatment for some ki nds of :.'spl i tting bead,"' mental distur­

bance, epilepsy, high fevers , difficulty in breathing, sprain s and for several ..

inj uri es caused by firearms in the hu nt. (d ) Khosi and n-h�t-·aadi are related cults, sometimes invol ving trance, th at are capable of causi ng fatal affl iction s by way of reta l iation for a murderous e nsorcellment t h at \vas once comm i tted by a uterine forebear or cursed in the s ame cult . They may cause a brutal death, and may eithe.r bring or cure demen­

tia� bo ne fracture, hemorrhage, and high fever. Other conditions indicati ng treatment in these cults i nclude inj uries due to lightning, firearms, near drov.'n­ ing , or snakebi te.

(e) Leembi, yindongu, and yipfudila represent another group of cults that

m ake up a parti cular art of heal ing transmitted along the patri J ine- t houg h

1 ·, I.

\

'

Chapter Four

1 58

cases of uterine tran smi ssion are not unknown- offering treatment for ep ilep­ ti c seizu res ( -pfudika), mental disturbance, and tetanus . (f)

Ndzuundu i s the cult associated \\'ith

sm ithery, offering also treatment. of

those forms of anem ia involving uswelli ngs of the legs or the bel l y and the

blood turning into \\'ater." (g) N-laangu

( literally,

"mal e sex") and n-kuba mbadi

( literal l y,

�'purse to

contai n a hemi at") address impotence, hernia, swellings of the te sticles, and elephantiasis .

(h) Khiimbi,

malemu,

11UJtaan1ba,

1nandongu,

and ngola are mere fragmen­

tary e lemen t s of cults kno\vn for their formidable panoply of ritual defense and attack ( -taamba).

Public cults or sodal ities hint both at making all i ances \Vith and at counter­

ba lancing the po l itica l order and chiefs . Haamba,

n-lul"-'lJ,

and associate d c u lts

are pri ncipally concerned with de adly c ursi n g \Vi th the intent to attack

( -ht-·a)

or to exact reven ge ( -aamba), and a fami l y elder could leve l a c urse

even

against the e ntourage of a political titleholder of middle rank, the vassal s in ­ cluded. Recent sorcery cleansing movements, as I observed in

1 974

and 1 99 1 .

may be rooted in Ch ristian faith healin g and may be a reac tion to coloniali sn1 or the il l - fated intrusion into Yaka land of u nequally shared cash goods or u rban (sexual) licen se . These move men t s do not confront chiefs

of

or eve.n seek

their support, but attack cult healing and , most v iolently, the heart of it, nam e ly

divination . Communal soda l itie s seem to l ose much more of their vital ity than heal i ng cults do once they are in lasting contact with a cash economy, sc hool

education, and the urban mixing of p eopl e . The ci rcumcision ritual is very much shortenecL if not reduced to a mere physical intervention.. w hen practi ced in the urban context. In Kinshasa, initiates in communal cults-w ith the exce-p­

t ion of the other great pol itical titleholders-do not enj oy major privi l ege s or prestige .

All cults have shrines that contain numerous medici nes or power objects­

such as small statuettes, cow ri es , bracelets , hangers, shells, horns, and bun­

dles - con t ai ned in decorated ritual artifacts. Most shrines act as standing medicines since they are set up to prevent ill or to avenge an attack or evi l . f\1ajor herbalist or phytotherapeutic prac tices are the m onopoly of some cults and the ir s pecialists . Each cult has i t s proper initi atory art of herbal remedies and prophy l ac tic , purgative, or tonic medicines, called n-kamulCJ,

"

bouqu et of

leaves .'' The same tenn m ay also de signate any external element-skin, bark,

s urface., etc.-that would allow identification of the substance in question. Al­

though every ''bouquet of leaves" i s of a unique combin at ion , certain p l ants or plant products may be found in all ritua l specializations and/or cults. �arne,

co lor code, smell, habitat , and assoc iation v.rith some animal are as important as its vegetal properties . They are each time, however, combined in a manner

which endo\'lS each w ith a particular signifi cation : here one speaks of

Body. Group , and Life-world

n·rvobunga anga� '·a plant of common ritual usage,'' Vw'hose sp ec ific value i s

a form of motto . In order t o express his re q ue s t to d e� d ign ate by a surname or be i ni tiated into the legitimate and expert use of a particular bouquet of plant s , c e or client \""'ill offer the specialist a lu bong u l"vataangu kataangila the n ov i bu ngaan.ga, literally, ua skirt of the sun� a c loth \\'ith as many shades of c o l ors as th ose of th e sun, in order that he reveal his sp e c i al i st knov-'ledge." A c co rd in g to th e e xegesis offered by ri tual experts� the hsun-skirt," namely dyed cloth or the h ide of a spotte d animal, notably refers to the set of medici nal leaves of a gre at var iety of pl ants . Should the novice undergo a period of seclusion , the bouquet of plants is suspended from th e ri dge pol e of the seclus ion house. The novi ce lying underneath is forbidden to look at it until the last night of seclu­ si on . It is during this night that the ritual expert Vw'i ll report to the novice \\'hat­ ever the ''bouquet of leaves has to say' ' (- taangila n-kaanda j and authorize him to empl oy it. Medicinal preparations may i nvol ve incantations to invoke the powers of the ingredients , and they may be c o mbined v-,·ith gestures of reconc i l ­ iation and purification, aimed at rendering harmless various fo rces that are attributed to sorcery, c urs e, or infring e ment. Enemas are often practiced and consist of introducing a small amount of an herbal c on c oc tio n into the rectum \\'ith the aid of a small gourd that is shaped like a pear v-·ith a long thi n neck. Having V�'ithdra\\ln to the house or to the periphery of the domestic space .. the individual may administer the enema or douche to himse.lf \""'hile lyi ng on his back. -Soobuka is the te.rm use.d for the lukewann douche-mainly resorted to by ad ult men-made from a cooled concoc.tion of boiled ligneous fore st pl ants For an anal or vag i nal ri nse, women employ either lukewarm mixtures of ligneous savanna vegetation or cold in fusions dra\\·n from herbs of the savanna (yifutu). -Nl,t-'a ndzaba is a douche consisti ng of a cold infusion taken principally for the purpose of seda­ .

tion.. as is expressed in the ritual vocabulary : "to give shade (pheelaka) or to coor' the belly, \\'Omb, or bov-'els. This is the prescribed treatment for the nov­ ice-li kened to the fetu s - an d for anyone who seems to have lost his senses, who vomits blood, or who has a high fever. Other decoction s aim at uS\\'eepi ng the belly clean"' (-koomhula yivumu j. Still others "give \\'hiteness or p uri ty to the belly'� ( -seemasa yi vumu) so as to prepare the patient to be fully interwoven agai n in the social fabric .

There are countless medicinal preparations and treatments practiced as a domestic tradition or under the advice of a healer. Emetics (biluki.!i·a) help to

discharge 'poisonous' food. Yifutu is the bunch of nonl i gne ou s savanna plants employed in the preparation of washes used exclusively by \\'omen . Only ritual specialists and uncles may prescribe, concoct, and offer the yifutu�· the phrase

-toll·vala b(futu, to compose bouquets,'" is in fac t a synonym for - ta buleenJba. "

" to exerc i se the avuncular role ." These concocti o ns and infusi o ns are \vidcly

used by the khita therapy and, as \\'e Vw'ill see, indicate the ne c es sity of modi -

1 60

Chapter Four

fying certain relations between the living and the dead, or between l i vi n g re t tives . Vegetal and symbolic qualities underlie the many ho m e o p at h c medicinal preparations for use with enemas, cupping horns, small in c i si ons

�

..

;

bonesetting, immunization against smallpox, or used for calming, fo r thei lactogenic properties, against intestinal parasites, or in obstetrics. M os t treat ments and, in particular, child care, prescribe rest and indicate categori e s of ..

food and other matter to be avoided. As soon as something is prescrib ed by a healer, an elder, an uncle, or in the context of a cult, or even by a m e d i cal doctor, it becomes a

n-kisi, literally, "a treatment, a practice."

Plate 1 . Khita healer in Kinshasa-Masina.

Plate 4. Addressing, in the kataku virile stance, the agnatic cult spirits at the shrine (see 2.2.2, 6.2.2).

Plate 5 . Mediumistic diviner during an oracle.

Plate

7.

Mother with twins in seclusion.

Plate 8. Khoofi shrine in front of seclusion hut. The long stick in the entrance is the parasol tree (see 6.2.2).

Plate 1 0. Luleembi raffia curtain closing off the entry

to

the sec l u sion hut. The elbow­

shaped lukata branch evoke s deformi ties � the black tennitary, }'isii"zbi� makes the cult spirits present (see 6 . 2.2).

1 1 . Twisted Ii ana and i lt­

knife

se

entranc e

ring

a.

b· rricr

of the eel .

.

Pl ate 1 2. Kann •aadi for ila

t

to

ion

a nd

rmita.ry represc nti g

u

lwu­

founders ot the cult (�ee 7. 1 .

Plate 1 3 . Paraso l tre e , at th

e e , n

tran ce, topped by the heact of hen.

a

Plate 1 4 . Khita initiates and Ma­ leeka servant in the company of the healer at the end of the seclusion .

Plate 1 5 . (Left to right) Receptacles of both evil and healing forces;

N-noongu: weaving-hook of the khita cult (see 7 .2. 1 ) ; N-seenga: a powerful ritual object of the mbwoolu cult; M-bindusi: a twisted liana serving to reverse evi l .

Pl ate 1 6. Phaandzi pharmaco­ poeia (see 7 . 2 . 1 ) .

Plate 1 7 . Tsaanga calabashes with medicines (see 7 .2. 1 ) .

Plate 1 8 . The khita initi ate identifies with the quirrel by wearing its pelt (see 7 2 4 ) .

.

.

Plates 1 9-20. Weaving is rhythm, and rhythm underscores the weave of life. The participants' experiences are rhythmical ly in­ terwoven with the ideals and norms of the community. Health is interwoven ness.

\

Impediments to Life Transmission

Life transmission issues from an alliance between the husband 's patrikin and the wife's kin group. The former transmits ' standing ' onto its descendants , both the bony structure and capacity to stand upright

( ngolu, khoondzu ),

as

well as social identity. Alliance connects this capacity for social standing with the wife 's uterine descent which transmits life

( mooyi) from the uterine

source

through the line of mothers . Inasmuch as transmission of life is the prime con­ cern of the bride-takers, impediments to it put into question the very nature of alliance, matrimony, and descent and urge a thorough scrutiny of the princi­ ples, history, and nature of the social fabric , including the matrimonial alliance and the uterine flow of life. I would venture to say that the etiological narratives about impediments to life transmi ssion in Yaka society do not dispossess women of their bodies. 1 On their side, the elders of the young husband, in command of the masculi­ nist strategies to control and manipulate group issues, tend to attribute hin­ drances of life-bearing primarily to social wrongs . They conceive of group members as knots within the weave of kin. It is therefore commonplace for any affliction, in particular a gynecological one , to be seen as having its origin in the kin and thus involving the social fabric. An altered state of health

(-bee/a)

becomes social in character from the moment that coresidents and in particular those in charge of the ailing person have formally acknowledged the di sorder, literally the "impediment"

(yibiinda).

This acknowledgment requires that the

elders interpret the specific way in which a person's state of health or style of behavior deviates from the norm and that they mark out or stigmatize the devia­ tion with regard to the interests of the group. A social definition is thereby given to the affliction, and it is identified as a di sorder or "affair"

(dyaambu ) .

The divinatory oracle that follows broadens the scope by considering moreover and in particular the body and the uterine life flow. However, thi s broader focus is narrowed down again at the subsequent family council that meets to hear the report from the consultants at the oracle . Indeed, the agnatic elders are first and foremost concerned with the social origin and impact of the sickness, that is, with the social weave in which the affl icted is entangled or from which she or he is cut off, and why thi s occurred. The appropriate term here is

-bee/ala,

1 62

Chaprer Fi ve

·�to be stricken \Vith such and such an ailment for thi s or that soc i al reaso n �' : it

concerns the group's reception and intersubjective experiencing of th e a ffl ic ­ tion in line \Vith its aims . The palaver of elders to a large ex tent dev e l op s as a

kind of soc iodrama that brings to the fore confl icts and debts in the ki n and

al liance while try ing to overcome them.

As such, agnatic elders are pri ncipal ly concerned \\'ith social rule. The e l d e r s

in council examine the \\l·rongs in the group that are reflected in or have pr o­ duced the sickness, and they consider the many intric acies in the fami ly hi sto ry and the complex motives at play in establishing marri ages. They face th e

re­

ports on divinatory oracles that may unmask their ov.'n paradoxical ga me s of ensorcelling their proper offspring: the oracle reveals the nightly plots in w hic h uterines, agnates. and in-laws succeed one another in purveying or receivi ng

a

nev.' catch from the "n ightly hunt." The discourse of elders reinforces the v iri le

e thos of hunters, that is, the very masculinist vie\\l·s on life transmiss ion and

\\'oman's role in it, and reinforces bel iefs about cursing, ancestral \vrath , sor­ cery, and evil spirits . The i l ls in the family history are occasions to rev i se

confirm the social \•leave. In other v.'ords, in men's vie\\/ health is linked not

or

so

much to individual virtue but to moves and countermoves in the soc ial fabric .

It is the family e lders" due to examine V.'hether the problem at hand is to be turned over to the oracle of the clairvoyant diviner.

Mediumistic divining is more of a birthing process than an arbitrament.

an

anamnesis rather than a diagnosis, and a hermeneutics more than a cau sal or moral inquiry of disorders . Divinatory revelation stands to the council of e lders

as 'aletheia' or visionary expl oration of potentialities stands to truth as correct­ ne ss (Lev in

1 988:438),

as dreamwork to representational and discurs ive argu ­

ment , as '•speaking from the v.'omb" stands to men's rhetorical reassertion o f

pov.'er relations in the agnatic order o f seniority. Cl airvoyant divining is con­

cerned with the source rather than the cause of events! with the consensual

moral order. \\l'ith the inte.rplay between good or i ll health, the strategies i n the group and the life-world. It examines hov.· much the patient who is subjected

to the power game in the agnatic descent owes her or his physical li fe , in both good and ill health, to the uterine flow of l ife. Though the div inatory approach is not causalist in a deterministic sense, but brings out moments of correspon ­

dence in the worlds of the client and the client 's family. I will neverthe less speak of eti ology. Divinatory etiology sees the patient as a weave and also as

a hunting ground: the divi ner traces back the sets of knots that are untied or loosened, or traces the plots of sorcery and evil spirits . The i l l is compared to knots that have become inextricably entangled or untied . The agencies of ill ­ such as the ancestral shades, spirits, uterine life flow, human agencies, forces of plants and ingredients of power objects, prohibition s and \'lords -are com­

pared to competitive hunters and the victim to a hunting ground. The fate of

good and ill health is as cyclical or reversible as the fate of time: the day never

t63

Impediment� to L i fe Transmission

fails 10 e merge from the

n ight . The fl o\�' of life in e vitabl y l eads through both

· ght and d ark , V.'arm and cold phase.s. One 's fatal il l or state of entangl e me n t the work of a n i ghtl y plot. While trac i ng down the i n t ricac ie s of the so c i a l

?n

�s briC . the diviner never adopts the vertical stance of the paramount ruler who a the name of law arbitrates con fl icts \\ ith authority Fac i ng the div i ner \vho �:n be a woman or a mao-the consultants sit in a semicircle (see plate 5). ·

.

.

-

e basic metaphors of d i v i n ati on , the oracular discourse is to be. p rav..- i ng o n th seen as a v.'eaving from the womb, speak ing the. me ssage of the. u te ri ne life

fl oW and ancest o r s and spirits. But the div in er disavo\vs auth orsh i p of v i sio n an d prete nds that w·hatever he or she i s voicing is i n i t i at e d by the rhyt hm of the sl it go ng-an icon of the · vagin al mouth' -and stems from the dreamlike

vi sion received in s leep. The cow ri e shells on the divine.r's front, her gong, an d her tran ce l ike behavior-l ike a he n that lays an egg -all suggest that the ora­ cl e is borne as c l ai rvoya nce in the diviner's heart, and further e l ab orate d as a mes sag e co mi n g from the diviner's be l ly The sh ape of the slit gong is both \\'Omblike and phalluslike. and it i s con s i de re d "the diviner's very i m ag e ('yi­ diimbu kyaandi); the set of th ree cow ri e shells -a vaginal symbol - i s cal led diisu dyangoombu, "the d ivi n i ng eye " It is in her or his body that the diviner app ears as the androg y nou s age.nt and l oc u s of the uterine fiov.' of life., the metaphori si ng author and sc e ne of rebirthing of meaning . The metap hors of v.'eaving, of life-beari ng , a nd of c hi l db i rth underlie the di v inatory seance and pattern the. whole pl o t . The consultants are ulti mately m ade i nto an audi e n ce of t he uterine rule of (m at ri mo nial ) exchange th a t un d e rp i ns the never-endi n g flow of life i n the body in re s o n an c e with the life-w·orld. Th e oracle i s the voice of the sel f-reliant uterine l ife flow from which the ind i v idu a l taps in bot h good and ill health. .

.

•·

..

Clairvoyant divi ning that serves as a voice of the self-maintenance of the uterine flow of l i fe differs from the authori tative spee.c.h in the council of el­ ders� as u te rine. filiation differs from agnatic descent . The divinatory oracl e is not a discourse of truth and a verdict con ce rn in g social rules of ri gh t ; u nl ike the j u d i c ial council� it is no t an e.x ercise of re dre ss i ve power or d om i nati o n. In naming devi an cy in the rule s of e xc ha nge and reciprocity. it doe s ask no t so much for redress but for g row th healing, or 'whole-making. ' Divining and council, uterine and agnatic are seen as pairs in some kind of sol idarity, and they are comp are d to the way palm w i n e and tonics are the. necessary adj u van ts of the s pea ke r and drummer for sp eech or rhythm to b ec ome forceful and com­ ,

pell i ng . During the nine months of ini tiatory seclu s i on . the diviner-to-be shou l d feed him- or herself mainly with co l a nut and palm w i ne , dri nki ng it

fro m the slit gong. Th e di viner's word is one of l i fe-bearing fermentation that.

'-'·hen co nveyed to the consultants. im pel s them to tap in th e ir tum fr o m the

uteri ne l ife source and t o arouse growth i n th e ir group. The d iv i nato ry oracle

may un m ask the elders ' pretense to authoritati ve pow·er and th e i r self-serving

(..hapter Five

1 64

re­

manoeu vres for taking the goods and live s of their descendants. Di v i n in

g cal l s for the public ho\\' mu ch the uterine fiov-' of life is a maturation al proce s s that escapes fu l l agn at ic and patriarchal domi ni on : life "s i nne r and pas s ionate

impetus v i tali z es the social weave . The diviner ac t s as a m aster-hunte r \\o ho

track s do\"'n the n ightly pl o ts and the re by se.ts t he conditions to conve rt the

sorcerous hunt into a life-bearing one He i s the an t ipode of the noctu rna l h u nt on v..· hich the sorcerer embarks. U nm a sk e d and re.versed , the aggress i o n is .

t urned and focused on the sorcerer himself. Fol lov.. ing his verdict� the d i v i n er '

summons the per son accu sed of sorcery to add charcoal - the mark of

c ery

-

sor­

to his gunpowder. If the fireann loaded for thi s purpose actu a l ly k il l s

the prey at the first shot, '�the head of the dov-'ned animal is irrefu table proof'

that the accu se d has h ims e l f commissioned or c om mi tte d a fatal ensorcellment . In other word s , the di urnal hunt may unmask the noc turn al

(n-nva mbii1nbi)

one , and the game, co nverse l y, sets the i n itial conditions for the rcnc\��,-·al of

co mmen s a l i ty betv.,·ecn the fam i l ies of ac cu sed and v ictim.

5. 1

Masculinist Views on Human Agencies in Infertility

Popular opi n i on and ridicu le confirm patri archal views on l i fe tran sm i ssi on .

The bridegroom's pat rikin e nters into a matri monial all i ance \Vith the aim of

acquiring rights to the woman·s fertility and over the coup le s offspring. De­ '

l ayed fertility is severely c en su red by members of the c oupl e �s hamlet \��,-· ho

cha rge above al l , that the i r quest for '•florescence and fruit" ,

( mhoongu- a

tenn which denotes also offsprin g ) is a poor harvest of mere agricultural pro­

duce rather than of fruit of the \\,.omb. In thi s respect the n ame s g i ve n to a ch i ld

born after a lon g wait are reve a l ing . S ometimes they incl ude a nickname given

to that member of the c ou ple be.l ieved to be infertile: Kabutaa� '"she doesn't produce."

Khobu,

"the impotent one .�'

Mboo n gu, uharvesf': for long the mother's sole contri bution to the. marriage \VaS merely in the field and in the house.

Sela makhondu. "'father of the banana pl ants'�: the father had to c on te n t himself �·ith gro�·ing banana p lan t s \\'hile hopelessly waiting for offspri ng. lV-ledi myakhatwa. ''pointless fi nery'� : after several years only did the bridc�·eal th issue in offspring.

Kamonaaku, •'for 1ong, she still has n t seen one'': the mothers sa\-..· her first child born after several years of marri age . '

Yibandulula, �'I ' ve tri ed a number of ti mes', : the newlyv,·cd suffered several miscarriages.

"'l4sam '1.'asana. ''the one p e op l e talk about'·: the n ame of a chi ld \Vhose parents' infertility \vas subject of gossip .

Impedi ments to Life Transmission �lbeela

Phaani

Figure 1 . Circulation of Bridewealth

Those \\'ho

reproduction

concluded the

matri moni al all iance are. the

first to

act should

be impeded. Afte.r the h u sb and 's mother has alerted the head

of

the homestead that

conception is overdue, the family head may convene the hus band, the patriarch , and a male represe.ntative of the woman. First of all they ex ami ne the antecedents and the specific circumstances of the alli ance . Had some e ss en ti a l step or formality been forgotten? Perhaps some payment still had to be made� or additional port i on s of the bridewealth (biloombi) an d other matrimonial g i ft s had not been handed over to the wom an's family. Or perhaps the young c ouple , by intrusively comin g to live together in the home­ stea
In hi s report

on

the divinatory orac l e,

patriarch

Phaani

only mentions

that

1 66

Chapter Five

the �fbeela \voman's fathers '"'·ere alleged to have ensorcel l ed her and brought about her death . Moreover, before her death, the \\'Oman had uttered a c urse 00 her paternal forebears. Thereafter the Phaani widower (P' ) had not onl v jec ted a replacement marriage with a sister of the deceased but also ha d for repayment of the bride\\'ealth he had offered in order to marry the �1beel a woman \\'ho no""· had been ensorcelled to death due to her fathers ' in iti a tive. Once thi s bride\vealth was returned to the Phaani lineage, the patri arch had t ran sferre d it to the Kalala group in view of marry i ng his grands on ( P'') . �A.c­ c ordi ng to the divinatory oracle, •'this bridewealth the Kalala group had re­ ceived was bloodstained'' (n-teti bakusidimya meenga) because the �1 be ela lineage , after having already received the bride\\·ealth in return for their da ugh ­ ter's marriage, had reappropriated her l i fe through sorcery. By sheddin g the blood of their victim, the sorcerers had stained the bri dev.'ealth they ilad re­ ceived at their daughter's marriage. As a result, the curse the Mbeela daughter h ad uttered against the sorcerers also fell upon the bridev.realth, just as it fonned, literally, Ha threat from the deceased ' (yindaanda kyambvuuntbi) t o the various persons involve-d in the subsequent remi tta l of that b loodstai ned bridev,'ealth to the Kalal a group. The bridewealth under the threat of the curse acted as a trap: the Kalala girl \\·as exposed to the same sort of fatal il lness which struck the Mbeela woman . The bride""·ealth that patriarch Ph a an i handed over for the marriage of his grandson with a daughter of Kala la bore misfortune : the girl"s infertility \.vas proof of the corruption of the all i ance . The agnatic elde.rs sought to restore fertility through s oci al redress. It \\'._tS their view that the removal of any debt, curse, or 'trap' ought to clear the field of l ife tran smission. The case just mentioned depicts the essence of the social procedures intended to restore fertility or to remove the hindrance to it. Certain condi tions need to be met for the fatal curse to be lifted. According to the Yak.a idiom., the sorcerer- in thi s case, the Mbeela lineage -must �'pay the proprietor of the deceased [her unc l e 1 for the victi m they ate." Thereafter� the Mbeela lineage must in some way increase and thereby revalorize the bride­ wealth they had abused. By giving several goats and other goods to the Phaani� the Mbeela first of all compensate for the Hblood which had stained the bri de­ \\'ealth" : this compensation is kno""·n as the '"goat for the prohibition," so as to restate the rule against murderous ensorcel lment . Moreover, the �1beela have

c�l;:�

'

to compensate the damage suffered by the Phaani hus ba n d because of the los s of his young \\'ife and to repair all the ill cau sed by the bloodstained bride­ \\'ealth. Once such compensation has been paid and no\\' that the curse has fallen upon its victim� the curse itself no longer has any point; it can then be l ifted. The uncle and the ritual expert of the cult invoked for the curse are invited to go to the grave of the Mbeela woman V.'ho had uttered the curse ; there they proclai m that justice has been done and call upon the decea�ed to renounce her vengeance. On his return in the homestead, in the victi m's name,

Impedime nts to Life Tran smi ssion

cle a ddre s ses the various parties i nvolved. He offers the Phaani elder a

tll�r Pha:. ber

of bed s so that he, i n turn, can address hi mself to the Kalala girl. The offers her a hen to compensate for the \\Tong al re ady tri nu i pa arch the c urse ; th e n he hands over a second, which w ill take her out of the curse, w hil e say 1. ng: er of th e. w

po

done

.

raa khoku . Kola. Taa khoku dyaaka, l ubuk� nge meni yuzeeyi n-taanduku. �1uutu basya n-sasu� buko bwam\\'ana yakala. Nge, kan-sas wa nge.yiku . Here i s a hen. May your health be strengthened .

Here is yet another hen; escape from this curs e because \\'e are not of a com mon uterine ascendancy. This curse has been cast by the in-l a�·s of your h usband 's father. The curse has nothing to do \Vith you. ,

All these act s may i nvol ve a great many other deali ngs de pendi ng on the suc­

cess or failure of the hunt which is set up

to augur any further step . Nondivinatory or popular etiology of infertility. as it is elaborated in coun c i l by the husband 's elders, restricts its s crut iny to the latter's patrikin . My compar­ ison of the case reported with othe.r ones confirms that no ndiv in atory etiol og y with regard to fertility probl e m s pays pri v ileged attention to the patri l i neage of the husbancL \\'hich is of course. most interested in ensu ri ng that the al liance be fertile . Given the. fac t that a g ynec ological di sorder in itself do e s not c onstitute sufficient reason for divorce , action is the responsibility of the husband�s patrikin among whom the woman \\l·hose fertility is hampe red is living. It v;ould also seem that this pop ul ar ex am i n ati on a l w ay s brin g s up the. same argu­ ment. Somewhere among patri l ine ar forebears, some al liances remained steri le

as a result of a d i vorce, a gynecolog ical d isorde r or death due to sorcery. Very ,

sp e cific circumstances h ad left thei r mark on this divorce , illness , death� or .

restitution of the bride\vealth . In the case of a sub sequent marriage of a patri­

linear de sce nd ant anything which serves as a remi n der of one of these circum­ s tances can i ndi cate that the present situation is an a lo gous to the past one. In

order to remove thi s obst acle to fertility and prevent i ts fatal repetition the re as on for the prev i ous evil must be paid out or levied, as wel l as the c ause of ..

the present and similar evil. f\.1oreover, treatme.nt c all s for requ i t al of the hann

wrought by the steri lity both in the past and in the pre. sent. Last but n ot least� it is importa nt to heal the di sunion \'-l' ithin the present kin to p reven t its being a re. mi nd e r and thereby a pre s ag e. of mi sfortune.

Popu l ar e tiolog y to a l arge extent pertains to the agnatic domain \\there rela­ tionships are co e rcively subj e c t to the rules of re sp e c t seniority, and po\ver. ,

Chapter fi've

1 68

Cou ncils reproduce the fabri c of sen iority and the i mperative rule to s h ar . .. e rn . .. come w i th the elders ; they report how negligence of ancestor worship or si ons \\'ithin the ham let -for e x a mple , be cause of jealousy. i ns ubord inati o

�;

te

n

lack of respect, sexual abuse� the fai lure to share income or the bo oty o f th e hun t-inevitably a ng e r the elders and the agnatic ancestors. The an ge r \Vi

ii fall upon a descendant i n his soc i al di sposi tion or attri bution : eith er h e \'-'' i ll lose h is self-control , or he \\'i ll have mental problem s and yet aga i n h i � nl a r� ,

riage might be childless, or he \\til l con stantly return from the h u nt e rn pty

handed. Even if popular interpretations of mi sfortune reach beyon d the s oc io.

logic'! they rapid ly develop i nto l i near� cau sal , and determin i stic expl an ation s.

Elders may claim ei ther that the affl iction is a direct retaliation by c u l t s pi rit �

for the \Vrong that had been commi tted by some forebears or that

a

fanulv

qu arre l J ed the elders to reassert the i r au thority and rights through cnsorcel i­

ment . Jealously� e nvy, offended honor, and anger are see n as the n1oti ves for

malevolen t venge ance or en sorcel lment.

fn the in timacy of the home. in c ontrast, a couple confronting an ill ne ss \\.'i ll

apply remedies that di rec t l y concern their bodies rather th an issues of ora t ory,

i deol ogy, and power. ln the case of del ayed ferti l i ty. reproduction or · propaga­ tion" is ritually anticipated by fonns of vag ina l rinse that may arou se sexual

de sire . The hu sband see ks to bestov.' fertility on hi s v.'ife by symbo l ical l y con ­ veying an ' offshoof to her: he gives her leaves from a p ara s i tic plant, and she

takes the prepared infusion as a v agi n a l rinse� l i teral l y ·'drinking it." ' Thi s is

a

\\'el l-defi ned usage , and it may be rep eated duri ng the second or third rnonth of pregnancy. At dawn the husband goes into the forest or savanna and gathers

a parasi tic plant, yikhundakhunda, w hich grows on the branche s of certai n trees. He cli mbs up into one of these trees , undresses , gathe rs the plant, and

descends before he dresses again. In the evening. the \Voman bo ils the parasiti c plant and in the conj ugal home admini sters the luke\\'arm liqu id

a.-.;

a vagin al

rinse . As w ith anv ri nse or enema, she lies on her back and admi ni sters the -

concocti on by m eans of a gourd \\'ith a long thi n neck. This practice may evoke the marital act , for which the couple prefer to u ndre ss and the \\'ife to I ie

on

h er back. Commentaries develop a homonymy b e tween the name of the para­ s itical plant and the verb -kuunda, '�to catch , to ho ld back,'� which al so i s

a

reminder of thi s p l ant s capac ity to breed and root itself in the tree ; the expres­ '

sion "�a pl ant \Vhic h is i m pl ante d i n and bre e ding upon another·" is a more

fai thful translation of the term }'ikhundakhunda than "�parasite .1 9 The p l ant

ac­

quires an even more specific meaning in the context of the us age I have just

descri bed Indee
daybreak and the gourd-in other contexts'! as well, the latter symbolizes the vagina and the uterus- we can see that the vaginal douche and thi s paras itical

pl ant ga there d by the hu sband refer to the ro le of the \\'Om an in the marital

act. The meaning thu s brought forth is that of the s uccessful propagation and

Impedi ments to Life Transmissi on

_ of aestati on c ce.sses rati ve pro gene

l ife freed from the threat of acci dental abortion and in tune \\'ith , . the 1 11e-wor '& 1n ld and cosmos .... 5.2 Divinatory Etiology and the \\lork of

Cults

rious and lasting gynecological disorders are brought before the oracle of clai rvoyant diviner in the ngoombu cult (see 4.4. 1 ; also plate 5). I base the o now ing discu ssion upon a detailed analysis of twenty-six oracles related to disorders, compared w·ith some tVw'O hundred other oracle s i n vne ogi E! col cal ;;Jate d domai ns. f\1ost of these oracles took place in rural KVw'aango, although some t wenty \Vere conducted in Kin shasa. Using an etiological grid, the oracle addresses the complex intricacies be­ tY.'e en the physical ailment, the fam ily politics of ferti li ty, and concomit ant disorder in the lifc-v.'orld. In short� the oracle. lays bare the way in which the \Vebs of kin and marriage tic in or unbind the afflicted. The diviner seeks to dis cern the points of li keness be.tween the present di sorder and an abuse of rule, or an illness, or an anomaly which in former generations might have. struck the descent groups-and especially the uterine one-of the s ick v.'ornan. The ordcle reads the present in the light of the past and vice versa in term s of prohibitions that may have been broken and curses that, within the frame\\·ork of a cult� call for retaliation. Because the diviner is able to voice his own dreams.. and hence to reveal some of the patient�s dreams, as w·e l l as to unravel the nightly plots of sorcerers, his etiological reading of the case proves very singular and compel l ing. A first etiological assumption at play in divination regards the. uterine life source from \Vhich the great-grandmother taps and from whence physical life ftov�·s do\\'n in the uterine. line (yikheetu). It invokes the principle that life and its innate qualities (yibutukulu) are passed do\vn to the individual by the mother, from her maternal grandmother and great-grandmother. The second etiological assumption concerns the basic consensu al rules or prohibitions ( tsiku) that regard the. propagation of the uterine flow of life in the matrimonial alliance and for the social benefit of the patridescent. These rules are at play in the uterine line as a means of consolidating the flo\\' of life and its passing down through matrimonial alliance across blood communities . The rules are like an impersonal voice that states the minimal conditi ons for the uterine flo\\' of life. to be life-bearing. Any infri ngement of rights, or any of­ fen se \\'hich seriously and unjusti fiably hin ders the transmission of life or its flo\1/·ering, is said �'to ki I I or pervert the rule or prohibition" (-hoonda tsiku). Just as flower i s linked to fruit, it is supposed that any infringement that ham­ pers physical life cal ls for and links up \\'ith redress ; in the same 'Nay life cease­ lessly atones and revives from within itself, as the rules of exchange at the base of the soc ial fabric speak for and mend themselves. Sorcery or ill icit sexual S

:e :

Chapter Five

1 70

re lations, that is, con d uct in the h ome stea d whi ch infringes on the rights of th

the�

marri e d coup le and s poi l s or hampers fertility, are stereotypical ly l abeled in ritual as \\ e l l as in popular idi om . Accordi ng to the oracle, a seri o us illness ·

stems from a theft committed by a ut erine forebear. To the ex tent that th e or ac ] c oncern s facts of the p a s t th eir bearing i s not so much measured by thei r ,

objec�

tive or exhaustive enquiry but rather by the hermeneutic value of the o r ac le ts

showing hov.,r present facts of l ife respon d to deeds from the past.

A

third regi ster

of di vin atory eti ology relates to the question of 'Nh y a n af­ fliction ha s struck this particular in div idual instead of someone else , in o ther

\\ Ords , why the personal history of the affl icted has converge d with tha t of '

some former "track of offenses i n the fam il y and their trap

tion called for by a curse -alon g the path to the vill a ge

.' ·

-

tha t i s, th e ret ali a­

Accordin g t o di vin a­

tory eti ology the victim of a distant misdeed will have uttered a curse ,

(n- sa su)

condemnin g the ev i ldoer and his uterine descendan t s to bear the appropriate

affliction Such a curse pers ists in the uteri ne descent of b oth the author and .

the evildo er: it fo sters the intervention of a cult and its spiri tual agencie s th at ,

is, of an agency of revenge c apable o f driv ing its prey as d oes the hu nting dog .

This etiological reg is ter holds that affliction \\·ill befall the orig i n a l \vrongdoe r or anyone of his uteri ne offsprin g who may attem pt a similar m i sdee d : that

deed w ill be deflected upon them-they w ill 'aim' a wrong at another but end

up hi tti ng themsel ves . It al so establ ishes that the maternal kin of the victi m

also exp e rienc e a simi lar affliction, i f they i gnore the separation and v.rrong, by a lly i ng again with the wrongdoer as if nothing had h appened.

The divinatory etiology close s off with a verdict and a sentence : one of the

parties-the agnates, or the uteri ne kin of the first g enerati on for example­ ,

is accused of sorcery or of an offen se that has reactivated a p ast curse. Blame

may be laid as well on the other party

-

p erh aps the uterines of the s e co n d

ascendant generation-for their havin g angered t he first generation The sen­ .

tence regards a s acrifice. restitution .. contact Vw'ith an uncl e in particular the ,

great-granduncle, or a cult that must be organized.

Among the uncles of the afflicted it is the great grandu nc le who stands for -

the orig in of the rules and prohi bitions regardi n g matrimony; he therefore a lso represents the cradle of forces and ethi cal axioms from w hence the c urse s '

per secutive action stems since a curse calls upon the self-governance of these

rules . He possesses this authority because he represents for s ociety the poin t

of origin of the transmission of life and the web of life beari ng of which the -

affl ic te d is part . The curse that is passe d do\\'n through the uteri ne line acts

as

a trap that is, as a kind of self supportin g threat within the uterine traditi on . ..

-

The res urgence of the curse� that is, the hereditary effe.ct that acts as a trap, is

ritually neutral i zed v.'ithin this same tradition . The synergy entailing infringe­

ment or offe nse. curse, persecution, affl iction, mi sfortune an d c on sequently ..

the ritual management of the misfortune thus constitutes a cult.

J71

Impediments to Li fe Transmission

�

n i ng� by re erring to cults and curse s, � onfi rms ho\v much good and ill p iv i l i k e fl ow e.nng and decay, are re.verse stdes and phases of the same flo\\' h al th ' e In eve ry uteri ne line of descent. the curses uttered- like the \Vrong }if . ot t th eY avenge or the di stress i ng consequences they might eventually bring ­

�

�a nd ��e. �urses

on one or another cult. Cults safeguard and stimulate the blossoming b u t do so in a negational or homeopathic manner by self-de structi •.rely 0 e s i ng some hereditary ailments that seriously hampe.r the flow of life . v r too ai m at turning evil into good heal th and are compared to a trc1p in me that is caught frees its life-givin g force through rotting­ ,v h ich the ga

which i s associated with fermentation con sidered as a masculine form of cook­ ing . They represent the persecutive side of a prohibition , \\'hose infringement

is aven ged by affl iction; such infringement leads to persecution and final ly to re dress. Proh ibitions are the self-reliant · voice' of the uterine ftov.' of life that by its very vitality seeks to overcome hindrance or impainnent. Ill health is

decay, good health is florescence rather than individual achie.vement: both ill or good health occurs , befal ls to someone. Cults constitute the moral frame­ work to conceive of how prohibitions exert life 's self-re.l iance� that is, how curses reassert uteri ne life transmiss ion by cal ling on retaliation for major of­

fenses that have choked off the uterine flow· of life. Through their pe.rsecutive attribution, cults provide an etio logical frame\vork of the i llness, and con se­ quently a therapeutic framework: curing the victim of such a curse and its effects amounts to initiating the ailing person into the corresponding cult. Each of the.se cults brings together, across lineage boundaries, all the ini tiates w ho have undergone a cure; as a result, throughout K\\'aango land there are a great many translinear networks of ini tiates (cf.

4.3). Ferti lity problems and congeni­

tal deformities are almost always-although not exclusively-related to the cult of khita: both the gynecological disorder and its cure are manifestations

of khita.

Divinatory e.t iology traces the evil in the life of the sufferer and the webs of

kin, as well as in relation to the fundamental order of exc.hange that under­ scores life transmission ; it locates the disorder in the resonance within and between the fields of body, group, and life-\\'orld. The oracle will blame the self- seeking or treacherous behav ior of fami ly elders, on the one hand, and point to the self-gove.mance of the. uterine fto\\' of life through curse, affliction, and cult, on the other. A gynecological impairment can arise from the fact that the patient has been involved in a con fusion of conjugal hearths, in other words, from some strai n or in fringement w i th regard to the frontiers of the

domestic and corporal spaces of the couple, as I mentioned above. Moreover,

the patie.nt may have been cut off from the source of life because an uncle has

given up his avuncular care . The woman may be affl i cted by an ailment in

precisely the same way as a uterine ascendant \\'ho \\'as also the victim of a simi l ar confusion of hearths� or of some form of familial in trusion or rupture .

Chapte r Five

1 72

Thi s khita curse l i nks the pre sent ailment to the past one . Li ke the d i st orti

on of conjugal frontiers, the di sorde r i s perceived as hav i ng denatured the c o rp o r al frontiers in some way. Since the body is no longer capable of be ing s i mu l t�me­ ously a confined space and a place of exchange, it either become s exce ss ivel

y ··c losed" or completely "inconti nent.'� The v ictim i s seen as sufferin g from some kind of impediment imposed from the outside, hin dering or prev e nt i ng

her from conceivi ng or bearing l i fe . As I shal l demonstrate later, the l in k est ab ­

lished betvw·een the past and the present misfonune ari ses less from reas on in [!

l

in te rms of empirical causal ity but rather from a metaphorically meani n g fu

interconnecting of past and present� of body, group, and life-v.'orld. I ca l l t hi s

fonn of interconnecting the hermene.utics of structural causal ity.

The div inatory orac le ascribes the gynecological affliction or probl e m tn

several forms of offense or i nfringement .

First, the problem i s ascribed to some form of infringement of or offense against a proh ibition . The wrongdoings most com monly brought out i n the oracle are adultery, sorcery, and infractions of avuncular duties or rights . Five of the tv;enty-six oracles revealed that the i nfertility wa s preceded by adu ltery.

Three of these orac les stated that these extramarital affairs led to an ensorcel l­ me.nt: e ither the man v,rith whom the \•loman was having an adu lterous affai r h inders ferti l ity out of venge ance on the y..·oman for her having regained the

conj ugal she l l ._ or the betrayed h usband ensorcel l s those of his brothers who

have trespac;sed on his conjugal bed . The two other orac le s reported that the

woman failed to ritually cleanse the adultery and prevent a rupture from oc ­ curring; con sequently, she herself s uffered from closure or effu sion . Indeed� the woman shou ld have offered ritual compensation for the offense to her un­ cles (cf.

3 .3).

By omitti ng this, she has fai led to acknowledge the ir avuncu lar

role. In one of the case s, the unc les did not protect the ' unc losed ' \\'oman from

exposure to the retaliatory logic of curse and c ult� in the other case., the unc les

condemned the adu l terous woman ; literally, they victimized her as " a

(kabu) .

giff '

I n other words._ they ensorcelled her to compensate for a "debt of the

n i ght." Other oracle s-a th ird of the total-attrib ute the patient's wasting ill­ ne-ss to the "uncles \\'ho entered the affair and took their portion of prey, and are gnawing her av.'ay." Accordi ng to d ivinatory etiology� uncles may abu se their position in several ways. It c an happen that the primary uncle._ or the granduncle, passed on ritua l gifts and tonics to his sister's daughter or granddaughter \Vithin the frame\\'ork of a cult for which he has received no mandate from the great- granduncle , or to which he wa s not entitled. By failing to addre ss himse lf to the great­

granduncle and to share the benefits ari sing from the exercise of the avuncular ro le , the uncle v.'ho abu ses his avuncul ar position i s considered a thief. The

oracle sees th i s abu se of rights as prej udi cial to the uterine offspring an d liken s

Impedime nt� to Li fe Tran smission it 10 s orcery. It can also h a pp e n that the uncle and the. granduncle were gu i lty

t the death of a uteri ne descendant th rough e nsorcel lment.

By omitting t o pay

�e nece ssary compensation for thi s murder to the victim 's great-granduncle,

m ry uncle and grandun c l e lose their avuncular rights and corrupt th e the pri a they stand for. If, ho\\'ever, they further abuse their position by te ri ne ti es ritual tonics and prevent the competent uncle from adm inistering i spen sin g � these - they s hare responsibility for the i llness or even the v i cti m s death . Fo r this reas on , any abus e in the exercise of the avunculate equ al s sorcery.

�

Second, gynecological affliction, in particu l ar in its symptoms of effusion or inconti nence, i s attributed� in a third of the relevant oracles , to the encroach ­

n1e nt of conjugal bounds : yidyaa ta . I ndeed� it can happen that a novice or pa­ tie nt resu mes marital union without l oo sening the vital bond w i th her ini ti at or or he al er, or that the nev,rlywed reach e. s the c onj ug al home ,-.,·ithout having been

d ismi ssed from under the patern al roof. The one who did not sever her conjugal ties at her partner's death or at di vorce, and sim i larly the one \\'ho has omitted

to an nou nce the marriage to his or her u n cle, i s conside-red liable to a sim ila r

en c roachment .

Third� a nu mbe r of oracles accuse the elders of the affl ic ted woman of hav­

ing dravln misfortune upon her as the. result of their contradicti ng the curse they

had uttered to prote.ct the woman. They turned the curse against the woman by � "'sharing the fire and meals anev/ with those they had cursed, thus denying the fact that the curse \\'as founded on fami ly rupture. Many other kinds

of

machinations , ill w ill , envy, and pol lution are moreover considered to channel

forces among people and lead to breakdown of health .

5.3 Etiology as an Indication of Therap�· When a newly ,-.,· ed woman is sl ow to become pregnant, remain s troubled by

heavy or painful me.nstruation , or fails to mens t ru ate, it i s said that thi s ·'woman

has been ham pere d

''

(n-kheetu lvabiindemene ).

Divinatory etiology stres se s the

d i mens i on of impediment� entanglement, or effusion of the body in gynecolog­

ical ailments and birth di fficulties, including interruptions of pregnancy due to acci dental abortion s or premature birth, sti llbirth, or the death of an infant be­

fore the mother has become pre.gnant again . Since the latter are general ly con­

sidered more serious and alarming, they are at once placed before the

divinatory oracle. The transmi ssion of life constitutes the principle reason for a matrimon i al alliance and it is through c hildbearin g and reari ng that a married -

Vw'oman succeeds her mother, thus b i nding herse.lf to the former generations

from mothers to great-grandmothers in the uterine line� that i s , to those Vv'ho

have transmitted life from a common source. Sociall y, gynecological ailments are therefore conside.red as prob lems be aring on the matrimonial alliance and

1 74

Chapter Five

uterine life transmission. As for the impaired, she i s seen as sufferi ng from

..

impedi ment afflicting her from outside, some illness that gnaws awav at han

Prcven�� 0;

(yibeefu kin-diidi), that binds her in (yibiinda), and that hinders o r ( -biindama) her from childbearing. In other \\lords, the council of e l d e rs the divinatory oracle pays little heed to the physical symptoms as su c h .

The

etiological enquiry is in fact a means of probing the matrimonial allianc e an d the basics of family life and world order, in particular the web of ute ri n e li es that link the sick to other uterine kin who tap from the same source of l ife .

Divin atory etiology regarding fertility or birth disorders principally scru ti­

nizes the extent to '-"·hich the matrimonial alliance and the web of uteri n e

t ie s

are ill fated because of self-serving elders, offense, or curse. On the cou pte ·s side, the transfers of matrimonial goods , their circumstances, and their ante ­

cedents, as \veil as the proper boundedness of the conjugal cell are al l ex am­

ined. With regard to the woman's uterine filiation, the success ion of alli anc es in the gene ration s of great-grandmother to mother, each of which condi tions

the one succeeding it, are studied , as is the degree to Ylhich the gifts the uncles

may or may not have received: they remind them of the ir task to pass dow n the

uterine flow of life . The oracle may point to a recent offense against the rights

and the obligations of the bride-givers and -takers, of wife and husband , of the uncle and sisters's daughter, of the patriarch and the in-marri e d ""·ife.

The oracle may disclose acts of sorcery or of any other i l l -fated infri ngement on the conjugal space that seriously hamper fertility. The couple thereby gets

caught in the •trap' that a uterine forebear has set by his curse fol lo\\'in g an

intrusion, abuse, or spiteful act of a similar kind. Proffered in the uterine de­

scent, this curse resolutely threatens the uterine offspring as a v.'hole. In other

words, divinatory interpretation apparently operates by means of a ki nd of

structural redundancy which entYline s rule, offense, and affliction in

a

com­

mon logic of persecution. Bride-givers and bride-takers share a common proj ­ ect of life transmission for matrimoni al goods; it is the very ground and reason of their mutual relations. Offense -ensorcellment of offspring� lack of matri­ monial compensations, adultery, infringement of the taboos the wife"s father conferred to the offspring- calls for persecution and redress, since life re­ quires to be transmitted and flourish.

The assumptions on which divinatory etiology dra\vs similarly inform a

curse: they imply a kind of structural causality. A curse dra\\'S on a fundamen ­

tal -implicit, hence optimistic-axiom that good and ill health , life and death,

regeneration and destruction interrelate like right and left hands , and that to

the ex tent that life equals gift, life outreaches death , society creates and over­

comes its forces of destruction. A curse consi sts of invoking the i nevitable

application of persecution and re.venge, if there truly has been theft, that is�

offense against the rules of exchange or reciprocity (see Devi sch 1 98 1 ). The

follov..· ing injunctions render in shortened version the steps in curs ing :

Impediments to Life Transmission

If it \\�· ere not true that he \vho has stolen falls ill , then, if I myself have sto len , may I fal l i l l or die . Even if I have taken nothing from the one \Vho has stolen my property, and if it \\'ere true that I am not indebted to him, then may he \\'ho has stolen my property fall ill . In the u teri and the b lossoming of li fe. In return for the bride\\·ealth and regu l ar gifts

ne line, it is the. rule of exch ange �·h ich governs the transmission

throug h ou t her reproductive life" a \•life is ceded to the husband's group to bear a nd el e vate offspri ng. Acts that are inj urious to this exchange-theft. ensor­ ce ll ment, and sexual abuse, also labeled theft by ritual idiom-create both social disunion and physical symptoms that threaten the body's capacity to give an d take. The curse clarifies the axiom by first assuming an unescapable li nk between theft and persecution: the one �·ho utters the curse provides a guaran­ tee by call i ng down upon himself an automatic persecution should he himself have stolen . In an analogous manner, he affi rm s that the culprit cannot escape persecution if he really has stolen. that is, if he perpetrated a V.'rong v;ithout having a leg itimate provocation for doing so.] It is equally implied that the curse \�·i ll tum agai nst the protected party if the curse is false, when the author himself has taken pa11 in the accursed deed, or when those v;ho are protected duly reestablish fellowship with the accursed party. Concretely" both the divinatory oracle and the curse order facts of life ac ­ cording to the structural hermeneutics interlinking ru le.s of exchange , prohibi­ tion, offense or infringement , curse, p ersecution, affl.ictio� and death . The oracle thereby enunciate s a fundamental narrative or story of inevitable recur­ rence in social life: it is the story of the. existential interdepe.ndence of ki ns­ men-through marriage, offspring, or de.scent- that always v.ill reassert itself, of life overcomi ng restraints, of evil calling for retaliation , of re.c iproci ty in life transmission con stantl y restating itself. The narrative unfolds an axiom­ atic paradi gm or a set of principles taken for granted regarding the social fab­ ric. It does as yet not have the outspoken and socially coercive character of Ia\\' which, I would con tend� comes into being only with the in stitution of the sovereign ruler and associated court. By applying this structural paradigm (re­ g arding exchange-prohibition-offense-curse-persecution) to the prob­ lem placed before it, the divination makes no judgment with regard to moral responsibility, but it does permit a hermeneutical reading of various constituent elements of the situation of misfortune. By relating the past and the present,

\\'hich reveals the reason for the misfortune to be recurrent, the oracle, more­ over, sets the social scene for the the.rapeutic intervention to happen . In other \\'ords, according to divinatory etiolog y, there is talk of a bindin g rule or, more p roperly, of an offense as long as the.re i s mi sfortune that harms the group interests and that was caused by the retal iatory action issuing from a curse .

1 76

Chapter Fi ve

S eco nd, and moreove r, a palaver or oracle should have ju dged the ev i l act t

be i l l i ci t or unfou nded. that is, i nfri ng i ng. The thre at of further retul i at io

o

ceases when justice i s done through the oracle and i ndemn i fication o ffered bn the wrongd oer to the wronged party. Di vinatory eti ology, like the cur se .

co�

sists of recordi ng an ew the narrative of ani sdeeds i n the fami l y. fro1n th e tl rst affl iction it has c au sed and the c urse i t has provoke d. to the chai n of sub se q u e n t •ni sdced'io and retal iation s . The etiology o f divinati on an d cursi ng subj ects ev il dee ds tt l the sel f. sustai ni ng ru l e of exchange., whi ch by its ve ry nature urges continua nce an d i s i tse l f a conditi on for the tran sm i ssi on o f life . The divinatory orac le reg i ,te r�

a

sequen ce of conti ngen t fac ts i n an orde r of first appearance. Paral lel to th is,

the orac le -li ke the c urse-deals \Vith facts that have e lu ded th e uteri ne a nd matrin1onial c i rcuits of social rec i procity an d reintroduces them into an order

of discourse '"'h ich the orac le i m plcn1c nts by i t s pub l ic declarations and sytn ­ bol ic function . Th rough it s as su mptions reg ardin g the primacy of exch a n ge and the i r contextual appl i c ati on for the eti ological scrutiny� i n other \Vor ds

th rough the �yn1b()Iic fu nct io n and foun dat ional discoun�e \\'h ich th e d i v i n er and the c l i ents exerc i se publ icly in the fash ion laid down by tradition , the

o ra­

cl e ac h ieves its a i tn : the re in tegrat ion of a disorder into the order of di scour�e

and exch ange t hat fonns the basis of l ife in soci ety.

The value sy stc rn th at underpins divination is also at stake in the therapeutic app roach , suc h that the ai1n of the cure i s to re enac t th ese values . The s ingu l ar case hi story of ev i l and its retal i ation i n the fan1i l y parti cu lari zes onl y the in itial

stage of the cure in the course of \\'h ich agnates, u terine kin, and in-la\vs rede­ fi ne and renegoti ate the ir 1nu tual relations and t hei r ti es with the afflicted per­

son . The othe r stage s surpass the s i ngle case history and concern m ore the body of the afflicted and the cosmology of life transmi ssion.

The div i natory oracle rel ati vises its o\vn etiology and leaves room for indi­

vi dual freedom and genuine i nitiative in the moral space. Given that it estab­ lishes mu ltiple links bct\veen the illn ess and variou s social and ax iological

(cosmological) registers of meaning'! the oracle dom esticate s the doom of des­ ti ny, or the fatal n ature of the di sord er: its antecedents are both many and

re­

duc ibl e. Let us recal l the various kinds of situation \\'hic h are lin ked together:

i llness or m i sfortune social disorgan ization, and the rule of exchange that un­ ..

derp ins the uterine. trdll sm i ssi on of life . Al l this is related tn prohibitions, of­ fen ses� curses.. and persecutions.. for \\'hich, more over, cu lts provide an adequate institutional framevlo rk. The multiple nature of the etiol ogical levels an d arg ument un derscores the va l u e of the di agnosis shou ld the treatment fai l .

For exa1nple, if an initial in terventi on applie.d by the u ncle proves ineffecti ve ,

a whole network of oth er factors -such as curse., offense, or in heritance �·of

debts of the ni ght" from father to son or u ncle to nephe\\'-cou ld come to the rescue . In other Y.'ords., a treatment \\'hic h fails does not inval idate the eti ologi-

I m pe di ments

1 77 1

od . Jll e l

to

Life Transmissi on

C?.! the divinatory art. It demon strates

that the etiological e nqu i ry is

IJ(iequ ate because it is i ncomplete or vitiated by the dupl i c i ty of the c o ns ul � an

­

the oracle \Vho, knowingly. have neg l e c te d or violated the procedure at sultation . Ano t h er divinati on should fol low. coWhen i t comes to un masking the evil and its antecedents, the et iol og i c al the disorder co ntribu tes in a number of ways to redress the erpre tati on of ts t o

aa:

int an d to recovery. si tuati on Firs t, the etiol og y has linked the. ferti lity disorder to a di s org anizati on w ithin the al l i an ce and the uterine relationship s . The therapy is therefore set up as a

ri tu al ize d dr ama in wh i ch the representative � of the all i ance and the uteri ne descent are ac tively invol ved . They rei nt egr at e the a ffl ic te.d \Voman in the uter­

ine de sce nt and rein stitute her in her conj ugal role of life.-bearer. At the same time, \\'hen linlcing the affl i c t ion to an evi l \\'h ich took p l ac e in the past, the

etiology prescribes compens ation for this evil. It al lows for the khita curse to

be lifted and the pers ecutio n affe c ti n g the sterile \voman to be neutral ized.

Sec.ond, t he orac le au thori tati vely sets up the scene for the heal i ng i nterven­

tion by readin g the bodily affl i c t ion of closure,

cn

t a n g le.ment an d effusio n in ,

line with wickedness and self-serv i ng c onduc t, or Vw'ith breaks and revenge in the social body. It moreover connects all this with the life- world of fund amen­ tal values and spiri tual age ncies that link up, as in a sp iral movemen t, m i sde ed, curse , persecution, and affl ic tion . B y giving l ittle heed to the s om atic dime n­ sion of the affl iction� but \\'idening the scope, the oracle may contribute to temper the anxiety of the c oup l e and close kin. In fac t , the orac le anti cipatively sets the scene for the. subseq uen t hea l i ng that l eads the \\,.oman to metap hori

­

cally identify \vith proce �ses in the group and the \vorld that su stain life­ bearing . Third, the. di vin a tory etiology someho\\' recycles \\'hat first appe ared as so­

cial deviancy into a cosmo logical disorder. The woman�s d isorde rl y conduct

and los s of too l s, o r her husband 's hunti ng accidents, announce a disorder in

the phys ical and cosmological body. The disorde.r, loss, or accidents may be cau sed by c ult spirit� eager to become h on ore d. They fore.shadow an il lness

that will urge the patient to seck he lp i n a cult and to develop an allianc e with the spirit. The patient is con sidered a h unting ground involving elders, ance s

­

tral shades, cult spi rits, and those of the kin whose ne gl ec t or hostility c ontrib­

uted to the couple ,s margin alization . The divinatory oracle reintegrates the

sufferer and her life- world into the moral community. But., since there i s no

accusation of fau l t the oracle -unlike the prophe t i n hea l ing churches (see ,

Devisch and \lervacck 1 98 5 ) -does not set the scene for a the.rapy as part of

a s alv at i on h is t ory

.

The divinatory se.ance i s itself a firs t and major step in the healing interven­

ti on. In the khita cure that may folio\\', the patient is made further the center of a tte nti o n by the fami l y elders , hou sehold, and local commu n ity. At the end of

1 78

Chapter Five

her period o f seclus io n she is brought back

th i n the sphere of domestic and

wi

conjugal life e mpo were d to more fully inhabi t her body and li fe wo rld Th whole therapeutic drama further displaces the ob s e s sions with gyn eco lo g ica failure and \Vith the persecutive elders and cult spirits, and enhance s th e e xperi­ ence of body and life transmiss ion through incorporating the potent mys teri e s of ' 'florescence and fruit" in the life-world. -

.

�

6

The Khita Fertility Cult Reversi11.g tlze Et:il

The principal cure for gynecol ogical di sorders-both for inferti lity an d for "'·hal is considered anomalou s birth-take.s place w ithin the context of the

khita cult. Yiphasi, literal ly ''the place of both enhancement and diminution� excitement and suffering�" designate s the 'Y.'hole of the cure in the khita c ult. There are two main movements, one redressive and one emancipatory. The redressive intervention comprise s the seve.ral weeks needed to rai se the support of the kin group and invite the healer� and it culminate s on the eve.ning the patient goe s into seclusion . On that evening, the khita patient is led to reverse the persecutive forces at work in the kin group- namely the ensorcel lment and curse she has been suffering from- into bond s that channel agai n the uterine life flo\\1·. The khita cure brings to the fore and aims at domesticati ng a bet\vixt and between world, namely hita, '1he suffering .. the monstrous, what is gen­ derless and untamed;' also assoc iated "Y-rith the bl urring of night and dark for­ est. The intervention stri kes fear into the 'Y.'Orld of the monstrous and expel s it

from among the kin group. Moreover, by acti ng on the. connections bet\veen people and world at the i nterstices of space and time the therapeutic initiation .•

leads the patie.nt out of the maze of dualisms and contrarieties in \\'hich her ferti lity is entan gled. For the local community, the onset of the cure. is an occa­ sion for uncensured, transgressive, and j oyful dance and song at dusk at the edge of village space. Following the. redressive inte.rvention and ini tial capturing of forces, the emancipatory acti on may start: it concerns the seclus ion proper-a dimensi on studied in chapter 7-v.'hich may la�t from a fe\\' wee.ks to several months . The secl usion de.velop s into a cosmogenetic drama that leads to the pati ent 's ritual rebirth and capturing of new forces in resonance with similar proce. sses in the group and life-'Y.'orld . There i s a difference bet\veen cultic enhanceme.nt of male. and femal e fertil­ ity. \\'hich refl ects the doubly unili neal descent in Yaka society. �1ascul i nist discourse. primarily assoc iates infertility and physical handicap \\'ith the uter­ ine line. Khita is in some respect a parallel to the n-khanda, \\'hich is a commu­ nal cult for the social transformation of the newly circumci se.d that is cal led upon to assure the continuity of the patri line and virile values . lndeed all t he

1 80

Chapter Six

men of the group sh are the role of re produc i ng pa tr ili neal d e sce n t . i\gn atic descent i s a collect ive and hierarchi cally ordered good s urpa ss ing i ndi v i d u a l il l � \vickedness, or i mpai nn en t . Uttering a curse to hann male fert ility i s con­ sidered devoid of sense, since it e ndange rs the further social reprodu c t ion of the group and the reby deflates one's social self. Conversely, it is throu g h h is mother and uterine forebears that a person taps the l ife blood or vital fl O\\' i n

a

most indi vidual way from the uterine life source . It i s thro u gh the ma tri l ine that i nnate traits and agencies, l i ke persecutive curses and deadl y en so rce U­ m e n t . befall the indiv idual. It is also the woman and the bride-giver s \\' h o are

p ri m ari l y b rought into q u esti o n whenever a couple remains steri le . : Bo th th e flo�'erin g and the deterioration of physical life, \Vh ich is both se lf-s ustai n ing and vulnerable or need fu l , mark the fundame ntal ly cyclic a l fiov.' of life be ­ t\vee n uteru s and fetus, be tw e en grand m other, mother.. and chi ld, as \ve U

be t wee n the phases of day, moon, season .. and ve ge tati o n .

as

6. 1 Khita and Similar Cults

In the Koongo area, khita has been d oc u mented as an ancestral or spiri t cult

for the fertili ty of women and the land under the guardians hip of parti c ul ar

landowning lineage s . The. n ot io n of khita (and relate.d fonns kita, nkita. nkira, nkit, etc .) can be found over a vast geog raphic expanse covering the ancient Kingdom of Koongo and the s urro un ding are.a. According to Ge orge s Bal an­

dier ( 1 965 : 2 1 6-69)� the

kimpasi (a term e quival ent to yiphasi) was well kno\\'O

throu ghout the Koongo ki ngdo m in the sevente e n th century. As initiation in the nkita cult, the kimpas i rites aimed at conne cting the living and the i r \a..·orld

w ith the ori g ina l fertil ity of the prim ordi al couple further impersonated by the nkita or founding li ne age ancestors ( 1 965 : 50). 2 Regarding the Ntaandu, lvfbata, and M paan g u , al l e a stern Koongo peoples, Jo seph Van Wing ( 1 920, 1 938: ch. 6-8) \Vas a w itness to the kinlpa ...i de voted to nkita, thos e first an c e s to rs of the Koon g o v.'ho had died violent deaths. The anc e s tor cult aimed to enhance fer­

ti lity and res i st a nce to disease a n d death. lVkita app e ars in the central and \vest­ em parts of Koongo land as a cult of affl icti on partic ularly address e d to

ferti lity-related tro ub les � mental and epileptic di sturbances, and swel lings any ­ v,.·here on the body. These ailments are attributed to c e rtai n spirits associated either with the guardianshi p of the i nhabit ed areas or w ith certa in ••pools and falls" (Binremieux 1 936: 1 5 3 ; Buakasa 1 973 : 1 5 8-63 , 2 1 2-20: Dupre 1 975 ;

Janzen 1 97 8 : 2 1 3 ; MacGaffey 1 986: 1 0 1 ) . 1Vkita is a cult bel ongin g to the chie fly l ine ages Initiating ne\.v members in each gene ratio n acts as a regen era­ tion of the p rinc i p al institutions of the group- political power seniority, life transmission through marri age-through a re-en action of major deeds of the fo u ndin g an ce stor s Jan Vansina ( 1 973 :22 1-25 et p a
,

.

J8l

. 00

�1

;

The Khita Fertility Cult: R eversing

the Evil

of nki amo ng the Tio , a subgroup of the Teke pe.ople of the east , situated n:z

"'h at is no\\' the. Republic of the Congo� in the n ineteenth century. Fo r the o , the nkira are those beings or first causes re s i d in g in the sun , among whom

ures the Supreme B e i ng lVzaa. And ers so n ( 1 95 8 : 2 1 8) d e fi ne s nkira as an among the Teke. Mo re spe.c. i fi c all y, the n k i ra convey fertil ity to ec s tati c s ec t and l and of the cult leaders . A similar cult is found among the the wom en l(uyu t o the north we st and it crosscuts l i neag e and hierarchical division s fi g

(Bonnafe 1 969). Accordi ng to a study by Jozef Thiel ( 1 977 : 92-94) , the notion of nki ra occurs in very similar traditions found among those populations inhab­ iting the are a of Zai re betVw'een the rivers Zai re and Kasai . In An go l a , among the Sh inji, Holo, and Kadi po pu l ? t i ons � nkit is a term us ed to d e no te a part icu­ l ar fonn of di vination . To gather data on the khita cult among the northern Yaka, I attended on

several occasions its various phases as they occurred in the Taa nd a settlement

and the neighboring area to the west. \\'hile this inc l uded ob serv i n g the ri te s leading to sec lusion on four separate occasions , and three time s the rite of

co ming out .. I v.'a s never able to w i t ness the purifi cation and rebirth rite at t h e riverside that marks the end of th e. seclusion period. I met three mothers

of

twin s who had undergone khita therapy, and I attended th e burial of a one­

month-old t w i n . During t he \\'hole of my stay in Yaka land in th e 1 970s, I

re corded nineteen cases of khita seclusion in the vi llages of the Taanda group

alone. In the same p e riod, I V.'as able to meet twe l ve officiants of the khita

cult. In Kinshasa, I not e d some four detailed life-histories of khita p a t ie nts and follov.'ed parts of their tre atment. In additi on., I made a detailed co mp ari s on with the n ote s draVw'n from observations carried out i n

1 939-40 by Fath er Leon

De Beir ( 1 975a:37-76, 1 975b: 84-1 06). The brief and very general remarks

made by Father Fran�ois L.amal ( 1 965 : 1 74-75) conce.ming the Yaka and the

eastern Suku do not appear to have been based on detailed information or first­ hand observation . For his part, Igor Kop yto ff ( 1 980) reports on the

kita

as

practiced among the ma tril i ne al Suku of the U pp e r Kwaango, neigh bors to the southern Yaka. There the cult is organi zed at the i n i ti ative of a lineage chief.. perhaps one w·ho has just been installed, and is i ntended to revitalize the lin­ eage group and its l i fe-world . The cult is ho\\'ever not meant to enhan c e the pov.'er of the c h i ef or of the lineage, but aims .. it would appear, at the cyclical

renewal of the life-promoting c.apacity of the chief., as we. I I as the re s olut ion of

crises arising between l i neag e. factions and ge n eration s . For the neigh b oring groups to the w e st be l on gi ng to the so-called matrilineal belt .. Trudeke Vuyck

( 1 99 1 ) offe rs

a c om parat i ve study of ferti l i ty ritual s seen in relation to fam ily

organization and gender rel ated division of labor.

In Yaka land, khita very prob a bly has di stant links with the

Koo ng o area. The refrains of some

khita so ng s

nkita

cult of the

specifi cally e voke bonds \�·ith

the former Kingdom of the Koongo, as v.'ell as w ith the related cultures of the

1 82

Chapter Six

Mbata, Zoombo, and Tsootso who \\'ere the intermediaries in the trade ce n tr a l ized in Luanda. The Yaka of the northern Kwaango attribute the orig i n s f o most of their affliction cu lts to commercial c ontacts, encroachment on th e land ..

and conflicts that arose subsequent to the arri val of the Mbata and the Zoom b o In the K waango

khita

�

is not properly speaking a fertility cult h anded d o\�· n by

the ancestors as it is held to be i n the Koongo region . ln the case of the fo rmer

neither the referenc e to the spirits nor the sacralization of certain a sp ec ts

of the life-v.'orld- thereby cons idered imbued with extrahuman p o\v e rs ­

form the heart of the cult. Moreover, I have. not been able to record a myth among the Yaka relative to the origins of khita. In summary then, am ong th e Yaka khita is above all a healing cult directed to issues of uterine infe ni l ity

and abnormal birth, me anw h ile seeking to enhance ferti lity in the com mun i ty of fellow-women and in their life-\\l·orld.

khita also refers to the bride 's departure from her parental h o me to

The term

the conjugal one and to the fact that she brings new life and knov.'ho\\1· to her new home.

Khita,

moreove r refers both to menarche and giving birth, as \v e il ,

as to departure on and return from long journeys for purposes of trade ;

it there­

fore connotes the rare goods (particularly those that con stitute bride-wealth )

and the knowledge and skills that come \\'ith such trade . I n the popular mind­

set, long-distance trade is further associated with polygynous marriage as 'Nell

as with sexual liaisons that mi ght

threaten the in- group through the spell s and

i llnesses that such offenses may p rovoke Al l the healing cults are said to have .

spread to Yaka land via long-distance trade

(phoongu ziisa muyikhita). There

is a direct association be.tween the notion of matrimonial al liance, that is, the

arri val of a bride in the husband's homestead, the com ing of cults, illness� and

death. (This intriguing association may reflect tensions betwe.en the princ iple s of patridescent, patri- and viri local residence and uterine fi liation. ) ,

Th e term

khita

may by extension carry an even bro ader meanin g among

the Yaka. It derives from -kita, "to transform evert, reshape, metamorph ose, ..

transfigure ." As an au x ili ary verb, it refers to the effect of initi ation , as in -kita

ngoombu,

''being initi ated as diviner." The term designates the seclusi on of

both initiands and maj or cult objects in the various affliction and communal cults, as we.ll as the sec lusion of the chief to be instal led and of the \ll i do\\'ed

and primary kin for mourning : "they are undergoing the in itiatic mutation or

metamorphosis"

{-buusa khita).

The term

khita

thus serves to indicate their

symbolic de ath to a former condition i n v iew of rebinh into a ne\\' ide nti t y

.

A s a fertility cure,

khita

involves the various phases of a trans ition rite .

Within one month after an orac le has established the neces sity of organiz­

ing the cult, the hu sband of the affl icted woman and the family head or pa­

triarch bring together a set of valuable goods v.'hich \Vii i serve to establish a

matrimonial-like alliance w·ith the healer and to solicit the aid of the unc le of the afflicted. In a first stage , all those concerned gather around the pati ent

.

The Khita Fertil i ty C u lt: Revers ing the Evil fbe

, rnee.t at sundov-'11 near the ritual dVw·ell ing erected at the. edge of bush and

�ornestead of the couple in question. The ini tiate is the target of a series of

�e rsions and transformations: the ritual leads her through the experiences of

:;b-agony, ·ued the lea a e v

of bei ng turned upside dow n comparabl e to a bat or l i ke an ani mal

hunt and brought home suspended from a pole, or also like the in bang ing from the loom. Then follows the seclu sion phase.

"'Cr will de scribe the successive sequences of a stereotypical case in order to

di scl o se t he overall dynam ic and pattern of this therapy, leaving aside a number of idi os yncratic variati on s -called tsakulu tsakulu -\vhich do not affect the

eeneral form of the rite. In Kinshasa, the cult as a \\·hol e i s not organi zed. and ;·omen i n need return to thei r vill age of origin for proper therapeutic in i tiation . 6.2 The First Stage: Reversing the Persecution into Uterine Bonds of Life Transmission

Once. the therapeutic

gr

oup is constituted� it de legates , first, the uncle, and,

then. the healer-\vho adopts an avuncular re lation \Vith the patient-i nitiate­ to address the problem in its fam i ly origin of offense., curse� and persec ution.

The. onset of the seclusion is usually plan ned for a new moon . The follo\\'ing

make

up the therapeutic group. Included are of course the healer, the patienfs

uncle, and the patient; from no\\' on she i s addre ssed as Yihoonda, l iterally, hthe thing that ki l ls" strike s, breaks, the breach or dissonance,'� as Makhedi, ''shambles,'' or as n -t"-·aphoongu, "'the cult 's head or face :� The patient's hus­ band

or

the patriarch� c.alled n-kwambeefu, "the one in possess ion or in charge

of the affl icted,'' must be pre. sent. One other important relati ve i s in attendance :

P.fumwaphoongu, literally, ' 1he c-hief of the cult,'" namel y the repre-sentative of the uterine line of desce nt through which the cult i s active ; thi s person is one

of the patient's maternal uncles-hereafter referred to as uncle. Two or more pubescent girls Vw'ho are the initi ate 's classificatory sisters -hereafter calle.d

coinitiate s or nov ice-s-are usuallv invited to sh are the fi rst davs or \\'eeks of -

J

secl usion. A prepubescent daughter or son , often a classificatory one, is a stable c aretaker and re l ay \Vith the village during the e nti re seclu sion : the.

girl

is

cal led Maleeka, literally, '"the one \vho shares the. condition of rest'� an d the boy Saamb� •'the one \vho induces the singing and dancing."

6.2. 1 Phase I : The L'nc/e and the llterine Sou rce of Life. The

unc le of the patient i s the. first to intervene inasmuch as he represents the uter­

ine line both of the transmi ssion of life and of the cult. This means that he also st and s for any of the consequences of a kh ita curse placed on the patient and for the re-storation of proper l ife transmission. The uncle is the.rcfore consid­

ered responsible for the cult: hi s good\"·ill i s sought in order that he release the uterine stream of life and vital flo\\· w ith \"·hich, it is hoped, the patient

can be

1 84

Chapter Six

reconnected through the heal i ng. If the great-granduncle-\\'ho rep rese nt s th e close st ties possible with the uterine source of the patient-is not actuall v P ent, a primary uncle wi l l at least act in his name. On the eveni n g w he n therapy is to begin, a large group gathers near the seclusion hut, includin g th coresidents of the patient. the patriarch of the husban d's family, the chiefs the adjacent homesteads. most \\'omen, men, and children from the lo c al e and . some people of the v illages around who share with the affl icted the same riv e r place or have their fields in adjacent valleys. Through its songs an d danees this larger support group provides a contai ning or holding function for the th er� apeutic group. Once n ight has fal len, the patriarch of th e husband is seated near a fi re lit for the occasion in bet\\'een his compound and the seclusion hut. He face s the uncle -behind whom the patient crouches- and says : MYtlaana 1-vaa lvu.. nge leemba, phoongu yaayi yatukuundidi, weetusaka, which means, ''this \\'o m an to \Vhom you are uncle (whom we have acquired through alliance ) is paralysed in her bonds with us following a khita curse operative in your lineage; d o \\'hat­ ever is necessary to take her into your charge .'� He then offers the uncle three to five pieces of cloth. Given the context, the gift indicates a compensation for a wrong suffered by a uteri ne ascendant of the patien4 an offense \Vh ich consequently has been cursed. S uch a compensation serves to reverse the chain of retaliation (as analyzed in 5 . 2 above). The unc le, in tum, addresses the group at length (an example of this speech is given in Appendix A). He identifies t he patient by tracing her genealogy ( -sasa, see ch. 3, n. 3), that is, he indicates the exact place of the '"'oman in the uterine line and recalls the major event� that mark its history. In doing thi s the curse responsible for the ailment is also traced . Insofar as he is considered the representative of the patient's great­ granduncle, the uncle e mbodies the point from 'Nhich the l ife of the woman originated, as well as the source of the prohibitions wh ic h protect her and the curses \\'hich threaten her. The uncle therefore has the ability- as it is said­ Hto ackno\vledgc the distress and thereby bring the curse to rest" (taamb...,1-·ala dyaphoongu or taambw:ala dyapheemba). Next, he pronounces the wish that the avuncular line look kindly on the patient as it has done in the past for the uterine descendants. In order to lift the curse and reestablish the uterine bond v.,rith the l ife source, the uncle approaches the \voman and, clutchi ng a hen in the fi ngers of his left hand, takes her left little finger in his. With the right hand he brushes kaolin clay on the inner s ide of the \\'Oman,s left ann. beginning at the \\'rist and moving to the shoulder. He hands the chicken to her \Vhile formu­ lating a VO\\', the very inverse of a curse: taa khoku., k.ol.a. ''here i s a hen ; may your health return ." ' The coinitiates and the elder kh ita initiates present each rub their heels or throats \\'ith a feather from the hen� signalling their \\'·ish to benefit as well from the uncle's intervention: the heel stands for the action o f \valking in the footprints of others ( -dyaatal·ana) and the throat for com men-

r�

0�

The Khita Fertility Cul t : Reversing the Evil

H �S

both evoking that whi c h i ntim ate-ly li nks them to the pati ent . , f . diisa sana) saht) d her un cl e . ..

-

·

·

an

ents indicate that the gestures made by the uncle reve rse the H ealers ' comm e.cutive logic of the curse; one speaks of -katula pheelnba, u to break the ers P l i n's ho i�'' \\'here the kaolin stands for the cult, the curse, and its persec u­ o ac ti on i n the uterine line of the offender. As is true of other ritual contexts, 1 e un c le 's application of kaolin (-kusa pheemba) to the left arm of a uteri ne cates hi s renewal of the uterine bond . This gesture reverses that esce ndan t indi involved in the curse., whi le the uterine bond is signified by the of the k aol in ''hooki ng,' ' cal led yikho� of the. left l ittle fingers. As we have seen (in 3 .4) 9 the rees tab lishm ent of these bonds unite the descendant (the fin �ers of the left

�:.e �

�

han d) through the

intermediary uncles (the \vrist and the elbow ) \\'ith the great­

rand u ncle (the shoulder) . The same gesture transfonn s the c urse- 9S hold-or g that of the kaol in which signifies it-into a renewed uterine bond which from this point on wil l serve as a conduit of life rather than of debi l itating persecu ­

ti on. The entire act of vowing good health casts off the ensorcelling effect

( ./oka) of the curse so th at the woman m ay again tie in \\'ith l i fe ( -kola) and life-giving . S ome.what later, as \\'C \v i i i see in the se.cond phase, the patien t

herse. If denounces the source of her affliction and rids hersel f of anything

whic.h may remind her of it. In comparison \v i th other ritual contexts. one could interpret the offering of a hen as mediating the transformation and bringing about the renewal . As is said i n ri tual terminology, the hen serve s as makuumi�

its function being that of bringing back the patient to ... sociality and commu ­ nity" (kuunti), in particular \\'ith her uterine ki n� for these are the person s \\'ho deprive.d her of av unc.ular care and se.vered her ties \\'ith the uteri ne l i fe source.

The hen may at the same time serve as nJakolasa, '"sanati ve'' (the nominal form of -kolasa, "conduc ing to health, making healthy"' ) . In other \\'Ords, the hen

compensates for the \\'rong the \\'om an has suffered in her body, and the uncle hereby conveys a most exemp l ary source of life-rene\'.-· al to the patient. I may

recal l here my analysis, for Yak a culture ( in 2.2 .2) � of the hen�s potency to straddle \\'orl ds� and to depict as \veil as convey the egg- like source of al l life .

6.2.2 Phase 2: Entrusting

the Patient to t he

The rapist. Having

lifted the curse, the unc le publicly en trustc; the patient to the khita therapist.,

who proclai ms his holding function to the patient as it concurs \\'ith that of a

mother's brother or uncle. He then begins to chant whi l e the comm unity in

dance and song join s in .

\Vho is the therapist? Cult healers i n rural Yaka land are al way s men� but in town Yaka \\'omen beyond chi ldbearing age may act as healer in the cult into which they have been initiated � healer i s deliberately chosen from outside .

..

the circle of cl ose rel atives . A the rapist is only de signated to care for an ailment \\'h ich he or she has experien ced� or \\'hich has been suffered by h i s or her o\vn

1 86

Chapter Six

mother whi le she \\-'as preg nan t with him or her and \\-'hose cure ha s m e a nt

an initiation into the therapeutic art spec ifically deal ing with the affl icti on in

question

.

The. act of ha nd i ng over of the patient to the therapist is a p ass over in a plot: -

exegesis renders it as -diimbula m�vanambeefu lovangaanga, •'to deta c h

or

to

hel p to circumvent a hindrance .'" It is the healer,s task to sti mulate the pa tie n t 's

inner force to retort the illness threaten ing her existence . Here begins th e se c­ ond phase of the khita therapy The healer \velcomes the \\-'oman and gr a sps .

her little left finger with his i n the yikho gesture, thus expressi ng the mater n a l

bond which is ab out to develop between both ; the healer tends to re.fer tn h un­ sel f as ''uncle." Speaking in the first person, the healer nov.' pronou n c es an inc an tation for the protection of the i nitiates : Tala m\\·anambeefu ban-di imb�·eledi k\\rameni.

N-kiindzi kum-fula9 bangaanga kuhata. (a)

3

Kaseedi m\\raana ba\\ruku, wuka kwameni phati ye ngaanga.

1

Look at the patient they have handed over to me.

4

Mwanambeefu bapheeJe, men i y1 1eemba.

2

The edge of the village is bounded by protections and the center of the village

3 4

The pati ent is no longer their child but belongs to me. Healer.

is the domain of healers . (a)

They have left me, in my capaci ty as her Uncle, in charge of her.

Comment:

( a)

By using this idiomatic expression, the therapist defies the patient's en e ­

mies : any pl ot to ensorcell her v.·ill be u nc overed and turned ag ai n st the

aggressor.

The healer fulfills the transiti onal and emancipatory functions of the maternal

uncle for the duration of the cure and thus symbolical ly i ntegrates the dual ,

som ehow androgynous ide nti ty of the uncle. He thus assumes the maternal ro le

and represents the genitrix of the patient as wel l as the group which ceded the mother in marri age . The healer may therefore offer the patient a mo del of

idiosyn c ratic identi ty

Vr'hile

rat i fyi n g the desire experienced by the patient for

a sy mbiotic relation 'Nith her uterine origin. The therapi st becomes very in­

volved in the therapy and partly takes on himself the particul ar emo tional prob

­

lems of the patient In a series of addresse s , he speaks , in the first perso n� to .

the patient, to his deceased master ( as in the fol l o\ving incantation, verse 2),

and to the khita spirit.

At the same time., the therapist bri ngs into play his virile and paternal func­

tion, that is , his c ap ac ity to give av. ay the v.·om an in marriage as childbearer. '

For this , he displays his professional competence and his ide� ti ty as a represen-

J 87

The. Khita Ferti l i ty C u l t : Reversing the Evil

ative of so� i al order and of the norm s that underscore life tran smi ssi on in the and that redress a ny infractions commi tted agai nst the uterine life te ri ne l i ne source. To illustrate this capac ity, the healer holds his primary insig nia th e

�

�

hand as witness to his ini t i atic kno\vl edge and its attri butes. 7;halu. in his right thi s , the therapist acts as \ltife-giver and give s the ,.,.· oman in marri age to a , male component. The spirit then a lights on the patient in the cour se spi rit the of an orgasmic trance. Further, the therapis t invites the pati en t to relive and rec ons i der her past and o ri gin and to \\'eave it once more back into social l ife .

in

�

The healer di splays a holding function and a perspective both on reversion

of the ill and on recovery. It is as representative of the ancie.nt therapeutic tradi ­ ti on and th e sacred cult that the he ale r carrie.s out the healing . In virtue of thi s functi on, an d thanks to his clairvoyance, he i s able to offer no small means of

protection from misfortune and certain guarantees for the patient 's future Ylel­

fare. In his incantation, the the-rapist refers to the bonds of attachment sh ared with hi s master that assure the e-ffectiveness of the. treatment. The incantation

largely consists of affirming that the hann already caused is re.vers ible. This i s

for the Yaka an indubitable o r ax iomatic pri nciple of ritual action , expre ssed

in the cult idiom as: "khita ties in, hampers, but undoes or removes it as we. l l :'

The. succe ss of this principle depends on bri nging the curse to rest and on the legitimacy of the parti cul ar art of healing . The following i ncantation (-sa sa) was recorded in the course of three treatments, each of \\'hich wa s pre sided

over by a different healer. The idioma ti c and rather e.nigmatic wording

\V as

almost identical in each case.

Khi ta kaziinga, m-baangu kaz iingulula.

2

Teembedi mbuum� mwaana fwa bukata kabukataku, kyeend olu Kdzaambyaphuungu.

3

N-kub\vaneoondzi \vahoodib\\'a .

I 2

The illness entangles the body and the competent the.rapist disentangles it.

......

The deformed, one whose legs are misshapen,

not that hi s legs are 'of nature' deformed,

but this gait is god g i ven I is a \o\'Ork of curse ] . -

3

It was my tutor so-and-so [ he q uotes his master�s initiatory name I Yiho handed the sec re t do\\·n to me.

An interpretive version might be. offered, based on common exegetical considerati ons :

I

Khita prevents conception or causes the ai lmen� but the competent healer remove the hindrance.

can

Clwpter Six

1 88

Defonnities� inferti lity or any other anomaly originate at the s ame a� thei r cures . Leg iti mate fil iation endows me v.·i th the potency for heal ing.

2 3

s e c re t

SOurce

The openh&g pronouncement of the incantation is the same as that cl o s i n off (line 1 4 below) : "khita transmit.c; the ai lment and through the the rap i s.t

h!;t. ( -ziing11i u la�

it." A

khita affl iction i s understood to be a m aze that hinders or impairs . clo s i n 8 i n or entang ling ( -ziinga) ferti lity. whi l e the cure i s said to unbin d

and reweave the patient's fertility into the uterine fabric of li fe tra n s mis si o n .

The fundamental homeopathic assumption of reversible damage is expre s sed

with the transitive. suffi x of opposition or counteraction,

-ul-ul-.

The the rapist

responsible for handing down the traditi on possesses the secret of a suc ce ss fu l

cure and has acce ss to its source . This i s the meaning of the expressio n kyeen­

for which the recent chri stian ized ascript ion of the term to God \\l'ould by no means be ex haust ive . A s I have sho\\'n (i n 4 .4 ), in dolu

Ndzaambyaphuungu,

Yaka tradition , 1Vdzaambi i s a c ult sp irit. Authoritat ive commentators trace this saying back to folktales. Here both �f\'dz.aambi and the palavers of

the elders�

are equal ly taken as the highest i nstances capable of disclosing v,rhy there th ings and beings of

a

paradoxical, irresolvable, incomprehensi ble�

or

arc

bizarre

nature , in short, anything beyond common knoVw'ledge or reason. Line l ec hoes

idiomatic references in folktales to the diviner's capacity for reveal ing the ori­

gi n of the ailment .4 Once the affliction has been successfully diagnose d by the

oracle� it is thought that heal i ng w i ll be certain as long as the cure is carri e d out according to trad ition. The therapi st also demonstrates faithfulness to the

tradition by ascribing the relevant homeopathic postulate to his master., whom he designates w ith the honori fic title

��'-kub,vangoondzi.

S ome healers may cite

names of several different m asters . In the khita cult, these masters form

a

dy­

nastic lin e of titleholders , since initiation and instal lment as healer are spelled out in the idiom of descent.

What fol lov.'s in the i ncantation amounts to a chal lenge thrown at the

sorcerers :

4 5 6 7

Babetu bangaanga kakasa moodi ye matatu, khitu zikituka, m bvuumbi zivuumbukidi. 'Yibwe., yisala kupbeemba. Yabalula� luphoonda.

Taata katsonga biloongu n - le eki , nd:t..c ey i b\�ioku.

Dyakala b\voku ,

yizcndzedi n-t\va ndzav.·u,

8

phuungi bakuna hatadi . Bababuti babadidik u.

The Khita Ferti lity C u l t : Revers i n g the Evil ho des ire my c."lre turn agai n st me, Healer, I f thos e_w ay th e ancestors and the dead a\\·ake Linte.rvcne ] . rve un de r the mark o f the kaolin cl ay [my i ntervention i s legitimate and my se i ntentio ns as a healer are pure like kaol in clayl If 1 turn m ys elf i nto a sorcerer, ki l l m e . 1 wa s sti ll a youth \\'hen my father sho\ved m e the medicine s.

4

�

6

1 am i gnorant of all these things. (a) If thi s is not the case�

1

it i s as if the elephant lo\\'ers his head and atte mpt s to drive i t s tu sks i n to the roc.k. (b) �lay she (th e p at i ent) give birth to \vhat one need not cry over. (c)

8

conunents: (a) Th e therapi st indicate s that hi s healing force is not fee.di ng on the death

of the one who initi ated him. A succession under such circumstances might i mply revenge or a debt of sorce.ry impose.d by the dy ing person.

The present healer thereby claims that he i s free and thus not suspect of s orcery.

(b)

If the therapist is both competent and innocent, the l ack of success \\'il l

be due to the cl ients themsel ves. The healer is al so stati ng the ax iom that any failure caused by third persons should tum against them. s

(c)

Traditi on has it that one does not mourn the. birth of any monstrous or deformed bei ng .

The incantation involves a dialectic o f conditional substitutions according to the follovY'ing argument. It is taken as evidence that the cure \Vi i i succ.eed i f the healer possesses the require.d competence and does not en sorcell the patient.

In other words , such pronouncements pu sh aside the probability of an unsuc ­ cessful treatment and ascribe the fail ure to external and intrusive forces, namely sorcerers \\'ho are deemed to bring upon themse.lves the evi l they have

intended for others. Any failure may thus be presented as devoid of sense . The therapist vo\vs that death will strike him should he ensorcell the cl ient. Further,

he contrives that death or steril ity come upon any who ensorcell the woman . This is once again a ne.gati ve affi rmation that the s uccess of the cure essentially

depends on his own abi lity and authority (line 6). B y empl oy ing terms bor­ ro\•; ed from male fertility rites (lines 7 and 8) , the healer \'0\\'S that the success of the therapy confinns his ritual competence.. The incantation concludes \\'ith another evidence of the homeopathic principle :

9

I0 II

Kyeedi k\vabaphati , dikab\\·edi k \\'angaanga . Khita \\' un-z i inga, m-baangu kan-ziingul u la.

Tu ululu dyakedi kundzo kutse.ki .

Chapter

1 90 12 13 14

Six

�1aambu kuna hata

mazekedi .

Kambetekedi ty;an-butaku, n-kawa t�-an-butaku, kav,·oonga yizi l a . Khita kaziinga, m-baangu kazi ingulu la.

12 13

The �·mng brought before the healers and the cult i nvo k e d by a t: urse sho 1 ud return to the therapist in the guise of the ailment to be cured. Khita, you bind up the \\-·oman \\ hom the l competent] therapi st unbi nds [fro injury) and r connects ( with the uterine fabric of health and life �1ay the secl u s1 on d\\'elhng on the edge of the savanna and the vill a ge he a pl ace of benefici al rest. �1ay plotting cease in the village. �fav v.-·e therefore bear no dwarfs, serpents , or lizards [that i s . dcfonned

14

The illness bi nds her and the competent therapi st unbin ds

9

10

�

11

'

tran�mission�

children] .

in the fabric of heal th

and l i fe transmission ] .

her [ and

rewe ave s

her

At the end of the in cantation the therapist once more spreads kaol i n on the l e ft ann

of hi s client . He then applies his pharmacopoeia t o those parts of the pa­

tient 's body bel ieved to be the seat s of intense life : the forehead, temples . heart,

shoulders, and lower back . These ge stures signify that the healer in tends to deliver the \\'·oman from the hold of the

khita and to proffer her his care . Their

effectiveness is founded in the avuncular relation that the healer deve lops with the patient, \\'hich allows him to \\'ork on the latter's uterine Yleb

that

now

bears persec ution. Having defied hi s c l i ent 's enemies, the therapist take.s on the

respons ibility of protecting her. Following the incantation, he cuts the e nds of the cl ien t's fi ngernai l s or some hair and hi des them in a ritual \\r'eapon hung

from the ridgepole and intended to protect the client. These residues are simul ­

taneously the marks of the unboundedness of the patient 's body and carriers of the body's inner forces and growth : mixed with an amalgam of untamed forces

from the wilcL these residues come to constitute the tnbuundwaphoongu, •'the heart of the cult," that is, the core of the c ult's and patient's regenerative capac ­ ity (see 7 .2.1 ).

In h i s role of reversing evil forces i nto life-bearing ones, the healer acts as

a hunter-trapper. The events leading to the h iri ng of the therapist

( -laangula

ngaanga) inve st h im in thi s role. They always occur i n the same fashi on, i nde­ pendently of the healer's field of specializati on or of the type of cult involved .

The goods, c alled n-koolu, � a re offered to the healer b y the pati ent 's fami ly head or husband , some time before the seclusion . They inve.st the healer with the hunter's role by offeri ng him replicates of the hunter's accessories (or sub­

stitutes, such as coins ) and objects that are considered to be a reminder of the

theft or ensorcellment comm itted by some of the patient's uterine ascendants .

As such, these objects exemplify the evi l consequences \Vhich have befal l en the descendants as a re.su l t of a curse invoked to revenge the th eft or sorcery.

The

Kll ita Ferti lity C ul t : Reversing the Evil

. offer.. vlh i ch once more compen sate s for the w ron g \Vhich has brought on fhtS urs e deprives the persecution or il lness of its raison d .. e.tre and i ndicates .. . the c � ' . an

1rs. vers ion tn the state of affa e ,- koolu may be composed of a l arg e variety of materi al s :

; ·

des (a) The fi rst categ o� i s th at of obj ect� often s ubj e � t to pe.tty theft; i t i nc lu of va lu e all quantitie s of agncultural products or other obJ ects _

'

more typtcal

s�ancient

trade and of accessories of the hun t . The latter group consists of (luhuundza), an axe (yiphangu ) , knife (mbeedi), needle i ron arrow he ad doon gu) . gu npo\v der (n-zoongu) sufficient for at least three vol leys.. and a

� {n

t da dyamuungwa). s mall b ag of sal (juun (b) A gift of n ine cola nuts (\'\1-'a 1na kaa.u1), it is said, expresse s a wish for

the· h ealth of the he aler. i\ccording to some commentators, the number three

(yitatu) or its m u l tipl es do not in fact in dicate a detennined quantity -for eight or ten nuts may be gi ven - bu t indicate that the pract i c e is ''strictly prescribed''

(su munu dyayizi/aj. I t seems that the i nteger nine. insofar as i t i s associated \\'it h the red of the cola nut and therefore with the morn i n g sun, sign i fies fecun­ dation and w ith it the. nine months of pregnancy. (c) Gifts of skins from the weasel, ge.net .. or Gambian rat specifically sum­ mon the competence of the th er ap is t by e voki ng his initiation to the therapeutic art. The choice of the a ni mal is relative to the cu lt in q ue s tion , and the gift is said to serve as "a c o lo red cloth in orde r that the heal er enumerate his knov.'l­ edge.'' (luboongu /}1.!ataangu kataangila bungaanga) (see 7.2. 1 ). (d) The "three raffia cloths'' (mboongu tatu) ( today they may number from three to ten colored pa g ne s ) constitute the price of hire .. properly sp eaki ng, \�·hich may vary accord i n g to the pre st i g e of either the client or t he healer. (e) Concerning the "small bag of earth'� (juunda tnaafuj, the commentaries explain that the e x pre ssion has been borrowed from the mbw:oolu c u l t in whi c h appears the phrase : ngeendza nzaa.lu nzwaana hv •a lutalu. the dust of the earth i s like a ch i ld vlho cannot c o m e to the end of the. numbers.'' Just as the earth i s infinite and inexhaustib le, the ca u se s of afflictions and their compen sations have no end . In offering this present, the givers metaphorically exp res s their request th at the he ale r neutralize all the po s s ib l e causes of the illness , i ncl u di n g the secret ones. (f) Lastly� the. offer of a hhen for the hire of services� ' (klzokl·van-laangu) re presen ts advance compensation to the. therapi st and his family gro up inas­ much as he is s trad dli n g conj u gal hearths: he must hand this particul ar gift over to his first wife before sh ari ng meal s and bed again. The healer reaches the site of healing as a hu nte r and c onve rts the. patien t into a hunting s i te . One. Vf'eek, at the earlies� after he has been called upon, the therapi s t presents h i m sel f in the vi l l ag e where the sec l usion is to occur. If this happens to be the first i ni ti ati o n that he is presi ding ove r since the death of his master, he must announce the ne\vs at the cemetery. In order to prote c t the. ..

"

Chapter Six

1 92

ritual site and to transform it into an stealthily approache s the site like

a

appropriate

place for the rite � t he he· 1

hunter- trapper, as if

he

intend s to t ak

:

unfamiliar area by surpri se assault ( see De v i sch l 990a: 220-22). P opu l ar e gesi s explai n s this elemen t of s urprise as a tactic intende d to outw it the e

.er

an

�:

spends the first night in an adjacent vil l a ge . H e W il l return to the patient's village just before da\vn the follow ing mo rnin g, b ut n ot by way of the usual paths: he crosse s the bush, and in his conduct may i m ita e t a cock . The fi rst cock's cro\\' and da\\'D put an end to the reign of ni gh t ; at th is

doers. Usually the healer

moment it is said, the sorcerers abondon their n ight- ti me machina ti ons and put off their di sguises . The healer is in fact bel ieved to be able t o \V i tness

unhanned thi s matinal conversion of the sorcere.rs and to unmask th o se \�·ho co n spire against his client than ks to the clairvoyance he has acquired thro u gh hi s initiation. He secretly hides ritual ann s at the cro ssing of path s lea di ng to the village and proclaims his arri v al to the inhabitants by singing kh ita ch ant s.

The healer begin s

by c hanting a verse to

\\'omen who have been initiated to the other verse,

and

\\'hich hi s clie nt,

khita

soon joined by o t her

therapy_ should re spond \\'ith

a n­

so on . The therapist \\'il l not enter the h omestead un t il the

household chief and the patient's husband signal the ir \Ve l come by offe ring a

cola nut or a bit of kaolin clay. In the evening, he \\'i l l install the

The khoofi s hri ne

khoo../i

shri ne .

enacts a kind o f cosmological hunt and reverses e v i I and

wastefu l forces in the life -v.'orld into life-be ari ng one s : its in stallment is like

a

beat across space s and agencies

to collect benevolent agencies while re versing their opposites . lt is literdlly ·'an announcement" ( si ng. lukol�{l) to society and the life-world that an init ia ti on is about to begin. By installing the khol�fi near the site \\'here the ritual d\vel l ing is to be erected (see plate 8) the the rapist invites the k in group for a kin d of collective beat against the agencies of evil . He fosters a climate of solidarity among the differe nt members of the therapeu­ ti c group and attests to their bonds with the ancestors and tutelary spirits of the cult. The success of the cure is assured by the fact that any potential malevol ent i nterference has been foiled in advance. Sometime duri ng the day, the heale r and members of the therapeutic group \v i ll col lect a series of plant substances (branches, leaves, bar� roots, vines fruits, and so on) in the forest or the sa­ vanna to be use d in installi ng the khoofi that evening. When col lecting the plant s, they adopt the manners of hunters organizing a beat and rou sing the ..

..

game.

That

evenin g .. the therapist prepares

the

v- \-'tva tnya tatu myamakoti, ' �nine

time.s three small sachets of ritual ingredients .�' (The se in fact amo unt to no more th an a half-dozen . ) He no\\'

sets

ou t on a hunt against the evi l forces

through the air. He di gs out a h ole about fifty centi meters \\'ide and de.e p. The the rape u ti c group gathers here at dusk . The healer scatters mani oc flour around the hole, c l i mbs into it, and digs some more. Mean,-...· hile, he takes toxic ashes (lootnbi found in ritual arms) and the

ni g ht that move under the ground or

of

The Khita

193

Fertility Cult: Revers ing the Evi l

. the· poi nt of hi s knife spreads them on the ground. In a low voice, he utters "'1th ormu la s, sbnilar to those described above, that serve to defy any would­ curse f

alefactors- spirits , ancestral shades, and sorce.rers. The heal er then in­

� Jllthe partic ipan t s to help themselves to the sachets that he has prepared and vJle5

0 1

b th em on the vital parts of the body ( -dikumyanga ) The bag is then i nto the hole. A trunk of the n-saanda tree is brought and placed in the .

:.0 th;�. it has been cut to the measure of a person's height and in such a fashion h:. it is able to take root. The healer, patient, and family e lders all take hold :the trunk with the left hand, whi le other participants pl ace theirs on the 0houlders or hips of the one in front of them. They each repeat three times the �nvocation that is customari ly pronounced at the installation of an ancestral or 1

1

cult ic s hri ne: 1

..,

�

3

� yeenge nyengeneke .

Sina mundzila. kitika. Khi l\\'adiinga?

LA cry marking the rhythm of the gestures of pl anting and p u lli ng out the tree ] Take your place among u s and stay. \\'hat are we seeking'? .

2

3

\\�rule they let the tree down i nto the hol e, the participants straighten their right

arms and respond : l•Aooyi.

Life.

lundzilandzila and kitu pl ant s as \\'ell as a black tenn itary (yisiimbi) at the foot of the n-saanda tree ( see pl ate 1 0). The termi tary is meant to contain and restrain ( � ii1nba) the cult spirit, al so cal l e d yisiimbi, \\'hich has taken hold or po sses sion' ( -siimba) of the pati ent . He also plants a number of branches of other trees and bushes around the trunk, i ncluding an elbow-shaped branch a half me te r in leng th \\'hich is unique to the khita cult. The erection of the khoofi establ is hes a prote c ted zone for the benefit of the. therapeutic group. It thwarts the plots of potenti al evi l and ev ildoers and Once the hole has been fi lled in, the healer l ays the

-.

''

'

-

particul arly turns the consequences of past offenses back again st the. malefac­ tor. Seen from this angl e the construction of the khoo.fi begins to "demarcate and delimit''

,

( -siindaj

as well as to •'protect''

( -sidika)

the ritual space against

sorcerers and their evil po\vers. As it is incumbent on the. healer to transform

thi s space i nto a habitable area, one apt for the enc losure of the therapeutic

group, the he.ale.r avoids straddling diverse contai ning spaces and shuns all c ommunicative means-like commen sal or sexual rel ations-Vw·ithin his O\\'n

Chapter Six

1 94 homestead .

He

thu s presents himself for the rite dressed

knotted betw·een the. le g s as a si gn of c on tinen c e .

in

a

yibati, th e pa n g e

following six elements contribute to the complete posse sion and protection of the ritual space : (a) The ri ng of flour de marc at e s area and p l ace s it under the sign of expectation ( s i gn i fie d by the colo r (b) The therapist's descent into the hole and the erecti o n of th e n -saa n dQ tr� link high and low, earth/sky and underground, that is, any settin g in ·wruch sorcerers move about. (c) The various plants c o mpos i n g the khoofi protect fro rn hann and tum any evi l deed against the doer, as i ndicated by their si g ni fi c at ive properties. Most khoofi are compo sed of the pl ants m-mt-·uma, luteti, m ba amba yiseleti. and n-kungwa yiteki. These are fo und in various ecologica l habitat s� and they intert\\'ine the ritual space and intervention w·ith the c osmo l ogy o f life tran smi ss ion Their specific usage determines the dual signification the v mav carry (be nevo l ent and diurn al as oppo sed to maleficent and nocturnal) as e lements in the preparation of med i c i nal substances and ritual stat uettes .7 (d) The e lbov. sh ape d branch erected at the khoofi, ac cording to spec ialists , protects ag ai n st deformities of the feet or leg s that are the result khita curses . Thi s branc h i s indeed know·n by the name lukata, th at is, a 'misshapen leg or fooc� Its protec tive capacity is also s i gnified by its other name, kuundzi, -'pill ar or support.'' (e) The sachets of plant and animal materials throv.'n into t he hole, called lukuunga, assortment signify the panoply of ill fo rce s that the therapy as a whole i ntends to ''trap'' or to turn against the evildoer.8 The smal l bags invariably c on ta i n a s uppose dl y c o mplete series of plant samples hai r from feroci ous animal s, kitchen refuse connoting sterility-"that w·hich no longer reproduces " and the fatal i ngredie nt of ri tu a l arms.9 (f) Finally. by rubb i ng the sac h e t s on the vital parts of their bodies, the participants mark their con sent that they them selves be afflicted should they cause inj ury to another of the In

summary, the

.

� w hite �

,

.

..

,;

'-

..

"

'�"

,

,

group .

khoofi proclaims and .. re-presents the uterine origins of the initiates, and also the intent of the cult; that is, it interw·eaves the culti c space and e nti re endeavor v,rith the archetypal history of affliction and its reversal, as V.'ell as \•lith the resources of life transmission . It cal ls for the benevolent intervention of the cultic khita spirits and healers-ancestors \\'ho have been responsi ble for ha n ding do\\·n the cultic institution. As with o the r rite s, the circ le drav.'n with white manioc fl our w hi te be i n g the color of the ancestors- points to the unambiguous ch aracter of the ac tivi ty and more s peci fical l y delimits the site of a cult; the flour's ordinary name, pfuupfu, is not used here but rather the term wuunga, "resource, mine." Indeed, the n-saanda tree p l anted at the khoofi to take root there, as in other ritual contexts, point s to the origin and the uterine transmission of the cult itself. By taking part in t h e planting of the tree, the partic i pan ts renew their bonds V.'ith life or uteri n e life transmi ss i on (1nooyi), and they express the hope that life may be transmitted th rough the uterine line The

•

-

The Khita Ferti l ity

t 95

Cult : Reversing the Evi l

. the same fashi on as the sap ri ses up to the very leaves of the life tree. 1 1, The ting the n - saan tkl tree rene\vs the bonds \vith the uteri ne origins of t of p lan

10

transmission. Having pronounced the appropriate �� I lintfe tiand itsandnever-ending c l i mbe d do\\'n into the khoofi pit, the therapist there adopts

ca

a on

�aku pos ture,

co nn oti ng potent virility ( see

2.2 .2). The

�

a

healer continues by

readi ng some of the drug ndzaku 1 1 in the hole, th s expressing his \\'ish th at sp _ master (\\'ho has engendered him, so to say) may be pre­ his rel at io n \\'ith his healer grasps the n-saanda trunk and c l i mb s out of the khoofi hole served . The n several v; i th the ai d of bysta ders. After having rais ed and lo\\·ered the trunk

life at times he set s the tree straight, dec l aring that he is searching for mooyi, the uterine source. Addit ional c omp one nts of the khoofi and other acts as well "'call down and � co nfi rm auspiciousness ' (-saka, - ...ak"'·asa). The.y underscore the cult 's basic assumption that life is more po-vv·e rful than death. 1 2 As soon as the fruit of the

bunt organi zed for the occasion has "'confirmed the auspiciousness'' of the

khoofi, the healer -vv·ai ts

until dusk before planting a thi c k

kitu

plan t or a small

black termite's nest from the forest, yisi imhi, at the base of the khoofi to em­ body the shades of the cult founders. 1 3 The success of the hunt notably po in t s to a positive tum of even t s A famil y elder \\'i ll then stand at the site � tum successively towards each of the cardinal points, and loudly proclaim to the .

surrounding villages , chiefdoms, ri vers, forests, and savanna the ne\\'S of the rite and its expected benefi cial effe.ct (De Beir 1 975b:98-99) . The s ame mes­ sage is communicated by a forest plant, masamuna, erected at the

khoofi: the

evil is from no\\' on reversed. Since it is comp os ed of p lants s ign i fy i ng ·'good fortune·� (stvaaswa), the

khoo.fi itself also

bears the name luswaan1-'a.

A successful hunt confirms the rite's auspiciousness because the remote for­

est realm is a m o st vital resource for, and \\l·itness to, rene-vv'al . The day foll o\\'­

ing the instal lati on of the khoofi those men w ho have participated in it ·will go to the forest and i ns pect their snares, for this hunt has a div i ning function as \'/·el l . B efore leaving the vi llage the men rub their firearms w i th a bouquet of leaves collected by the healer and compose.d of the same pl ants as tho se used

in the construction of the

khoofi. The capture. of at least one

large animal i s a

go od omen and "sustains the good fortu ne c al led upon by the

yisalo1.•edi). As

khoofi" (khoofi

\Ve have seen, any assault on the i n t egrity of the household body

or on any of its vital forc e. s and functi ons-sharing of blood, table._ bed , smell , touch-has rep erc us s i on s on the hunt and vice versa. The sharing of the booty

of the hunt, literally -bukwasana, �'to share., to cut the animal in parts in order

to allow for exchange;� rene\vs the co mm e ns al i ty ( -diisasana) and vitality of

the household. The consumption of the. game both augurs , and extends to the commensals, a rene\\'ed s trength for the Yaka con sider that eating meat di­ rectly enriches the blood . Failure in the divi ning hunt held at that phase may ,

reveal the group ,s di sunion, thereby forci ng the kin to speak out the g ru dg e s

1 96

Chapter Six

and con fl ic ts and start rethreading the social web. The succe ss in the h u nt respond ingly testi fies to and strengthens the integrity of the themp e u t i c

c

ho�r: thus sustai ning the efficacy of the rite . Conjugal union i n the ho t e d , ha�: ing bee n prohi bited v.'ith the plan ting of the khoofi, may also be re s t ored corre late of the commensality fol lowing the fruitfu l hunt. Popular inte rpret � a m es

a

a.

tion affirms that ''the ancestors enhance consent throu gh the succes s fu l h unr'

(mhisi zisalrn,edi, bambuta bataamhtvesi). The

audience of e lders t he refore

•'rhythmically applauds to \\'itness to its regai ned strength'' (basika lnakoon­

dzu) \\'hen the h unter announces the fruitfu l hu nt. In the case of a fail ure , an oracle will be c onsu lte.d before continuing w ith the khita rite; the or ac le o f t he horn (see 4.4 . 1 .), he ld to be more accessible than that of a mediu mistic d iv in er,

i s preferred . The steps are now inverted : the patient must first be stren gth en ed

again before forces can be aroused in and tapped from the li fe-\\'Orld . Th e patriarch offers a hen to the pati ent in order to reaffirm the househ old's ne\\'­

found vigor and restored i ntegrity. Then, the hunters may leave for another divining hunt. The healer prepares the hen in a man ner intended to re s tore

adding manioc flour, red khula paste, and aphrodisiacs. On t h e eve of her seclusion, husband and w·ife will share the meal in thei r c on j u g al ferti lity,

yikosa�

home before proceeding to the ritual site. The fol l o\\'ing day the healer attache s the slaughte red hen's head to the peak of the parasol tree erected at the entry to the ritu al shel ter.

6.3 The Second Stage: The Decay and Cooking of

Generati\'e Forces

Transforming the origin of inferti l ity into a life-bearing force forms the essence of the second or sec lusion/mutation phase of the healing rite. This phase

com­

mences the evening of the seclusion period, follov.'ing the incantations of the

heale.r in the presence of the therapy group. Prior to it, the i ntervention s of

the uncle and the healer in the first phase have put an end to the cau se of the ailment and have le t

the V..'oman begi n her quest for fertility. No\'l, in

the course

of the seclusion, the V.'om an i s brought in successive stages to identify hers elf V.'ith decay or death in the expectation of a return to life ., or, at another leve L to assimi l ate in her experience the mean ings of defloration .. sel f-fecundation_ cooking, and the fetal condition. The local comm uni ty and life-v.'orl d are inti­ mately associated \\'ith this pregnant effervescence of generati ve forces . The local community joins i n for dance and chan t .

It

may be rec alled that

a

large number of relative s and n eighbors, incl udin g former i nitiates� join the present initiate at dus k at the outskirts of the vi l l age. The chants \\'h ich they take up renev.' the bonds bet\\'een the larger group and the therapy managing

group. The rather i mprov i sed song s bring i n local news and stories. Chants belonging to other initiatic cults may also be sung at the same occasion (De

The Khita Ferti lity C ult: Reversing the Evil

( 97

·r t 975 a :5 6ff. offers a l arge nu mber of these). "ChantsH

(makana) arc i n­

peled by the healer and consist of "expres sing the anxieties and hopes, the �onenti on s and resoluti on s" (-kana) of the patient and the communi ty. T hese

ai m at ex p ell ing evi l and are meant to call down the spirits' benevo­ �� �e t.s fitoolu designates the more cheerful songs delivered for the amuseme nt n e � the publ ic . These al low for some improv i sation by the lead singer, but the

0 inci pal the me is ludi c or reproductive sexuality as it is al so depicted in the r i cry of the dancers. On suc h evenings vil lage i nh abitants gather indiscrim­ out d i stinction as to age or gender- at the edge of the village, i n ately - w·ith ,v b ere v.'om en's dancing occurs . There is much sexual banter, for the carni ­ vale sq ue and transgressive atmosphere reduce s the i nhibition agai nst joking

�

li ce nti ously in front of close kinsfol k and the other gender. The group is in fact setti ng the. pati ent on her way in the quest for her ow n health and fertil ity, and

that of the whole community, through i ts exaltation of sexual ity and fertility in gesture- s and games of seduction .

The drums and chants provide a n atmosphere o f sounds and melodi es \\'hich

envel op and c arry a\vay the person thanks to thei r rhythm, harmony, and modu­

lati on. The patient vibrates with the rhythm of the music and approaches a state

of trance . Th i s signal s the beginning of the. corporeal proce.ss of unbinding the

patient from her affliction and of liberating her from her pathological isolation.

At thi s moment the di fferentiation between the self and the. \\'orld of the others

has become blurred.

In \\'hat fol l ov.'s, examples of several c hants specific to the

khita

c ult \V iii be

given. These chants accompany the ac tiviti es i n preparati on for the seclusion

period (phases 2 and

4)

and are sung by the group of ini tiates and some. kin

and former initiate s each evening throughout that time.

l

2 3 2 3

Chant 1

Lusingee zeengenekeni .

�1undzila maamba lukv..· eek\\'ee.

Lusingee Iusingee lukv•eekv.ree.

I i ana, the Iiana s\vings� on the path to the Weiler, if you go there. The Iiana� the Iiana [you �-i l l meet it I if you go there. The

The interpretation given by the in iti ate-s blurs the sexual metaphor in the com ­

mentary : khita \\'as in 'Nait for you and has caught you in your offense.

Chant 2

Bakwa n -teti,

saambidila n-ndzeendza mundzi la, v indeen g\\'3 nd\\'a. ..

._...

Chapter Six

1 98 2

Makhedi , nd�·a; saarnbidila n-ndzeendza mundzi la. yi nde eng wa nd wa .

3

Maleeka, ndwa ; saambidila n-ndzeendza mundzila, yindeengwa nd\\ra.

4

Saamba, ndv.ra; saambidila n-ndzeendza rnundzila� yinde.eng\\ra nd\\ra.

1

Those who transport goods ( suspended from

a

pole]. or the traveler o n the road:

invite them to share their nev.'s, (a) and sho\\' them your approval. (b) .,

�

You J\1akhedi, approve them; invite the traveler en route to give his ne\"·s, and approve them.

3

You Maleeka� approve them; invite . . .

4

and approve them . You Saamba, appro ve them ; invite . . .

Commen ts: ( a)

Among other things, this verse refers to transporting the matrimoni al goods in view of a marriage, as well as to the scene in phase 4 of hanging from the trunk of the parasol tree.

(b)

Commentators are not sure of the preci se meaning of the expression yi­

deengwa nd» a , and believe it to be an archaic formula formerly used by '

elders to mark their respectful approval at the end of a speech addressed to an assembly. The exegesis provided by the healers themse lves tel l s us that the chant signifies that it is the khita spirit who detects the th ief and retal iates theft, and that it is also khita who receives the victi m of the di stress and her companions in the initi ati on .

Chant 3 Pvw·a yoku. ( Response: I Yoku (a)

2

Besi Yeengv.'ala N-yaambi yoku. Yoku .

3

Kiim a kibuula bihii nga mbuundu, yok u . Yoku. Answer the sound .

I am ans�·ering . 2

Members of the Yeengy..·ala N-yaambi clan [that is. the khita initiates] ., ansy..·er. \Ve are answering.

The KIJ ita Feni lity Cul t : Reve rsing the Evil

pav a1te��ion to that which

frightens those

kh ita. Vle are paying attention.

Jlllll ents: CO

( a)

\\l'ho

have not yet been initiated i n to

cc d to several co mpetent informers ptva is an onomatopoeia desA or ing i nati ng a thin g which breaks . Here it carries gen it al connotations relat­ g i ng to int ercourse and birth . With the pumping moveme.nts of their hips, the p e rformers all ude to the meaning of yoku, from -yokula., 'lo launch, ,

to cas�" v.'hich evoke s the particular responsory man ner in both singing and sexual communion .

Acc ording to common interpretation, this chant incites girls and married women to distrust the boys and married men \vho seek mere sexual pleasure ,vithout further concern for the \Velfare of their partners.

Chant 4

Yitatu , yitatu dihika, yoku . Yoku .

2 3

YokY.redi kyoku,

makutu kyadya ye meesu. Pya lata taata pw a

se.

[Response: ] Ya ki .

threes . \\'e are paying attention. (a) If you do not recite the khilll chants� you run the risk that khita leave you deaf and bl ind . (b) [ -\ cry whose connotation i s unkno\\l·n] . Pay attenti on to ·what comes in

2 3

..

Vtl'e

are

listening \\'el l .

Comments:

(a)

Yztatu (a set of three) in

the first instance probabl y indi c ates the pregnant

or laboring v.'oman . The second time it refers, acco rd i n g to interprete-rs ,

(b)

to th e mother and her twi n children . It is generally believed that offense against the taboos imposed on moth­

ers of t\lli n s or other birth anomalies render the mother and chi ldren deaf and blind . The an om aly is thus an attack on sight and sense, but proper avoidance and specialized treatment prevent contamination.

Chant S K.hita nyaangi , ngoomb\ltl·a nyaangL yoku. Yok-u.

2

Khita biteelu , ngoombu bilaku byamaangu. yoku. Yoku .

you learn that khita makes ill and heals, and that divination disc lose s how to treat. We are learning it. �lay

200

Chapte r Six

�1ay you learn that the khita healers are

praise\vorthy

and that the diviners, revealing truth s . are prai seworthy too. Yes� "Yt'e do .

CluJnt 6 Besi Mweela �-yaambi, yoku . Yoku.

2

B e si Tsuumb\•la Bil uka balukidi Khosi ye Thaambu. yoku. Yoku.

1

Members of the rvtweela N-yaambi clan

[the khita

initiates], l is te n . Yes.

\\'e are

listening.

2

Members of the Tsuumb\\'a Biluka c lan \vho have received the initi atic name Lion , listen. Yes, we are listening .

Chant 7 1

Yityeetya banuni, maama,

khi nuni "'·abutila hatadi ? 2

'Yitsidikiti banuni bal uwaanda, khi nuni wabutila hatadi 7

Of all the reed \Varblers and other birds r whose favored habitat is thick

riverine

brush] ,

"'· hich one makes its nest in stony places?

2

Of al l the "'·arb lers [who live in

h one makes its nest in

w hi c

the \\'oods ] and the bi rds who perch on a branch.

s tony

places?

Chants 6 and 7 warn all thos e who seek to harm the i nitiate, declaring th at the

ev i l thev - s e e k \\'ill fal l on themselves. Chant 8 l 2

Weenda n- situ wakoonda ye kotya keti fuunda.

3 4

Kaamba \\'Us ala \\'eesala wakoonda ye kotya keti fuunda.

\\�eedi ku tho Kheni maama wako keti fuunda. Kaamba \vubuta \\'Ubutaanga 'Yt'akoonda ye mwaan aak"Yt'a mwaana.

He \vho departs [to the fore st ] at the crow of the cock, returns with neither sachet nor packet [of therapeutic plants] .

2

If he has gone lo the source of the river Kheni. he returns \\l·ithout a single leaf.

3 4

It seems that he has gone to work yet he returns with neither

sac het

nor pac ket.

It seems that he has tried very hard to father a child yet he is stil l \\'i thout any children .

Th is very popular song among initiates develops the follo\\'ing theme: If a common mortal goes i nto the forest or to the stream he. �'ill find not h i ng useful �

he resembles a steri le man. If the cult spec i alist does so. however, he \"·i l l bring back the-rapeutic plants .

The Khira Ferti l i ty Cult : Reversing the Evil

2o1 Chant 9

B aana bambvTinda�

n-7..aandY.'ee.tu mos i .

pwa yoku. Yoku.

·1 ..

We are the. offspring of the long-tailed monkey, stepping in one another's footsteps .

Yes , we are .

., ..

The pare nt long-tailed monkey accompanied by a cluster of young furnishe s an appro p riate im ag e of the. the rap i s ts who, faithful to the traditions� follow in

the s teps of their masters and predecessors . The l ong ring-patterned tail of the

mo nkey an d its manner of carry i ng its offspring s u spe n ded beneath it associate the an imal v.'ith the patient's sv-'inging on the trunk of the parasol tree (see phas e

4) . 6.3. 1 Phase 3

of· the

khita

cu re

ain1s at putting the ailment to

death ; it simultaneously evokes menarche. One sp eaks of

-f\t·a

ndeembi, liter­

ally. "'to de stroy the curtain of palm leaves ." The healer n oVw' take s into his charge the patient and her coinitiates. He moves to the head of the group and leads them around the ritual dwellin g to the. rhythm of the chants . The dire.c tion of th is circular movement is not fi xed . The n umber of times they do so i s signi ficant, however, for in paradi ng three times

(yitatu j

around th e hou s e t hey demonstrate that t hey have taken posses­

sion of the circumscribed space . The therapist invites the ini tiates-to-be to lie flat on their stomachs on the ground, parallel to the back wall of the seclusi on house and v.'ith their left-hand sides to\vards the bush. The healer and several

other men stage a mock battle around the initiands while exchanging sexual banter and death threats. Brandishing large

clubs, they

a mi x of

strike the ground

close to the patient 's and girls, bodies, rhythmically crying out, one after the other: hoonda, hoonda, "kil l , kil l .' ' This last practice may represent an attack on those who have caused t he trouble or a ritual putting to death, an exorci sm, of the evil. This meaning \Vould be corroborated by the fol lo\\'ing custom . Be.fore inv i ting the girl s to stand up again, the heale.r un loo se s them from the affliction: he makes

a s pi ral

movement \\'ith hi s small tsaanga khita calabash- the ritual remedy for birth pains -around the Ie.gs and bodies of the prost rate in an interpre t ive

l 2 3

translation):

Khita Vw'azi inga, m-baangu kazii ngul ula. Khita nyaangi � ngoomb\\ra nyaangi , khita bi teel u, ngoombv•a bil aku byamaangu .

girls.

He declares ( re d u c e d

Chapter Six

202

Vlhatever has been bound by kh ita, the c ompetent therapi st i s able to unl oose

Thi s a i lment is diagnosed by the oracle of the diviner

2

·

and is successfull y treated by the khita therapist. [Cf. chant 5 . ]

3

According to the established exegesis, th i s gesture, called -ziingulula, '' t o undo , or reweave that \\lhich has been enmeshed, . here evokes the actio n of u nt a n­ gling vines that have been entangled

{m-binduJi). The healer free s the pat i e nt

a pri soner of the ailment, as if she \\'ere a v ine or a maze hopelessl y e nt a ng le

d

\\l'ith others. The healer must at the same time disann the evil action and turn

it against itself. Another meaning of this practice refers to de fl orati on

as setting the condition for Vleaving the threads of life transmiss ion . On l y those se e n

men �'ho, by virtue of their pos ition in the kin , may develop j ok i ng rel at i o ns \\l i th the ini tiate-to-be and exchange sexual banter v..·i th her are a l l ow e d to ap­ '

proach her. The \\�'hole context and atmosphere of thi s stage of th e rite - its

occurrence at twil ight and at the edge of the dan ces

,

v i l lage ,

the drummin g� chants.

and banter-celebrate sex ual union. The sexual, highly lice nti ou�

\\I'Ording , mock battle, and very vivid gesture s convey sexual arousal to the

community and the life-v..·orld. Thi s phase i mmediately precedes another de­ pi cting fecundation. It might also be argued that the defloration indicated in th e rite is an autodefloration. Indeed, from this moment on th e Vw'oman i s called

n-ftvandeembi, "she v;ho has tom the curtain of palm s,'' this e x pressi o n being used of both the present and fonner khita initiates . lVdeemhi designate s the curtain of palm leaves sus pe nded at the entrance to the ritu al dwelling and evoking the female pubic hair.

con1prises, lite rail)� the uhanging from the trunk of th e parasol tree," -zeembala mun-seenga, as an act reversing infertili ty into 6.3.2 Phase 4

the capacity for self-fecundation v.'ith the support of the therapy group. When they have been given pennission to stand, 1 4 the coin itiates are con­ ducted around the assembly that has gathered in front of the ritual hou se They .

are immediately brought in between village space and the seclusion house� \\'here the healer ord ers them to once more lie on the ground . The hu sband of the patien t grasps the fel led trunk of the parasol tree that has been place d at the entrance to the hut: while bearing one end on his shoulder, the other end is placed above the entr)'Vlay. The patie nt suspends her body para l lel to the no\v horizontal pole by her arms and leg s , \\l·ith her legs at the end closest to her husband and her head to\\1-ard the ritual house. Her uncle, and sometimes the hu sband's patriarch , stand on one side of the patient and the heal er on the other : by pushing the woman in tum they cause her to s w·ing from left to right. As

\'ie

v..'il l see, the chants accompanying this part of the rite clearly evoke both i l lness and generation . When there are two pat i e n ts the ritual house \V i i i have tv.'o ,

e n trances and each patient will have her own trunk to be swung from .

zo3 A

The Khita Ferti l ity Cult: Reversing the Evi l

t firs t s ight , the pos iti on of the \\'Oman evoke s the. image of a slai n an i mal en de d by the feet from a pole borne on the shou lders of t\�·o men; an alter­

sp sutiv e im age is that of a man carry ing a packet (which might be cut meat �rapped in an animal skin or i n lunguungu leaves) attached to a stick. Yet no :rnrnentaries have to my knowledge expl icitly compared the patient to cap­ �red game in th i s way ; perhaps this is because s uch an i nterpretation would

be too in t i mi dating and, hence, reductioni st. It se.ems, ho\\'ever, very plausibl e

into account the intimate correspondence between the hunt and if on e takes fertil ity ; moreover, the preceding phase of the rite ai med at putting so mething

strengthen this argumen� it may be noted that the name of to de ath . To further

the ri tual hou se , yisaasulu. also des ignates the shady clearing at the edge of the forest where the carcass is brought ''to be cut up" ( -saasa).

Both popu lar ex plan ation and the exegesis given by experts specifi cally state

that the "woman is suspended from the trunk like a bat, in order that she re­ cover her health.'' This association i s most evident in the following chant,

whi ch is one of those accompanying the rite in whi ch the patient is S\\'ung from

the pole . 1

2

3 4 5 6 7

2 3 4 5 6 7

Chant lO

Ngeembwee ngeembu n-v•aangye ngee mbu.

Ng eembu mbuta n-ledi vvt'eeti taya.

N ge e m bv.- e e n geem bu n-\vaangyee .

\Vadya kud ya ngeembu kuzaanya.

Ngeembwee ngeembu n-\\raangyee . N geembu hakadiila hakalokala. Ngeemb\\'ee ngeembu n-Yiaangyee n geemb u .

bat, the bat, 1 isten to \V hat they s ay about the bat . 1be bat i s like an o lder brother \\'ho is dressed in rags. (a) The bat, the bat, J isten to what they say about the bat. The b at eats upside-dov.·n. (b) The bat the bat, listen to \\'hat they say about the bat. \\'here the bat eats, it brin g s bad luck. (b) The bat, the b at , l i sten to what they say about the b at , the bat . The

�

Comments: (a)

( b)

This expres sion probably allude s to the hairless parts of the bat's body.

Sinc.e the bat is suspended ups ide down, its mouth takes on an an al con-

notation . This ambivalence indicates h o\\' much commensality may be­ come perverted, either by a violation of its bounds, by ill fate, or by direct aggression due to evil sorce.ry pl otted by kin .

In this assoc.iation bet\"·een the i nitiate 's state an d the bat, attention is particu­

larl y dra�·n to the ambival ent nature of the species, \\'hich is de s c ri bed as a

204

Chapter Six

Hsma11 mammal in the form of a bird�' (phuku

since the b a t han up s id e down, it is said that it eats where humans defecate and defecates

mubununiJ�·

humans eat. Because of its abi l i ty to hang from its claws

Whe�

(siim ba ), th e ha t

signi fies the link between the individual and that which is entrusted to h e r� fo r example , betwe-en the patient and healing, or betv.·een the geni trix and her

child. The bat is uniparous, and this i s human- like� yet on the other hand i t i s a nocturn al bird-l ike mammal . Moreover at birth the baby bat is able t o d e l i ve r

itself by hauling itself by means of i ts rear l i mbs. It i s then held in the \\' i n g membrdlle of its mother and may itself cling to the mother Ylith its tee th. B at s may feed themsel ves by sucking blood from people in their sleep . They s hel te r in abandoned houses , hol lov.' trees, or caves in a state of torpor -so -c al le d hibe-rn ation-for several months. In the contex t of ritual intervention , the am­

bi valent nature of the bat signifies the transition conducting the pati en t from

one form of life to another.

The fact that the pati ent is foun d in an elevated positi on, when s\vung from

the parasol trunk, also carries a social signification . One might indeed favor­ ably compare this particular scene with practices found in other rite � of seclu­

sion and at similar moment� in the successive phases of the rite. The patient

l ifts hersel f._ in a manner of speaki ng, above the audience, thus capturing every­

one 's attention and demonstrating her illn ess, in order to be finally i ntegrated

i nto the group along Ylith the ailment that has marginali zed her. The \vhole scene leads the patient to engaging in androgynous self­

fecundation. Indeed the representatives of the matrimonial alliance join i n � the

V.'oman's uncle, the father of the groom, and especially the husband have active

parts in the event . �1oreover, the position of the woman and her s\a.·inging and

the accompanying rhythm all lead the patient to relive sexual intercourse

as

part of the marital alliance in view of life transmission. Let me spell out i n

more detail this structural and contextual interpretati o n o f th e tran sform ati ve

effective of the ritual drama, especial ly since none of the gi ven exegesis explic­ itly furnishe s u s v.'ith such an interpretation .

The parasol tree is the first plant to grow back onto fallow lancL �'here it

attains its m ature height within the very short span of three years. Foliage on ly

devel ops at the top of the otherw ise very smooth trunk. Like the pal m tree� \�·hich also has a straight and branchless trunk and a leafy cro\vn .. the parasol tree signi fies the vertical link betv.'een the sun and its zenith, which has male connotations, and the earth 's surface, 'Nhich has female connotation s . (Both the palm and the parasol trees carry equivalent cosmological and vi rile si gn i ­

fi cation s . ) The trunk of the parasol tree is erected a t th e e ntrance t o th e house of seclusion, \Vhich connotes the womb . It is topped \Vith the head of the hen

which the in itiate and her hu sband have shared in a sacrificial meal the pre vi ­

ous evening. In this context the parasol tree and the '�cock standing on on e leg \a.·ho announce s sunrise"

(khok�va khookula)

metaphorically evoke the genitor

The Khi1a Fert i l i ty Cult: Revers ing the Evil

205

d his ro le in��ertil ization. The chants accompanying the s\ving rite speak of an _1� tree � whi l e the. patient is in fact suspended from a trunk of the parasol a Pa.ll .. rree. Chant 11 Yeezeemba kumbatya tsoombu ye mbuundi . Elele. 1

going to swing from the palm treeYt'hich ha� one nut Yw'ith little pulp and one nut Ylith much pulp.

am

wThile I hold that thi s ritual scene evokes fertili zation , I do not claim t hat the

parasol tree is taken as a straightforn'ard icon of eithe r fertility or of the virile. -

member, nor that the rite reproduces the conj u gal act. Nor do I seek to ju stify

this interpretation on some similitude of the elements signified, pretending that the woman is attached to the trun k of the parasol tre.e like wife to husband. An

understandi ng of the internal dy nam i c of the ritual production sugge sts that it

does not as such drav.' on associations or substitution s anterior to the rite taken as genre. No exe gesi s or class i fic a tion given mentions or refers .

to an ass ocia­

tion bet\veen t he fertility of the p aras ol tree and female fertility. The ritual .

practice of sv.'ingi ng from the parasol trunk presents it�elf as a genu ine produc­ tion� predominantly metaphorical, capab le of generating meaning and aro usi ng

an intense fi eld of force s . The. rite. fashions meanings and forces which di d not

previ ously exi st outside of the rite Turning to the interactional drama, it is .

because the. rite p roduces and enacts a setting relative to fertil ization that the

part icip at ion of the husband, the patri arch , and the V.'oman•s uncle may signify

the restoration of the matrimonial all i ance while reasserting the conjugal role

of t he patient. B ecau se the rite ai ms at human fertility through its cosmologic al

replicates, the p arasol tre-e become s a contextual transferral of potent ferti lity

from life-v.'orld to the initiand and coinitiands. It is not because the para�ol

tree shows off an exce pt ional ferti le capacity that the rite si gnifie s and c.onveys -

ferti li ty, but it is the rite. ,-.·hich brings about and enacts the experience of potent ferti lity both in body and in w orl d in rhythmic unison, of course drav.'ing on

certain palpable characteri stics of the intervening elements. In other �·ords t a set of cosmological and interactional di mensions constitutive of the ritu al

drama give fonn to sexual reproduction in the body, and to a resonance with

life-bearin g processes in the life-v.'orl d. The sexual dime.nsion is not reducible

to some pre existing connotations of intervening gestures or ritual items. It does

not come about except at the level of the whole of the generative. process­

that is, of the entire ritual drama .

6.3.3 Phase 5 conce rns the cathartic denunciation o.f the evil agent: -fuundila fula, . . sign ifying, literally, both ( a) ' ·exposing the sap that i s .

�

206

Chapter Six

oozing from the palm tree,'' an d (b) Hdisclosi ng sexual excitemen t .' � It i s si taneously a trance-like attack against the persecutive agencies in the U tell� l l­

line that hamper the patient's fertility, and an inte n s e enactment o f se

nne

Taki ng into consideration the cosmological signification of the para sol t re e

a

arousal and union both in the patient 's body and in the "uterus of th e

�0��� d

the ri tual dwelling, it may then be understood that the event is mo re ove rn

metaphor of the patient's androgynous capacity for rebirth, that is , of h e r ity for self-generation .

capac�

Follov.ring the sw inging, the heal er, patient, her husband� unc le , an d coi n it i� ate s gather round the khoofi for a mock battle. They get down o n thei r kn

e es

and simulate a struggle for the possession over a weaving-h ook ( a smal l rod

measuring from about twenty to forty centimeters long) called n-noon g u

(see

sachets are attached to this obj ect. They are fi lled \Vit h an assortment of bits of agricultural produce, animal hairs , and other re s idues, plate

1 5). Th'o small

repre senting any of those things that v,ritness to un bounded forces but w hose theft or abuse may have been responsible for provoking the i llness in question. The participants repeatedly stab th is n -noongu into the ground and pu ll it out to the rhythm of the chants. While the rhythm of the chant and the. movements

progressively qu icken , the woman suddenly takes possession of the n -noonRu, pulling it from the others, grasp. In a cathartic trance , she franti c al l y s\vays her

torso and head and cries out in a raucous voice , a state in which she is said to

"allow the foam i n fermentation to gush" ( -taaka mafula). Her barely articu late words denounce the v.rrong or the offense (a theft� ensorcel l men t, or intrusion )

at the ori gin of the il lness and indicate a lineage name iden tifying the line

the generation in wh ich the offense had bee n committed.

and

Her state of fermenta­

tion releases the life-flo""· from ngoongu: the uterus of the worl d.

The patient is led to expel and reverse evil so as to release ferti l ity. A s \\'e

have see n, the patient exposes the origin of her affl iction and takes possession of the marks of

the evil

incarnated in the ingredients

of the

n-noongu sac hets

in the course of the mock combat. The simulated battle thus seems to reen ac t

in a most vivid \vay

the lifting

of the c urse . IndeecL shortly after the u nc le has

removed the curse alleged to be at

the origin

of the ai lment, the victim hersel f

now denounces the il lness brought on by the curse . It will be recalled that the unc le is considered responsible for uterine tran smi ssion both of what sustains

or, conversely,

of \\'hat

may hamper the individual 's physic al l ife. By naming

the evi l'! the woman expel s the affliction from her; by offering compensation for the wrong at the very origin of the affl icti on , she redeems herself. During

the combat the patient gain s some mastery over the marks of infertility by

teari ng them away from the grasp of the

khita

therapist and her uncle. She

recompenses the V.'rong commi tted by a uterine forebear by offe ri n g her unc le an object equivalent to that Vlh ich had been stolen or abused and "'hich thereby

The Khita Ferti l ity Cult: Reversing the Evi l

the c��e in a former ge neration . By means of these acts of i nculpation rre d edemp t ion , the mi sfortu ne is turned agai nst it-;elf, allowing the sufferer 80 �thdra,-..· from the persec ution and to reve.rs e the deadening forc.es into l ife ­ .

10�

to wt

aring ones.

be rance turns th e i mpediment in to an extremely transgressive experience of T ancestral life.-stream in the patient 's body, the group .. and the life­ 1· n aroU s g the rid. The prese.nce of the khoofi, the gesture s of stabbing the n-noongu i nto ...

grou nd . and the content of the songs all suggest that th i s ritu al practice iJn S to rejo in the patient \\'ith the ancestors so as to cancel the effect of their

: �

st e vi l acts which could still hinder the transmission of life. As for the ex­ pres sion m-ju untb1t·a tnbuumba, "expos ing the theft of a wild cat," v.,'hich also u se d to de sign ate this ritual event interpreters explain that it is an allusion to

the theft of a cat or other animal committed by some ancestral malefactor as the occasion for a curse respon sible for bringing on the khita i llness and conse­

quently the cult itself. More specifically� it is said that in the cour se of the

stru ggle the patient envisions in a dreamlike perception the past offense and perceives an ancestor \\'ho i nform s he.r as to what li neage and ge.neration v,·ere

involved in the evi l and subsequent curse. The victim onl y communicates this

vision in esoteric language and in a heightened state of av.'areness or trance ,

called -kalrika, ''re lease, as if one was li fted up i nto the air" -an expression of dense sexual connotation .

The experience of trance i s molded through various metaphoric layers, five

of which I spell out.

Firs� the trance is an experience of mortal agony, of soc ial death ; as such it

is considered akin to an epi leptic fit. It is spoken of as .fula (overflo\v, foam

,

saliva), a term evoking the froth emerging from the mouth of an individual

suffering an epileptic-like cri sis . In the frame\\'Ork of the khita c ul� such crise s

are not expected to occur except in a control led and moderate form. If a khita patient fai ls to fall into trance and name her persecutor, one speaks of P.fuunt­

it is said that she is total ly bou nd in by sorcerers The uncle is

bvu, "gropi ng'' :

.

then required to step in and name the persecutor \\'ho victimized a matrilineal relative \\'ho prev iou sly bec ame a khita i nitiate. This \\'ould mean that the same

curse would have hit them both, becau se its cau se \\'ould not have been re­ .

ve rsed prop e rly

.

Second, the act of -'denouncing the sap that i s oozing from the palm treeu i s

also a kind o f judicial procedure i n v-'hich '�a c.harge i s brou ght ag a i nst the impediment or source of the illne ss"

(-fuundila fu/a).

The c harges made reflect

the v,·hole of the patient's past and the. history of her ailment. The songs sung by the group se.rve to give rhythm to the battle over the v-'eaving-hook , and they

refer to the various eleme nts of the original wron gdoing The uterine ascendant .

held responsible. for the ac.t and the person who pronounced the curse may both

208

be called by the generic names Khaaka �'-loki, " 'Great- granduncle snrc e re f ' Khaaka Mayeengedi, literally, "Maternal origin of that which to nnents

u�:�

refer to these characters as the ''Maternal ancestral malefactor.'' Th e fol l o\\'i ng chant l ists , in the form of a communal enquiry, a complex of soci a l rel a t io

and possible wrongs whose curse may well explain the present affli ct ion .

��

urges the patient-addressed in the second person singular- to uncov er an d denounce the evi l . The patient's past and her difficulties are re fle cte d in t he series of denunc iations of poss ible inj uries. \\'hen the chant ment i o n s so

me�

thing resembling the origin of her misfortune , the patient falls into a tr an ce .

2

Chant 12 Fuunda mbu u m ba � ( chorus: ) fuunda mbu u mba Fuunda wan uunga �

3

Yiba b ay i b i di .

1

4

6 7 8 9 I0

II 12

maye e n gedi . [ t wice I

( chorus : ] fu unda \•ianu unga. khaaka mayeengedi.

( chorus: I y i ba bay i b i di. khaaka Fuunda wabelasa. r chorus: 1 fu unda �·abelasa,

5

v;akh aak a

m aye

e ngedi .

[t\vice]

( tw i ce ]

khaaka mayeengedi .

I t\Vicc]

�1usaka byakala , [chorus: I musaka byakal a byakhaaka mayeengedi . [t\v ice ) N guba, za ngan i , [ chorus: ] nguba zanga n i , khaaka mayee nged i . [twice ] Basiidi khit a , I chorus: I basiidi khita , khaak a mayeengedi. [ twice] Makuba mangani ,

[ choru s: ] maku ba man g ani

Bangulu, bangani,

makhaaka mayee n ge di . [t wic e )

( chorus : ) ban gu l u bangan i bakhaaka mayeenged i . [n"· i ce] �1u y i inda bakala, [ chorus : ] m u y ii n d a bakaJ a. khaaka mayeengedi . [ tw ic e ] fvlakhondu mangan i , [chorus: ] makhondu mangani makhaaka mayeengedi . [hvice ) Handaba mak alabi,

( chorus : ) handaba makal abi makhaaka mayeengedi . [twice]

13

Luk u lwangani,

14

Hayitsaku, lwakalabi,

[chorus: ] luku l wangani l�·akhaaka m aye e ng edi .

[lv.'ice J

[chorus : ] hayitsaku lwakal abi lwakhaaka mayeengedi . [tw ice]

15

Bambisi bangani ,

16

�1uhuumbwa bak ala,

17

[chorus: ] bambisi ban gan i bakhaaka mayeengedi . [ t \v i ce ]

( chorus : ) muhuumb\"a bakala bakhaak a mayeengedi . [tw i c e ] �lun-taambu bakala,

[chorus: l mun-taambu bakala bakhaaka

n1ayeengedi. I l'Nice 1

The Khita Ferti l i ty Cult : Reversing the Evil )8

Muy i kita ��akala,

t9

B ambuta badiidi,

[cborus: l muyikita lwakal a, khaaka mayee ngedi . [twice. ]

[chorus :] bambu ta badiidi, k.haaka mayeengedi.

Pwa yoku. ( Response:] yoku .

[twice]

Yitatu dihika, yoku. [Re.sponse:] yoku. Pya tala taata P\\'a se. [Response: l ya ki.

Denounce the flight o f the y;ild cat f and all other v..·rongs 1

., ..

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

[ch oru s: ] committed by the maternal ancestral malefactor.

Denoun ce tbe wrong to save yourself.

If there ha� been a theft,

denounce the thi ef in order that he be condem.ne.d, if the stolen goods \\'ere in a room given to

if some.one has stolen peanuts

a

guest,

\\'hich \Vere under the protec tion of the khita; if pieces of raffia have been stolen ,

or pigs�

or goats.

or bananas,

in the banana patch,

or

manioc belongi ng to another

or

the bounty of another's h unt

laid out on the dryers ,

stolen from the pitfal l , or from the snare,

if there has been theft while the O\\'ner

was

if the ance.�tors have killed through a s p e ll :

ay,·ay trading;

listen v..· ell and denounce. [Response:] yes� v..·e. do .

Chant /3

N-kooyi sam u na mana "'·amona. Shrike, tell \\'hat you have seen .

Commentators explain:

"You, patient. denounce th e source of your trouble." I t is the 'homeo­

pathic' effect from reverting a misfortune by anothe. r mark of ill-fate that tu rns the invocation of the shrike" itself an ominous bird (nunya n1beetnbi ), into an augury of good fortune. The shrike feeds on the fruit of the n-lolu, that is surnamed �'an ill-fated bu sh" (n -tya mbee1nbi) be.­ cause menstruati ng women use dried leaves of this bush or of the viv. een1bi suffrutex as loincloth [or: sanitary towell] , an d if a miscarri age ,-.,· ould affl ict them, they should bury the aborted e mb ryo at the base of �

this bush.

.

Chapter Six

210

Chant 14

Fuunda yisa fuunda. [tv.; ice 1 (a) Eh yaaya nguhvan-situ katima.

1

2 3

Eh yaaya.

[t\vice]

I have come to denounce the small pac ket [that i s, the source of my troubJel Ah , my brother, the anteater tunnels into the ground.

3

·

Ah� my brother.

Commen t :

(a)

The homonymic association betw·een -fuunda, "to denounc e�� , and fuunda "smal l pac ket," refers to the follo\\'ing custom: after the i ni t iate

has brought to light the obj ect causing the ailment, then a piec e of the stolen object -to take the example of a theft incurring a curse -i s take n and placed in the smal l packet.

The song alludes to the

ngoombu

cult in which the en tranced initi ate may dig

into the so i l \\'ith his hands� like the ant-eater and \Vater shrev.' which tunnel under the ground.

Third, in the trance , the patient overtly accuses the evil agent and exposes the offense at the origin of her ailment, and thereby frees herself frotn the

persecutive agent. By making compensation for the \\'rong denounced� the vic­

tim seek s to rid herself of the sanction and the ailment it brought about. Further

contact v.rith the object of the offense is strictly prohibited because of its

c on­

taminating effect, and it becomes a lifel ong alimentary and lingui stic taboo for

the patient. The v.rrong

(jula) most often exposed i s theft, such as of a goat. the

bounty of the hunt, a firearm, bride\vealth, agriculturdl produce, and so on . In order to compensate for the theft, the husband or patriarch hands over to the

therapist the same good as that which v.'as stolen or an appropriate substitute.

Fourth, the patient identifies with the bract and infloresc-ence of the palm tree from which palm sap oozes before it develops into

a

flower cluster and

later an array of palm nuts . The Yaka consider that through its fermentati on

(fula) in the infl orescence of the palm tree, the (male) inflorescence grows

in to

(a female) one that produces the growth of a stem of red palm nuts at the cente r

of the palm tree. Through the swinging from the trunk of the parasol tree,

a

symbolic equivalent of the palm tree, the ritual drama transfers this trans forma­

tive value of the palm or parasol tree onto the patient's body and the cosmic body. The scene i s named

-fuundila fula, an expression designating, fi rst, the

patient's cathartic indictment denouncing the evi l, and the subsequent act of tying up the fula object (the reminder or substitute for the evi l denounced ) to

n-noongu \veavi ng-hook and to the raffi a leaves hung at the en ­ trance to the ritual house. Second fola connotes the goat 's rut, s omet hin g bo i l­

the patienfs

,

ing over, froth from the ri sing sap of the pal m tree that is tapped, foam of the

The Khi1a Fertil i ty Cult: Reversing the Evil

"I I

"'

'ds and the fo� on a gourd of palm wine .. which in turn refer to the cresraP' oon . In sum I interpret all this to mean that the patient, in the combat 11 n weaving-hook and leading her into a trance , enacts a sexual v i g the Jflvo sal and org asm ic union of the sexes that elaborates on that of the swi nging aroutbe trunk: the sap rising in the trunk stands for the flow of l i fe stirred up to

�

on

\

�

..

buJ iie nce 1 n t he pa t"te.nt. ifth. the rhythm in the. trance both of body and of the up-and-down movee F ment v.ri th the. weavin�-hook� as wel l as the act of ty ng the reminder of evil ,

are

.

�

a �tt·eaving of the hfe force. The n-noongu., sometimes called n-s eenga - a

the wood of the parasol tree -is ge.nerally a poi nted batten from the tenn for

parasol tree Ylith a l ate.ral notch in the pointed end, thus giving it the appear­ ance o f a hook. Several commentaries have associated the n-noongu to a

\veavin g- hook or knitting needle, smaller but \\'ith the same shape and bearing the. same name, used as a s huttle \\'hen weaving cloth from raffia. After the

mock struggle for gain i ng hold over the n-noongu \Veaving-hook be longi ng to

the therapist. the latter remove s a part from the substitute good �·hic h reminds of the evil and attaches it as a reminder to the palm branches hanging over the entrance to the ritual house. At the end of the period of seclu sion, he take. s the. re.minder and �'raps it in a pouch fastene.d to the n- noongu weaving-hook which is thereafter returned to the initiate. The therapist employs all the known types of knots i n order to fasten the fula to the palms and later to the n- noongu. The act of tying evokes and reverse s the ailment see.n as a maze, v,rhich i s henceforth denounced and undone in the course o f the combat. The gesture untangles the maze and, i n the context of the

khita,

reweaves l i fe-bearing. The

patient then wil l rece.ive her O\\'fl weavi ng-hook, carved from the wood u sed to

construct her bed in the ritual hut. She must henceforth keep it under her conju­

gal bed. The child born following the therapy \Vii i in fact be named N-noongu

or �-seenga. 1 6 The term n -noongu thus i ndicates first the object of the mock battle, therefore signifying the process by v.'hich the cau se or origi n of the infertility is mastered, and secondly the child who is born, once fertility has been reestabli shed. Thi s double meaning demonstrate. s that the. principle of homeopathic reversion unde.rl i es the ritual cure. In sum, the. actualized trance and concomi tant acts have. a metamorphic ef­ fe ct. The cathartic trance arouses a deeply lived and bodily enacted experie.nce of free ing and channeling life-beari ng in the body, therapy group, an d life­ �·orld in unison . \\'hile the \\'eaving-hook ini ti al l y refers to the cause

(Jula)

of

the affliction ( where the l i fe-c hannel has been choked or cut off, according to

my readi ng of the symboli sm) .. this process is reversed at the end of the rite to

become one of unhindere.d fertilization . B y gaining control over the \Veaving­

hook and clinging to it tightly during this state of trance, the patient dies to

her fonner i mpedi ment and regenerates herself. thus bringing about her O\\'fl recovery. The patient then pronounces the name of the evil and denounces the

212

Chapter Six

ori gin of her affl ic t ion . She thus annuls the debt she has i nherited fron1 h uteri ne ascendants and redeems herse lf by offering the wronged party

bolic equivalent of the object whose theft or abuse lay at the ori gin

curse .

a

sv

er

of·t�

The trance is truly cosmogenetic. The polysemy of the term fu/a s u s t ains th

homeopathic process of turning disease and evi l against itself so as to

rc sto�

the v ital flow and i ts regenerative potential i n the patient. The v ictim n1ay thus return to a social existence in harmony with the community and i ts environ­ ment . In this \vay khita therapy may be described as 'ex- static' and cos m oge ne­

tic . It allows the patient to establish a ne\\' set of relationships \Vith her bo dy, her fe l low-initiates, and the world ; this proce ss occurs through the ritu al drama. The

khita

ritual therapy also allo\o\l·s the affl icted person to ac hi eve a

certain amount of autonomy to the extent that she attains a degree of bi se x u­

ali ty, along w ith a capacity to regenerate herself.

The Khita Fertility Cult

1

Reorigina.tio11 of the Fabric of Bod)', Ki12, and Life- world

The khita s e.clusion ce.Iebrates and aro use s ngoongu, the p ri ma l \vom b_ the uteru s of the world and it c al l s on and disencumbers the re sourc es of regene.ra­ ,

tio n. B y being re.c.onnected with the uterine source of forces and signs the patien t in seclusion is enabled to reweave the fabric of body kin, and life ,

,

­

Y�·orld. B esides the heali n g of the p atienfs inferti lity, khita aims at •gyn-eco­ J og �/ i n a broad sense� namely a rebirth of the vital resources in the l i fe world -

and the group� in p articular of the women tappi ng and transmitting them . The cult seeks at reene rgiz i ng the group and life- world from \Vithin i ntensely live d resonance between bodi ly rhythm and arousal and rh y thm and enhancement

in the grou p and life-world.

The seclusion- mutation phase

-

the third stage of the khita cure-may last

from one vleek to several month s ; through the basic meta phor s of flowering, fermentation and in c ub a tion, it focuses on the. initiate's life bearing c apacity ,

-

in concen with the same capacity in the cosmo s By virt ue of the co s mological .

and sexual meani n g pertaining to the se c l u s i on and the ritual hut the patient ,

is led to regenerate her self through assimilati on \\'ith both the fetu s and the pregnant \\'oman . Seclu sion is

a

transiti on from decay into cooking : it al levi­

ates the s uffering Yv'ithin the body and free s and fosters the i nner forces into

a

se lf-generative process of re\veaving. It is an act that rei ntegrates the body into

the cos mi c realm v-·hile re-empowering both, in a process lead i ng the p ati ent to rel ink \Vith the mu ltil ayered soc i al and cosmic fabric of life, i t self in a pro­ cess of revitali zati on. The fourth stage is that of the coming out ritual and the patient 's reintegration into the home stead. Her pas s age through the river and an animal sacri fi c e are potent transfonnative methods . The. initi ate eme.rge s

from seclusion late one morni n g and i s reintroduced into her homestead, where

she once again may take up her co nj ug al role . She re aches the i nsi de core

of soc iety whi le she is herself bec.oming regenerative of social self and the social Vw'orld.

The khita ini ti ate s ach ieve both po\\'erful nonconformity and fullness through their androgyne.ity� and following initi ation they are accorded a mixed and privileged status on the public scene . In contra s t \\'ith other women, they enjoy a relative autonom y from their husbands and their husbands' families.

214

Chapter Seven

�

They move i n he d m z ne between the cust mary order, the in i tjato

�

�

�

u

ry verse� and the ' Imagi nary world of d ream and forces. \\'hen addre ssed i n lU­ lie by coinitiates or teased by me n, in particular by their in-laws, khita i ni Ub­ behave in a simil ar joking manner, and hence they are abl e to part i c i p a te

.

J

in�s

seducti ve game s usual ly restricted to the youth at nightfal l and th e ou tsk i n s e vil lage space. Senior kh ita initiates, more than other women, may j o i n me

�fs

� alJ usiv: e and

meetings such as the palaver and palm wine drinking session s . In these c i rc l the men tend both to praise and to tease the khita initiate , in playful an d language, as if she were both a young and ideal candidate for marri ag queen figure or '·arch-mother"

(khaaka m�Jaadi)- '.the

a

mother of aU peo pl e,

(ngula baatu). According to the audience, she impersonates and arou ses ky­ eesi, "bl iss, grace, generosity, concen"-in my term s, a basic soci alizi ng e n­ ergy, as opposed to kyoosi. "coldness .. frigidness , withdrawal ,'� and to -keva

-keyisa,

•'

'

"to reduce, tonnent, obstruct� disconcert."

7.1 The Third Stage: Seclusion in the Uterus of the \\'orld

Following the catharti c trance, the patient is entere-d i n the ritual house for secl usion . Thi s is phase

6

in the khita cure . The seclusion period prolongs

the search -which has been gradual ly unfolding throughout in the previ ous

stages-for protection again st the evil in an attempt to reverse it. The house

of seclusion converts persecution into life-bearing through the symboli sm of

trapping. The seclusi on further leads the patient to experience what autogener­ ation and gestation mean in her body in connection with the forces of l ife­

bearing that are channeled by her uterine kin and her l ife-world . The ritual house connotes the pregnant womb, the hen that is laying and broodi ng an egg,

the palm tree, the cooking of palm oil or game from the hunt, and the interme­ diary world encompassed be tween the heavenly and subterranean paths of the

sun and the moon. In the house of seclusion, the patient is reborn from the

uterus of ceaselessly emerging life in the world, and her initiation le ads to its renewal .

After nightfall (sunset is around 6 P.M. throughout the year) and close to

bedtime at approxi mately

8

P.�f . , the therapist, singing all the while, conducts

the initiate to the in itiatic dwel ling . He there invites her and her coinitiates to -'put themselves at rest and sl eep" ( -niimba) on the specially constructed bed�

in order to hundergo the initiatic mutation'' ( -buusa khita).

The ritual house, like a forest hide, links the habitable space v,rith the ever

renewing life of the den se forest. On average , the sec lusion hut is 1 .60 to 1 . 80 meters in breath, 2 .5 0 meters long, and 1 . 80 meters or less high at the ridgepole ( see plate

6).

If the seclusion hut is to receive two patients it wil l be lon ger ..

and comprise t\\'o chambe rs whose entrances are built either al ongside or op­

posite each other. At least one of the entrie s is always oriented towards the

21, .

Reori gin ation of Body, Kin, and Life-\\'orld

In the co urse of the seclusion period a smal l enclosure is constructed ,aJlll!lltn l e 3Ve s to hide the entries (sec plate 9) . The khoofi, situated not more p ac e s from the dwell ing, is to be found inside this enclos u re . Lianas tll _ d luteti and havmg a breadth of about two fi ngers are generally u sed to ll the wall of the seclusion hut: in other instances the walls have been of various sorts of lumber. The two ends of the vines are pl anted e.

of::tWO c:n:uuct

�nsuucted

. the soi l about one foot apart so as to form a large archway. These vines are rther bound horizontal ly by others of the same species. A beam made of a as tr e and resti ng on two forked uprights forms the ridgepole and sup ­ � ol e the y li n dri c al vault. All the walls, including the roof, are generally cov­ ered with large lunguungu leaves \\'hich are impermeable but, \vhen dry� easily leaves are regularly used to �rrap and store seed, various prov is­ rom . These ion s, cooked foods , or cut meat. These p a rt i c u l ar species of vines and leaves

� :orts c

n ot no rmally employed in construction, except to erect a very temporary fore st shel ter \\'here one might remain to dry meat afte.r a hunt or to escape are

from the civil authorities. The ritual hut in fact looks very much from the out­ side like a large packet \\�Tapped up v.rith string, an impression reinforced by the way in \\'h ich a vine-like grass call ed n-phemba (see n. 3) is tied around •

the. exteno r.

I

The secl usion house reverses evi l in order to release potency from the \\'orld

onto t he bodies of pati ent and coinitiates. The ritual practice called -siinda

converts the ritual house into a protected space. As in the conjugal home, a number of ritual objects includi ng weapons are installed at different s ign i fi c a­

tive places in the ritual dv.'elling-the \\'alls, entry, ground, roof, and bed-in o rder to protect the patient and to trap any maleficent force. First, tangled bundles of tw·isted lianas ( m-bindusi) are fixed to various loca­

tion s around the d�'elling: two at the be.d, at the distance of a sleeping person

curl ed up; one each at the interior and exterior of each \\'all and of each section of the roof; one above the en tranc e and another on the ground barri n g the en­ tr}'v.·ay. Specialists exp lain that the twistc;; of liana may represent either the ill­ ness which binds (-ziinga) the patient or the body hampered and afflicted by it. The treatment thus consists of untying (-ziingulula) the impediment, as one \�·ould unravel entangled vines . ..t\ccording to the commentarie-s .. the impedi­ ment or any other agent of evi l is trapped by attachin g an assortment of plant

substances (1nbakunurnbakunu) to the extremities of the t\visted pads.2 Such col le.ctions of plants represent the multiple forms and means of evil as V.'ell as of kha h-'a, the aggressive and explosi ve characte-ristic attributed to the ritual weapo ns .

Second, a lo ng bouquet of plant cu tti ng s , in c lu di ng the yintvaani vine and

other leafy branches si gnifying the arre st or entrapment ( -nM-·aana) of the af­

fliction or another evil, i s placed against the �'all. 3 This bouquet links low to high since it is tall enough to reach the roof� it is set j ust over the spot w here a

s mal l packet c ontai ning 1n bakun u1nbakunu and kha�va has been buri ed . A l l of the routes i n ve rtical or horizontal space . i n the underground an d ai r, by

w·h i ch

an ev i l forc e or e v ildoer could p oss i bly en te r are thu s fe nced off an d con­ trolled . The fonn id a b l e ritual arm s arc b u ried at th e fe et of the f()rkcd p o l e s

supporti ng the ri dg e pol e � as \Vell as at the central po i nt of the bea n1 . I�a c h

as pe ct o f th e \\'ork o f con structin g and equ i pp i n g t he b u i l di n g conno tes th e stru gg le again st pote nt i a l ev i ldoers and harmfu l in fl uences . Pro t e c ti on i s s ee n

a� a m e an s to re covery. \Vith t he install ati on of the rit u al arms at the center o f

t h e ri dgepole o n the eve o f the sec l us i on p e ri od , the therapi s t con1 p le tes the de fen.'ii ve \Vork b e gu n the n1otne nt h e arri ved on the sc en e and began the co n � 'truc ti o n

of th e

khoo.fi.

.�ccord i ng

to

c on1n1entators, the lo u d in c antation the

the rapi .'it tn akcs b e fore the therapeutic g rou p after hav i ng instal led t he l as t of the ritual ann s under the roo f fu rther a i rn s to en s ure the effic acy of the redou bt­ ahlc defc n�es of th e ri t ual h4.1 use.-' By es tablis hing a hotnol ogy het\vecn thl" d we ll i ng. t he f•:un i l y� and the body of the pati ent the s ys tem of p rote cti on co n �

ferre d upon t he h ou se 1netaphoricall y c ontri butes t o the patient"� re c overy of her bod i ly in t egri ty a nd prot e c t i ve b()undaries. Enteri ng the house of sec l u s i on i s an ·invagi n at ion� : the p a t i e nt iden t i fi e :-.

\Vith both the fetu s an d t h e p regn ant

\\'O n1an .

Secl usion t e ac he s the pat i ent to

n1a kc the fe tal cond i t ion her O\\'n and to id entify herse l f \\'ith th e ph a se at

wh i ch l i fe seek s to burst fort h . Th e fu rni sh i ngs of t he rit ual dw e l l i n g an d the prescripti ons gov e rn in g 1\e c lu s i on transform it into a \\'otn b of thi s \\'nrld. 1 n fac t , the pati ent 's entry into the ritual hou�e and her introd uction i nto th e i n te­ rio r cha1nber h ave a g e n it a l s igni fi cation . A1 raffi a curtain hangs do\\'n to t h e ground a t the door\\'ay to the h u t , ·'c los ing i t off ' ( see pl ate 1 0). Th is curtai n

of pahn s i � c a l l e d lu leernbi or c ordi n g to

Lam an

1 936)

sasa

nrasasa. \\'· here as in the K oong o lan gu a ge ( ac ­ ( plura l bisasa ) designate ' p u bi c hair. The usc

of raffia p a hn recalls t he \\'Tap-around, raffia sk i rts

\vorn

by i ni tiand � . .A.

n-seengel�van1beedi, li ter a l ly.. �·a kn ife or machet e w i thout a S\\'clli ng , a purse�� ' n a me l y one without a h i l t , is b u ri ed under the pad of t w i ,te d vine �'in order to kil l any sorcerer w h o tries to enter'� ( see p l ate

1 1).

Th is knife i s e mp loyed by

wo1nen on lv ; th ev c am· it in a basket on the i r backs \\' h i c h ""'

...

.,

in

man v con texts i s .I

u nde rs tood to signi fy the uterus.5

Secl usi on and nuptial experience overlap . Enteri ng the h ut is called - suu1nbuka n-kiindzi, ••to cli mb onto or pass above� or, to straddle a barrier.' � It ree n acts the nuptial e ve n t when the youn g bride enters the c o nj ug a l home on

the eve of the nuptial rught. Th e bridegroom must on that occasion purchase hi s marital right� in order that the b ri de be \\'ill ing to enter the home and ··cross over [that which i mp ede s ] and c l imb into b ed ' �

3.3). S imil arly for

( -suu1nhulw kutltnangi)

( see

the sec lusion , the husband must purchase the ri ght of entry

for the pat i e nt by giv i ng the the rapist several \Vh itc cloths as

kuba d.vaJl -kiind-:i�

Reorigi nation of Body, Kin. and Li fe-world

217

"'a ha lf pa gne for passage over the barrier:� The manner of entry i s characteri s­

seclusion and differs from the V.'ay i n whi ch one otherwise c rosses tic of a ll the thre shold of a d\a_·elling. For sec l us i on, the patient enters the house bac k­

v.rards

a nd leaves it- any time there i s need to do so, and at the. end of th e

therapy -fac ing fo rwards. Exi ting in thi s manner most likely evokes a head­

firs t bi rth. the sole position considered normal by the )"aka. It may be recal l ed

he re th at fro1n the momen t of their entrance to the ritu al d\\'e l l i n g .. the p atient and the coi nitiates are c al led •'the ones \\'ho have torn the palm curtain" ( se e

6.3 . 1 ) ; they are further di stingu i shed fro m noninitiatcs� w· ho are referred to a s

yihi ing a, "she \a..· ho a\\'aits her turn ," in the same man ner as the circum c i sed initi ate. i s di s t ingui shed from th e unc i rcumc i sed. If one. is to trust the commen­

taries,

any indi screet glance by

a

noninitiate on the patien ts in seclu sion has

the effect of nearly blindi ng thern and uf - ' i nj ecting their eyes \\t· ith blood'�

(-hlveeka 111eesu).

By identifying \Vith the fetal state , the secluded patient enters

a

subsoc ial

co ndition. She i s exc l uded from al l ' "conune nsal ity, ( -dya) and, at the beg i n­

ning of her sec l usi on � is conten t to nibble ( -tqf,valn) plant foods th at have been prepare d by n1embers of her fa1n ily. r. \\'hen the sec lusion pe ri od is dra\vn out into a matter of rnonths , it is the young coi nitiate �talee ka \\'ho plays the role

of a hou se servant . The u se of fire is proh ibited in the secl usion hut an d one

may not speak in a loud voice . The pati ent i s dre ssed in nothing bu t a stnall \\;raparound during the \vhole of the se.c lusion peri od. She in fact spends the

larger part of her tin1e re sting in bed. Relaxation is the ru le and any activi ty un dertaken on be hal f of another person i s suspended. S he may pass entire mornings ., crouc hed do\vn and s i ng i ng if she \vi s hes, at prepari ng rouge . To do thi s, she ruh s

a

piece of khu/a \Vood again st a rough stone, mi xing pal m oi l

w ith the powder. She \\'i l l l ater anoi nt he r w hole body w i th the mixt ure "·h i c h � a s \Ve have seen , evokes the belief that the fetu s is surrounded by the maternal blood that shapes its soft tissues an d skin . The fetal - i niti ato ry-condition means undergoing · cook ing ' i n the uterus

of the. \\t·orld . Rhythmicall y preparing khula paste and anoi nting onesel f \\'ith it also assoc iate. the initiate \\'ith the proce ss of cooking palm nuts. On ce the

palm n uts ripene d� the. reddish oil m ay be extracted from the nuts through a laborious process of cooking. The same symbo lic compl exes also provide al­

ternative images of the genitri x. ,s contributi on i n ge station. The appearance of palm nuts, the descending movement of the sap in the palm tree , and the cook­ i ng of the sap in the re d earth al l function as metaphors of l i fe-bearing in the uterus of the \\'orl d . The mac rocosmic si gn i fi cance and field of forces proper to the palm tree are transferred to the space of the seclusion house an d to the patient 's body. The patien t is brought back to ht hc egg-like \\'Om b of t he \\·orld"

( ngoongu)

by be ing c onfi ned i n this spec ial d\\'elling. Here in sec lus i on, the

218

Chapter Seven

patient returns to the fetal process of gestation and self-creation, ngoungu. by

sponsoring in her body the cross-fertilization of the white sap and th e re d l i fe ­ gi ving fl uid. While in this condition, the patient mu st seek to prevent any cont am i nati o

n of her fetal state that might issue from contact with any analogous reg en e rative processes in her surroundings . The patient mu st therefore avoid any c ontac 1

with water and is prohibited to see the light of day. When she exits the hous e to relieve herself, she wears leaves on her feet and covers her head V.'it h a tO \\'e l . She must, moreover, walk halti ngly, with her back bo\ved like a chamele o n

(lunglveenya) and with her head bowed: the ability of thi s animal to adapt the

color of its skin according to its environ s undoubtedly sustains the ini tiate �s

submission to change. The initiate is othenv ise prevented from leaving the

premises or resuming marrie d life.

The healing is a gestation from vY'ithin the i nflorescence or bract of the palm

or parasol tree . Plants specifically belonging to the khita cult are placed in the

pati ent 's bed and signify the force of li fe about to burst forth. The plant sub­

stances making up the infusion w hich the patient administers herself through

the vaginal douche, on the other hand, symbolize those form s of life \a.·hich i n

all their fragi lity nonetheless blossom out under difficult conditions. The bed

i s in fact placed as far as possible from the entry to the hut. What distinguishes this bed from an ordinary one is less its form than the type of \\lOOd used to construct it and the plants that are laid on it. As it is made of \\'ood of the parasol tree (n-seenga)J it is called the "bed of the parasol tree"

(thaangyan ­

seenga). Two large logs support the t\\'O long perpendicular poles li nking the

head of the bed to the foot and across 'Nhich the transverse slats are laid closely

together. The se are in turn covered with a thick l ayer of plants : l arge lunguungu

leaves used to roof the ritual hut, mangangatsaanga foliage, and a bract of the

parasol tree (phwan-seenga). A simple sleeping mat is placed on top. l\fwlgan­

gatsaanga is a c limbing plant which grows V.'ell in humid areas and on steep slopes; its fine foliage closely resembles a c overing of hair. Even though its

meaning is never made explicit, in different ritual uses this evergreen plan t

often carri es a genital connotation. 7 As for th e brac t of the parasol tree , its process of blossoming and leafing is transferred onto the in itiate in seclusion.

Each eve.ning the patient rene\\'S her invagin ating of the life-re.source.s of the

life-v.'orld. The therapist offers her a "bouquet of plants"

(yifutu)

from the sa­

vanna (a female space) or from the forest (a male space). Every evening� the patient \\'i l l "drink an infusion or concoction of these plants'' (-nl·Va

yifutu) by

v.'ay of a col d enema. As such, this practice metaphorical ly associates oral and genital 'intake' and explores the capabi lities of the genetic processes both in the environment and in the human body as if they implicitl y resemble one

another. The therapist acts as a mother-healer (yingula ngaanga) to his patient

in the gestation proces s of her new identity. The therapist has the ability to

Reori gination of Body, Kin, and Life-v..·orld bine ma_!_ernal care \\'ith virile qual itie-s. \Vhen gathering the required cOm ts the the rapi st adopts the behavior of the hunter in order to reverse the p tan , · ifi c ative value of the evil or misfortune that is anached to savanna plant gn n otably because of the annual brush fi res which destroy them .8 Upon

:�ecies,

his return from the morning e.x pe.dition to col lect these plants., the therapist

infusions by leaving the gatherings to soak and then by boi ling pre.p ares the contained in an earthen pot covered with lunguu.ngu leaves. them in \Vater The c omposition of these i nfusion s varies slightly from one kh ita therapist

w another� yet the signi ficative value of

the \\'hole set of ingredients used i n the i nfu sio ns i s not affe.c.ted. Anal douche s use savanna plants that surv i ved the

i ll- fated annual fire. 9 The vaginal douches are made Y.'ith an infusion of y{futu prepared by cooki ng a certain forest Iiana. 10 A l uke-�'arm infusi on is occasion ­

ally use.d as a vaginal rinse. Yet another type of infusion is reserved for a cold

vaginal or anal douche giving ... shade to the abdome n

,

( ndzaba

zapheelaka);

in other words, it has an an ti spasmodic effect and arrests hemorrhaging. 1 1 At

the end of repeated douches v;ith these c old infus ions, the therapist may pre­ scribe another vagi nal rinse involving plant substances-the same ones as tho se used to construct the bed-that signify fertil i ty. 1 2 \Vhere the divinatory oracle has attributed a disorder to one or another offense and to its entanglin g effect on the. patient, the therapist prepares a cold i nfusion which the \\'omen \\l·i ll admini ster as a vagin al douche in order to loosen the maze. Se.veral c l imb­

ing pl ants or tendrils, herbs'l and the base of a palm tree's leafy cro\\'11 make up the components. The tendrils give the infusion the capacity to arrest the afflic­ tion's power to entwine the victim , ,-.,· hile the other plant substances signify the denouement of the disorder. Other ingredients signifying fertility may also be included in this infusion l J .

Enemas and the ointment V.'ith red paste are po\\l·erful devices through which

the patie-nt may reappropri ate the phatic function of ski n and orifices. By

anointing her own body and the body of the young coinitiate Maleeka Y-'ith red

khula paste, as well as by administering lukewarm enemas to herself and to Maleeka, the patient is led to remold the pathic and liminal functions of the

bodil y envelope and orifice s . She thus reappropriates the s ense of touch and

the body- self (' 'moi-peau ," ' cf. Anzieu

1985)

linked to a sensation of comfort

and tonus, and of being intac t and cohesive . The red p a ste symbolizes the sacri­ ficial blood as wel l as the uterine blood and unison with the mother; the anoint­

ment develops a ki nd of mirroring interaction bel\'ieen initiate and spirit, as V.'ell as between the coinitiates. A l l th i s mobilizes in the initiate a sensati on of surface, volume, and brings her in a vivid contact \vith her body and its sexual

characteristic s . In the process of this anointment, and the murmurin g of initia­

ti on chants that accompanies it� the khita spirit obtains a tactile body �t this .

.

moment the initiate begins to embody the spirit-at least in its bene.volent

dimension-that is her mirror image . To anoint her O\\'n body is li ke en te-ring

220

Chapte r Seven

into the skin of the spirit or l ike remaking her O\'ln skin, a proce ss th at is als mirrored by her young coinitiate lvlaleeka. The anointi ng the reby d i s p lavs 0 very powerful tr�nsition �l capacity or i ntermediary function ( Winn i cot 197 1 capable of evoktng all kinds of sensati_ ons and affects from early c h il dhood from both her personal and family histories. The skin thus acts as a s urfac e sonoro-tactile exchange , of sensation, excitation, and engrafting of very pri­ mary e-x periences, of pictograms enclosed in the skin (Castoriadi s-Au l agnier . 1 975 ). �'Le. massage dev ient message, (Anzieu 1 985 : 38), and it re mold s the patienfs social skin . In other \\,.ords. enemas and ointments are dev ic e s th at may be variously employed to open up the body's closure, to expel in trus ive agents, or to reinfoliate a body i n a state of effusion or dissol ution . The enema may also i nclude strong-smelling herbs and plants from the savanna that arou se sexual desire, intense enjoyment, or repugnance. or attract some an imal s and evoke fl.o\vering or decay. S mell binds the patients and coinitiates tog e ther in an almost organic fusion, a kind of intimate se-nsing and tasting of the copre­ sent others and the su rroundin g l i fe-world . These devices aim to bri ng the pa­ tient to a ne w experience or sense of the bodily shell and its vari ous orifi c e s and their culturally encoded functions. Food taboos prevent contamination with any form of ill -fated intake. both oral and genital. The patient 's diet is more frugal and monotonous than is the average daily fare. Alimentary prohibitions (yizila) imposed on the initiate are intended to protect her fertility by ensuring avoidance V.'ith any element signi­ fying her specific ai lment or any o ther gynecological disorder. The prohibition against taking meals� that is, against commensality, refers to her fetal condition as wel l. Any pregnant \\'oman if she V.'ishes, might in fact observe the same alimentary prohibitions in order to prevent malfonnation of the embryo or other anomalies related to conception and birth. The prohib itions against eating a series of foods-inclu ding small mammals w·ho live in holes in trees or the ground, fish caught with the aid of a hook, and eggs1 4-seek to prevent any reference to or contact with forces of miscarriage, sterility, and birth com­ pi ications. The forces of gynecological misfortune. should in fact be turned back upon themsel ves in a self-destructive manner. Nor are these al i mentary restrictions automatic.allv lifted at the end of the seclusion. An i nitiate mav continue to respect them as long as she sees fit. for it is then permissible for her to lift a prohibition simply by infringing it. Seclusion leads to embodying the self-generative potential of a core cosmic metaphor: the hen laying and brooding an egg. At the peak of the parasol tree� erected at the entry to the house and domi nating it. is fixed '�the head of a hen' � (y izurunbi) (see plate 1 3 ). The patriarch will have offered this hen to the infer­ tile couple fol lov.'ing the successful hunt that \vas conducted in order to cast good fortune on the planting of the khoo..fi , and they v.rill have eaten of its meat the evening marking the be-ginning of the peri od of sec lusion. Specialized exe-

�

of

..

..

.

Reoriginati on of Bodv. Ki n. and Life-\vorld

is li mi ts itself to the indication that the head of the hen , on the one hand� i s ge s t " t o annoU nce the news of the sec l usion t o all those in the vici nity and e an e- world,'- while on the other hand, Hit is surveying the area especially (11 the l if s orcerers" w ho might e merge from the forest and enter the v i l lage by night.

��r

fhe m an ner i n \\'hich the hen i s consumed and the fact that its head i s fixed on top of the palm- whose sy mbolism also contri butes to the mean i ng of auto­

.. in the context of the seclu sion rite, signify uene ratio n -indicate that it may e he n about to l ay or �'engender life :' The. �'hen ready to lay" (khoku yahu­ to symbolize the patient in sec Ius ion \vho auto-engenders ta ma j thus serves

fu

herself, as Vw'ould an androgynous being, in assimilating both the condition of the fetu s and the state. of pregnancy. In the same context, the egg about to be fi laid also signi es the patient, and this \\'ould adequately explain \\·hy she is proh i bi ted from eating eggs or the meat of the \\'easel who steals and eats c hickens and egg s . The prohibition therefore prevents her compromising the proces s of self-generation mobilized by the act and context of secl usion. ( As I \\'il l argu e in 8 . 3 � the value of the ' hen and the egg ' entails an ontological problem� \\'hich engages the que stion of bipolar unity : the one issues from t\\'O� two issue from one . ) Heart� \\'omb .. th e s tate o f seclusion, th e game caught in the hunt� and the bat are all assoc iated as regenerative poten tial ities� as sources of inner growth and sel f-delivery. First, the patient i s associated \\'ith the. mhuund.,laphoongu, l iterally,

'lhe

heart enclosi ng and maturing the secret powers of the cult,"' \\'hich is called �'her double'' (yidii1nbu kyaandi). It is made out of a small termitary (t1lbaam­

bakhuku) of a reddish-brov.'n color and is attached to the center of the ridge­

pole. The tennitat)' is \\Tapped in the fibrous scales taken from the base of the palm

(mbuundyambati). It contai ns� aside from a ri tual \\'eapon, the patient's

residues or double, namely some nail clippings referring to her shado\\' entiti es

(hiniinga). A person's shadows compri se both her invi sible interior dimension

and her physical quintessence. In the bu sh, one fi nds this type of tennitary suspended from

a

branch in the top of a Rotin palm ; it is

seen as an icon of the

setting sun , and it bears a fetal s ignification . As its name indicates, the termi­

tary

is attached to the. tree \\'ith a mbaamha Iiana signifying the bonds of de­

scent. The sun passing through its rising and setting phases is symboli cally

compared to the cluster of palm nuts at the center of the foliage and to the

'nbaamhakhuku

termitary suspended to the Iiana emerg ing from thi s foliage .

Second9 in the initiatory state of both pregnancy and fetal life .. the patient is

associated w·ith the transitional capacitie.s of the bat9 in particu lar Vt-'ith its

ca­

pacity to deliver itself (see 6. 3 . 2) . The mbuundM-·aphoongu, when suspended from the ridgepole of parasol \\'ood, carri es the name� amon g others, of

sUmba

dyam"'·anambeefu, •'that Vt-'hich the affl icted \\'oman clings to.'' This particular expression refers to th e bat which hangs from its perch or its mother by its

222

Chapter Selt·en

c l aws, and v,rh ich, ac cord ing to the interpretation , sy mbolizes the p a tie n t sus­

p ended from the trunk of the parasol tree or c onnected with her mot h e r an d th uteri ne life source. The term itary attache to the rafters is hidden by bunche s

�

s uffrute x leaves from th e savanna hangtng one next to the other th e

0�

\-..·ho le

s u ffru t ex i s th e first plant to become green after the annual bush fires blacken the sav a n n a

length of the ridgepole. It may be recalled that the

yiyeembi

( see 2.3. 7) . The initiate-s call these bunches ngeembu. The interpre tatio n of special ists establi shes an expli c it relation between the p atient suspende d from

the trunk of the parasol tree, these packets of suffrutex , and the abil ity of th e young bat, also called ngeembu, to hide i tself in the wing- memb ran e of th e

mother.

Third, the patient i s as sociated with the the game caught in the hu nt, wrapped in its everted pelt and hang ing from a po le. Sec lusion is an experience

of dying that leads to rebirth , through exfo l iati ng the inner nev,' core \1.-'hile infoliating a new skin fro m the vital li fe - \vorl d . The act of skinning an ani mal

kil led in t he hunt is trans po sed on to the pati ent hanging from the parasol tree,

as v..·el l as on to her state of seclusion whi ch leads her through a process of

reb irt h . that is, of s hedding her former self for a new being .

Saasulu

may

equally designate the shady site in the forest where the game is butchere d

as

well as the ritual house. This substitution corroborates that of sw·inging from

the trunk of the para so l tree, v,rhich not only evokes the manner in \\' h i c h garne

is trans ported but al so the ritual hut. Both share the form of a pac ket carri ed

on a s tic k or pole over the shoulder and perhaps containi ng cut meat \\'rapped in a skin or IWJ g uungu leaves. Fourth, there i s moreove r a n implicit ass oc i ation between� on th e one hand ,

the bat for its value of i nversion and transition and, on the other hand,

the

sec l usion of the patient and the vege ta tion which quickly grows back in the

savann a -a feminine space-once men have set fire to the pl ai ns. The pati e n t '�

suspension from the trunk as i f she were a bat which han gs from its pe-rch ­

itself associated with the bunches of suffrutex fo l iage hanging from the ridge

pole-i s reenacted by the i ni tiate in secl usion. Lyin g on her bed of parasol

wood and bract , she is like the foliage of the paraso l or the p a lm tree �'hich bl ossom out while feeding themselves on their rising sap. The variant name

given to the suspended bunche s of suffrutex, n-kaanda, ''bouquet of leave s.�'

also evokes renascent life with all its potential ities . This term i s a synonym of

lubongu bvataan g u, •'a cloth or surface as varied in c ol o r as the sun," for the

mati nal sun connotes the act of fecundation.

Fifth, the genet is moreover a m etaphor both of the secluded pat ie n t sleeping

on her bed and of the termit ary attached to the roof. A tree -loving an imal , the

genet sleeps high on a branch with its snake-like tail curled aro u nd it. As i s

expressed in one of the initiation cha nt s ,

this habit of the genet evokes the fet a l

condition of the patien t in se clusion . The genet may further signify the capacity

Reorigination of Body., K in9 and Life-world

0

f self-generation, and the patient w ill cover her head \\'ith

a

genet skin at t he

d of her seclusion. Genet and civet cat, both tree-loving a n i m a l s are sym­ lie sub sti tutes for one another. The civet cat ha s a spec kled pelt and a tap e red ,

:n .:OIJt, wh ich is compared to that of a dog that sniffs the genital s of the femal e

mou nted The fol l owi ng ch ant-\\'hich is very popular and \Vhich arouses vivid banter-expresses certain of these connotations :

� has

.

Cluut t 15

.,

�

3

4

5 6

Tuutila mb\va..

mbala \\'eedi k\vaandi : [in chorus] tuutila mbwa

Tuutila mby.·a, mbala mosi b i s aan g i ; tuutila mbv.;a. (t\\·ice) Tuutila mbwa, mbala mosi mayiinda; tuutila mb\\ra. (twic e ) Tuutila mbwa, mbal a n-kv-'a yinyoongi � tuutiJa mb\va. (t�·ice)

.

Bunyoku. (t\\·ice)

Tuutila mbv-'a, mbala weedi kv-'a an d i (t\\·ice) .

[one person sings: ] Recall your dog rto make it return to you] � [the other

an-

swers : I the civet has already gone; [in chorus : ] recall your dog (a) .

2 3 4

Recall your dog� the civet has entered the li ttle forest; rec all your dog .

5 6

It i s lying dov-·n, curle.d up. (h) Recal J your dog the civet has already gone .

Recall your dog9 the civet has entere.d the great forest; recall your dog.

Recall your dog, the civet has bo \\·ed its head in a gesture of chagrin � recall your dog .

,

Comments: (a)

According to the statements of the initiates, these verses are intended to encourage the p atien t and family leaders to follow the ritual special i s t s '

instruction s scrupulou sly.

(b)

The teon nyoku is also used to describe the advanced state of pregnancy ;

this exp ress ion refers to th e fetal curled position- comparable to that of

the snake (nyoka) -characteri stic of the sleep i ng civet and the secluded initiate at rest .

Seclusion is tapping from the uterus of the world,

ngoongu.

The esoteric

meaning of ngoongu is difficult to disc lose . In the context of the khita rite, thi s notion designates the fibrous scale-like coverings from the crown of the palm

tree: pieces of these are fi xed to the extremities of the tangled bundle of lianas placed at critical point s around the ritual dv-'ell ing. Yet

ngoongu

may equally

indicate. the patient 's habits in seclu sion of \\ eari ng shoes of leaves or rag s '

and

of covering her head \V ith a c loth on her b ri ef absences from the house. In another usage, the archai c term

ngoongu

designates obj ec ts that cover, enve­

lope, or insulate . As such , it s igni fie s , i n the image of the c elesti al vau lt, the

dense veg etation of the forest cover enveloping the hunte.r. It also designates

224

Chapter Se\!en

the bu d of the parasol tree that is place
: scclusion,0�

context of cults, ngoongu connotes the state of autogestation and fet aJ dcve l ment. When the therapi st brings the initiate i nto the house of

sings Kongoongu ('Ku ngoongu) a ma·aneetu, '"i nto this pristine sec l u si on (

��

pri mal womb ) , we c arry our chi ld." The seclus ion reenac ts the c o smog ene

r

�

signifi cance of ngoongu, the pristine cosmic eme rgence of ( re )gc n cr a ti v

forces i n the universe which are constantl y renewed at their point of or ig in . Seclusion brings into play cosmologi cal and mythical icons of t he au togen­

eration of l ife. f\1ore preci sel y, it explores in the cosmology and my th s th e i nstances of autogeneration in order to tap from these. Some art icles fo u nd in the ritual dwelling seem to refer to mythical enti ties, lv.,uila and katn w--a adi

'

w ho are vaguely perceived as spi ri ts of the eanh and founders of the lo c al

population at its most archaic and prelineage stage. Betwe en the bed of the initiate and the bouquet of pl ants laid against the waH will be found a s mall

blackish termite nest called by the ritual name of ltvuila and an object of v...·ood sculpted in the fonn of a fork, called kam �'aadi.

a

A

simi l ar sculpted object and

l»'uila termitary are pl aced agai nst the opposing \vall . Sti ll more bl ack ter­

mite nests are someti mes placed in the comers of the dwelling near the foot

of the bed . The b�vuila and kam �'aadi are instal led the eve n ing preceding t he

seclusion. The se particular termi taries and sculpted objects attest to the l ine of

continuity between the therapeutic group and the founding spi rits and ances­

tors , respectively male and female, of the k.hita cult, representing the most

ancient period of the society ( see plate 1 2). Tsuumbwa, a nic kname for the

l"K-·uila termi taries, is al so an esoteric term desi gnating the trunk of the parasol

tree from \\'hich the patient is swung . In mythi cal language , however, the term

ts u wnb wa refers to one of the clans of the Kwaango that is believed to have started the khita cult (see chant 5). The name kann vaadi appears to poi nt to the

archaic mother-ancestor of the group.. while the tenn also denotes a forked branch of a savan na wood,

n-heeti

or m-booti, approx imately 40 centimete rs

long and pl anted in the ground \Vith the fork in the air. The extremities of the

fork are tapered. Notches are made on both the front and back sides of the

fork, just below the bifurcation, creating a Janus-faced silhouette. Ashes and red clay (muundu_) are appl ied to the notches (see Devi sch

1 987 ). 1 6

7.2 The Fourth Stage: Emancipating Forest

Forces into Social Fecundity

7.2.1 Initiation into the therapeutic a rt represents phase 8 of the

khita ("Ure. ( See 7. 2.4 for discu ssion of phase 7. ) Initiation is a form of n ightly

cooking to ' feed , ' in a trance- l ike state , the androgynous body from belov.'. To

a certain exte nt the therapeutic i ni ti ation renders the aid of the healers unneces-

Reoriginalion of Body, Kin, and Life-world

,. sal")

'

.

1

l c orroborates the healing as a form of self-generation and also marks

d of the period of sed us ion . The patien t is introduced to a number of

=��ines . ;:-

fo

as is her husband, for he i s authorized to prepare some of th e m

·th erape utic art is a form of nightly cooking to arouse and tap the forc e s

f the forest and the earth . The art is handed do\'ln in the course of a v i gi l d on th e morn i ng immediately preceding the end of the period of seclu sion .

�

]lrough ou t the night, a small therapeutic group gathers round a fire lit close the bou se of seclusion. From sun set to sunrise , in c h ants and ritual, they

� to

ces of the dark forest real m. This night of tran sition is de­ cel ebrat e the for scri bed as -n iimba yizalala kyaphoongu, ''lo VY'atch al l night in lustiness V.'h i le

da nc in g or trembling in tune with the cultic spirit." The dance is meant lo evoke the move ments of the hen , \\'bile brood ing, crying, and scratc hing the ground. Al l engage in a sham fi ght sim i l ar to the one at the beginning of the period of

se c l usio n that leads to the den unciation of the evi l and the appropri ation of the n-noongu \\'eaving-hook (phase 5 ) . They all then take part crushing the phaan ­

dzi pharmacopoeia (see plate 1 6). Initiation into the healing art i s above al l a 'Nay o f weaving the patient into

the vital forces of the lifc-\-..·orld. This process is doubled by the references to the hen. At sunse� close to the

khoofi, the sham fight begins, using the

n-noongu intended for the patient. It looks l ike a \\'eaving-hook and is made out of the. wood of the seclusion bed (cf.

a sheet folded to form

a

6. 3.3); attached to it is a hen and also

bag c ontaining agricultual obj ects like the ones that

forebears had stolen once upon a time, and \\'hose theft had been cursed and

caused the initiate's il lness. The cock or the hen will be put to death as a sacri­ fice at the end of the period of sec lusion ( phase. 1 0). The n -seengedyanrbeedi,

the large knife whose wooden handle has been removed and VY'hich was placed

at the entrance to the ritual house (plate 1 1

), is plunged into the earth close to

the n-noongu. The fight begins an ew, to the rhythm of the chanti ng; it bre aks

off a number of times in the course of the night and come s to an end at fi rst

cock crow. When the patient enters the state of tran ce, her entire mime-the

movements of her eyes� head, and body-imitate the chicken ready to leave its

nest. This rhythmic plungi ng is simultaneously a way of interv,reav ing the pa­

ti ent 's capacity for life-g iving in concert v,rith the resources of life-beari ng i n

the \\'orl d. In trance the patient cuts the jula, namely the content of the bag ­ i n fac t , the pe.rsecutive agent-in piece s \\'ith the large knife which has been

pl unged into the ground . S he h as her fate and development more firmly unde r control. The therapy grou p thereby reverses the nightl y real m of sorcery and

reta l iation into a means of l i fe-bearing. At sunrise, it i s then up to the patriarch of the couple to �'redeem the evi l condemned'"

( -kuula .fula d_yaphoongu). by

handing over to the therapi st the equivale nt of the obje.ct Vw'hose theft in the

past l ed to the. curse and created the impediment. It may consist of two or

226

Chapter Seven

three pi eces of cl oth. The therapi st then collects the fula, namely the cont of the bag which the patient has cut into pieces and now mastered an d reve

��t

n

He wraps a few pieces of this }Ula in a small piece of cloth and fast e n s i t to th

n-noongu v.,·eaving-hook intended for the patient.

·

e

The sham fight evokes the arousal of and union with the vital reso urc e s of

the worl d. It is a reminder of the ini tial denunciation of the cause of the pr ob . lem (phase 5). Whi le v,rorking through the persecutive experience a ga i n , th e therapeutic group turns the impediment or the misfortune again st it sel f. The sham fi ght thus al so involves the representatives of the matri mo ni al all i an c e the patient, her husband, her uncle, and the one who represents the u teri n e. li ne '

of de scent through which the khita cult has been handed on , as we ll a s th e therapist . This combat involving the n-noongu \\leavi ng-hook to a ce rtai n ex­ tent reflects the mari tal union, while the knife \v ithout a handle and the j'u la (which is understood to represent ity and virility.

foam) have genital connotations of femin in­

Patient and therapeuti c group are engaged both in a quest for healing and in

the transmission of medical ski l l s. These activities occur \\'ithin a context that i nvo lves engenderment, agnatic filiation , and initiation.

First� the therapeutic group once again transforms the patient's searc h for

health into a family endeavor and thus considers the patient's health as part of

a larger fabric . The act of plunging the n-noongu into the earth alternates with

rubbing a bag attached to the patie-nt's n-noongu \\'eaving-hook agai nst the

earth in time v,rith the rhythm of the successive chants. This bag i s full of rinds

and medici nal plants . The participants rub it back and forth against the ground so that the contents are crushed. The therapi st intones chants , from time to time breaking off to explain the medicine, or the master-pupi l relationship ,

or

to remind the family leaders of the honors due to him.

Second, in the initiation the master conveys knowledge and power to his

pupi l . Here are some of the elements of thi s teaching, which are directed in i ­

tially to th e patient and her husband. The therapist begi ns with the follo,-..· ing

chant, v,rhich is nothing more than a list of the i ngredients of a warm purging enema: Chant 16 N-ndolundolu yabonga yi bala;

2 3 4

betu boosu mu

yi bala yi bala, betu boos u .

N-nkheneti yabonga yibala;

betu boosu mu yi bal a yibala, betu boosu. N-kv.·aati, yabo n ga yisaka;

betu boosu m u yisaka yi saka, betu boosu.

M -m vuma� yabonga yibala;

betu boosu mu yisaka yisaka� betu boos u .

Reorigination of Body. Kin .. and Life-\\·orld

1 v.·i l l tak e a piece of bark frotn the trunk. of the n-ndolundolu bush� all of u s� v..- e- \vi11 put thi s bark in the infusion, al l of us . 1 will tak e

3 4

a

piece of bark from the. trunk of the. n-nkheneti bush :

all of us, we will put this bark in the i nfusiont all of us. I y,· ill take leaves from the !J -kwaati tree ; all of

u s,

�·e "'·ill put these leaves in the infusion, all of us.

1 will take leaves from the n1 -mvuma bush�

all of ns, we will put these leaves i n the i nfusion .. aU of us.

The s peci alist continues his instruction by enumerating the plant substances that may not be employed in the douche : n- kooki, m-buungi, and n-dzimba. 'Jbes e plants are not to be used be. c ause the fi rst causes hemorrhaging, the se cond is toxic, and usually indicated by

the use of the last-whose name evokes menstruation, the verb - ziimbakana� �'to miss or err"-might provoke

abnormal bleeding. The following chant provides i nstruction as to the. mean s of .. admi nistering nasal insti llations" ( -ta m-m•·veemwa) against headaches the initiate or her col­ leagues might suffer from . To do this, several drops of palm oi l or wine are poured into the nose through a funnel made of the leaf of an aromatic

plant. Sometime.s this leaf is simply rol led up and placed in the nose for a day or two:

1

Cluutt l 7

Matsutsuutu m-mv..-e emwa.

Yilumbu k yeenda ngaanga kyayaabakanaku.

2

Mabul ukutu m-m�·eem\•ia. Yi lumbu kyeenda ngaanga kyayaabakanaku.

3

�1ahetiheri m-mweemv..-a . Yilumbu k yeend a ngaanga kyayaabakanaku.

4

M-fwangulusu m-m\\·e.emV<�a.

Yi lumbu kyeenda ngaanga kyayaabakanaku .

5

Tundala m -m\\'eem\\'a. Yilumbu kyeenda ngaanga kyayaabakanaku.

6

N-kwaati

m-mweemwa.

Yil umbu kyeenda ngaanga kyayaabakanaku .

1

The aromatic plant nJatsutsuutsu is good for nasal in stillations.

[ Refrai n: ] The day of the master's departure is unkno\\·n. [As the master only

2

gives explanations o nce . the student m u st be attentive.]

The herb mahulukutu is good for nasal instill ations. [Refrai n.]

3

1be savanna bush n1ahetiheti (bearing aromatic le av e s) is good for nasal instillations.

[Refrain . ]

228 4

Chapter Seven

The savanna herb insti11ations.

m-f»'anxulusu

(having

a

hollow stem) is goo d for

llasai

LRefrain . ]

5

The �avanna herb tunikJla i s good for nasal instillations.

6

The savanna tree n-kl1-•aati is good for nasal instillations. (A \visp of i t� bar k IS . , p 1ace d 1 n l h e nose. )

[Refrain . ]

·

[Refrain . ]

Third , th e therapeutic initiation is a n en gendennen t and agnat ic fil i ati on.

The following chant encourages the initiate to adopt an attitude of subm i ss ion tov.·ard s hi s master, in the manner of a docile g oat that kneels, with ben t fo re­

legs ( -bokula), before its ma ster. The master-pupil re l ations hi p is conce i ve d i n terms of a gn at i c fi l iation ; a s the phrase puts i t , ••the pupil has come fro m be­

t ween the legs of the master-therapisf ' ( tuukidi nutmaalu mnngaanga ). t\.1ore­

over, at the end of each explanation, the the rapi st offers to the pupil the pl ant

or the object to v.'h ich he was re ferri ng ; the pupil pulls off a piece, know n as

yitoondu, "communic ation, a ssoc ia tion ,

"

and thereafter master and pup i l en­

tw i ne these pieces of the p lant in their hair in order to �'pas s the commun ic ation

on to the head.'� 1 7

Chant l8

Khoomh\\'e lele mee. khoombu mee. k hoombu .

2 2

Koombu kameeka mee� khoombu. The she-goat says '"maa,,. the she-goat says "'maa,'' the she-goal .

The she-goat bleats� she says ··maa,'' the she-goat.

In the next chant, the spec ialist rem inds the initiates that the ritual instruction

\\'i ll not be fini shed unti l he has received all his honoraria:

1

Chant l9

Yakusv..· eeka bungaanga,

wungyimini n -kaanga; yakusweeka bungaanga. Wundobv..·edi n-kaanga,

yakulobv.rala bungaanga.

I

2

I will hide the art of healing from you if you refu�e to pay ;

I \Vi l l hide the art of h e a l in g from you . If you pay me, I wi l l s how you the art of he al ing

.

Reori gin ation of B ody. Kin, and Life-viorld

fo l lo\\'ing chant is sung wh i l e one crushes the pharmacopoeia phaandzi,

'f}lee eferred to \\'lth a term of respect, yaaya, -'el der brother�' : her r cJuJnt 20

Tuudinik a yaaya dioi ka. Kabwedi thandu yaaya dinika.

3 2 3

Kab\ved i banda yaaya dinika.

All together, elder brother, we cru sh you. Come down , elder brother, so that \-v e may crush you. Come up, elder brother. so that we m ay crush you.

Fourth, the transmiss ion of h e ali n g skill s is a ki nd of domestication of l ife forc. e.s from the ni g ht l y forest realm. The pe.rson in charge of th e ri te starts off

the next chant at the fi rst crow of the cock, when he goes to cut the fula, that

is� the reminder of the. pat i ent's persec u ti v e ai lment, at the entran ce to the ritual hut. Th i s act signal s that the instruction in the ritual spe c ialization is complete :

1 .,

..

3

Chant 21

M-m\\'alaaJ a mundzila ngaanga;

m-m\valaala . Yikweenda kaye.di . .� mi l lipede is on

3

it is a millipe-de .

the path taken by the ritual spec i alist;

He has ....gone awav eood. . for '-"

The crushing of the medic ines and the accompanying chants are inte.nded to

en able the group to share in the regen e rati ng forces of the life-world, both vegetal and cosmic. The p at ien t is me.anv.'hile authorized to make the prepara­ tions herself. The vigil, d uring Vv'hich the healing art has been part ly transmit­

ted to the pati e n t li nks the therapeutic group to this same regeneration. The ,

instruction \\'ith regard to the therapeutic use of pl ants expl ains and defi nes the meaning of the clu ster of h e rbs (n-kaanda. a s yn onym of lubongu ll1Jataangu.

'�a cloth or a surface \\'hose colors are as varied as those of the sun'' )� whi ch i s attached to the ridgepole of the sec l u si on house. Indeed , ritual vocabu l ary re­

fe.rs to this teach ing ei ther as - taang ila n -kaanda, ·'learning what eac.h plant

has to tel l us,H or as -taangila tona.

"

l earn ing what tona has to tel l us .'' Tona i s

pure color, and i t i s the tenn app lie. d t o the color of the early sun . Initiation

into the therapeutic art ends in the early mornin g Vv'ith the preparati o n and the

h and i n g over of bilesi- the ritual objects phaandzi, n. -noongu, and tsaan.ga khita -to sustain the he.alth of the patie nt and assist her (n-lesi) during the

treatme nt she must ad min i ster to hersel f. The p repara tion of the se. bilesi c annot

Chapter Seven

230

be separated from the nocturnal initiation into the therapeutic an, desp · tb.e pltte fact that it only begins after the water rite of transition which takes the first or second morning after the night of initiation. In orde r to

biJesi the initiates and the therapist sit close to the khoofi.

prep:e on e

Fifth, the ph armacopoeia bundles forces from the forest realm and put� th

the

to use for protecting, restoring, and enhancing fertility, both femin i ne and rnese culine. In the khita cult, to prepare the phaandzi pharmacopoeia. the

ther;.s­

n-noongu weaving-hook contain ing the pla st crushed the previous night (just as the yihalu pharmacopeia is prepared in thts

� context of other cults.18 He calls on the little guardian Maleeka to crush th� takes the cloth attached to the

in the oblong mortar used for grinding dried cassava roots. He then wraps th e crushed plants, to which he has added redwood paste, khula, in the cloth, being

careful to add nothing which comes from his own pharmacopoeia. Finally he

.,

wraps the cloth and its contents in an animal skin at the bottom of \vhich lies a lukata, a thick ring of woven grasses that serves as a cushion \vhen carrying various objects or loads on the head. The

phannacopoeia offer preparation of the

a

lukata suggests that the cult and its

kind of self-sustaining version of the life-world. The

phaandzi and its handing over to the ne\\' initiate completes

the initiation into the therapeutic art which began the previous evening. This

portion of the rite has a three-fold function. First of all, it delegates ritual pov-'er

to the initiate-an act of delegation expressed as

-tannd•vasann phoongu,

'lo

disclose all aspects of the cult." Second, by virtue of its components-the ani­

mal skin in \vhich it is wrapped (genet, Vr'easel, Gambian rat or squirrel) and the

lukata ring-the phaandzi pharmacopoeia has the property of trapping the

evil.19 As a result, the pharmacopoeia also enables its owner to fonnulate pow­

erful curses within the framework of the

khita cult. Third, the pieces of bark

in the pharmacopoeia come from large, straight-holed trees, thereby repre�ent­ ing the forest. Thi s reference to a virile realm underlines the sexual significa­ tion of the plants contained in the sack attached to the

n-noongu weaving­

hook; this sack is crushed at the end of the mock battle, a process \\'hich itself is full of sexual connotations. More.over, the red paste-a connotation of the

se.tting sun-and the animal skin, that of the civet in particular, signify the

fetal condition.

Just as the weaving-hook converts the maze in which the patient �s fertility has been entangled i nto a \'�'eave, so the therapy reverts evil into life-bearing in the life-world and group, in connection v.·ith the uterus of the world. Two small

bags are attached to the

n-noongu weaving-hook at the middle of the stick

or

close to the farthest point from the notch. Apart from thefula (the condemned misdeed, foam), these bags also contain other agricultural or commercial prod­

ucts which might possibly be condemned as the sources of evil (jula) because they are the fruits of a past theft and, through a curse, are desti ned to lead to

retaliation or persecution. In reality, these are tiny fragments taken from the

Reorigination of Body, Kin, and Life-world

..,1}

;.--'

of welcome on the her rein tegfation into her homestead and conjugal home (see 7.2 .3 ) . To e"e 0 the therapist adds some kha"'·a, the explosive used in ritual weapons. The �

pre�e;

ts that the coresidents offer to the patient as a sign __

mese ngu weavi ng-hook is coated with khula and is wrapped in manganga­ n-tUJOga grass, gathered from the river bank. The contents of these bags enable

ts

a.:Jfl_noongu weaving-hook to convert the disorder into a reproductive, virile die·� 111e shape of the hook and the mock-battle contribute to this meaning. fore.; ·· 1 ·sa force of re.prod uct1 on that stems tirom the e arth , c onnoting th e pat1ent, : a ancestral sources of l i fe. Moreover, exegesis explicitl y develops this 5 cit. nd �nnotation by stating n-noongu kabutila baana, "the n-noongu is for engen­ �ering children:' We find more e idence of this meaning if we consider th at, ·

1

·

·

v

the end of her period of seclusion, the khita initiate plants the n-noongu in the soil under the marital couch. The khita initiate and the guardian Maleeka receive a t.vaanga khita. a small at

gourd ,�·i thout a neck (see plate 17). Because of its contents, its shape, and the mangangatsaanga grass wrapped around it� this gourd is a reminder of the

maternal be ll y w hose impe dimen t has hencefort h been turned into certain fer­ 20 tility. The initiate keeps her tsaanga khita like a copy of her maternal breast and places it close to the n-noongu in the marital home. Once she is pregnant�

she can pour a little \\'ater into this gourd and drink it if she is in pain.

7.2.2 A coming-out ordeal constitutes phase 9 of khita treat­ ment. It acts as the patient's del ivery and birth in uni son v•ith cosmic 'origina­

tion.' There are two variations . \\'b i le different in fonn, the mean i ng is the

same: water, hence the river, provides for transition, purificatio n , and healing.

The first variation, Y.'hic.h I shall call the ordeal and augury of the .live fish.

takes place approximately two days before the end of the period of seclusion. � Here the p ati en t s coresidents join her to test and augur her reg ained fertility.

They go fishing-literally, -yaha mayaanga, "to fish what lies in the pools.'' Having caught some fish, eve.n only smal l ones� they return to the v illage car­

rying the live fish in a gourd or an earthen\\'are pot tilled with stream water,

covered by a lunguungu leaf and w·rapped in mangangatsaanga foliage . T his gou rd or pot is kept in the ritual house until the following day. If the majority of the fish are still alive by the next day, the patient eats them, as the expression

in dicate s : -diila yaanga dyahata, '"to eat in the vi l l age what comes from the

pool." This takes place close to the ritual house. Using the ,-..· eaver 's nee.dle (thuumbu), the therapist threads a live fish onto a fibre of the futi creeper that

groVvrs on the river bank. He extends this little fish lO\\'ards the patient's mouth,

saying: Mina, mina, mina, yingola ngola, ''S\\'allO\\', s \vallo\"·, swallow; it is an

eel.'' The patient does not in fact s\vallo\\' the fish; holding it in her mouth and

without touching it with her hands, she places it i n the hot cinders and fries it

with the other fish kept in the gourd . This is an unusual \\'ay of cooking fish ,

because normally they are grilled on top of the fire or fried in a pan. The initi ate then eats these fish with manioc paste. This practice of catching and eating fish enacts potent transitions. The fish

caught are referred to as yaanga, •'the pooL that \vhich comes from the pool.�'

The pool is the place Y-'here the stream widens ( -yaangula) and where the \\la ter stagnates, in other words� an intermediate place, on the one hand bet\\'ccn terra finna and the running v,'ater of the stream an� on the other.. between up�tream

and do\\o'nstream. The fish, recalling the transition, remain in the ritual house

for one night, thus linking sunset and sunrise. The act of swallowing the fish can also represent the passage from raw to cooked food, that is, the lifting of the ban on food. The transition from keeping the fish a night in a gourd and

then offering them to the initiate so that she can swallow them intertwines the

states of being contained and containing, and is probably evocative of fetal

condition and pregnancy. In addition, catching the fish and their survival augur

the subsequent course of the therapy. If the majority of the fish in the gourd

are dead, the therapeutic group will ask one of its members to consult the

oracle of the hom to determine the meaning of these deaths. lnfonnants hold

that the oracle can offer only one interpretation: Ho yaanga

d_yan-kola. futtl

kanyeedya. �'if the trial of the pool has failed� it is because the patient has

concealed a misdeed." According to these same comments'! this hidden mis­

deed (jutu) indicates that either the patient \\'as involved in an extran1arital affair (in which the boundaries of the conjugal home have been encroached upon), or that she is still exposed to ensorcellment fthe frontiers of the body

are undone .. or in disorder). Efforts arc made to neutralize the impact of the

offense and the intrusion by offering the therapist some fonn of compensation for this misdeed. The significance of this ordeal by living fish can be compared

to the oracular value of the hunt organized at the end of each phase of the ritual. Just like a productive hunt., the success of the fish ordeal is evidence that all the prescriptions related to the rite have been observed and that the treat­ ment has every hope of succeeding. On the other hand, like failure in the hunt. the death of the fish means that infringements blamed upon the patient or

a

member of the therapeutic group must be remedied if the cure is to be successful.

The second variation� which I call the •vater ordeal of transition, takes place

follo\\o'ing another rite of transition performed at the crossing of the paths at da\vn on the day on which seclusion ends. ��t first cock"s cro\v, the patient� the guardian htlaleeka, and the therapist leave the village and go towards the

stream. They chant in tum as they carry out these morning rituals. In order to prevent the transition from exercising any evil influence, the patient and the �1aleeka caretaker imitate the behavior of the chame.leon as thev ,; leave the rit-

ual house and the village. To preserve their fetal positions, they ""·ear leaves or cloths on their feet and in their hair. The small group halts \\'hen they arrive at

Reorigination of Body, Kin� and Life-\\'orld

the paths on the outskirts of the village. As \\o'e have seen, this nt forms the intersection of the various horizontal and vertical spa­ []1e ssing pOi divisions. It is here, too, that diviners and also khita healers are buried. The s erapis t unrolls his yihalu, the in ignia of his specialization, and spreads his ground to indicate the link V.'hich unites him to the khita spirits dzaku on the "nd to his deceased mas te rs . While the guardian Maleeka stands behind the an d holds her by the h i p the therapist takes the patient's left ann and helps her "pass across the crossways., ( -suun1buka phaamh11landzila) thre e rimes. In the meantime, he proclaims: rossi ng of

c

c� �

;ruient

,

Sumu.

2

[or:l

sumu, sumu.

Khi t\\radiinga '!

f\.1ooyi.

2' 3'

Nyeenge nyengeneke� sina mundzila kitika. Khi tviadiinga? rvtooyi. f\1uufi \\'U� muufi \.\'U. muufi

1

Break the ban. IThrce times!

1'

wu.

2

�bat

2' 3'

Come among us and stay. \\'hat is it that we seek? Life. The patient is a thief. (Three times]

[or:] 1'

are

\\'e pursuing'? Life.

In the terms of these

texts� the patient infringes a taboo by passing through this crossi ng point, and this offense is seen e quival ent to the ft Indeed, by strad­ dling this point of transition and spatial intersection1 the patient to a certain extent gives the lie to her conditi on as a rec l use : having been forced to remain in bed in the ritual house� the patient is placed symbolically at the point of transition, on the one hand, bet\veen v i llage and forest, and, on the other, be­ tween high and low, that is, at the poin t \\'he.re the brac t of the. parasol tree gives way to foliage. By transgressing the spatial constraints inherent to her seclusion, the patien t prefigures her return to customary social life. 21 Arriving at the stream., the initiands prepare for the ordeal of cro s sing the waters. S ince it is equivalent to the ordeal of the li vin g fish, if the patient has undergone the Iauer she \Viii not need to go t hrough all the stages of the water ordeal of transition. \\'hen they reach a pool (yaanga), the t he rapist threads a fibre of jitti c reepe r onto a needle \Vhich he then inserts into a cola nut. Thro\v­ ing it into the \Vater, he pronounces the same \vords use.d during the trial of the living fish: · s wal l ow, s�'allov.', swallow; it is eel." The patient then thro\vs her­ self i n to the \Vater to catch the c ola nut \Vith her te.eth �'hi le it is still floating on the surface. If she fails to catch the cola nut, the therapist call s on her to .

'

Chapter Seven

234

reveal her futu (hidden evil). Having confessed the sin or protested her inno­ cence, the th rapist verifies her affirma ions. If s e nov.' uccee d s in catching

�

�

�

�

the cola nut tn her teeth , a success wh1ch he attnbutes '·to the extraord i na

ry powers conferred upon him by his ritual art" ( mu yipha bungtuJnga), the. pa­ tient's protests of innocence are u p held . The therapist demands a goat or some other form of compensation to combat any hi dde n evil which might ha1nper the e.ffectiven . ess of the therap eu ti c treatment . The succe s s of the trial is an augury: it procl ai ms the success of the treatment, that is, of the revitali zation (cf. cola nut) of the vital \\'eave (cf. needle, creeper.. or raffia) regardi ng life

transmission as epitomized -as \\'e Y.' ill see next -by the river journey to the spnng. The patient then bathes in the stream. The current must both carry off any

impurity still clinging to the patient and revivify her. Before entering the \vater.

the therapist bounds off a propitious or receptive plac e in the stream for the

p atient. S tand ing on one bank, he throws \Vater towards the other.. and by thus

traversing the current he l i nks the two banks, as he

v.roul d

be link up bride­

givers and -takers. He then takes the pat ient by the left ann and makes her

enter the stream .. saying: nyeenge nyengeneke: khi nvadiinga? Mooyi. Ki�sa

yebala mungoluku, "What are \.Ve seeking? Life (from its s ou rce). It is not in

defiance that she has ente re d the �·ater." By al lo\\'ing the pat ient to v.'ash her­

self, the thera pist lifts the ban on Y.'ater involve d in seclusion: it is a first separa­

tion from her fetal state. This invocation attests to th e fact that entry into the

stream also signifies her rene�·ed reintegration into the uterine flow of life

transmission. The therapist tears off a strip of the cloth in v.'hich the p ati e n t is

dressed and calls on her to let the curren t carry off all her clothes and to wash herself. In this way, we are told, the therapist. on the on e

han
sorcerer from using for evil ends the clothes or the water in Y�'hich the p atie nt

has bathed. While she is washing .. the V.'oman looks upstream. Be fore coming out, the therapist collects fallen leaves (tsatsala zaseenguka) from either bank.

cloth. Or he might v.'hich forms part of the khoofi.

He stores them in his yilullu, tog ether with the strip of tom ti e the pie ce of cloth to the m-mvuma tree

Bathing in the stream is thus an act both of j oining and of bounding off one's

proper place in the bloodstream or vital flow from the Y.'omb of the Y�'orld. The patient and the g uardian Maleeka \\'alk behind the therapist in the

stream bed and upstream tov.'ards a s mall waterfall or rapi ds con sidered equiv­

alent to a spring . From time to time, using a bunch of leaves , the therapist sprinkles (-yuba) on those follo\\'ing him, in order to purify the m . LTsing her left hand. the patient gathers branches from the various bushes and plants gro\.v i ng close to the \Vater and ties them round the small of her back. The

signifi cance of this skirt of leaves, known as masambala, is very similar to that

of "the assortment of young shoots of p la nts taken at rand om .. ' mbakunumba­

kunu: healing replaces the illness following the path used by the latter and the

Re.origination of Body, Kin� and Life-v.·orld

patient links herself to the 'buds' that is the youngest offspr ing, of t he uterine ,_ tree of life transmission. �'h en she reaches the small \\'aterfall or the rap ids, the p atien t bathes herself agai n and th en ste ps out of the \•i ate r. The guardian

Male.e.ka

likew i se takes part in the. various stages of the rite. In other words ..

v-·alking u pstream further reconnects the pati e nt \Vith the mate rnal eanh source of all life. It publicizes to the environment or life-world the change which has taken p l ace within the p atie nt .

Reentry in to the vi llage represents a ne\\1· ph ase in the p atient 's attainment of a ne\\' social identity. On the way back from the stream t he t herapist colle cts a number of p lant s (rnbakunumbakunu) vJhich h e uses on that same morning

to produce the tsaanga khita. When the group re aches the first cros s ing of the paths on the ir return route., they stop and ',;take a s mok e bath to redeem them­ selves' ' (-difuta kyaangu). The therapist gathers trampled de ad leaves from the paths which con verge at th at point, sets them alight, and adds certain ingredi­

ents from his yihalu pharmacopoeia. The patien t steps over the fire., expose.s her body to the smoke and waves the smoke into her face with her hand, \\'hile the therapi st proclaims:

2 3 I

2 3

Lubuka, lubuka. Kandzoku., n-hv.,·angala.

Smoke of the leaves I penetrate]. [twice 1

Come out, come out. This house is not a house for living in, it is an empty and abandoned house.

The fumiga tion is supposed to chase away the a ffl ict ion by bringing about its

destruction. The smoke from the fire of d e ad and crushed leaves co llected at

the crossing of the p ath s signifies that no matter what path it has taken" the

m alady has no further powe r over the. pati ent. The ini t i ate has "paid off'�

( -difuta) any debt to t he kin or any ties \\'ith possible retaliation. Throviing the ritual ingredients of the yihalu on the fire shou ld dispel the e vil once and for all. The therapi st 's word s c ompare the pati e nt to an empt y house \\'hic.h has

become inhospitable to any form of ill nes s, because nothing remains in the

woman \Vhich could still j ustify its presence. Indeed.. compensation has bee n

paid for any possible offense and the success ach ie:ved in the hunt forecasts the success of the intervention.

Reentry in the social world is gradual and a function of separation from a

former c.ondition. Close to the village., the patient and guardian Maleeka stop

singing and again im itate the c h ame l e on. The therapist invites them to sit for a moment on a mat p lace d agai nst the wall of the ritual house, in such

a \\'ay

that their backs are still turned to the i nhabited areas of the v i l la ge.. The pa­ tient's head is quite often thereafter shaved as a sign of her sep aration from a

Chapter Seven

236

physical state \Vhich she has now left be hi nd her and as a sign of rebirth; at the

same time, she receives new c lo thing from her husband.

7 .2.3 Phase 10 o.f the cure involves the initiates reintegrluio

into the family circle. hearth, and honJe. It ..

n

is accomplished by means of sacrj

..

fice and a meal all the members of the therapeutic group and the cores ide nts

share; this element is common to all the cults. The sacrifice and co mmcnsalitv

take place at the end of the perio d of seclu s ion, i mmediatel y after the prcpar ­ tion of the ritual objects, and lead up to the re en try of the h ita initiate into

�

k

mainstream society. The cock or the hen offered by the u ncle to the patient

on

the eve.ning of her seclusion is handed to the therapist. On the previous eve­ ning, the bird h ad been attached to the ph armaco poeia during the ritual denun­

c iati o n of the vanquished ev il Like a predator, the therapist .

DO\\'

tears the

ch ic ken s throat v.tith his teeth and al lov.'s the blood to flow over the patient's '

legs and over her ritual objects. The bird is then dressed and cooked� and after distributing bits of grill ed meat to al l th ose present, the therapist then gives

them permission to use their hands to partake of the meat and manioc paste. Firstly'! the c hic en is the object of "a blood sacri fice

k

of the possessed and victi mized patient In its o ri .

"

(yimenga), a substitute

gi nal sense yimenga denotes

the an imal handed over in compen sation for the evil that led to the retaliatory

cu rs e; the animal is ki lled and prepared to be eaten by the beneficiary and the

immed iate family. As though to burden the bird 'Nith the impediment that binds

the woman and in th i s \\'ay to �'unbind'' (-biindulula) her body from all that is hampering it, the therapist coils the hen in a spiral around h er body. Through

the intimate rel at i on between the p atient s body and the se.clusion hut, itself '

a

metaphor of the hen about to lay or brood an egg, there is an n t i mate trdOsfer

i

bet'Neen the sacrifice and the freeing of the p at en t out of the persecutive rela­

i

ti ons hip v.rith the spirit. The guardian Maleeka runs round the house \Vhile

p lu c kin g the fov,tl in or der to further br in g about this transfer bet\veen the sacri

­

fici al animal, the ritual house, and the p atienfs bo dy Having torn off the its .

head and having allowed the blood to flo\\1· over the patient's legs� the therapist int ones the follo\\'ing words, which clearly demonstrate that it is a s ubstitu te

sacrifice: nlt-·a makhoku. 1namuutu tiina, ••drink the bl ood of the fowl, keep the

human blood ,'' or n"�·a n1akhoku, mamuutu fo\\1·1 so that human blood \\'i ll increase a

•'

sin

gi ng hen'' (kholo·va khookula).

."

n1asaaba.

'"

drink the blood of the

Informants stress the need to sacrifice

a reference to the cock v,rhich cro\\'S at

dawn and, hence , the end of the reign of ni gh t The sacrifice of this hen aims .

at neutralizing all murderous a ggre s s io n agai n st a member of the small thera­

p eutic group. More specifically, the animal takes the p ace of the p at ent or any

l

i

other member of the th erapeu tic group in dan ger of becoming the victim either of an evil agent or of a persecution for a misdeed committed by the ascendancy.

The patient s illness is th us tran sferred to the sacrificial bird , and thi s trans­ '

ferral reverse s the patient's relationship with the previously deadly spirit.

Reori2ination of Bodv. Kin., and Life-world �

.

.

secondly.,_, the members of the small therapeutic group enter into a pact _ ·khalrt) by sharing the sacrificed hen in the course of a common meal� any

d into ce within the group is reversed against itself and is trans fo �anledsvolen f solidarity. Having pre.pared the '•hen of the pact, (kh k va khalu). the nne

o \

o bO era i p st extends a piece of the fowl close to the mouth of each participant. To th

do this, he uses either the point of his knife or the c law of a predatory animal.

At the same time he lays a curse upon anyone who, having shared the common -\\'hich is supposed to create an intimate union among those taking

�

art- attacks the life of any other person; that person \viii find his aggression p turned against himself: Khita nyaangi, ngoomb\va nyaangi.

2 3

Phoongu phoong\\'aandi. Kitu kitv..·aandi

1

Learn th at khita is at the origin of illness and treat'! them, that divination reveals

2

f\ltay the tutelary spirits of the cult tum against those \\'·ho misuse them (that is,

them and sho\vs ho"v to treat them.

use it to ensorcell]. May the kitu plant tum against those \Vho use it. (a)

3

Comment:

(a)

Kitu is a fast-growing and expansive plant that, becaus e of its scabs and its homonymy with -kitula, ••to disguise, to transform into a sorcerer,'' is a sign of ensorce llment. He.re� by repeating the tenn kitu, the phrase (kitu kitwaandi) commands the sorcerous action to turn against itself.

Thirdly, this meal strengthens (11Ulkolasa) those who take part. There are

several rules governing the preparation of the fov.'l. These prevent the hen, Vv'hich serves as a substitute for all illness, from transmitting the illness to the

commensals or to those who live in close bodily contact. The therapist adopts the behavior of containment

(yibati): he knots his loincloth bet\\'een his legs

and avoids any exchange through manual contact; he there.fore places the pot

containing the hen on the fire by gripping it between his feet. He uses no knife and avoids breaking the chicken's bones, no doubt because of the cock s conno­ '

tation s of virility. To strengthen those taking part, he adds stimulants such

as

cola nut, pepper, and aphrodisiac-s to the sauce. According to ritual vocabulary� the blood of the fowl

\\'hich

tlov.led over the legs of the initiate serves to "nour­

ish her blood, ( -t.'laatsila 1neenga) and to strengthen her ability to connect \\rith the life source and transmit blood or life. It should also flow ove.r the rit ual obj ec ts phaandzi,

n-noongu, and tsaanga intended for the initiate . In substitut­ .

ing his aggre ssive act for the spirit's aggressive proclivity, the healer rever ses its aggressive tendency into

a

life-giving one.

Those consanguines and cores idents of the patient or the afflicted couple

Chapter Seven

238

unabl e to attend the sacrifice and the common meal will have a later opponu­ nity to associate themselves with the rite. In return for some small gift, the ini tiate will lend them the bone of the sacrificed fo\\ll \.vhich she keeps in her phaandzi; they rub this again st their throats , as a mark of commensality, or against the sole of the foot, su g gesting intimate association.

7.2.4 Phases 7 and 1 I lead the khita initiate back into socil�ty. Reentry into her genetic role and household tasks is foreshadowed t\\o'O days prior to the end of the peri od of seclusion ( ph ase 7)., and is finally fulfilled v,rhen she steps out of seclusion for good (phase 11 ) The woman hereby fin­ .

ishes her initi ation and regai ns her autonomy She can no\\' resume her married .

life and distance herself from the filial or avuncular tie with her initiator. The rehearsal of the initiate's social reintegration generally takes place t\vo

days before the nig ht in which she is ini tiated into the art of therapy (phase 8 )

.

Throughout the preceding day and evening the taboos pertaining to se cl us i on are temporarily lifted, in particular the bans on leaving the village and of seeing

day light : it is a day of transition'" (yilumbu kyatsaandzu). In the evenin g the "

.

therapi s t the initiate and her guardian circ le the ritual house three ti me s ; they then traverse the \\'hole v illage "'collecting gifts'' ( -seenda, n-seendu) and danc­ ,

,

ing to the rhythm of their songs. At each family co mpound the initiate stops and receives small gifts of money or food (money, sections of manioc root. yams, pe anuts, maize, pepper, g ourds and so on) V.'hich she places in the bas­ ,

ket carrie d on her back or on her head At the end of this round of visits, she .

hides her basket in the seclusion house. According to the therapist, this practi ce represents first of all "'the collection of gifts offered in homage" ( -diin�ila

n-laambu) and evokes the tribute offered to a ruling chief. It also foreshado\\'S th e initiate's return to domestic duties. It is moreover meant as a death trap for the evil, and is seen as -kaya hata,

ensnaring any evil influence from villagers

"

\\'hich mi ght still threaten the initiate." Whereas the initiate's illness is very often linked to the theft of foodstuff and with the resultant curse, these gifts to a certain extent neutralize the negati ve valence \\ hich any engagement in social '

life might eventually possess for the initi ate, her family, and the former khita ini tiates of the v i llage. The conflict

-

the spiral of theft., curse. and illness-is

turned into healing thanks to the dynamics of the ritual. This collection of

food stuffs is al s o referred to as -somuna phoongu, rooting out any thing which H

might recall the evil already condemned,'' or -lobula yidyaata /c)'ahata, hpurify­ ing the village of any intrusion or any other form of ev il. The foll ov,ring is "

one

of the chants which accompanies this collection � it refers to the puri fi cation of any evil that might lea d to the reappeara nce of the disorder:

Chant22 Ah Makhedi. kota wadya yitoodya.

239

Reorigination of Body, Kin, and Life-w·orld .AJl! !VIaj(hedi [the khita initiate], come into the village and collect the hen's droppings.

The therapist breaks off fragments of the various foodstuffs collected and attaches them to the initiate's n-noongu weaving-hook. As \\'e \\'ill see, a por­ tion of the food collected will be handed over to the therapist at the end of the period of seclusion; he \\'ill destroy a part and use the rest. The metamorphosis brought about by her initiation authorizes the initiate to reintegrate her social position at the end of the seclusion. The initiate publi­ cizes this transfonnation by altering her appearance, making up her face� and decorating her head. Once the initiate returns from the water ordeal and her hair has been shaved. an elderly \voman, a blood relative or relative by mar­ riage, joins the initiates. When the therapist gives them the order, the initiate and the guardian Maleeka stand up. The old woman assists them in taking off the skirts of leaves and the rags \Vith which they covered themselves on their way back from the stream and in putting on their new clothes. Escorted by the elderly \\'Oman, and Vlalking like chameleons, they go into the savanna to thro\v the rags, the leaf skirts, and sometimes the shaven hair at the foot of "a bush of sorrow'' (n-heeti or m-booti). Facial decoration adds to the initiate�s identification vlilh the gene.rative po­ tential of the hen. Upon their return., they seat themselves on a mat in front of the seclusion house. Whereas during the. period of seclusion they had to "cleanse [that is, anoint and warm up] their body \•lith red" (-yebasa khula). they are henceforth entitled to "cleanse [that is, ex . pose and wann up] their body \\o'ith the light of the sun" ( yeba sa mk'Uini). The elderly 'Noman then paints the faces of the initiate and of the guardian Maleeka. This act is called -ta tsona, '�o make markings.," or -sya ngidi, an expression whose etymology I have been unable to trace. The decorative motif is the. well-kno\vn pattern of facial adornment found also on many small statuettes: these continuous or bro­ ke.n markings trace circles round the eyes and cross at the nose (see plate 14). Using a hen's feather, the elderly woman applies \\'hite (phee1nba) and red (muundu) clay, and sometimes also a blue color made from imported powder. In the meantime the therapist plaits necklaces and bracelets using raffia and futi fibers. He ties a lace round the neck of each initiate, and to this he attaches a leaf from the parasol tree containing a feather of the sacrificial hen. This I eat it is said, is shaped like a heart and represents the heart of the initiate, while the role of the futi fibers is to call down peace upon that heart-mbuundlva­ muutu futi, •'may the heart of man find peace and security.'� The therapist ties other bracelets of raffia and futi fibers round the upper right arms of the tVw'O women. The initiate receives a ritual headdress made of the skin of a civet, weasel. Gambian rat, or squirrel (see plate 18). This headdress runs from the forehead to the base of her skull; it is kno\vn as n-kotu or yimhondu, terms that refer to -

.

240 a

Chapter Seven

l ock of hair plaited over the forehead. The animal skin \\'as offered to h

therapist in payment for his services. Such a skin may also be us ed to \\'rapt

e

the pharmacopoeia. Once the period of seclusion is completed, this heactdJi u� serves as a token of safe-conduct out of all the ill-threat the patient has

ess

bee

�a weasel and the civet may signify a positive fetal condition. whereas the squirre� victim of: because of all the various things attached to the headdress,22

and the Gambian rat signify the reversal of the agent of misfo rtune agai nst itself. The headdress also evokes the comb of a rooster, metaphorically assimi­ , lating the khita initiate s emergence from the seclusion-incubation \•..-ith a chick

breaking out of its shell. The raffia and fibers V.'om by the initiate on her arms as \\'itness (yidiimbu) to her initiation evoke the hen's feathers on its legs. The

therapist applies a spittle ( -seengula) of cola nuts or aphrodisiac plants ( rseen­

glva) on those parts of the initiate's body believed to be the major seats of life force: the forehead� the temples, the heart .. the clavicles .. and the kidney area.

The healer finally acts as a mid\\'·ife for the initiate's delivery and rebirth.

The V.'ay in which the therapist "draws the initiate out'' ( -loondzu/a)23 of th e

seclusion house is like a liberation, a hatching out: the same term also refers

to the act of drawing something out of a hole, bottleneck, or hiding place. For

her coming out, the initiate wears all the marks of her initiation: her headdress, her facial markings, and her ritual objects, namely

phaandzi,

n-noongu.

and

tslUlnga. She also bears a small elbo�·-shaped branch fonned from the V.'ood

of the bushes of sorrow,

m-booti or n-heeti,

and wrapped in mangangatsaanga

foliage on her shoulder. According to commentators, this branch, whose ritual name is n-lasya, signifies deformity and .. by extension, any other fonn of fertil­ ity or birth disorder. The therapist leads the initiate and the guardian Maleeka into the ritual house by the entry facing the village. Imitating a violent struggle, the therapist uses a machete to cut a hole through the v.'all against \vhich the

initiate �s bed is placed. The thre.e then step over the bed and through the hole�

thus passing from inside to outside the hut. The therapist, initiate� and guardian enter. and exit the hut three times, each time chanting:

CJuznt 23

Kongoongo,

a mwaneetu.

[T�·ice]

this pristine seclusion� \•ie carry our child. I See 6.3.4.)

From

Chant 24 Eh TsuumbY.ra, kiima kyazuunga n-leembi.

f\.1ember of the Tsuumb\\·a clan, reawaken to your

winding sheet.

Reorigination of Body., Kin, and Life-world

�

ment:

formula

aSsimilates the period of sec l u sion to a period of gestation.

{be khita initiate is thereafter led off through the village to her conjugal home;

the insi gnia of her initiation and her healing are exhibited constantly. Finally,

the initiate joins her husband to resume her married life. \Vnen she. arri ves at the thre shold of the marital home-or that of her uncle if the treatment took

place in each other and asks them to "ent\\'ine their legs"

his village-the therapist invites husband and Vlife to sit down facing

( -biindasana

maalu). The

husband the-n offers the therapist one or two pieces of cloth in order to "buy '' back (-kuula) the right to stand up. Some healers then call on the couple to

give life to the c.hild n-noongu without further ado: this child will thus bear the name of the n-noongu weaving-hook, \Vhich the initiate will preserve under

the matrimonial bed. Whe.n the initiation occurs in a place other t han in the

husband's village, the khita initiate will return to the marital home only after

she has passe d through the therapist's village.

Once. the period of seclusion has ended, the in itiate is reintegrated - into her

domestic group and homestead: on that day the men Vlho go hunting are certain

that the hunt will be successful, and this ,�·ill be. a sign of the success of the initiation.

7.3.5 In ph.ase 12, the initiate emancipates herself frotn the

therapeutic relationship. The agnatic relationship of master-pupil and the avuncular or uterine relationship of therapist-patient change in such a �'ay that the patient finds herself once again �'ove.n into her netvY·ork of alliances, mater­

nity. and residence. This reintegration ties her in vY'ith the customary gender roles, a situatio n from which the initiate, because of her androgynous identity,

had been �,ithdrawn during treatment. At the moment he draVw'S the recluse out

of the seclusion house� the therapist recalls the filiation that exists betvw'een him and the. initiate and threatens her with misfortune if she ever betrays this bond:

2 3

4 1

2 3 4

Khita nyaangi ngoomb\va nyaangi . Kanguula dyaambu keti pfuundu. Kakotala kupfuundu, n-boonda:

Keti mwanaama, keli n-khetwaama, n-hoonda.

:May you learn that khita makes ill and heals, and that divination discloses ho\v to treat.

If the initiate kno\vs of an attack meeting

sorcerers

on me,

if she fails to \vam

have decided to ki II me;

me

if in a secret meeting she herself proposes killing me. kill her. If she "'ishes evil

on

my child or my wife, kiJI her.

that in a secret

Chapter Seven

242

To heighten the impact of this V.'arning, the therapist holds a cord \\' i th wooden hoo ( m-mv�ma) ; this e attaches either to t e initiate's .left l i ttl e fi n or to the stnng holdtng her loincloth. Because of 1ts name, y1kho. th i s hook represents the trigger that set� off the net or bo\\' trap: any evil act on t he pan of the initiate against her maste.r "·ill inevitably 'e.ntrap' the author and prove fatal to her. The therapeutic bond has to be loosened so that initiate and heale r may each regain autonomy. Soon after the end of the period of seclusion, the khita in i ti­ ate, ac.c.ompanied by her Maleeka guardian, goes to see the ther apis t at hi s home. The therapist transforms the intimate avuncular ties that link hi m to the patient hence.forth into a bond as \\'ith in-lav..·s, as of a \1life-giver! buko. The therapist thus limits himself to the role of the one v.'ho gives the pati ent in marri age to the spirit of the cult and therefore. expects to receive his share of the benefits 'Nhich the ini tiate v.'ill enjoy from her healing or, more specifical l y. from her initiation. The patient, no\\1· emancipated, is authorized to resume marital life and re.neVw' her links 'N'ith society. Payment of the healer's services and a successful augury from the hunt are preconditions for the severance of the therapeutic ties . Tn1dition holds th at the initiate should come to visit her healer on the "third day" (yitatu) after the end of the period of seclusion. In fact, the ini tiate is entitled to revisit the therapist the very next day; in other cases she may "·ait for a y;eek or more-the rea� on being that such a visit cannot be made until al l the honoraria (yita) due to the therapist have been paid. The step may also be postponed until a hunt has been successful. This visit to the therapist is referred to as -fila phoongu, hescaping from the ritual relationship," an e.xpression recalling the one used to descri be the inte.gration of the young married \\'oman into the marital home: -fila mH-'anan-khetu kuloongu, 'lo take the young woman out of her father's house.� , Both cases involve the "sending of a basket of foodstuff" ( -loongala n -yendi) (see 3 .3). ill fortune has been finally induced to destroy itself. The initiate hands over to the therapist part of the food which she collected in the village t\\'O days before the end of the period of seclusion (during phase 7). At dav.'n, in order to di ssolve the ill-fated nature of agricultural products-\\'hose theft has brought about the spiral of curse and persecution-the therapist places the basket containing the products on a midden on the outskirts of the village. He adds the. patient's n-lasya, the elbo\v-shaped stick which she carri ed as she came out of seclusion and the sign of her khita di sorde r. Using a we.ed� he sprinkles them \\l'ith n-zo ondza, a liquid preparation consisting of the excre­ ment of domestic animals mi xed with v.rater. This gesture casts ill fortune upon the ailment and again signifies that every form of evil finally is self-corrupti ng. The therapist also takes some of the gifts from the basket and buries them in the savanna at the foot of a bush of sorrov-,'s. The next morning, w·hen the khita

�

?

�

ge�

Reorigination of Body, Kin, and Life-v;orld ·niti ate o ffers him a hen to signify the change which she i ntends to bri ng about 1 thei r rel ati on s hi p. s he says : in •

l(haaka, leelu ngeyi watsi irnba.

Je.elu wundobwedi kuphoong u .

2 3

Yisa tolula n-toondu . Taa kboku. Kola.

?vleni yulubYt·edi kuyidyaat a.

Master, in these days you have taken me in, and nay,· you have withdray,·n m e from the infl uence of the cult \\ hic h you represent. I ha,.-e com e to take my leave. (a) Here is the hen ; may your health be fonified . I am making you leave my marital space to prevent you from becoming an '

2 3

intruder.

Comment: (a) -Tolula n-toondu is the name given to the act of brea ki n g the leaf fun nel

that is used to collect the p alm sap in a gourd for the making of palm i y;ine. By break ng the funnel, the in iti ate , having bee n •'engendered" i nto .

the therapeutic art by her master, affi rms her rediscovered autonomy in

relation to him ( se e .

Devisch 1 988:278).

As a sign of thi s transformati on i n their ties , the the rap i st in tum pre se n ts a -

live hen to the khita initiate and says:

I 2 3

Taa, ngeyi \liatsuumbukila; rnenibi yakusuumbuka. Taa khoku .

1

Thus we have straddled each other.

2 3

"W?eenda buta batsuki ye ndzala.

Here is the hen.

Go and bring fo rth children Vv'ith hair and nails [healthy children].

Master and pupil, separately, \\'ill pre pare the hens they have received; then, to .

mark off the bounds of their re spective families, each will eat her or his hen in

the course of meals with the members of their homesteads .24 The in itiate will first spend one night in the therapist s vil lage and after returning h ome , will '

have the family me al Before this, and in order to l iberate herself from the .

.

i

avuncular relati onship between pat ent and the.rapist, the \\'Oman free s herse lf

from the prescriptions g overning such relationships. By dra\\l'ing wate.r for the therapist she transgresses and thus lifts the taboo against \\'Orking and touch­ ,

ing \\'ater, and w i tne s se s to her social rebirth and new position in relation to the stream of life tran smissi on

.

244

Chapter Seven

U po n her return to the marital ho me, the

khita initiate is no long er litni ted

by any explic it prescri ptions. The day of her arri val she is \Velc oin e d \V it h dances, and her return is celebrate-d that evening . She emerges from t h e seclu­ sion and its tests matured, honored, and pacified, ready and prepare d to take

up anew he r re-producti ve role and hou seh old tasks \Vith greater co nfi d e nce .

S i nce she i s no\v seen by society as virtually capable of bearing he alth y ch il­ dren, or at least as one who can hand down the uterine l ife source to a c hi ] d that she may adopt from a younger si ster i n case she would rema in b arren .

There i s a firm relation even if the child does not necessari ly stay m ost of its chi ldhood v,rith the adoption mother. �1oreover, \\'hile during the khita c u re sh e had renounced all woman's work and h ad taken on an androgynous ide nti tv. she is no\\' rei ntegrate-d into the gendered division of activitie s and

space�.

Initiation nevertheless leads to a consecration or lasting devotion to the khita

cult which is henceforth focused on the cultic objects� in particular n-noongu,

phaandzi� tsaanga. and yimbondu. She wi l l further observe certain cult tabnos,

having chiefly to do with food, and a code for handl ing social contac ts th at should enable her to escape once and for all from problems concerning ferti l ity

and birth. 25 Her return to the marital home indicates that the initiate is fully invested

(yiyaalu) into the khita c ult. It remains for the lineage ch ief of the c ult

to

· bound off' the initiate from the mal evolent action of the khita spirit: he places

a plated fibre bracel et around her ankle

in order to prevent repercussions of the

ailment or aggre ssion. The i nitiation closes with dances and chants.

7.3 Relapse of Illness Reappearance of the il lness (cf. appendix

A) does not mean that the kh ita treat­

ment has bee n ineffective, at least from the perspective of the cu lt. If the re su lt is less than expec tecL when all the prescriptions have been strictly observed, i t is supposed that not all the antecedents o f the problem within th e fami ly

were

taken into accoun t . The treatment itself is considered infal l i ble because it is

prescribed an d guaranteed by the div inatory etiology. The competent therapi st preside s over the organization of the seclusion on the basis of very strict rules which he himself has been taught through rite s of initiati on . Were he to break one of these rules, he \\l'ould expose hi mself to the persecution for that offense.. Moreover, as a precaution, the treatment only advances \\'hen the time seem s ripe-indicated by the succe ss of the hunt -and these sign s are interpreted as marks of approval on the part of the khita spiri ts and the ancestors. Again, once

their rights have been respected and their legitimate claims have be en satisfied, the fam ilies involved can no longer thwart the therapy except by sorcery. The treatment, however, takes all precautions to rule out any en sorcel l ment. Since the ritual therapy i s seen as an institution handed down by tradition, the efficacy of the cure can never be questioned. On the contrary� it is take n for

Reorig ination of Body� Kin, and Life-world

ran te.d. If the initiate does not rec ove r, this \vill in fact not le a d to skepticism,

:ritici sm. o r a change of opi nion . Any statistical a s s e s s ment or estimate o f obability see king to establish the n um ber of succe sses or fai l ure s i s qu i te

pr fore ig n to the mind-set of therapists and the ir clients . Sin ce the o racle entertai ns a n umber of e tiol ogic al dimensions , since the

interp re tation of the di sorder involves several ascendant generations, and, rnoreove r9 since the treatment gives priority to the transmission of the di sorder

wi th in th e khita cult, the failure of the tre at men t could not \\'eaken the divin a­ t ory orac l e . lvloreover, the initial divi n atory diagnosis g e neral ly attributes the apP e arance of a di so rder to several different curses and ensorcellments for Ylhich ritual treatmen� should th e tro u ble pers i st, has pro bab l y not provi ded all the nece ssary c ompen sation s .

]f the gynecolog ical prob le m rec urs, or appears i n o t her forms , onl y a ne\\'

divinatory orac le is capable of reve al ing the causes . Wh ile the se.cond divina­ tory oracle , on the basis of the same g iven facts, rarely provides an etiol ogic al

interpretation di fferent from the first, it can nevertheless take int o consider­ ation other factors or other aspects of th e same facts.

If a s eco nd therapeutic treatment within the same cult still proves i ne ffec ­

tive , sp ec ialist s from other cults can be called in9 on co ndi ti on

or

the

head of

the

that the hu sb and

husband 's fam i l y are ,-..,·ealthy enough to meet the costs . It

can happen, however, that in such a c ase the husband \\'oul d prefer to

his g oods

to acquire a

ne\\'

spend

s pou se. A second period in the seclusi on house i s

only possible i f the oracle has reve al e-d that the first period of seclusi on \\'as presi ded over by an uncle who , without due entitlement, had c au se d the treat­

ment to fai l . Wben the affl icted \\'oman, \\'hile still young� has be e n abandoned by her husband 9s family, s he may return to her parental homestead. If her cure be attributed to care paid for by her famil y of ori gin, this abandon me nt repre­ sent s

a

valid cause for divorce . On the other hand1 how·ever, if after four or

five years of treatme nt the i l l nes s proves incurable, the sterile w omen beco me s ·

and within her residential gro u p ; the such a \\ o m an see no reason to take her

margi nal ized with i n the group of cowive s

classificatory fathers an d brothers of

'

in. Since, how·ever� the di sorder with which she is afflicted has its origins out­

side of herself, in family or ancestral antecedents, and s i nce several in itiations

have made her the focal p oi n t for co l lec t ive beli efs in extrah uman realities, she

will arouse both fear and re s pe c t As the woman has in some se nse been .

her di s order confers upon her a social statu s and respect that tran­ scend g en der ca tegorie s and the fron tiers between the human and extrahuman .

sacralized ,

7.4 Fertility Rituals and Analyses Compared :

A Look at \'1ctor Thrner Accord ing to Victor Turner

tri lineal Ndembu are

( 1 968: 1 98), fe m a le puberty ritual s among the ma­

a me.ans

fo r social rep roduc ti on that dramatize the girls ' .

246

Chapter Seven

transition to moth e rh ood while publicly en dor s in g the l e gi tim ac y of certai n

crucial principles of Ndembu soc ie ty. For him, the Ndembu thereby se e k t o overcome some reverberating tensions in and bet\\'een the succe ssive ge ne ra­ tion s , the ute-ri ne kin , and loyalti es towards the father, the husban d� an d th

e

reside ntial group. These "l ife-cri sis'' ritua l s attempt at a socialization of \\'Om ­

e n's places in the m atril i ny and s oc iety. Communal cults articulate the intere sts of the matrikin in a s i tuatio n in which the genitors and the mothers ' brothe rs

each seek power, loyalties, or ""·e alth for themselves. Affliction cults help t he

patients and those concerned to accept the duties of motherhood i n societ y, as these are regulated by male i nterests. Hi s very sensitive reports and a n al y s e s of the interlocking s oc ial system and rituals are extremely rich and insig h tfu l .

Al thou gh much of his ethn ograp hi c data are evoc at ive of bodily symboli stn .

Turner's cogn i tivi st analysis doe s not disclose hoV·l N demb u rituals are opera­

tive beyond the leve l of s ocial value and cog ni ti ve or pre dicative m e a nin g . To

be sure , his analysis suggests that these rituals may lead the v.'omen to a partic­

ular consciousness of their rol e as chi l dbe arers in the uterine line of succes sion

from the g randmother s and mothers (see Turner 1 968 : 8 1-85 ). Ho\\'ever, he

does not sho\\' how much the maternal body is both a source and te mp l at e of

mean i n gful action in the therapeutic dram a that empowers the female initi ands

or patien t s v.rhile re al igni n g in particular \\'ays the forces of growth and repro­ duct i on in the bo dy, the family, and the life-world. I argue th at the hea l i ng

ritual is not fully reducible to a means by which the soc ial and cogni tive order

restates itself: in parti cular. the imaginary re giste r and t h e body are a sou rc e of a plus value, of a quality change in the relation ships in and between the fi eld� of body, group. and life-\\'orld. In the Yaka view, heal ing is the n on a uth ore d manifestation of the life-source : it activates the ""·eaving-loom of l i fe.

Turner reports in great detail on two cults conce rne d \V i th fem a le re pr od uc ­

tion, name ly the nkula affl ict i on cult and the nkang 'a puberty ritual as found among the m atri l ineal and v irilocal Ndembu of n orth we stern Zambia who� like

the Yaka of south�·estem Zaire, have been strongly exposed to Luunda influ­

ence. He presents rituals in part as a n arra tion that moves people to social

acti on and in part as a rewriting of a sc rip t about how \\'Omen have to give away soci al po\\'er to the men , be they father, husband, mother's brother, ritu al

specialist, or hun ter. Turner conveys an image of Ndembu society in w h ich the

ri tuals provide a n arrati on of a soci al s tru ct u re and power stru g gl e outreaching

the all too s ubj ective and i dios yn cratic experience of the body, me anv.,h i l e so­

c i a l izin g the senses, passions, and emoti ons. The rituals of affl ictio n express

hov.' much the s y stem of filiation and residence gi ves rise to a con tra di c to ry

and messy world of difficult separation from, and probl ematic interd ep e n de nce

\\'ith, the ute ri ne \\·orld of mothers, grandmo th ers , matrikin, and shades . In Tumer �s view these ri tu als are quintessential cus toms , basically inte-rmin gled \Vith the group processe s of human bonding, loyalty, and pov.'er: they make

Reorigination of Body,

247

Kin, and Life- world

r se the group 's bas ic ethics through the logos of meaning. The rituals c a­ p e nt th art i cal ly vent and constrain socially destructive urges in individuals, and re ­

dreSS s ocial disunion and contradiction. They also compel the initi ates and t he

wi de r audience to dramatize the core. values of motherhood paired w ith matri­ l iny.. sol idarity, and seniority. These rituals bring to light and try to circu mve nt

the structural contradiction in Ndembu society ubet\\'een n1atrilineal descent, �·hich governs residenti al affiliation, succession to office, and inheritance of p rope rty, and virilocal nzarriage, which determines the post-marital residential affiliation of v.'omen" (Turner 1 968: 265). They therefore do not on l y bring ab out adjustments bet\\'een men and women, mothers and daughters , residen­ tial uni t and matrikin, but "mobilize and dire.ct the total energy release.d by all

the specifi c conflicts" towards reaffirmati on of soci al cohesion, imbuing the core symbols ' \\'ith \vannth and desirabi lity',

(268).

It is as if the purpose of

these rituals is to ac hieve a \vorld of order, rules, and regularity. Ri tuals per­ form on the stage of consciousness and morality by capturing the po\1.;er an d

gratification of desire, the bonds of l oyalty and duty, and by linking these up with a wider system of me aning rooted in the past. For Turner, rituals feed

emotional ly on the body (cf. the orectic pole), in order to escape from or mas­ ter the (maternal ) body in an exchange of meaning and social integration .

In the nkula cu lt (Turner

1 967:4 1-3 � 1 968: 52-88),

a \Voman suffering from

menstrual disorders, barre nness, miscarriage, or difficult delivery. or who give s birth to a sic kly infant, undergoes a paradoxical rit ual of redress and identi fi­ cation \\'ith maternal values . It is a �red' ritual of ' b lood, ' as Turner de scribes

it: the uterine shade. first affl i cts and then through cultic intervention assi sts the affl icted . Turner stresses that

nkula

has basically to do with a highly drama­

tized handing do\vn of the ' genesic' function in the maternal line from the maternal grandmother-in the figure of the possessing shade-and via the mother to her daughter and the latter's children. Behind the patient's house a small "hut of the

nkula shade' '

is erected. The patient and her male he lper are

several times led to the spi rit hut. She i s \Vashed \Vith medicine , and drinks it. Medicines aim at Hkil ling the \vitc hcraft" and the mi sfortune it causes, and at

arousing l i fe-givi ng potency in the. patient : cold and hot, white and red medi­ cines aim at reversing the misfortune. In ' •doi ng the dancing with an axe in the hand," the patie nt is led to ritual l y adopt the very vi rile behavior of the hunter

and

warrior, inasmuch as hunting and giving birth are conceived to be analo­

gous processe s . �1ean�·hile she is facing a core symbol of idealized mother­ hood and of he.r expected ro le of life-bearer in the matriliny. Namely, these

values and core sy mbols are exempl i fied in front of her in the form of a treated calabash that symbolizes the Viomb: a carved figure of an infant is contai ned in it bathing in a glutinous red mi xture to which 'residues� (nai l c lippi ngs , hair� shadow, excreta) of the ini tiate are added. The figuri ne is made from the

kula tree

tnu ­

\\'hose ' blood ' (red gum) coagulates quic kly. For the Ndembu , it

Chapte r Seven

248

evokes the 'Nay menstrual blood should coagu late in the womb to fonn a c hi l d. Men carve th i s figuri ne with the hunter's smal l skinning knife, there by re as­

serting their importance in soc iety ·s reproduc tion. According to Turn e r, t he cu lt is above a ll a positive and pervasive force in social action ·'overco mi n g di v i s i on s and restoring sol idarity in the local commun ity' ' ( 1 968 : 80).

The rich ethnographic data provided by Turner allov.' me to recognize a pat ­

tern of bodi ly symboli sm that is s imilar to one found among the Yaka, hut

overlooked by Turner. The relationship betv.'een the patient 's body and the

for

shade-hut, into which she is led backwards

seclusion, is one of enc un1passment. The patient 's body is treated with medicine-s from trees chosen e ith er bec ause

of their abundant fru it -representative of many

of a l arge central root, which stands for the

children-or becau se

nkula shade (62). A pot \\iith tncdi ­

cines i s put o n the fire i n the shade- hut to the side of a meal mortar containing

leave s and some of the root parings. The pati ent sits by the mortar .....

a part

of the

wh ile women do the pound ing, and the male ' 'doctor puts h is hand in the Tnor­ tar and gives the patient a l ittle medicine her head,

so

to

drink," or Hpours some on top of

that she w i ll receive her shade" (63 ) . S he is then v.'ashed \Vith

medici ne s from the cooking pot: the vegetal bits

of the

medic i nes should dry

and adhere to her body. The uterine ancestral shades enter the patienfs body \\'hi le she is

in

of possession , but they al so inhabit the shade-hut w hi ch l\1ovements in and out of the shade-hut, putting medic ines

a state

encompasses he.r.

in the mortar, pot, or house., and extracti ng preparations from these contai ne rs

and givi ng them to the woman to drink or spl as hing them over her body metaphors both for purging the patient 's body of intru sive elements making her i nto an agent capable

are

and for

of inclus ion and life transmi ssi on . The shade

moreover arti culates ties with uterine descent. The patien t hereby experie nces �embodiedness ' and embodi ment, feeli ng contained and hersel f able to con­ tai n . This logic intertwines the patient's longi ng to be a baby and to have one. that

is,

to relive a fetal condition and symbiosi s with her mother, on the one

hand, \vith her wish to becoming herself a mother, on the other.

lVkang

'a

is a communal cul t and pu berty ritual for girl s: it prefigure s or

accompanies their transition

to

marriage .. childbearing� and becoming a pro­

vi der of (whi te) food . Inasmuch as it enacts the core moral values of matri l i ny and m otherhood, Turner labels it as a · white ' ritual of ' mi lk ' that celebrates the girl s ' coming to age. Around the

mudyi life tree ( w ith its m i lky l atex ), the

girl s are led to ritu ally and vividly portray the

tensions arising in a matriccntric

family living virilocall y, namely between them se l ves or the homestead �'here they were born

or

grew up, on the one hand, and the group of thei r husband

v..· here they soon \viii settle, on the other. Through moments

of avoi ding versu s

sharing contact i n the same ritual scene . mother and daughter, uteri ne k i n and in-laws, the ini tiates and other participan ts learn to tran s form conflict into co­ hesion while gai ni ng self-understandin g. Whi le meeting

in

the vi llage shelte r�

Reorigination of Body, Kin, and Life- \\·orld

249

men m ake critical comments about the femal e sex .. while women in their so n g s at first mock marriage and p rai se adu lte ry bu t later emphasize fert i l i ty.

A m ock

battl e takes place between t he men of the bride ·s and the groom 's party : th e la tte r shou ld win. The \vedding night that fol lows i s a te st of the groom 's v i ril e poten cy. A s such .. ritual s offer a social metacommentary, a narrative of the peren nial social dram a (Turner 1 9 80a) . The form of commun al rituals is con­ si sten t with the s tructure of the society : these ritual s resolve conflicts and gen­

e.rate. emotional c atharsis so that ''actors in a ritual do feel \\l·hat they are sup po sed to fee l" (Turner 1 9 68 : 23 8) . Adopting an agon isti c vie\\' on the d ynami c and dramatic role of soc i al life,

its confl icts and the i nherent tende-ncy o f groups t o segment. and stressing the re dres sive function of ritual , Turner elaborates upon central themes p reva i l ing

in the ·'Manchester School in South-Central Africa� '-the name \\,.erbner ( 1 9 84) has coined the group of scholars working under �tax Gluckman ­ which he be l onged to during t h e period of his research amon g the �de mbu. Pol itical an t hropology vY'as a c e ntral concern in th i s school . Ndembu pe opl e are portrayed in mic ropolitical

fi elds : hut -plan s and villages are mapped� and

inhabitants are located in space .. genealogical charts .. and netvw'orks of rivalries and al le.gian ce s ; the characte r of maj or protagon ists is eve n identifiable . Turner sees life-cri sis and affl iction rituals a s attempts to redress confl icts, although

they may s u s tain proces se s invol v ing changes in the social arrangements . These ritual s handl e the asymme try and "p ropen s i ty to\vards confli ct '• that

characteri ze the social relation s between me n and \vomen, matrilineal descent and the viriloc al re side- nce group. In st re ssing hOvY' much the ritual s togeth e r with juri diction tran sform soc ial confli ct into a regularizing process of normal­ i z ation , that is, of reorderi ng and re stating values and norms.. Tu rn er�s sociolog ­ ical and emancipator)· vie\\' has a ' modernist ' flavor. A l though he s tres se s the

cathartic and transfonnative fu nction in some healing rituals , he does not el ab­ orate upon their c apaci ty to al lo\\' differences and to reject a totalizi ng

o rde r : for Turner, ritual s, like j uris prudence, support the po\ver

(male) strategi e s and

the central i zed, ge rontocratic orde.r of me n. I n othe r \Vords , if he does mention th at the liminal phase in rituals may foster some liberating ins i gh t, his empha­ si s i s however on the redressive effect and hov.' much co re symbol s through

the stat e de mand s

of fu sion experien ced by the coinitiands convert all too subjectiv e and ex perience into com mu nal and

Through his mother, an actress ,

Turner

conservative ones.

l oved acti n g and all a spe c ts of dra­

m atic pe rfo rm ance . Ho\\'·ever he sticks to a p e rfo rmance model proper to l iter­ ary culture .

In

his later, pos t - N de mbu writings he c ame to develop a theo ry of

the way social drama and stage drama are

l inked (Turner 1 974 ..

1 980. 1 98 2�

1 98 5 ) . Heal ing ritual s and the centripetal gaze and narrative s of the ritual spe­ cialists have the quality of the theatre : l hembi, husband and V.'ife Kamahasany i and Maria, Kasonda, �luchona. l\1ukeyi � f\.1 undoy i , Nyakinga, Sandombu� and

250

Chapter Seven

others are narrative voices and/or key actors in the heroic cycles of the so c i a]

drama- with whom readers can identify. For his portrayal of the Ihamba ri t ual (Turner 1 968 : 1 56-97) , Turner shares the analytic center stage v.,ri th Ih e m b L the

div iner orchestrating the healing : he subsumes h imse lf in the narrative voi ce .

\Vhatever influence this association benveen ritual and stage drama has gai ned from the scholars of dramaturgy and liturgy, I would contend that it is prec isely this argument that has prevented Turner from reaching a more profou nd un de r_

standi ng of the genuine nature of Ndembu ritual . His analyses allo\\' a vi vid viev.' on ho\\' symbolic acts under conditions of intense social and ritual com­

muni tas move experience and values . Symbolic acts- the atoms of human ac­

tion and social proces s-insti gate action because of their intert\vi nin g �

ideological and sensory qualities. He looks at hov.' they condense and synthesize their ideological or normative aspects with physiological , sensory� or af­ fective ones, thereby produc ing "genuinely cathartic effects , causing real

transformation of character and social relationships·' ( 1 968:56). It v.·as from

Freud that he derived the idea of the unification of disparate signi ficata and evocative ambiguities within a symbo l. and of its polarizati on into ide ological

and orectic poles (Turner l 980b) . Nonetheless, however rich his analys is of

ritual symbols is, he fai ls to see their logic sui generis in their broader setting of symbolic subsystems and cosmology, just as he fai l s to see ho\v ritual sym­

bols in inventive and empowering \\·ays reach beyond representation and cog ni ­ tive meaning. Life is seen as perfonnance and staging, that i s , as '�soc ial

drama.!' Symbols and ritual s, in Turner's vie\\·, are a narrative in trials of strength, control, and conflict in the social drama. A ritual of affliction and

redress , like a communal ritual, provides a narrative of the core values of soc i­

ety i n the sensuous disguise of symbolic obj ects , gestures, plants to be admi n­ istered as emetics and ointment, or in cupping, enemas. and baths. These symbolic devices mobilize energies, affects , and motives so as to make the

social virtues most desirable whi le realigning people in ''social processes of unification," in a communal concern "with the health of the corporate body. \\·ith sec uring balance and harmony between its parts'·

( 1 968 :270). The pivotal

ritual svmbols-the mudvi ., .,. life tree, white clav. and the muvombu ancestor - .

_,

tree -summarize uterine values and solidarity, and "customs in a single repre sentation, an d mobilize strong emotions in support of the social order'�

( 1 968 :235 ); they moreover allow for an ingress of power into the i nitial situ a­ tion (Turner 1980) . "In ritual . . . society reappraises its ideology an d structural fo� and finds them good" ( 1 968 :237) . Ritual drama, in Turner's vieVw'. basically conveys or narrates meaning in a dramarurgical way: ritual is based in and generates narratives ; it develops tex­

tual pol itics, and stage after stage a consensu s marks a given sense. It develops in an order of sequences or success ion, negotiating a cogni tive me lding of past and present, anticipating the future , and conducing the panicipants to conform

25 1

Reorigination of B ody. Kin, and Life-�·orld

to the ideas and norms conveyed. Neither bodi liness� senses.. and emotio ns n or cos m ology are considered a...;; genuine sources of symboli zation ; these serve rather as disgui sed expressions of and implements for the social . For Turner� the ] onging for soc ial order or cohesion is fraught Vw'ith structural contra­

dic ti ons� conflicts of norms, and indeterminacy and i s the major source of sy mbolic production . The more complex society bec ome s, the more the dramaturgical an d n arrative. frami ng and symbol i zi ng become el aborate (Turner 1 9 80a) . It would appe ar that in its rituals soc iety no nn atively reenac ts its basic script while reaching some ne\\' insight and compromise formation between subjective desi res and fears� on the one had'l and the socialized de­

mands of reason and group� on the other.

I contend that� in his study of non l iterate Ndembu culture, Turner adopts a

view on cognition and information partly derived from lineal w·riting and l i ter­ acy in the West. N dembu communal and affliction ritu al s display aspec ts of liturgical or theatri cal staging . The exegetical meaning almost di scloses the

master narrative or basic representational truth of the ri tual , and ritual spec ial­ ists and other skilled infonnants are the privileged holders of the hidden script

\1/'hich they have in herited- and committed to memory-from their master

and which they nO\\' convey to the initiate . The ritual specialist is seen as the ..

mas ter arti ficer" of a play that i s bas ically nonnative narrati on : �"social actions

of various kinds acquire form through the metaphors and paradigms in their actors ' heads'' (Turner the main actors"

(64)

1 974 : 1 3),

through the "cul tural model s in the heads of

that propel actors al ong a certain path or passage. Al­

though Turner suggests that the se root paradigms go beyon d the cognitive an d even moral domain s, he does not offer keys to di sclose thi s subli minal poten­ tial. and yet he studies i t as a l anguage and inasmuch as it is brought to cogni­ tive consciousness. \Vhen performed the ritual acts as a declaration of the past ,

in the presen� a revivification of memory or a revitalization of "deep myths�� '

thereby articulating an intrinsic affi nity betwee.n t h e succe ss ive events of the

life of a group and the life cycle of an indi vidual . The anti structural momen ts

in healing and transiti on rituals through inversi on and primary encounter­ after stripping away convention al hierarchy status, and roles-l ay bare the ,

deep structure or root paradigms of the culture., for both the participants and the anthropologist. Moreover.. such an experience of exi stential communitas and liminality fosters ne � images, helps to found and re-empowe.r the insti tu­ ·

tionalized soc i al and cul tural structures, and enhances the members' adhes i on and cohesion in society : by revitali zing \\'Om-out pattern s, commun itas para­

doxically serves to emphasize the need for structure and becomes itself a main­ tenance mechanism .

Turner's attention is basic al l y fixed on people's cogn itive understanding and

moral inspiration rather than on genuine creativity or on bodi ly s ymbolism and processes. In his view, ritual symbols operate on and through minds by me ans

Chapte r Seven

252

of illoc uti onary acts and by insti l l ing a se nse of duty in v,rhic h memory� a nti ci ­

pati on, and comm itment combine. Ritual meaning is basically abou t s o c i al order, social cohesion, and the soc i alized pe.rson . Contingent eve nts are to o

singular to become ritual, and yet they are a possible source of disorder and serv itude . The subject i n focus is not the experiencing one but rath e r t he p e r­

former or co-actor \\'ho enters a discurs ive fonnation or a play role th at u rges reflection and conformation. The self is social, genderc cL a member of a re s i­ dential an d kin group . A person's i nvolvement in a group is fi nal ly one of bc i nu

capable of narra ting it, ei ther by attuning him- or herself to the group th ro u g h e

involvement in ritual or by te l l i ng axiomatic stories such as proverbs , dil en1 m a

tales, or genealogical information._ or by conce iving and experienc i ng h i m -

or

herself i n term s of life stories. The ethnographer is n ot a translator of a cul ture

but a transmitter of the infonnants ' exegesi s and consc iousne.ss, of the ir narra ­

tives and inv ol veme nt, and of the partic ipant -observation as part of the overall

narrati ve plot. \\'riti n g is a transmiss ion of this record of 'te.xts ' and relat i on ­

ships, in tenn s of narrative contexts and consequences, kno\\'ledge and mean­

ing, to an alien audi ence of v.'riters and readers.

My account of healing ritual differs considerably from Turner's. I co ntend

that he overlooks the genuine and creative sig n ifican ce of the human body

in healing rite s , or the perspective that comes through in the ritu al on l i fe ., connectedn ess._ and generdti ve capacity centered in particular i n \\'ome n's bod­

ies . In his writings, embodied experience and, hence , the body and the concrete i nvo lvemen t in life transmission appear but as mere vehicles for ritual drama � they are therefore not seen as a ge nuine s ource for the emergence of symbol� or for sel f-generati ve production in the transformational process . In Turner·s

anal ysis , the human body estab l i she s itself as some kind of natural, that i s.

transcendental, universal value : it is a given, it is receptive ra.ther than a genu­

ine source of symbolic c reativity. The pov.'er of dominant symbols derives fron1

their c apacity to condense s tructural or moral nonns- the e.idetic pole- and fuse them V.'ith the phys iological and sensory phenomena and proce sses -the

orectic pole . For Turner, the orectic pole is a given, an undefined force of de­

sire , not a s o urce in its own right of images, fantasies, and signs : by their very nature , blood, sexual organs, coitu s, birth, death, catabol i sm., and similar physi­

ological phenomena and proce.sses arouse desire and appetite, \villing and feel­ ing . The human body as orectic pole energizes the eidetic pole of the symbolic so that the obligatory is made desirable and the confli ct bet\\'een personal aspi­ ration and social nece ssity i s reduced { Turner

1 967 :54; 1 974: 55ff) .

Tume r�s

attention to the human body and the senses i s a rati onalist on e., and it parddox i­

cally reduces the genuineness of the orecti c su ch that it becomes a mere vess e l

for the e idetic I n his viev.', the. body as such appears but as an aimless drive or .

energy for social action.

In my v iew·, ritual-in particular heal ing-is more than reenacting a script,

Reori ginati on of B ody, Kin, and Life-Yw·orld a

'fi t ' bet\\'een present and past: it is a generative act that reaches beyond o r bene ath the " story. · In Yaka society-and I venture to extend the argument to the N de mbu as \\'ell-the link that a ritual may have with tradition i s not spell ed out in tenns of a genealogical continuity with, for example, a founda­ ti onal act or a legendary, yet exemplary performance. To the outsider, the heal­ i ng drama may look l ike a programmed portrayal of some hidden script, di sp layed within a clearly circumscribed space-time order. In these non literate c ul tures. ho\\'ever, there is no 'script' or abstract mental mapping going on in betw·een the performers and the performance. There is no sender and no privi­ leged reci pient of a primordial meaning. The very con stitutive. or transforma­ tive parts of the ritual drama are not primarily representations or means of thought and identification : they are neither primarily referential nor designa­ tive, neither are they substitutes of more original ideas or a basic narrative. A Yaka healing drama is not in the first place a categorical or an empirical ex­ pose, nor is it a demonstrative or a propositional discourse. Healing drama is by n o means a liturgy, nor a theatrical performance , nor an enacted explanation of a \\ orl d order. At least, in the very creative core of the healing drama, there i s no temporal gap bel\'ieen source and product. lTnlike Turner� 1 do not consider healing ritual among the Yaka as a dramaturgical plot or pl ay, nor as a kind of psychodrama. Neither the initiates nor the wider audience are simp l y onlook­ ers \\'ho have the optio n of taking a cri tical stance and comparing the perfor­ mance \\'ith some script or other performance . In grasping ritual-and i n particular the khita ' gyn-eco-logical ' healing­ as self-constructive and generative 'in a bodily mode' from v.rithin its ov..'n terms, I try to pass beyond Tumer·s sociological reading of the ritual in the light of the social dynamics at play. I see healing ritual among the Yaka as a genuine practice that stands by its O\vn and in its O\vn right: it is not primarily a device for social purpose� but a self-foundational and morphogenetic prac­ tice. It taps from the ge.nerative. and infinite resources in the l i fe world and the body prior to their relocation to society and history as representation, meaning or knowledge, and po\\'er relations. Healing ritual reaches beyond ' the cogni­ tive mode,· that is, beyond the order of narration and 'textual' representation of sociocultural reality. of knowledge and meaning. Thi s does not mean that healing rituals are but a naive refuge outside the social and cognitive arenas, escaping the reality of oppression: it is perhaps at the fringe that the initiate gains a deeper insigh t an d greater critical vision. As I argue in the next chapter, ina.,much as ritual creati\rity in healing arises from the potenti alities in the body, senses, and life-\vorl d. and not as such from a narrative voice or an inter­ pretive consciousness. ritual- and the approach I am fon-..·arding -is not a hermeneutics of self-creation . Ritual is not primarily a means of narrating real­ ity, nor a plot about leadership of the narrative voice, but a means of disc. losing or producing reality as not yet appropriated by a hero or an author. In my '

-

254

Chapte r Se ven

account of affliction cults, I try to do some justice to the unrepresentablc and prepredicative, and to the polyphonic and polymorphous meaning- bey o nd or outside the position of a hero and his power of action. It is a portrayal of h e a l­ ing in i ts various processes of becoming, of its cons titutive principle s and

intentionality, rather than of ' reality' as the product of repre sentation and se lf­ recogn ition . My foc us is on agency as a practice of meaning, forces, and em­ powerment. Healing ritual s offer a space for constituting and transfo rmi n (• e

rather than for identifications and the compelling manifestation of cogni ti ve

structures. Healing in Yaka culture not o nly expresses but it also gen er ates clusters of innovative meaning and forc e s ; it integrates gratification of desire� passion s and frailties, nurturance and sociability; it conveys strength and em­ powennent to the patient and i nitiates, and cause s to flourish many forms of genuine reciproc ity and concern for others in which separatene ss and interde­ pendence, autonomy and mutuality ex i st simultaneously bet\\'een persons� groups, and the. life-\\·orld.

The B ody as the Weaving Loom of

8

Healing and Life

�fy focus is on sel f-hea ling as i t relate.s to the practical arts of i nducing healing from within the body 's resources. Conseq uently, the pe.rs pective of the experi­ encing and se.lf-reflex ive subject is not central to my approach. In focu sing on healing techniques and methods rooted in the body, the analys is aims at dis­ closing a cross-culturally relevant perspective that nevertheless takes into con­ sideration the culturall y shaped forms of healing. Despite what the Latin root sugge.sts, 'patients ' are. not passive sufferers. The more I have come. to know of the skills, practice s , and methods of reputed healers and have bee.n able to share in the kno\vl edge, emotions, intentions, and empowennent of both pa­ tients and healers, the more thi s very participation has offered me the key to a genuine interpretation of therapeutic ri te from the ins ide. Heali ng ritual occurs in a more or le ss predefined context at the. margins of d i urnal public life and power relations . It is an all-embracing rhythm, giving over the body to the senses; it is

a

dream of health and an i ncarnation of values, moving through

metaphor beyond language, arousi ng cordiality, conviviali ty, and empow ­ erment rather than distancing se.lf-av.;areness. It is operative at a level that largely escapes the grasp of col loqu ial speech and represe-ntational thinking. Healing ope.rates through the human body as the basic deposit and embodi­ ment of cultural traditions. In an untu tored or spontaneous way, these traditions come to arti culation" in and throu gh the body, \Vith the community and the life-\vorld. And through feeli ng and sensing out the meaning of the embodied interwovenness \\'ith the kin and the l ife-world, the body is deeply moved, in ­ tensified, and remolded . The very elaborate dev ic.es , procedures , and methods of healing are never the object of comment during the heal ing. Dedicated initi­ ati on is their resource for rene\'ial in the transaction betwee.n sufferer-novice and accompli shed , sel f-projecting healer (Janzen 1 99 1 ) . Healing starts from a

singular distress in the. patient and kin . Heale.r, patients, kin , and s u pport group interact in a lei surely ambience. It is one. of a dense and appealing interpl ay of metaphors and par ado xes , image s and senses, \\'ithdra\\'al and playful exhi bi­ tion. The interacti on and transaction of moods, images, and symbol s foster an intimate and englobing process of self-heal ing from V&.'ithin the re.sources of the patienfs body i n tune with the uterine flo\\' of life , with processes of flo\\'ering,

Chapte r Ei�ht

" cooking., " and birth in the l i fe- world , and V..' ith the cycle s of rest an d rno ti decay and fl owering i n cosmol ogical time. The process extends from and patient to the therapy managing and suppo rt group s. and vice v ersa.

hea�n,

er

uht "a . Heal i ng ritual draws on a pool of reso urce s consi sti ng of what rn i e \'

ou sly be calle d

tran.�f'o rlnalivf del;ices

n-

or entbod;ed skills (ph ila. yikalu/1.4.

-.vika; habitus� in Bo urdieu 's tenns) . Devices respond tu the q uc�li o ns

as

\\'hat i� be i ng dune or displaye d .. w ho is i nvolved� and \\'he n� w ith re ga rd to th e ri te. Dev ices th us in1ply rhy thn1 , mu sic .. dan ce, gest ural and sens ory cod es

1�

interactitlnal conventinns, n1 nemutec hn ical n1eans, space-ti n1e arran gc nl c n ts

�

i\l nn gside these mean s there are the many \\'ays of man i pu l atin g the ski n a n d lx1dil y ori fices thro u g h n1as sage .. oi ntments, stean1- or smoke- bath s � e netna s '

an d sc arific at ion . A Yak a h ea li n g dratna also dra\\'S on drcan1 n1e s� ages and dre am- l ike fantasy, and ve ry an uch transpi res as a kind of 1nakeshi ft ex plo r­ atory e vent.. as �·bricolage"' ( Le v i - Strauss 1 962).

Heal in g is moreover a produc t i ve process ( luhanngu) th at take s place both

i n ti rne and over t in1e ., entai l i ng a ski ll fu l ne�s ( -yikll ) that i n c oncre te pract ice

k nows the procedu res� that i s , kno\\'s w hat to do and how to

opera te

( -yidika).

Here 1 an1 tac k l i n g the ques t i on of hn\v thi ngs h appen in ri tu al the rapy. Pati ent,

fonncr initi ates. and representative s of the kin group or neigh borhood alJ share i n the therapeu t i c ende avor. Further� patient an d spi ri t rnay fu se as co-actors :

the pati ent re mains herself i n the drama and yet e mbodies or ac t s as the kh ira

spi rit. The heal i ng dran1 a see ks to rnob i lize the affects, driv i ng the n1 to the

po int of an abreacti on a nd catharsi s. �n ile expelling the n1 al cvolen t s pirit. i n he r abreaction the patient reve rse s the e ffect nf the curse put o n her and deve l ­

op s a be nefic ial re lation sh i p w i th the spiri t '"'·hich from then o n is identi fied

and nan1ed. The sacrifice of a hen that fol lo\\o'S a nd the spi lli ng of its blood over

the pati ent 's body he l p to expel the evi l from the patient� almos t turn i ng her

body in side out . The i nternal and exc lusive rel ationship �'ith the anonym ou s spiri t- l i ke an ali en body in the patient's body -is transforme d into an exter­

n al and exclu s ive re lation sh ip w i th a named spirit, that is .. into

a

m irrori n g

relationship of cooperative actors . Th e drama he lps the patient to overcon1e her defens i ve relation to the e l ders and the coercive order of tradition. Ritual

perform ance bri ngs the sensory body and the imaginary regi s ter into play. The \vord of the song i s made flesh and embodied in rhythm � i t is therefore to be

understood primarily in the real m of the senses. Healing ritual basically brings

to the fore a nonnarrati ve realm of an xieties and feelings of persecu tion ,

poi gnantly differentiating them from the rea l ms of de sire and life transmission .

These real ms are remolded in that process proper to ri tes of passage w h ich

leads

the

patient thro u gh the motions of m ortal agony, fecundation, gestation,

and rebirth .

A healing nJethod

or

art

(bungaanga, buphati, pfunu, -disonga ) i s in

fac t

di sclosed b y both devices a n d process: the method concerns t h e q ue stions \vhy

The Body

as the \Veaving Loom of Healing and Life

do th i ng s happe. n as t h ey do� \V h at i s bei ng ai med at� who is the subject and/or th ? The he a l i ng event unfolds a me thod of intert\v i ning the fields of body, u or anU l y. an d life- world i n a mo rph og e neti c way, so to speak. The heal i n g rela­ t\\'een therapist� paticn� and therapeut i c group is it self a morpho­ ti on s hip be ld- though my anal ys i s , too indisti nctively perhaps , subsumes the ge netic fie healer mo st often in the fi el d of group . In terms gi ven by Yaka c ult ure itself, thi s heal ing met hod i s best typified by t he act (or pro ce ss ) of .. bi olog ica l ,-..·e av­

:

'

ing . In thi s c a s e however, the \\'eavin g i s for real and becomes a l i ving skill, praxi s, or art. Healing e ntails the b i olo gi c a l interweaving of the vari ous layers of body, group , and world : th e one is the other_ in an align men t of he£·of1'l ing. �

•

"

It is a very conc rete� fert i le , and powerfu l endeavor t hrough the li b idi nal and ima gi nary reg isters� th e senses� the body, engaged in communal action . The c ross i ng of boundaries , bot h within and bct\\-·ecn the corporeaL soc ial , and cos­ mological bod ies. forn1s the. bas i s of the h e alin g method . Ritu al dram a u nfol d s a space-time

s t agi n g i n w hich me.taphoric correspondents of the pati e n fs bod y,

the spiri t of the founding ance stor, and life-bearing or l i fe-threate.ning dim en­ sions of the l i fe- world

a rc

con�t ituted and man ipulated. Heal ing fr e e s the pa­

tient fro m her or his state of c l o sure or possession, effusion and dispersion. It

foster s the vi tal fl oVw' in and bct\vecn the patie n t and the family, so that the

pati en t may re\\'eave her or his inner feel i ng s and motions outv.'ardl y into the fabric of the l arger l i fC-\\'<>rld . Heal ing is

a

' techne ' of worldmaki ng \\'b i l e

remaki ng oneself i nto a n active part and p artner o f i t . In and

through

the body,

the healing drama recon n e c t s the patien� in immediacy, w it h a me ani n g fu l and

empov.'eri ng V. o rl d ()rder. But the incentive and inspiration seem to evolve out '

of the sem i nal c apacities of and c u ltur al depos i t s i n the. hu man body and the

maternal life source. He.a l ing method may be co m pa red to a fabric \\'hose s u stai ns

weave

it self whi l e e ngendering new· meaning and renewe d rel ati on­

ships. In the moment of ritu al perfonnance_ and part i c ular ly in trance . heal er

and/or p at ie nt are abl e to fashion a fu ndame n tally vital link \V i th th e seminal life-\vorld itself, V. i th the primal source as if it V.'erc , in an al most u n m e d i ated '

.

way.

l\1y method

is an

o_f analysis en t a ils the p arall el interpretation of various fields. It in te rnal approach i nasmuch as it di sclo se s the hea lin g me.thod from

within, that i s , throu gh i t s OVw'n devices , processes, and pers pective or i nte. ntion

.

l\.1y anal ysi s seeks to unrave l th e dev ices and the processes that are ac tively at

the observable practices -the level of denotation. so to say. From there, it passes to the s pac e - ti me dimension and gives ear to the reverberation be­ t\\'een the fi elds of the therapeutic relation (body, family, and life-v.'orld), that

play in

is, to the level o f connotations. Seen from the inside, heal ing drama is very

much

a

self-genenttive prac ti c e and the field in \Vhich the. generative proce ss .

and it s device.s are mos t readi ly observable is the bod i l y one. From here, the

analys is move s on to de al V.'ith the reso nan c e brought abou t betwee.n the bodi l y

258

Chapter Eight

experience and the portrayal of fami ly or gro u p and life-world . It i s th e refo

very difficult, in terms of the type of internal research I am engaged i n , to a clearly positional perspecti ve and name the partner in my dialogu e or

ta: th�

authority behind the ritual scene, and hence the author beh ind th e p oly p hon o u

s

and polyscenic drama. The performing subject in the heal in g practi c e i s not the heale.r, the patient, the spirits, nor even the therapy managi n g grou p . Th e

real subject is precisely the ongoing intert\\l·inement or mutual ly i mpre ss i b le

or continuous integration of the vital flow, the senses , and the body, all o f \vhic h

are being profoundly linked in the interactional drama \\iith the life-\vorl d . The performing subject is the method or art, namely, the ongoi ng mu lt ilaye red

\\�·eave in and between the encompassing fields of body� family or grou p, an d life-\\'Orld (see plates 1 9 and 20).

The \\�·eave, insofar as it is the healing method itself� embraces and opens up

the whole. healing system , and at the same time it allows us an insight i n to the cul t's basic ontological assumption s concerning the nature of life. solidari ty� health, and healing . S een from \Vithi n ongoing practice and the therapeutic

re lationship, the vital flow

(mooyi),

matrilineally tran smitted, and th e body

(luutu) appear to be the very source of healing and the dominant organizing field. Ritually-induced transitions from one aspect andlor field to another­ say from the corporeal onto the soc ial and/or cosmological body-are brought about through creative transferences of sensible qualities , practical abilities,

and feats of ski ll. For example, be sides other devices, the undulating move­ ments of the hips

in

dancing transform the �·hole happening into

a

weaving�

by anointing herself with red paste, the patient nurtures herse lf in her fetal

condition. In this last case the oinnnent evokes the blood of the sacrificial ani­ mal turned inside-out that was spi l led onto her body: both ointment and sacri­ fice relate to the possessing spiri t expelled from the patient 's body and pacified into a named double . In the healing drama bodily enactment is both source

and product, agent and scene of an interrelating of fields or worlds that are

transformed in the same process . In the enactment, the human body reverber­

ates with processes of li fe be arin g in the life-v.·orld-captured thro u g h a genu­ -

ine matching with the primordial energies in the hen laying or brooding an egg,

in

the palm tree, and the lunar cycle in particul ar- and m akes present

what it represents, namely a resonance betwe.en the body,s inner possibili ties and the virtualities in the. cosmic body. The healing performance embraces the

body's illuminations in dream and heightened sensory a\\'areness: it is a sensin g out and passionate celebration of the body as species� the ancestral body in each individual tapping the ancestral life source in rhythm and in the imagi nary

register. Healing frees and taps the life flow through a metaphorical re weaving of life 's diverse dimensions i nto a resonant whole . The bodilv enactment and J

the more encompassing heali ng drama are the unfounded yet emergent foundation of healing, l i ke a womb that g ives birth, or a body in processes of 'exvagi-

The B ody as the Weaving Loo m of Healing and Life

' nation and taking on a new ' social" and ·cos mi c skin' offered by the house of us n . Through this ongoing , polyphonous or multilayered, and somehow secl io l r tive drama the healer, the patie.nt, and other participants open up to and exp o a reembody an encompassing order of values and forces that come into play, ect, and reveal themselves beyond mere conceptual understanding or i nterco nn conventio nal representation. The h ealing drama celebrates the love of life; it is a quest to transmit, en­ han ce, and optimize life. It makes one fundame.ntal statement: that this w·orld

is real, proli fic, all-encompassing, composite, interrelated, and thus accessible. The w eaving of body, group, and \Vorld makes tangible, tasteable., visible­ co ncretely approachable-the fact that 1 ife is this world , and is lived as an

i nt eracti ve alignment of l ingering, actual or lasting po\\'er and affect. It is the �·eaving, by means of the body-senses, of bodies with each other and of bodies with the world. The Vv'eaving entails also the biological, and its devices or skills

and methods are of a type that does exist in other cultures as \\'·elf.

8.1 The Role of �1usic and Dance in Healing

Rhythm, dance, chant, and melody give. the body over to the senses and the life-world. They fonn a

primary

resource of healing device s or crafts . Healin g

originates in rhythm that i ntertwines with intimate fellow-feeling, olfactory exchange , erotic transport, sexual communion an� reproduction . Underlying the rhythm , tempo , and pac.e in dance is a sense of presencing-oneself-in-the­ world, a sense of lustful collective celebration of body and solidarity so as to enhance the flow and force of life. The device.s creatively bring about a basic process of healing or making whole., that is� a particular intern·eave. Though I am unskilled in the type. of musical analysis suggested here, I nevertheless can sense hov-' therapeutic seances bring into play a variety of rhythms. The drummers who beat the ob­ lon g and shorter drums gradually test various rhythms and pulses, that is, they search out a balance betwee.n the beats and an attune.ment bet\•ieen the tonal­

ities in the chants . The lead drummer advances the pul se or leading beat ( -sika

ngotna). The. partic ipants respond v-·ith c lapping and soon ·'sing to the drum'� ( -yin1bila ngotna) in a mutual 'call and response' sharing of experience (see Janzen 1 99 1 ) . In their chants and overt allusions to the drummer�s skill or to one or another aspect of desire and group life, the participants themselves

probably offer the basic measure or indication of that resonance: as does the heartbeat while speaking in a rhetorical stance or in anger, running in the hunt� in laughter or in sexual arousal ., and so on. l\1usic and voice may also displ ay various tonalities. In other \\'ords, at several crucial stages of the healing, the

elements of beat, pulse, tonality, dance, chant, melody, and theme allow for a

particular spatio-temporal inten\'eave of passion, libidinal affects, senses, ar-

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Chapter Eight

chaic i mages , spasms of verbal izat ion. body - self, soc ial tie s� and l i fc-\vo l rd l\.1usi c., voice, and dance al\vays come i nto play at transiti on al mo me nts i n l ife of the group and the cosmos. They thus mediate bet\\'een l i fe an d death.

th�

sorro\\' an d vital fto\a:. chaos and order, affliction and healing . They form

very core of tradition an d yet foster great spon t ane ity and i mprov i s ati o n o n the

lh�

pan of the drummers, singers, and dancers. Rather than be in g a form a l i zed ossified, an d therefore "inferior form of communication," as B loc h s u g ge st

�

( 1 9 74), da nce with chant seems to me an anterior (that i s , a primary), sen suous l ibidinal � pre verb al , and prereflexive fonn of exchang e through '\vaves of fel

lo\\-· feel ing" ' ( B l ac kin g

�

1 977).

Dance is.. moreover, a method of heali ng \vhich art i c u late s affl ic tio n and therape u t i c t rap itio n, individual e motion and group values, body an d li fe­

world . The forins of dance are models for and \\-·ays of i nterweavi ng the -'vecu

corpore!," lustful body, vital flo\v, affec ts, embodied fe e l in gs and thoughts,

\vith the social and c u l tu ra l un iverse. It is in part icular during the dancing in

the vicinity of the cult hou se that parti cipants are o ffere d a un i qu e opportunity

to dance for joy, abandoni ng themsel ves to attrac ti o n , empathy, and bli ss , whi l e voicin g their affective states�

s ubj e c t i ve

images, and hope s . Rhythrnicity and

repetition i n unde rly i n g tempo, pace, dance , as we ll as i ntonation and melody in chant, c om pri s e an energetic proc es s in \\'hich healer, pati ents, co i nitiates,

and the loc al community partici pate in a lustful and emotional way, thereby

intert\\'i ning-in a ki nd of m orp h og e netic way-the vital fl oVw' in the person.

group, and cosmos. The interconnection as proce ss is not full y predetermi n e d :

it must be explored and traced i n the very performance. Tempo and pu lse

are

somewhat negotiable, and one drummer may be preferred to ano the r because

he has a keen sense of negotiating the leading beat with the other drumm ers and \\'i th a playful pub lic : one or another of the drummers may le ngthen or

shorten the pulse, acce l erate or retard the tempo, superimpose various rhythms

and tones upon the same l e ad i ng beat., and so forth . Both the music and the dance - \vith its rhythmic rotation s of hips and belly, steps� turns, and t\\'ists­ di spl ay a sp ec i fi c and ' hypocognized ' m eth od of healing.

The reso unding chorus and danc ing give Vw'ay to a gen ui n e bodily method of

world-fashi oning and empow e ri ng . In dancing and singi n g to the drumming,

the chant and dance patte rns sh ape the parti cipants ' emotional and corporeal

experience s, while the latter also graft t he i r own sp ecifi c s pa tio -tempora l habi­

tus onto the cha nt . Dance and chant o ffe r an idiosyncratic, affective , and em­ bodied display of spatio-temporal patterns s uch as continuous, cyclical,

intennitten t, or discontinuous. Th e dance patterns interconnect� for example,

the wheeling movements of the h i ps with the. rotating patterns i n l ife-bearing and the agricultural or dome stic tasks of the women . In their daily search for

food and water, the \\'omen indeed display a w heel i n g pattern of movement in

tune Vw'ith the solar and lunar cyc le s: the activities of fet c hing water and collect-

The Body

as

the \\'eav ing Loom of Heali ng and Life

jjlg food , working i n the fields or fishing, processing cass ava at the rive rside and near the house are all ca ught in a concentric procession away from and

back to th e homestead. The. l ibidinal rotations of hips and belly, as well as the tic gestures and turns in danc.ing give a bodi ly and sensuou s fonn to i diosyncra wa•,res of sol idarity in a kind of reverberation \Vith the encompassing of social and c os mic domains. This energetic and rhythmic i nterweave of bodie s and

,vorl d dis pense a rec iprocal empo\1\.'eri n g of partic ipants and the l ife-v.'orld throu gh a kind of morphogenetic interweave bet\\'ee n bodily, soci al, and cos-

mic fields . Like the vital fto\\', dance is rhythm, or more precisely rhythmi c autogenesis i n perp etual emergence . Chant and beat fill and cross space and, through the

act of danci ng, incite all present to participate in its very rhythm ; dance and chant mold space and time. Dance acts as a fabric, namely as a genuine method of articulating the. vital flow with the collective and the \\'orld. The \•leaving of the loinc loth is both an expression of this articulation and an unspoken pattern

of dance . In other \•lords, the vital fto\lt' m an i fe s ts itself as rhyt hm and cosmo­ ge netic formation.

Rhythm, dru mmi ng , dance, and chant are genuine bodily methods to inter­

weave the individual and idiosyncratic not only with the group and the social ­ ized environment but \Vith the cosmos as \\'ell . The comm unal dances and the playfully shared forms of chant bet\\'een choru s and chanters foster much spo ntaneity and improvisation by singers, drummers, and dancers . Conse.­

quently, rhythm, drumm i ng, dance, and chanting invite the patien� the therapy

managing group, and the wider comm u nity to join in and participate, that is , to become one of the \\'hole, to achieve one body. At the same time._ they enable

participants to express their most personal and idiosyncratic feelings in the improvisation.

Far

more than dance, chant and drumming are a socially and

culturally patterned code that allo\lt'S the person to express her or his affects,

desire s , and thoughts in an idi om that can be shared by all those involved. In

the Yaka viev.', this achieveme.nt of an ,;ensemble ' arouses vital flow. Moreover,

the bonding that is the.reby achieved alloVw'S patient, group� and life-\\'orld to move together in real or ' historic' time : thi s is the music 's liminal function.

Yaka have but a few songs intended especially for chi ldren ; a child learns the

music from his or her grandparents or through observation of communal chant­

ing and dancing . Furthermore._ there is a c lear continuity of style . These t\\'O

phenomena explain why melodies used in heali ng c ults readily evoke memo­

ries and experiences of one's childhood and feeli n gs toward� the. group. The rather freely evolving counterpoi nt of the music gives the patient the opportu­

nity to express various feelings at different conscious and unconscious , vocal and gestural levels. Rhythm and chant structure the dancing gestures and

movements of the dance . At the s ame ti me .. the drum mers may adapt their pattern of rhythm to the dance that it inspires.

Chapter Eight

262

In chanting, the voice is of medi a ti n g

a

genuinely sensuous and emotional dev ice and an

betYleen body and language, between very deep bodily re mi n · .

s c e nces of archaic ori g in s and primal socialization. (This is even more pow e ­

�

fully so i n trance, as I w ill argue below. ) The wo rdi n g in the ch an ts and ritu l a texts may j oin together the generations and gender groups : fragmen t s of one 's

former ide.ntity and asp e c ts of various roles are voiced. Because the \\'o rding is shared, relatively ;;fixecL' and estheticizing, it allo�·s for a dist an ci ng o f th e

subject's emotions in tune with the other participants and Vv'ith moti o ns in th e

cosmos. FolloVv'ing Rosol ato

( 1 978: 3 1-5 1 ) and C ast are de ( 1 99 1 : 1 0 1-2 4) � i t

would seem th at the voice in vocal music (and in trance ) mediates be tw een

body and language in that any voice may be interpreted as a lransfonnati on of the first, mother voice that gave form to the origi nal bond in merged bod iline s s. This transformation is bro ught about by the father voice who separates the merged bodies

in the mother-child dyad, inasmuch as his voi ce is heard

as

representative of langu age, pos itio n in the kin group, and the traditions of the

larger community and successive gene rati o ns

.

Rhythm, drumming , a nd sing­

ing in particular may therefore at the same time ind uc e the primary experience

of corporeal harmony (Rosol ato

1 978 :35) and the ch ild's l ater experience of

separati o n and di fferentiation . Rhythmic bea� concord, pu l se , voice .. musical

harmony, polyphony, and co un terpoint al l intertwine affect, fantasy and body ,

V.'ith socioculturally informed rule s, e vok i ng and regulating in a very sensuo us way both fellow-feeling and distancing.

The voice of the patie nt in the very emotional moment of trance, is a partic­ ,

u l arly libidinal e nge nderment of a cathartic indictment, a meaning and force that surpass or precede the v.'ord. For each major cui� there is a type of drum­ ming which summons the spirit ••to release, to lift one up in the air" (-kaluka).

Thi s is the real limi nal function of trance in which the spirit incites and autho­

rizes the medium to speak out \\l'hile the body gropes for latent resources of

vitality a nd as it were breaks out of its limits . Trance is not an out-of- body

experience; neither s hould it be seen as a loss of consciousness. B o t h the suf­ fering and vital res ourc es in the body may hereby creatively transform and

re c ompo se themselves-that is , heal, or "make whole" ( -luunga). I \\'ou ld pos­ ru late that in the process of imperso nating the spirit, the voice is freed to

bring

up troublesome and i ntractable exp e ri ences from e arl y childhood, fusing them with themes from folktales and deeply exp eri en ce d col lective fantasies. In the

course of the se c l us ion , to handle her anxieties and clarify her experience� the

initiate may create her personal song in v,rhich she inteft\\.· ines an archaic and

sacred idiom with her oy,rn distress, inner moods , impasses, l on g in gs � and \\'i th

the world of dream, cult spirits, and cosmic imagery. Inasmuch as biographi cal

remini scences and myt hi c al fragments pierce through in the int e n sel y felt abre­

action of trance, they together transform fate into a destiny. In trance the voice

at first is merely a sound of accelerated breath, an inchoate phonati on. En -

The B ody as the Weaving Loo m of Heal i ng and Life

ce , the patient gropes for words and gesture s. The dru mmer tries to pal li ­ tran d ate her a nxie ty by fi tt i ng his tempo to the pe rson al i ty of the patie.nt \\' i thout,

}lOY-'eve r, discarding the traditional rhythmic modes . Thro ug h the song s that e and follo w, the healer and group offer fragment� of some mythic narra­ e pr ced tive sugge sting that Y�· ha t is p resently hap pening is, in illo tempore, as it \'l as at the beginnings . Moreover, throu gh his r at her rare yet authoritative cultic

interve.nti ons at crucial points in the therapy -shortly after the trance , for ex­ ampl e -the healer voic-es the. pat ienfs needs , her ailments or handicaps. In

thi s, the he aler is speaki ng i n the name of the cult spirit or the anci ent traditi o n .

Echoin g the divinatory e tiol og y, he tran sforms the ai l ments into the fu ndame n ­ tal story or foundational myth of the existential i nterdepende nce bet\veen kins­ me n, that is, into the sto ry of evi l callin g for vengeance, or the h i story of social

order and l i fe-v,'orld reass erting them selve s . It is i n these synestheti c ways that the very devices of rhythm and dance act

as a tran sformati ve process to modify ''in a p rofou nd and di v e rsified manne.r the. con scio usnes s one has of on eself in relation w·ith oneself and w ith the world. The modifi cati on s bear esse.ntially on the dimensions of these rel ati ons� '

( Ro uge.t 1 980: 22, m y translation). I n other Y�·ords , rhythm, dance , and song i ntegrate and reempo\�·er the body in its sociocultural context by the ve.ry sen­

suou s, expres si ve , spatio-tem poral i nterweav i ng of them . Rhythm, dance, and song act not on ly as a proce s s bu t also as a method of i nteg rating and e nerg i z ­ ing due to the fact that they are rooted in a b odi ly 'hex is' or habitu s and realize a sociocultural logic that is enacted and recognizable through its sensuous fonn . If the pati ent fails to recognize - at least partially-that very logic � then rhythm and song may fail to have any rea l i mpac t . S on g or music can on ly be a communicati on from body to body ( B ourdi eu

1 979)

if thi s communication

ties in with the habi tu s and m akes sense within the Ylorldviev.r. But at the same ti me, rhythm, melody, and dance seem to prov i de the patients and other partici­

pants with an unsuspected and prereflexive. enactment thro ug h which some hidden l ayers of the (col lective) unconscious may disc lose them se l ves .

Dance and trance de velop as a me thod of intern·eaving i n nermo st affects

\Vith the group as an e n com p as sin g \\�·hole. In thi s multidimensional interac­

tion, the individual corporeal expressivity transcends it s isolation and moves into the social and cu lt ural space of the pe rfo rming group. The beat, p ul s e ,

tune , or dance pa ttern are no longe.r those of an abstract tradi tion , an inchoate i ndivi dual , of a particular group; they are the common expression of their very

i nterlinkin g. It is prec isely in this reciprocal interaction through m us i c that the dancer acqui re s a fee l i n g of belong i ng and c ooperati on . The group is cemented together, and everyone is g iven the opportun ity and capacity to parti cipate \Vithin the fluid boundaries set by the ever- chan gin g musical interaction be­

tween the bodily, affec ti ve , social. and cultural domains . The rel ationshi p of reciprocal exchange \Vith others i n chant, mu sic . and dance acts as a trigger

264

Chapter Eight

khita

that stimul ates the

patient

to

give

a

highly dramatized bodily, hence

en ­

tranced. ex press i on to he.r preocc upation s . The therapeutic team and co nu n u .

nity of regu lar participants offer a secure and receptive group space for t h e i mpu l sive flow of dance and trance V.'hose resonance all members co m e to share. They create an encompassing and containing structure i n \Vhi c h bo dil y sensations, feelings, and preverbal and verbal elements circul ate. I co nj e c tu re that remin iscences of early relationships \•li th parents and siblings. or of gen de r

identific ation,

are

at the same time reactivated and i nterwoven with the ti m e

patterns regarding l ife-cycle i n body, group, and \Vorld at display in the ritual.

This m ay hel p the patien t to \\'ork through some hidden problems and anxieti e s in the highly dramatized transition from inner to outer� from self to the other, from feeling to thought, or vice versa. In other words, rh}thmic beat� conc ord, mu sic, si ngi ng , and dance all constitute the limi nal function that con nects the

patient with her O\\'n body and sensory a\vareness ( w hile beginning

to clarify

its inchoatene ss), with her cul tural tradi tion and life.-\\'orld, embodied in the

musical code and melody, and v.,rith her kin and cult members.

8.2 The Source of Healing

The human body is the cen tral device or pri ncipal key

that ope ns up and stimu­

l ates the \'�'hole system of healing. The process of generating the sy stem of

heali ng itself may be characterized as one of \'l·eaving. Weaving, moreove r, is

an activity that fosters a method of healing: expressed in terms of the cu lt, the art of healing is

a

rev.'eaving and i nterweaving of three bodies, namely the

physical body, the fami ly or group" and the life-\'l·orld. In the khita cult.

the rev.'caving of a loincl oth, for example , inspires a basic me thod for empow­ eri ng and even tran sferring the abi l i ty to bear life from the physical body onto the group and the life- world, and vice versa. The heal ing cult is the patient's and group's V.'eaving loom par excellence . Therapy comprises \\leaving the vi tal flo\\', the generative forces and fibers of meaning that link together the many activities, and the movements and di men sions of body.

group,

and li fe-\\'orld

into one harmonious re sonance. Healing dra\'r's on the patient's androgynous capacity for self-fecundation and giving birth

to herself. It ties

in \\li th the basic

rhythm of life transmission and enhancement in the enactment of the basic rh ythm of regeneration i n the group and the universe. I postulate that the c on­ nection betw·een the bodily enactment and the parallel processes in the group

and i ts l i fe-v.'orld witness to its morphogenetic character. I am hereby deve l ­

opi ng a more radically generative and transfonnative perspective o n heal ing� and-unlike , for example , Lyon ( 1 990)-de l iberately resist

its

reducti on to

cognitive proce sses . The body as both weave and \Veaving loo m is the major el aborating and tran sformative process and force that permits the tran sposition of meani ng ,

The Body

as

the

Weaving Loo m of Healing and Life

strUcturing, and energies bet\vecn the bodily, social , and cosmologic al fi eld s. The therapist treats the patient's body as i f it enclosed or embraced the \\' or ieL as i f i t Vw'ere both a micro- and macrocosm. This relationship is one not mere ly of fi guratio n but of transformati on in the very process of mutual encom­ passment. The healer v,rorks upon the patient's inner \\iorld of passion and af­ fe cts, her sensory and bodily forms of contact, and her soc.ial and existential i nvol vement with the group and the life-world by metaphorically regarding the m as bodily-cum-cosmic processes of depletion versus empowerment, ob­ stru cti on versus ftov;, closure versus exchange, rotting versus fermentation� k illing (in the hunt) versus regene.rating (through cooking), and so on. Reacti­ vati ng the \\iorld also means reempowering the patient. In the healing ritual, the patient is led to reconnect \\'ith her desires, senses, bodi ly awareness, and inner forces and at the same time to transfer these e-xperiences and capacities onto the topography of the healing house and onto the. group and its transac­ tions. A certain connivance develops betv.'een persons and things, betv.'een the body 's form s and processes and the shapes of the objects and ti me- space con­ figuration belonging to the ritual. As Zemplt!ni ( 1 982, my translation ) so aptly puts it, "in this se nse, traditional healing i s the art of linking the states of the bodies themselves \Vith the states of the social bodies by means of magico­ religious symbolism.'' The healing art is a very practical method of intemvining the body with the group and the life-\vorld. It does not so much draw on the spoken v.·ord ; rather, it brings into play the devices of seclusion, incantati on, rhythm, dancing, mime, body de-coration , colors, massage� fumigations, laxative enemas .. con­ cealment.. containment, and trance. By means of these de.v ices the art of heal­ ing makes the patient •give body to' and reembody the social and cosmologi­ al body. Perceived in this \\'ay, the boundedness and openness of the physical body appear to provide a site and proce.ss of meaning production . Corporeal boundaries and openings act as the very locus and generative means to remake or renew the uni ts of exchange in the social and cosmological fields: the conju­ gal and domestic uni� Vw'ife-givers and \\'ife-takers, house , village., and the lived environment. Skin and orifices act as a nexus� that is� as a juncture betVw'een various orders. Orificial transitions, manipulations of the skin, and bodily pos­ tures may become means of healing.. for the.y are \\'hole-making processes con­ stituted by, for example� the intensely dramatized resonance between pregnant body and fetu s, seclusion house and microcosmic womb in gestation, or the hen that lays an egg and incubation. Skin and orifices thus provide both for differentiation and for bridging be.twe.en inne.r and outer, boundedness and clo­ sure, mortal agony and rebirth. decay and ftov-'ering, destruction and regenera­ tion , man and \\loman� ascendant and descendant, before and after. These poetics of modulating various domains or fields \Vith one another-otherwi se ke.pt separate by representational thought-serve to release self-healing i n the

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Chapter Eight

patient. The healer�s clairvoyance and his profile as hunter an d \'-l'eaver, a nd his

androgynous and avuncular identity as �·ell, possess just suc h a trans g r e s siv e and transformative, yet integrative, capacity. They link \Vith and draw on t h e uterine vital flo\\�· from the primal cosmi c, egg-like, and tree-like life source

(ngoongu).

Seclusion is one maj or me.thod of healing � it transpires vY'i thin the e uc hro ni c

time proper to gestation . Therapy extracts the patient from the conting e n t

so ­

cial interaction and family hi story. Within euchroni c ti me-that is, \'-l' i tru n an

ambience of receptivity, leisure, daydream, and wonder-seclusion aim s a t. the 'rebirth of the patient' congruent with a symbolic reordering and a pow etful

revivification of the patient 's life-\1/'orld. Seclusion itself brings about a meta­

morphosis of the patient and her life-world precisely through a trespassing of boundaries and a metaphoric or rather metamorphic bridging between polar conditions (such as death-agony and delivery, the fetal state and gestati on ,

or

being born and giving birth), and betv.'een the worlds of passion, sense s� and vision. Both healer and patient disavov.' authorship of the drama: they are no t the subjective source or author of the creative performance. The genuinely

generative body praxis is, I contend, the very heart of the Yaka healing

se{f­

a rt.

It

is first and foremost the patient's body, acting as an interface between bodi ly,

social, and cosmological fields, that is the scene or vessel and the very source or subject of the healing. The patient herself embodies the source of healing­ or the generative patterning or interweav i ng proper to the therapeutic drama­ and transfers it onto the social and cosmological bodies. This transference is part of what I \'/'ould call the morphogenetic potential of the ritual drama. In

other words, it is the gestational capacity of the trance, of the se.c lusion , and of

the coming-out sequence -and the capacity bestowed on the patient's body to bring the fields of body, group, and cosmos in unison- which is the generati ve

potential or source of healing.

Understood in this manner, the process of healing displays a basic abi lity t o

embody at once paradox , bipolar unity, oneness, and duplication. Heal ing rit­

ual is creative in that it reflects a Janusian world order or thought movement where strongl y conflictual affects (such as the overlapping experiences of

agony and orgasmic sexual uni on) and contrasting states of life (giving birth, dying, and being born) are simultaneously embodied and enacted. The capacit­

ies of the orificial body and the senses to meaningfully i ntertwine and reem­

body the various levels of life-corporeal , social , and cosmological- as we l l as to display paradox and transgre ssion, are the author proper of the heal ing drama. The subject or author of the ritual enactment is indeed the inter\\l·eave , both self-generative and self-legitimating . Let me briefly spell out, from the perspective of the khita cult itself, the

transformational process at play in the healing method, as it is generated and unfolded by the hu man body itself.

The B ody as the Weav ing Loom of Heal ing and Life

Fi rs t, the ritu al enactment urges the patient to participate in a proj ect of cre at ivi ty and exciteme.nt or trdll sport . The patient is led through hypocogniz ed

experie nces, namely sensory a\�t'areness and transactions through the body that li nk percepti on directl y to the realm of liminal bodi ly experience . This form of p a ssionate s en si ng or awareness is both disruptive and ex tensive- i n the sense of an out\vard linking movement-and hence precedes orderl y cogni ­ tion . For example, the denunciation of the evil agent in trance (l i terall y, "'ex po sing the sap that i s oozi ng from the palm tree," or ' �disclosing sexual arous al''- see phase 5 ) or the seclusion of the patient (further depicted as fer­

mentation� self-fecundation, inc ubati on , cooking, or gestation-see phase 4 ) are moments that engage the body's transfonnative. devices such as sensing. illumination and inner rene'"''al in sleep, sexual arou sal , and death-agony. Second._ the patient i s then reconnected with the group . Interpersonal trans­ actions bet\\'een maternal uncle, healer, patient, coinitiates and partici pants in

the lay therapy managing group i ntegrate bod i l y and no nc ogn itive sensing in a

net\vork and process of interactional patterns and cultural values . The thera­ peu t i c scene._ co mm unity� and sequence of acti on together offer a space- time stage upon v.'hich the body of the patient, the affects, the sense.s, and the or­ ganic, bodily function s exfoliate and become linked to primary fonns of social relation and acti o n . Thu s the latter are the.mselves enacted and tran sformed in the process . Through her exfoliation in ritual space-time, the pati e n t is led to become and embody her outer, metaphorical l y ritualized , and thereby social­ ized, rep atte me d self. Thir� the weaving of a meaningful fabric out of ritual wording, speech, and chant, out of the course of social action and sensuou s display� comprises

a

me-thod of self-renewal . Specific patterns of family interacti on , such as consen­

sus over the common affliction and the course. of action to take, are inteJvloven with the e motion s and senses of the self-projecting patients , healers, therapy man agement gro up , and the wider audience. All this comprises a method of self-rene\val in the context of others and the life- world. It invo l ve s a method and mean s of gradual l y opening up the patient to\vards a reidentification \\'ith the speaking subject and social self that i s able to bear a role and responsibility in society and daily reality. Healing, from v.rithin the patient's body, i nner world of senses, imagination, and life-world, displays a space.-time of l i mi na l i ty invit­ ing her to phatically explore the virtuali ties of life and death. Mean while� it helps the patient to shape her nev.' self c.before the eyes of the others'' (1nu­

meesu mabaatu).

8.3 Paradox, Transgression, and Homeopathic Healing

Khita cult healing, like related cults, i s surpri singly paradoxical and trans­ gressive. Healing is a tran s iti onal state pervaded by profound ambivalence. The

268

Chapter EiRhl

healer doe s not seek certai nty and po\\ler, but confronts disorder an d po lJ utio Healing operates very much at the level of luutu, the bod i ly enve lope ,

and �·

particular the ori fic ial and sensory body. C u l t heal ing is bas ically gov e rne d the systematic handling of paradoxes, bi-directional movement, and th e

b;

re e s..

tablishment of congruent boundaries (that is to say. of their joint funct i o ns of

separation and linkage) and of poi nts of space-time tran sition in the fi e ld s o f body, family, and life-\vorld. For the gynecological patient , the heal in g pro c e ss evolves through a sequ ence of transgressive m oments and develops al o n g the fault line separati ng and intertwining the l ibi dinal and social landscape s. A f­

fi nity or sympathy

(fiilnbu), desire ( luh�leetu, ndzala) , and appeal or attracti on

(fula) are seen as predominant driving or motivating forces in both heal er and

patient. Therapy establishes an ambience ""·here the ludic and serious intc nni n ­

gle , \\'·here th e licentious and nonnative compete . It metaboli zes parado xes and the i mpetus towards ' acting out' inner conflicts by transformi ng a state o f c ri si s

and transgression into a process deploying curative and emanc ipatOI)' v irt ues

and effects. It fosters energies , i nspiration , and incentives from the vi tat undo ­ mesti cated, and energetic universes of the night, the forest, spi rits, dre� death-agony, orgasm, gestation, parturition, the mother-child dyad, and trance.

The trespassing of boundaries and exploration of liminal experiences appear to instigate a revival or reawaken ing in the patient, a4i; if induci ng in her a revivification of intra-uterine and early chi ldhood experiences. These l i m i nal

zones are reaw·akened by parti cular rhythms, melodies, incantations, theme�

and mim icry of the dances, prayer, gestures, posture, massage , interactional

stances , the significative arra ngement of the seclusion house., and many oth er aspects of the rite . At the m argins of society, that is, beyond the repres sion s

and social rejection s proper to mai nstream society, therapy aims at recon nect­ ing these very vital experiences \'lith the norms and attributes of initi ate s�

adulthood, established society, gender relati on s, and social reproduct ion .

A particular set of transfonnative devices is charged with bringing these

paradoxe s and transgressive moments i nto play. Follo\v i ng Devereux

( 1 970:ch.

I ), I \Vould label them as levers or cultural inducers of therapy seen as process . They operate at the i nterstices betv.'een several specific domains or dimension s o f l ife. These dimensi ons are the vectors that underl ie the cultural i mage <1f the body, mapped ou t by the coordinates in side/outside, hi gh/low, front/back,

before/after, and l eft/right According to divinatory diagnosi s. i l lness inve rts , blocks, or disconnects the.se coordinates so that they functi on only in an unbal ­ anced or unidirectional manner. Therapeuti c techniques very often restore these coordinates and their vectors by bringi ng about their reversion or by di­

recting the disruptive imbalance against itself in a se lf-destru ctive 1;vay. Both

the cl airvoyant divi ner,s revelati on s and the dream are compared to readi ng the

underside of a leaf: it is l ike interpreting diurnal vi llage reality from an insight

i nto the nig htly and forest realm. This polarity is the ve ry core of the etiological

The Body

as

the \Veaving Loom of Heal i ng and Life

s m: in unmasking the so urce of evil, the divinatory orac le releases a he al­ sy te ntial. It is a home-opathic princ iple that is also at \�r·ork in the use of i ng pote rne di c i nal plants, makaya, literally� '"foliage of plants," that are toxic under some form or use, curative under another. And the notion of -kaya. Hto fi gh t e\'il by turning it back against itself self-destructively" derives from the same root. This soli darity between l ife-giving and death-giving evokes a basic ma­ tern al exp erience: in rural Yaka land death is al �·ays near in delivery. So divina­ tio n, dream li fe, plant life, parturit i on , and maternity -like hunting and c ooki ng-have in common a close connection with the circle of life proce.sses an d are prominent in healing and transition rites. Therapeutic reversion and the homeopathi c reversal of evil against itself are mobilized at the interstices betv-'een forest and village._ ancestor and de scendant, uterine and agnatic , fe­ male and male. They spur the development of defense mechanisms. Revers ion and reversal may at the same time effect the denouement of a crisi s situation

that has been frozen in a long history of conflicts . �tore fundame-ntally, the se processes indicate ho\\' much the subject"s becoming is one of doub li ng and no-doubling . The point where the patient is folde.d back upon the very root of her suffering and her history most notably reveals how much she has been dispossesse-d at the very core of her being . In other \\'ords, the patient is para­ doxically� and simultaneously, led through processes of experiencing and cog­ nizing based on contrasting directions and moods: for example, trance inte rmingles the limit-experiences of mortal agony, orgasm, and fecundation� and the sacrifice evokes the aggression proper to sorcery and unites the family for a commensal meal . Another set of devices or cultural inducers be longing to therapy as process v.·ould appear to be operative in the khita cult. Either they perform rever­ sions-such as items l-6 listed belo�·-or imply a Janusian thought move­ ment or world order invol ving the simultaneous deployment of one connotation and its reverse- such as i tem s 7-9. They might also illu strate the homeopathic principle (item 9) in striving for a given effect by turning an opposing force against itself self-destructively. But, as I will argue, the homeopathic principle carri es a hidden ri sk of perversion (item 1 0). The key to understanding the therapeuti c value of the paradoxes is expressed by the healer at the very onset of his fonnal orati on: khita �vuziinga, khita wuz.iingulula, ""khita ties the pa­ tient's body in and khita may al so d isentang le it.'" This implies that the ritual alters and frees the patient's body and unbinds the moral relationship between spi rit and patien t. This alteration, moreover, induces the patient to enthusiasti­ cally adopt opposing cognitive modes or affective moods . The transformation involves the simultaneous overlapping and embodying of contrasting corporeal processes or transactions , images, affects, gender pos iti ons , and thought processes.

( l ) Processes of incorporation/expulsion and infoliation/e.l.foliation. overlap

270

Chapter Eight

in healing. Through threshold metaphors , the patient is l ed to ab andon o ld

identific ations for new ones, to she d off her old 4 social skin' for a n ew, to simultaneou sly identify with the experiences of mortal agony, orgasm ic un i o n . del ivery, and birth. The underlyi ng Janusian thought is capable of rele asi n g

very great creative potential. It is manifest i n the patient be ing simult an e ou sly led into a fetal condition and pregnant state; i n the house of secl usion as b oth

an egg and a hen laying and breeding an egg, or as a micro- and macroc os rrri c

wom b. In other words , the processes of ' invagination' and 'ex vagination'

\\l·hich are sim ilar to centripetal and centrifugal movements-overlap sin ce th e patient is both fetu s and pregnant and the house s imultaneously egg- and hen ­

_

like . The convex outer shape o f the seclusion hou se implies a concave inner

shape. The secl usion house acts as the outer skin for the patient Vlho, in the

motion of being led inside, invaginates her new se lf and further transfers her

fetal condition onto the h ouse . The aim of the therapy is to expel whatever has

invaded the body and caused it to be i l l , while simul taneously (re)incorporating its reverse element or w hatever is missing. Therapeuti c techniques for treati ng the symptoms of a closed body restore, through processe s of reversion� its

ca­

pacity for mediation and passage. Fragrant steam baths, ab lution s of the gen i­

tals, hot e nemas, or even emetics may be prescribed. The ritualization of entering and exiting the seclusion house underpi ns and helps to reappropriate

the experience of passage and to regai n some control over analogous move­ ments i n the body and the dai ly life-scene. The body of the possessed patient cannot be turned inside ou t. Instead. the

healer turns the body of a sacrificial animal inside out and spills blood on to

the patient who in turn may anoint herself w ith a mixture of red khula paste

and palm oil . The contents become the container and the patient sheds her sk i n

through a cycle of death an d rebirth. Analogously, the blood sacrifice of an animal may appear to be a device or medium reversing the negative relation­ ship betvleen the aggressor ( sorcerer and/or spirit) and his victim so that the bond takes on a positive healing force . The spirit is inc orporated into the sacri­ ficial animal, then transferred to the altar built to honor the same spirit, or the therapy may shift the i l lness or misfortune from the pati ent 's body onto an inanimate host. This object m ay be buried at a crossroads at midnight, hung in a tree above a busy pathway, or thrown av.lay in a rem ote spot to decompose .

The evil may then be rep laced by a ' good object, ' such as a protective spiri t . Inasmuch as th e trance. evol ves from a passionate transgression of boundaries into a more ritualized liminal experience , it converts the illness into a con­

trolled manifestation of the spirit that is thereafter allied w·ith-marri ed to­

the possessed or entranced person. Anointed with red khula paste and her head

and feet wrapped in a cloth to avoid contact with the sunlight and the ground,

the patient is led into the seclus ion house in an experi ence of both gestation and the fetal condition ; she th us identifies with a proce ss of infoliating the

27 1

The

B ody

as

the

o mi c s c body and exfoli ating sec lusi on house.

(2) The

left/right

c rosso ver

Weaving Loo m of Healing and Life

her fetal

condition and transferring it onto th e

is a th erap euti c de.v ice. In the khita c ult kaol in

i s s ometimes us e d to dra\\' d i agonal stripe s across the p ati e nt 's s tri ngs may be hung around her body in cross-like patterns� they

body, or raffi a aim to circum­ sc ri be the unity of the body and thus restore it to health . The stripes are spe­ ci fi cally drawn-or the s tring s hung -through the corporeal i nterse cti on s : at the n avel, above the heaJ4 or bern'een the breasts . The drawing of these l i ne s occ urs at ni ghtfall during the time of a \\'ax in g moon , on the edge of t he vil lage, and in the famil y 's presence. . As left stands for femi ni ne or uterine, and right for m asculine or agnat i c connections� the diagonal li nes or string s intert\-..· inc the patient 's bi l i neal, uterine and agnatic, descen t. (3) The h igMow re "·e rsal is another therapeutic mean s . A ccord ing to the cultural body scheme and patterns of s oc i ability, adu l t men should maintain the upper part s of the body, particu l arly the heart and head which denote the senses, cool and in poise-in a manner de mon strati n g \\'ei ght and grav ity (zitu); any heat is to be kept in the. lower part of the body. Ensorcel l ment, particularly through ag n a tic kinsmen, erodes av.'ay or emp ti e s a person of this gravity and inverts the body order. The. v ic tim suffers on t h e level of the sense s from a s tate of li g htn e s s , ai mless ness, disorientation, excessive he at and effu­ sion, or he may displ ay an extru sive or bad temper (se.e 4.3). The victim may suffer from ep i le pti c- l ike fainting, \\' h ich is spoke. n of as '1o fall in a fain t'� ( -bM--·a nyaambu). S everal luke\\'ann enemas, normally taken at sunrise, aim to correct thi s condition. They are made from fragrant p l ants pl ucke d from tree tops and left to dry in the sun. In line v.'ith the humored logic� the ene ma is meant to cou nterbalanc e and calm colds and ch i l l s in the lov.'er part of the body, thus counterbalancing the heat that goes to the head. While vomiting denotes an inversion of the oral and anal functions� anal enemas aim at counter­ ba l anc ing the de fi lin g effects c aus ed by the ingestion of improper food or the hearing of indecent l anguage. (4) Heal ing remobilizes the in."ide/out.� ide dialectics of the. body and the cultural valu ation of the onfii"·es. The orifices constitute essential markers and thresholds of the body's in/out orie nt at i on . When an orifice i s inve.rted , the entire body is disturbed and in danger of b ei ng i ts el f wholly inverted . Such appears to be the condition in the case of vomiting, hemorrhaging, amenorrhea, miscarriage, strong body odors , and chro nic constipation. Duri n g the treatment of his amenorrheic or dysmenorrheic ni ece, a maternal uncle offers her young ft ov,rering herbs- gathered at the edge of the village (that is , at the si te of lovers ' secret trysts )-to "drink .. by way of anal or, at times, vaginal enemas . The healer may prescribe. saunas or massages Y.'ith re.d khula paste, m i xed \V ith a fern having a rash-like appearan ce . He may eve.n prescri be massages v.'ith the same paste bu t mi xed with a preg n an t woman's first urine of the day. Unde rly-

2 72

Chnpter Eight

in g th i s prescription is the vaguely expressed principle that only a \VOnlan \vh is containing -is pregnant-can also be a container, or represent a h old in ° function. The same logic governs the practice of blessings with saliv a . In th ig case, the family head or patient's unc le spits on the patient:<; forehe ad o r che � (over the heart): he publicly attests to the lack of any resentment or n1 a hc e likely to hamper the patient 's recovery._ and there by offers his protection . (5) ln"·e rsion of rhythms i s both a symptom and a cultural induce r of the rapy. The notion of biological and social rhythms is fundamental for therapy. Los s or distortion of a rhythm is a sure sign of a major intrusion of the per s on by sorcerers or spirits. Trembling of the hands, legs� or entire body during a tr an ce often indicates the loss of rhythm, for trembling, which shows the i nt e rnal rhythm to be cut off from any coded or social order, dangerously ex po ses a person's breath and vital flo\v. Trembling delivers the internal rhythm o f the vital flo\\' to the covetous spirits and urges the heal er's intervention. Sleep­ lessness is another symptom of a disrupted rhythm; it robs the subject of his most intimate possession, namely, dreaming and sleep. Dai ly chanting and dancing as a group at dusk serve to reconnect the patient 's idiosyncratic rhythms with the collective patterns. ( 6) Healing aims at rearticulatin g the ties betv.'ecn past and present by situat­ ing the patient in cyclic time or a in ritual cycle. Paradoxically, by rel iv i ng the basic transi tions in the life-cycle in league with the cycles of sun and moon, and in fellow-fee ling with the \Vider audience, the patient in dance experien ces a kind of rebirth or immortalization : the ""·hole drama of rene\val, also of group and life-v.'orld, is possible on ly because of her. In this, healing recycles mem­ ory by leading the patient to jointly re live mutational experiences of childhood and adulthood: by anointing herself \vith red paste and by info liating the "skin" offered by the house of seclu sion� the initiate reshapes her experiences of fetal condition, gestation� and del ivery. ln a very ludic way, she is mean\.\l·hi le led to sense out her unconscious identi fications V.'hilc remolding the one experience in terms of others and embodying dimensions from among the stock of sy•n­ bol ic and imaginary themes that are displayed by the setting and drama. �1ore­ over, the accompanyi ng chants offer various themes that question the social body, the relationships elders have with both the ancestors and the descendants. The chants help the patient to roam about in the imaginary realm or to explore i n her own life themes of loss, change, and rene\a,.'al . Moreover, chanting is a primary experience of cycling� in the v.'heeling pattern bet\veen lead singer and the. refrain from the chorus of coinitiates, and in step vlith the cycles of moon and sun . The notion of cyclic time is also important whenever plants are cn1 ployed i n healing. Herbal remedies meant to stimu late the vi tal flow in the patient sho uld be gathered and used during the first phase of the cycle , \\'hen the sap is rising in the plant. Herbal concoctions are used at the tran sition fron1 one phase in the ritual cycle to the next, or at transitional phases of the lunar

:

The Body

z73

as

the

Weaving Loo m of Healing and Life

Pre parat i ons counteracting evil force s mi ght likely evoke the ne\\' moon or veget al de c ay · he rapy intermingles both gravity and playfulnes.� , selj-contain1nen t and (7) T � ecstasy. Th erapy s ove.rall ambience of di latati on and e xube rance he l ps the pa­ tient to open up an d to tran sfe r inner te.nsi ons onto the co ll ect i ve flow. He alers ts from the th e rapy managing group. and observers from the commu­ art p icipan ruty jo i n i n tea si ng one another as they playfully i nterming l e in the c o l lect ive da ncing near the sec lusion house. The therapists often di splay a mi s c hievou s or even malicious appearance and deve lop a p layfu l rapport with their p ati e nts th rough their spee c h look s� and touch. What occ.urs in the i nt i macy of the sec lu sion house-the patien t 's ri t ual skin -i s, however. secluded from pu b li c vie\�· and from e nc roac hment by n oni niti ates One. of the most serious offense.s against the khita c u l t is the bre akin g of the taboo of s i ght. An un i ni ti ate d per­ son, and men in particul ar, may see neither \\ hat is ins ide the seclus io n hu t no r the p atie n t in seclu sion, just as a ma n may not w i tn e s s a woman in labor. C onversely, a khita i ni t iate is not permitted t o observe the n-khanda or male ci rcumc i sion and initiation. Such an intrusion in t he initi atory s e c ret it is be­ lieve.d, may capture th e in it i ate s l ife b e ari ng cap ac i t i e s or mutilate the tran s­ gressor's eyesight. S i milarl y, both initiatory healing and sexual reproducti on are secluded from p ubl i c viev.'. Initiatory he al i ng is thus by one means or an­ other kept out of pub l i c sig h t and outside the c en ter of diurnal v ill age life .. v.'here the e lders impose their pie.rcing gaze of power and w·here the rule of shame and diffidence c ou nterpo se s men and women, old and young. public and private. At the end of se c l usio n the therap i st conc lude s his l i fe bearing task and the patient's delivery by gi v in g eyes to" or res hap i ng the gaze of'" ( -buumba nJeesu) hi s initiate ; thi s means� in etlect, that he Hdrnw·s signs" ( -ta t.�ona) o n the patient's face . I c on tend that the double ovoid pa ttern he trace s by \Vay of metaphoric transpos ition, as sociates eye s and the geni tal orifice , as if upper and lower body \\'ere re pl i ca s of one another� and als o, perhaps , as if t h e marked eyes a re an invitation to meeting \vith the unmarked, n a me ly v.·ith someone of the male gender. The s ec lus i on ends with a n i g ht of festive. or

daily

cycle .

.

,

,

.

'

,

"

-

,

"

-

'"

,

,

dancing.

(8) B ot h illusion and expectation, exploration and se/j._examin.ation, are fos­ tered by the transitional object. While Yaka therapy makes moderate use of s p e ec h , it rel i es far more heavil y on the inte.rplay of musical rhythms, obj e ct s bodi l y tech n iq ues and drama. An obj ect (a medicinal plan� ritu al obje.c l , charm around t he ne.ck) contains the memory of the. transferential rel ationsh i p with the therapist. Some patients say : •'If I do not wear my charm._ some t h ing bad \\'ill happen to me."' The object soci ali z es or attenuates both the expec ta­ tion and the i l l usion in the he a l in g relation. For example. a little pe n da n t made of Han as neatl v \'/·oven into a double moebius knot � fastened to a small pouch and hung around the nec k of the patient-might look rather my s te ri o us t

_

­

.J

.

274

Chapter Eight

It si gni fie-s in fact the pain caused by the initiation ordeal s that the pat i e n t under.vent as part of the tre-atment, and it invites the patient to keep an a len mind \Vith regard to the rite. The patient is led to ask: '"Is this rite not onl y a game?" or HCould the healer really harm me?" The object also commi ts the patient to try to reach a truth or higher knowledge that is acces sib l e o nl y through the ordeals of initiation and guaranteed precisely by the acco mpli sh­ ment of the rite itself. Without the experience of the rite, such truth wo u ld remain indefinable. Initiation may give ri se to a kind of secrecy \vhich i s not so much of a panicular knOYlledge but rather a mark of, or at least the preten­ sion to, an initiatory identity ; the rite in itself, ho\vever, is unlikely to invo l ve much particular esoteric skill or knowledge. (9) Healing aims both at destruction and regeneration. Healing operate s both as a process of homeopathic or self-destructil-·e reversal ( -kaya) of the illness, as well as a creative or gestational kind of self-healing ( -buka, -bukama). For the diviner-diagnostician or according to formal etiology, health (-kola) and illness ( -loka), good (mbote) and evil (mbi), are polariti es j ust as the left and right hands are considered to be nearly equivalent yet reversed derivations sharing the same origin. The therapist's task is -kaya, to fight exter­ nal evil by turning it back against itself se-lf-destructively and thereby to gai n access to the vital flow that the. evil or i l lness \Vould othern.rise have suffocated or deviated ( see 6.3, phase 5 : -fuundila fula). In my own tenns, it is the v.·eav­ ing of the vital flow, metaphorically connected with the processes of ferme.nta­ tion and cooking, that molds the cure into the form of gestation . The cure is thus a transformative process . Homeopathic reversal in fact expresses a parti c­ ular ontological perspective in Yaka culture. The re- l ation an indivi dual estab­ lishes with the realms of ancestral shades, spirits, and forces of the dark forest and the night may appear as double-sided: they are as equally capable of hin­ dering or harming a person as they are of bringing good luck, life, and growth . Order and di sorder are not simply opposing concepts. They are seen as twin � coextensive� and solidaristic terms in the sense o f conceptual pairs such as good fortune and mi sfortune, health and illness, fate and anti-fate , abundance and famine, excess and lack, autonomy and intrusion, and so on . All these phenomena are accepted as occurring together j ust as risks and opportunities are thought to do in most undertakings beyond the daytime realm of one 's hou sehold. This ambivalent qual ity of reality shows itself, through the vari ou s images given to sorcery, exorcism, and antisorcery, to be a pov..'er whose final ­ ity c an be modified or redirected by means of inversions. Yaka cults posit ho­ meopathic reversion (-kaya) as a basic process in therapy : it is an action \\'hich turns the malevolent agent against itself self-destructively through symbolic means and paradox itself. The power of the sorcerous aggressor discovers its counterweight in the ritual power a victim might solicit in order to tum the aggression against the aggressor. At ti mes it is indeed the victim who triumphs

27 5

The Bod y

as

the \Veaving Loom of Healing and Life

i n the struggle� \\'ith the. re su lt that the. sorcerer is k i lle.d by the very forces which he intended to \\'ield agai nst someone else. ( 1 0) Decadence/fu lfillment and deceiving/redeeming onese lf� are versatile polarities at play in heal ing . Good and ill health appear as the mere outcome of a movem ent back and forth bet\\·een polarities rather than as a c.on sequence of moral conduct . The question of the double-sidedness of boundaries and of the bipolarity of trdll sition points-that is � the turnover from '"'hat causes i l l

he alth to what brings good health, or from decadence to fu lfillment, death to rebirth-al so indicates the extent to which contact \Vith the source of l i fe or

v,rith the extrah uman is permane.ntly susceptible to pe n)ersion. lt would appear�

at least, as if the nonancestral cult spi rits were present only in the margins of social and cultural order and \\'ere fundamentally ambivalent forces lacking

any stable orien tation in themsel ves. The maternal uncle and family elders are

capable of abusively appropriating a l arge part of thi s extrahuman force for their O\v n end s and may tum some aspect of the shared agnatic life force on

itse lf. A '"'ord spoken by one of them in anger against the ancestors may brin g misfortune . The f�mil i al chief is then i nvited to purge h imse lf of the incrimi­ nating outburst

(-.fyaal'vula)

in order that the \\'ord may once again serve to

\\'eave together family bonds. The relation that one establishe.s \\'ith a chief,

a

therapist � or any other ritual spec i alist always carri es an element of fear. An individual trapped bet'"·een the contradictory constraint s of fidelity to tradition ,

on the one han
bolic nature . In point of fact, there is al'"'ays a means of re.deem.ing onesel f

from a misdee
attempts to neutralize the effects of an anticipate.d act of adultery. or at least to disclai m his responsibil ity for it. It i s therefore poss ible to postulate a penna­ nent store of 'credit" for self-activated neutralization through contact with the spirits . Drawing o n these paradoxes an d on the Janu sian model of trclll sgression, cult heal ing proves to be more of a creative art-therapy than a recompense or a group remedy. Indeed � khita operates on the basis of paradoxes or opposing tenns that manifest them selves simultaneously.

Khita may both cause

gyneco­

logical disorders and enh ance female fertil ity. In short, many traditional therapies put at play the deconstruction/recon­ struction princ iple, in l ine \Vith the cultural assumption that ensorcellment

( -lokala) and heal ing (-kola/a) are reverse sides of the same phenomenon . They

C'hapter Eight

276

are rooted in

a

subtle han dling of p aradoxe s� l ike the scu lptor \\'ho �hand l e s ·

the spatial di m en s ions nf i nside/outside , hi gh/l ov. , left/right, convex/c onc ave '

in order to give his work the relief and depth of the past and the spir i t u a l

powc;

of the liv ing. Ill ness expresse s the upsetti ng of the body 's vectors ( referri n g t.o inside/outside , upper/lower, front/back, left/right ) , of the di alectic s of set t i n g and transgressing boundaries, or of one s s patial and temporal place in th e '

group and the l ife-world . The body, especially the skin and ori fices , b ec o n1e

the privi leged means and sites of inversion, reversion , and transforma tio n . Th e senses and abi lities to comm unicate are the privileged vectors in the task of i nterconnecting . A my riad of invisible e ntiti es , actors , and relati on s h ip s a re thus intertwined with person s, social rule s .. and ax ioms. ��1 this occu rs i n

an

in an unfoldi ng corporeal , co mmunal� and cosmic drama.

Ternary Logic of Mediation and Effusion in Self-healing

8.4 A

The many heal ing cults at pl ay at the edge of es t ablished Yaka soci ety appear to operate partially beyond the objective conditions and conventi onal arrange­ ments of diurnal soc ial orde.r and beyond the commonsense knowledge of un ­ skilled i nformant�. Unlike B ourdieu

( 1 980), I \Vould not cons ider the systen1s

of signs , symbols� and forces at pl ay in the hea lin g cults as devices that mere I y

assist the reproduction of the objecti ve conditions , that is, as means of confe r­

ring a quasi -n atural status to the conditi ons of socia l life and the c ultural con­

ve nti on s in such a V.'ay that people tend to see them as the onl y possible rea lity.

Ritual healing explicitly withdraws the patient from the coercive order of ag­

natic re lations of subordination and soci al statu s, that i s , from the cycle of familial hi story in \\'hich offenses i nev itably ca ll for vengeance.

The healing cult reconnects the patient with her uterine ties and with the

source of life. Therapy endeavors to reweave affects� organs, energies, an d bodily functions, all of \vhich are exfoliated on the ritual scene, into an irre­ pressible emergence of the uterine vital flow. It has an all the more ecs tat ic

effect in that it is cosmogenetic : it leads the patient to\\1-ards a tran sform ed presence \\'i thin and in relation \1..' i th (e. g.,

JWitwelt) the l i fe-\vorld \-vhich is itself transformed in the process (e.. g., Umwelt) . Ritual healing i naugurate s a new

bodily experi ence and a new world order whi l e it si multaneousl y transforms , through corporeal acts , the subject's relation to th i s V.'orld.

The heal i ng ritual simultaneously unfolds on two levels. On a first level� such pairs as bride-takers and bride-givers, genitor and genitrix, agnati c and uterine, a�cendant and descendant, healer and patie nt� i llness and health , being bound and being linked to. offense and persecution, and before and after are represented as polar terms on the

same

axis. Th is i s the leve l at \o\l·hich we

fin d the logic of distinct binary oppos itions to be operative. The cult ai ms at

The Body as the \'leav ing Loom of Healing and Life

il z g a series of pol arities and paradoxical l y at mix ing contra'i ting c l c­ m ob i in en : example . i n the trance-induced overlappi ng of the experie nces of rn t s as for m ortal agony and conception, of being both child-bearer and ne\\'born. Th i s

be both dangerou s and potent. At \Vork i nvo l ves a mixing of categorie-s that can here i s a homeopathic principle of restoration through reversaL thank s to whi ch heal in g re sults from reversing chaos into order by trapping ( -kaya) disorder and reversing the evil or the stain against itsel f in a se lf-destructive ,-.·ay.

On a nother level underly ing that of opposition is a more embraci ng order� one whose funct ion i t is to provide a dynamic foundation for the polarities or,

m ore adequately put, for the phenomenon of emergence , outbreak, and effl u­ e-nce. Healing brings about a unifying and all-embracing sy stem of a tridimen­ sional n ature, so to speak : heali ng is .. making v-·hole" ' ( -luunga). At play here

i s a p rocess or a kind of .'ipiral movement informed by a te rnary logic . It i s the ceaselessly e mergent movement of the life-fl o\\' from the. uterine life. source.

The paradoxical Janu sian thought in khita therapy de stabilizes and energizes

the binary folk- level oppositions of i l lness/health, illic it/licit .. c los ure/effus i on .. polluting/pure� agnatic/uterine, and the like.. And ye� there is more to this pat­

tern of thought : a tridimen sional sys tem and tern ary logi c is brought i nto play

by the various parti cipant s. Di fferenc es as betv-·een male and female, agnatic

and uterine, forebear and offspring, healer and patient are not exc l usionary categorie- s. The patient enters a proce ss of androgynous se lf-healing . The very

paradoxic al thou ght proce sses and tran sgressive. acts display the differences

and opposition s in reference to an englobi ng order of foundation., a realm of the sacred, of basic postu lates such as "'life is stronge.r than death ; evil ends by

destroyi ng itself." This order of foun dation destructures the dyads of i ll heal th/ good heal th and the like� and breaks them open into a ternary logic. This real m of the sacred is not a l ongin g for fulfillment in an eschaton ; i t is both a ground of discourse and a deep source of forces in the body, group� and life-world

rather than a truth or an ontological foundation for the production of kno\\'1edge and ide-ology.

In terms of the Yaka healing cul ts , thi s

healing per se

(brmgaanga)

basic

ground of the heal ing art and

is in the "'·orld: in th i s vie\\', the sacred is this

\vorld's innemzost, ceaselessly e1ne rging l�j'e source: ngoongu, the uterus of the \Vorld. In some respects, healing is fundamentall y a regre ssi on into a \\'orld prior to the body : the

body .'l' tenJs from the

�1.:orld, embodying 'the primal v-'omb

of the world . ' Its unfoldi ng regenerative processes in people and l i fe-worl d bear \\'itness to this ternary logic .

In other V.'ords, the tie that binds the authoritative or pate-mal function \\'ith

the motherin g capac ity of the. he aler-v-'ho acts as a maternal unc le to the

patient-is not obtained in tenns of a dialectical process of Au.fhebung�· a ter­

nary logic underlies the healer acting as �male mother, male source, ' or the

patient being both fetu s and pregnant . The ternary logic does not simpl y over-

278

Chapter Eighr

come the oppo sition or lead to a totalizi ng system, but complete s , rathe r, t he Janusian thought, transgress ion, or homeopathic reversal with gro\vth , th e e

f­ fluence of life and empowerment. The bond between the two poles ( pa tern a l! maternal. parent/child, mortal agony/rebirth, incubation/h at ching out , a n d s o on) does not depend on their intrinsic quali ties only but on their differe n t rel a­

tions �·ith regard to a uni fying and liminal pole . This unifying pole is l i ke th e measure , the basic rhythm in the drama, the ongoi ng weave , the sourc e of t on ­ ics, vitali ty, an d empo\\'erment . In Yaka healing

culture, ngoongu,

' the p ri m al womb, ' appears as a p l ace of tran sforrnative transcendence, the space -ti me or­ der of the foundin g and ever reemerging possibility of existence. It i s n ot the telos of the whole, but a • womb of cu ltural life, ' a co mmon source and fe nne n t�

one that sets forth vital solidarity, not appropriation and po\\'er.

l'lgoong u

evokes the euchronic maternal space, the primordial, self generating source of life e mergi n g from the soi l and continu ally renewing itself between the su bter­ -

ranean realm and the sky, in the chthonic, animal, human, and cosmic matri ces . Seclusion in the ritual house , ti es with the maternal uncle, the healer acting as

a demiurge or a \\'eaver, anointing

with red khula

paste or with kaol i n , the

healing processes of trapping and hunting - all of these events drav.' from and tap this erupting source, this transcendent and embracing i nstance . In thi s foun­

dational instance and ternary logic, the principles of lineari ty (underpinn i ng agnatic descent , manhood, excellence, ranking. supervi sion and super-vision)

and circularity and cyclic ity (characterizi ng uterine descent, motherhoo� com­

mensality, agricultural production, and relations with the autochthonou s peo­

ple) meet each other in the morphogenetic intertwining of the patient 's body

and world with, for exam ple, the realm s of the palm tree , the paraso l tre e , the

hen that lays an egg, fermentation, being caught up in a trap, and cooking .

These syntheses are metamorphic, transformati ve, and m utual l y empo\\'erin g

links between corporeal , social, and cosmological domains. Rather than mak­

ing all this explicit in speech, the healing ritual bri ngs forth a productive '•fu­

s ion of the worlds" ( S tol l er 1 9 8 9 ). The patient "has grown to fullne ss '� ( luungidi). It is not a loc u s of innocence, but a hard won recognition and achievement of a new solidarity in the u nclos i ng and sharing of a com m on l i fe source and in constructi ng nev.' identities . It does not focus on consciousness,

rights, or sal vation but on bodily, sensuous, and communal ski l ls and

arts

that

enhance and share vitality, that arouse energy for regras ping a determi ning

relation with the social world . It arouses, s hares, and responds to potenti aliti es in the person groun ded in mutual caring.

It seems to me that the basic metaphors vitally i nfonning this therapy brin g

into play a particular spatial and temporal logic . The proce ss of \\'eaving

(-kuba), whic h is symbolically superimposed onto the proce ss of healing ( -buka) and which is interconnected �·ith the gro�·th of the raffia palm and

fermentation of palm v,rine , evokes the juxtaposi tion of a co n centri c movement

2 79

(fro m

The Body

as

the

\Veaving Loom of Healing and Life

periphery to center and vice versa) and a spiral ing or rhyth mic move­

men t . On the one hand v.'e have a spiral moveme. nt of v.'eaving . The sp i ral co mbines the horizontal and concentric (centri petaVce ntrifugat infoliating/ex ­

foli ating) movement an d th e vertical movement (of gro\vth and aging). Ther­ apy le ads the patient from the outer fringe to the center of her or hi s being.

H av in g its starting point in the social network and brought on by depressing or

b annful relation ships,

therapy leads the patient into the seclusion of the mater­

nal \\'omb, into the egg of the \\'orld. This process represents the gestation of a new being within the patient that must be born to life. On the other hand, the heali ng drama seems to superimpose the movements of w e aving onto the centripetal-centrifug al axis . Healin g leads a patient to her or his center or source of life, v.'hile fermentation links decay to regeneration . The raffi a cloth connotes the effervescent, sexual, and cosmological symbol ­ i s m of th e raffia palm an d o f th e fermentation o f palm wine, a s \\'el l as that of cooking palm oil. Heal ing really means drawing on the effervescent vital flow. The cure thereby ai ms at an arrangement that is prefigured by the fabric : it is

the \\'eaving of the vital fl o\\'. In doubling the palm metaphor, the v.·eavin g

brings about and gives meaning to a reinsertion of the subject i n th e world . I t achi eves th i s by means of

a

consti tuti ve juxtapositi on of the pol ar principles

which characterize beings and things , right and left, up and down, front and

back, heaven and earth, decompo sition and rebirth, so\v i ng and flowering, ag­ nates and uteri nes, genitors and offspring, masculine and feminine . To pu t i t

i n th e terms o f Bourdieu

( 1 980 :29,

my translation) : ' •Only someone \�·ho is

completely mastered by this kind of logic c an master it completely him/ herse lf.'' From the point of vie\\· of corporeal movement, the c ure leads the patient from vio lent ge sticulations during the trance to an unobtrusive but ac ­ tive receptiveness during the. seclusion. At the end of the cure, in the act of '-coming out from between the healer's leg s�H the patient is l ed to take posses­ sion of her or his redefined c orporeal space and to stand upri ght in front of the

healer and the others. lnfonned by this morphogenetic superimposition� the cure is also a movement that i ntegrates the physical , social, and cosmologica l levels, and in which the vital fl o\'i is interlaced. The Yaka healer relates his intervention to the ancestral time of V.'hich he is a mediator: euchronic time. It surpasses the contingent and linear time that the symptoms disp lay, since. they stem from disorders in the family history, namely from repeated offenses and the c urses and retaliation that have fol l o�'ed upon them.

Through affliction and he.aling , khita, like most other healing c ults , punishes

an offense and reasserts the need for semantic, social , moral, and cosmogenetic order. In some of its aspecl't , the ritual is an in strument of classificatory thought, but more s trikingly one of reempo\verment insofar as it demonstrates how much social systems of descent, marriage, and reproduction are but exten­ s ion s of cosmological or, better, cosmogeneti c processes. Inasmuch a s they

Chapter Eight

280

include polar forces and directions� these processes are displayed in the rite of seclusion, and the many para do xes in the healing cult are embodied in the

patienfs trance behavior or the avuncular role of the the rapis t The culfs syan­ bolic and morphogenetic dram a draws heavily on female. or maternal life­ .

bearing powers , yet the orchestration of the meeting of both sexes mediates these pov.'ers in favor of male rights or of spirits controlled by male healers. The khita cult demonstrates the great extent to which cultural symbols and metaphors are operative throu gh the body, the being itself, the meaningfulness and po\ver located in living experience. It is in and through the body that

meaning-bearing connections arc made and that the human body, group, and life-world are interwoven. Ritual symbols are not images but primarily corpo­

real devices., processes., and metho ds or patterns that originate in people's cor­ poreal rootedness and participation in a cultural \vellspring and life-world. They perhaps arise from a potential v.'hich, akin to the dream, unconceals both images and inner energy v.'oven into the texture of the body. This view is

as

such a reversal of most of the linguistic and semiotic perspectives on metaphor and its logical processes kno\\'n tod ay Only after the enactment, in the living .

body of tradition� do the actors of a rite become a\\'are of a meaningful texture of the \Vorld that t hey have come to embody. Through ritual, the body is the \veaving loom of healing, and yet of the umbilical cords of life and the uterine life source. \Vhat the present s tud y has been aiming at is a gen uine encounter \rVith Yaka society through a disclosure of how khita fundamentally associates the pro­ cesses of health and life. transmission in the human body v.'ith those in the world, as both share something in common and \vith other forms of life emerg­ ing from the palm tree, from a breeding hen and egg in incubation, and so on.

Khita converts the patient's body and the seclusion house into resonant microand macrocosmic processes tapping the source of ever-renewed life. The con­ cept of healing-as it is refracted through an understanding of Yaka culture

itself-conveyed here is not simply one of change, redress, catharsis, self­ control, cognitive relabeling, self-assertion, meaning production, or drama. Healing, rather, basically draws the p atient and her close family into a cosmo­ genetic V.'eave and empovlerment. It transfigures the initiate, her body, senses, emotions, and embodied me anin gs her receiving and giving, into a relation­ ,

ship of integration, th at is, into an interweaving. And ye t it leads to or rein­ ,

forces a

decentering o..f the individual:

emphasis is on the pa tient s acceptance '

of the condition of being a medium, that is, of a mediumistic type of ·conjugal' relation with the cult spirit for the benefit of the group, and thereby on the patient's contracting a debt with rega rd to others . This occurs, ho'Never, while the cosmogenetic drama releases self-generative po\ver or stimulates self­ healing in the patient and her life-\\'orld, benefiting her close kin as \veiL The patien t, her kin and life-world are li nked up \Vith ngoongu, the uterine'! primal, ..

281

The Body as the \'leaving Loom of Healing and Life

egg- and tree-like source of vital flow that ceaselessly emerges and regenerates itself. When afte r the initiatory healing the khita initiate gives birth to a child, the latter receives the name of J"'-'-seenga or N-noongu, which evokes the y.reaving-hook made from the \'lood of the parasol tree. and is itself

a

symbol

of the infioresc.ence of th e palm and parasol trees. This birth seems to echo the theme of the patient's being bound, the pro ces s of u ntyi ng her bonds, and the

strategy of rev.'eaving her into the very vital flo\\' emergent from the \\'orld's uterine source of life.

Epilogue

Although the healing rite is marked by seclusion and a myriad of highly charged symbolic elements and stands as a portal between the this-\vorldly and the other-worldly, it nevertheless remains firmly grounded in this \"·orld of practical action. Most of the information that I have received from elders and healers-some during the rite or the seclusion itself-has been gathered \\ihiJe informants were in a very witty or playful mood: while carving a ritual object, making basketry, \\'eaving a mat, preparing the lianas for setting their traps� or building the house, for example. The healer's offer of information and self­ revelation resembles a trapper-hunter's account of finding the right bait and place to set the trap. This is the place \\'here routine and correct opinion are overcome by the act of stumbling over the obvious. In his behavior and in the narrative he recounts, the healer. is like the trickster, deploying surprise, giving his clients a means to explore. In their very core, divination and healing are founded, so to speak, in dreamwork that owes much to the processes of con­ densation, displacement, and figuration disclosed in the idiom of scenes, moods, and feelings-but this makes for another study. The anthropological endeavor l am advocating radically opposes some of the deconstructionist stances taken in postmodem anthropology. I compare my position as an anthropologist to one of a reluctant joker or trickster figure. l have been deeply and morally touched by my relation v.'ith the Yaka people with \\'hom I have come to share so much. In my view·, the fundamental author­ ity for the anthropologist is precisely the interdependence of field and text, both in an intellectual and moral respect. In late 1974, on returning home after eight years of intense work in Kinshasa and Kv.'aango land-\\o·hile in my full youth and having severed myself from so many friends and a \\lOrld in w·hich I had taken root-one of the last messages given me by a friend, a university professor and zealous militant of the ''Recourse to Authenticity'' campaign belonging to the M.P.R. (the People's Movement of the. Revolution). \Vas this: "After you have. appropriated the people's kno\\·ledge and cultural patrimony. you will publish in languages and texts that are out of our reach. With it, you will make yourself a social position. This is cultural theft: it all belongs to us and should return to us.'' It took me many years of intense \vork to recover from

283

Epilogue

this indictment. When, for the first time. 1 came back to Kinshasa after twelve.

y ears, in a conference organized by the Center for the Study of African Reli­ gions (C.E.R.A.). I recounted my having been questioned by the son of a pres­ tigious Yaka diviner in Masina-Kinhasa, a few . days earlier: '•You the ,-.,·hite ma n, y;ho seems to lrnovl a great deal of our divinatory and healing art, who are you? You the \Vhite people, you have tried to kill the heart of our people by

condemning diviners, healers, and fetishes as being the V.'ork of satan: Vw'ho are you? Tell us \\'ho you are, you \\'ho knov.' the innermost life of our people., (Devisch 1987:

146).

Then I told the conference that I had given some Yak a

elders a cop y of my publications in a ge.sture recalling the act of a \vidower at the end of his mourning: he is expected to transmit the fruits of his \\'ork to his uncle so that the latter may then relieve him from mourning. I further informed the audience how much Yaka cultural body symbolism had inspired some in­ novations in our approach to family medicine in Flanders (Devisch 1990d), just as it is, moreover. influencing my psychoanalytic practice and theory. The type of anthropological encounter I am advocating is careful to not im­ pose its ov.'n paradigm; it does not restrict me to looking through the \\'indo\\' of my O\\'D world vie\\·; nor is it a translation. Anthropology requires taking a skeptical stance v.'ith regard to the outsJX>ken side of life, to the face value of outv.rard behavior and information.. and to the claims of reason and po\\'Cr. Rooted as I am in my Flemish culture of origin, I entered into Yaka society and culture as receptive, se-lf-critical, situated. and authentically myself as I could, that is, as an intermediary onto \\l·hom my hosts in their daily and ritual practice could transfer their dee.per intuitions and longings about life. Maybe it Vlas my search for personalized encounter, open-hearted intersubjectivity� and genuine solidarity that earned me the name. of reference: n-ndedyeetu, -'the \�·hite man \a.·ho became ours," or the \\l·elcome of the elders in 1991 as ma­ moosu tukukeembe, hto you we had committed everything.'" I do recognize dif­ ference, but in solidarity. Nonetheless I deeply resist an appropriation of all of the Yaka world into �"estern theories of some transcendental essence, auton­ omy of reason, rationality, science of the orderly and recurrent reality, objective truth, linear time and beneficial progress that \\'ould re.scue them, or into �"est­ em vie\\'S on otherness, mind/body, mentaVmanuallabor.. culture/nature� male/ female, reason/sense, truth/illusion. or on power, social change. moderniza­ tion, globalization, acculturation, and victimization. Since 1989, a team of Zairean and Belgian scholars of both genders has V.'orked at applied me.dical­ anthropological action-research in Kinshasa that aims at promoting, in urban Yaka culture, the cultural components in healing and a genuine comprehension of it by biomedical staff in the Community Health Care. My endeavor reaches beyond dialogue and discursive reality. In order to deepen my understanding of the meaning of crucial notions and practices in the cults, 1 had the occasion to offer or share palm wine and cola nut \a.·ith the

284

Epilogue

elders and ritual specialists, during or after the organization of the cult. These moments served to inspire words and acts that spill out and transmit vital flow and empowerment-including those directed at me. But the more affinity and affectionate fellow feeling grow, the more the -anthropological' encounter be� comes transferential-in the literal sense of diaphorein, Obertragung: bearing

across and conveying to one another, carrying beyond, opening up. This en­ counter challenges and enriches the ethnographer's social and cultural assump­

tions. It is not one of innocence, salvation, or sadness, but grows into a genuine human venture for a never-ending polylogue, a critical giving and receiving, and an al\vays finite exploration of the resonance between body, family, and life-world. It is a resonance of rev.'eaving and reempowering through limita­ tions, paradoxes, and innovative transformations, and it V.'itnesses to an

ever

reemerging possibili ty for meaningful existence, dignity� and inexhaustible mutuality: this is and brings A)'eesi.

Appendix A A Case

of lnfertilil)'

The following case illustrates the role of the maternal uncle in countering gynecological disorders (as I have outlined in 6.2.1

).

Madila and Lee\\'O, t\vo

full sisters who had been recen . tly married, began their khita seclusion on 31 July 1972 in a village neighboring Yitaanda. (Several of the names have been intentionally changed.) Madila has a four year old daughter named Mafuta from a previous mar­ riage. This marriage was ended v..-hen an oracle revealed that the sterility �1ad­ ila suffered follov.'ing the. first birth had been caused by a prohibition of intermarriage between members of her clan and that of her husband. Divorced and remarried for ove.r a year, she has still not become pregnant. Madila and her daughter undenvent the khita therapy together. For her part� �1adila �s younger sister Lee\vo has already suffered four accide.ntal abortions. The young women belong to the Mbaya clan, by their father, whereas in the uterine lines they are related to the lineages of �fangay� Moombo, Vlaana, and .f\1bela Khuumba through , respectively, their primary uncle, granduncle, great­ granduncle, and great-great-granduncle.

Upon the death of Madila and

Lee\1/·o's father, Mbaya , the deceased's junior brother inherited their widov.'ed mother Khuumba in marriage. She herself died soon after, the same day as did her son Kasela .. the full brother of the t\\'0 young women. The divinatory oracle associated these deaths and an abusive curse. Khuumba had ensorcelled her son Kasela in complicity \\·ith her brother Mangaya, a primary uncle to the victim. To remove suspicion from herself, she had then invited Mangaya to curse those in the kin group who might have caused Kasela "s illness. Subse­ quent to this� ho\\'ever, the young man had gone to see his great-granduncle Waana to collect a dog for \\'hich he had not ye.t paid. The '•mixing of hearths" that receiving this domestic animal represented was enough to bring Mangaya 's curse on Kasela and his mother� \vho died a sudden death the same day. The dog also died. By accepting the gift of the great-granduncle \Vaan� the sorcer­ ous mother Khuumba and her son Kasela effected a paradoxical union v.'ith the uncles, including the complicious primary uncle V.'ho condemned the en­ sorcellment.. through a curse, \\'hile it was the mother herself who had ensor­ celled her son.

286

b

�1adila Leewo

c

�lafuta

a

Appendix A

d

Kasel a

c

Mbaya patriarch

f

Mangaya patriarch

g

Khuumba

h

Suunga

Uncles A �1angaya B Moombo C Waana, represented by

D

e

patriarch Yikafinga

D

�fbela Khuumba

a c

Figure 2. Classificatory Position of the Afflicted Individuals

The evening of the seclusion in the khita cult of Madila and Mafuta� foll()\\'­ ing an invitation by the head of the afflicte-d couple's family for him to inter­ ve-ne, the great-granduncle �"aana spoke. His spee.ch (recorded beloVw'), deals - in the past, and ""'ith the manner in which he had fulfi lied his avuncular duties has the purpose of warranting the effectiveness of his actions v.rith regard to the tv.'O young \\'Omen. Here we directly address the dimension of uterine and avuncular relations regarding the problem. \\'aana opens his speech by af­ firming his uterine ties through Mbela Khuumba, \vho had transmitted to him the prohibitions (named under point 2 of the speech) regarding himself and the whole of his uterine descendance. At the end of his speech he again mentions Mbela Khuumba as being in charge of the khita cult and the affliction that it transmit�. In his oration, Waana relates how he acquitted himself of his avuncu­ lar duties on the occasion of three instances of ensorcellment. The first vlas linked to the death of Suunga, who \\'as a primary uncle to the tv..·o women. The oracle divined on that occasion attributed this death to the plotting of the victim's father (patriarch of the �langaya family), his primary uncle lvloombo, and his granduncle Waana (points 6-7). Later, \\'hen \\laana fell ill, he and Moombo offered compensation to Mbela Khuumba for the death of Suunga and thereby redeemed their avuncular rights (points 8-9). The second ensorcell ment involved an affliction operative through the maalva cult spirits that affected Khuumba, the mother of the young women.

Khuumba was healed after having been given ritual tonics� while her younger brother Suunga died soon afterwards. The sorcerers Vw'ere able to kee.p their conspiracy hidden, and the oracle v.'as duped into assigning the death to some presumed influence of maa\.1-'a cult spirits. Thus, Vw'hen K.huumba

\vas

initiated

}\ Case of lnfert.ility

in to the maah'a cult, it was not expected that she ente-r into a trance in order to authenticate her mediumship (trances of the maa-.t•a type could have led to her death) (10-12). Although Moombo acc.used Waana of having ensorcelled suunga ( 13 ), the latter was de-clared innocent because the tonics he. had given to Khuumba during her initiation into maawa were beneficial.

The- third case of ensorcellment involved Kasela, the brother of Madila and Leewo. As \\'e have seen, Kasela died the same day as did his mother Khuumba and the dog upon reception from \\'aana. The oracle inculpated ?vlangaya, Moombo, and \\'aana for having killed the victims through sorcerous means

( 15-20). Vlaana continued to administer tonics to the. children of Mbaya, and, a.� they appeared to be in good health, he \\'as freed of suspicion (21 ). Finally, Mangaya and Moombo reassumed their avuncular rights-\vhich had been taken from them following the ensorce.llment of Suunga, Khuumba, and Ka­ sela-without having paid \\laana in order to regain the avuncular function. Waana therefore attributes the sterility and repeated abortions �ladila and Lee\\'O have suffered to the abuse of avuncular power by �langaya and Moombo (27-32). Waana�s address ends \\'ith a conjuration: the fecundity of the tVw'O young \1/·omen . will depend on the legitimacy of his intervention as uncle, in lines with his former beneficial influence. He therefore affirms that his intervention should bring a ne.w-found health to the women, while their healing should in tum \1/·itness to the legitimacy of his avuncular acts.

Yikafiinga, the patriarch of the. \\'aana kin group, addresses the council in his c. apacity of legitimate successor to the great-granduncle Waana: 1

Khaaka wa'iala ndziimbu� �Taana� v..·eekotasaza mundzo Mbela Khuumba.

2

l\lleni buko, �1bela Khuumba: ''meni \\'a M be.la Khuumba bun-neeti: kaanda dyaadi babata maafuku, babaluundza meenuku, bababwaaka maholuku, mbee­ dya n-kolu khat\\ra.''

3

Dyakhedi b\\·oku, khaaka N-ziinga.

4

Baana ne babaheedi? Bidiimbu byameni.

5

Bikuma byoosu bikah\\·e.di kwameni.

6

Suunga v..·eetonguna phakasa; hakatonguna bibuudi bikuma. Phakasa badiidi, muutu hahoonde.di.

7

Bubeenda ngoombu bikabwedi bikuma: \\laana n-siingi, Moombo n-siingi, Mangaya n-siingi; khal\\'a Mbela Khuumba wako kungoombu.

8

Vlaana khaaka bimini� kasya nde hyib\ve tsya?" J\lloombo lu bukidi: "t\\·e.enda tvt'eefuta lufutu.'�

9

"Baatu katala ngoornby kakota. Taa fuunda dyabudi, n-ledi khatYia." Bee.sa, bafuta mahuudi. \\laana \\'usa kota mukaanda.

10

Khaaka fuudi. Khaaka Luv\vef\\'a seele. �feni yakala kweenati yihalu kyamaav.'a kya �faa Khuumba. T\\'eedi kuna mbika N-dima.

288

11

Appendix A Kuna t\\•eenda�

bahoya:

uKhuumba kakalukiku.,

badiilama baatu.

pfuumbvu.H

12 13 14 15

lun�s

�a

Basiidi pfuumbvu. f\.1oombo \Vadya baatu bahoya: ukhi kuma kahaanina baana baba makUUJTii?., Yendi n-kweedya. Bwaphaanga b\\raphuna kaanda didi dikodiku. B\valeelu m\vaana waawu Kasela kakweenda kumbika Waana., zeeyi lVlbela Khuumba.

16

By,·aleelu ffi\\raana weendeledi mby,·a: y i yaawu yatuunga yisina. Ban-hecdi mhwa keti mwaana Waana k alaanda zoku.

17 18 19 20

Keti besi f\,fbaya balobula maambu mana, ndzeeyiku. Kukafuudi mwaana, phaangi wakhutidi: "nge n-loki� nge lun-diidi ye �tbaya.�� ''Maama� meni ndiidi muu tuku H Budyab\\ra. .

Buna maambu malutukidi mubaana baba. Beedi ngoombu. Kuna beenda, basya

nde: u\Vaana n-loki \veehya ngoontbu kakatuka mubuleemba.�' .

21

''f\,1eni \Va rvtoombo� meni yinaha.'' Bwakahiila \Vaana ngoombu \Vadya hiinla byama�uka rna !vlangaya. Bubuna by,·ababuudi phaka.

22 23 24

Hahana keti neni \-..·afy,·a, khaaka mooyi kakedi. Tuhw·eena: maleemba bawu. Bwalee lu kaanda dyaadi dib u u di bikuma; wuna kY�·aaku leemba bavudidi.

Vlaana \\ratiina. Leka khaaka N-ziinga. khaaka Luvwef\-..·a� bawu bunguumba bahuna. betu yivumu thuna k y a N-ziinga.

,­ _,

f\.1a�uka matuuka Moombo, kiima yabonga n-tuwa ye kho ku ye n-ledi mitaanu.

26

Bukosa hoya meni muhata yikala, yihoya buumaku. Bubakwee ngoon1bu, nde:

_

Hwuna \vu kul a \Vaana?''

27

Bwaleelu, meni \\raana pholcle bakhoombu� baana beesedi kwameni� yina muphwa \Vaanaku, kaanda didi dikodik u ; \Vaana meni, watsadila ndziimbuku, maamba meni kan-kv-·eelaku, lukodiku.

28

Benu baana baba. le elu kan-kv.·eedi Waana, kaamba bulufwa meni ngoombu yahya.

29

Leelu meni theetemeni hayifulu kyabaana v.·asiisa nge Khuumba. f\.1oodi yizaayi­ didi, matatu. kaanda didi dikodiku. Ndzeeyi moodiku� meni Yikafiinga kabuta

\Vaana. Waana Y.'asala ndziimbu yabutukila.

30

Bwaleelu ho tvtbaya maambu kabazaayila, bwa1eelu meni ndzeeyi buumaku. Ya­ kala kuyifwaandu kya Mbaya lru.

31

Baana baba lukhoondzu lungolu, meni yipfumwaay,·u ya"·wa kaanda., yaY\"a tsiku k \Va �1bela Khuumba.

32 33

Leelu beka kwameni n-kv.'eeba. Phoong\-..a yihoo nda ya �1bela Khuumba; kab\\raanga wameni \Vaana; tnh\-..·oolu �1bela Khuumba, yihoonda kyamandzandza k)'a Mbela Khuumba.

34 35

Leelu bameniba bakola khoondzu. Yemeni Yibaanda tuv uudi baana.

Tukedi bakhe e ki tubaheedi: tuluukidi, tusabukidi matu, tumeeni \\'llkabula: yi �1bela Khuumba, y ikyaawu .

36

Koondzu muutu ndzilaandi kateela buleemba. Bwaleelu makumini maarnbu mavula.

37

Leelu phoong\lia yi hoonda yimonekeni ya �1bela Khuumba, khaaka wavvt'a ku­ kaanda bwaabu yan-mona muna sim\\r'a K Y..'aangu kcenda fuula.

38

Bwaleelu bapheedi baana baba. �fakyeleka, bcnu bafu bakhulu, baatu mbidi. luYr'a mheembu ye mbila. Baana baba bakotedi kuphoongu.

A Case of Infertility

289 39

�feni n-kwa masina makaanda meenda mundzo Waana. Leelu bakola. meni

1

�1y grandfather \\7aana gathered together the matrimonial goods necessary for

yav�·a phoongu: yihoonda kyameni, mbv.roolu wameni.

marryi n g a �·oman of the Mbela Khuumba lineage into his homestead.

2

Upon it, my in-laws, Mbela Khuumba, have set a rule [thus indicating the prohibitions for the descendants issuing from this marriage]: "'No\\' that you take the bride, I, Mbela Khuumba declare: in this clan no member will thro\v either earth or charcoal on another, no one shall be bi tten., and the knife of the night [of sorcel)'] will not be exhibited.'"

3

I speak

\vith

authority owing to my ancestor N-ziinga [to \1/·hom these prohibi-

tions were given). 4

[A question from someone present:] These young women [Madila and Leewol to v.,·hom have they been given? [\Vhat rights does \\'aana have o�·er them?]

[\\'aana's answer:] A portion of the matrimonial goods given for marrying the mother [Khuumba] of these young women has been returned to me. 5

Subsequentl y, all the avuncular rights and duties have been handed to me.

6

Suunga has hunted a buffalo. It is with this kill that the case began. The buffalo has been eaten and the man has been killed. [Waana nearl�· lost his avuncular rights \\'hen he \\'as accused of conspiring against Suunga, who was fatally ensorcelled on his return from a buffalo hunt.]

1

The divining oracle revealed that the sorcerous death of Suunga had been cau�ed by the patriarch of the Mangaya clan and by the victim's uncles Moombo and \\laana

8

:My ancestor fel l ill and said: ''\\'hat shall I do?t' Moombo replied: '"Let's go pay the cadaver. The one Y.'ho is responsible for men is the one intended by the oracle.'' [In order to receive the ritual tonics from their uncle, Waana and Moombo paid their share to �fbela Khuum.ba of the mortuary goods for Suu­ nga. They he reb y recovered some innocence .1

9

''Here are ten thousand co�·ries [as compensation offered to Mbela Khuumba for

Suunga�s death]; there is no fabric.'' They returned; they had paid and

sel­

tled the question [and recovered their avuncular rights]. 10

My ancestor died and grandfather LuvVw·ela succeeded him lin the exercise of the avuncular responsibilities in the \Vaana matriline). At this time LuvVw·ela in­ vited me to attend in the initiation of l\1aa Khuurn� the mother of Madila and Lee\vo; f\,1aa Khuumba suffered from a maalva possession. We then invited the the.rapist Kha N -dima, to organize. the initiation.

II

When Vw'e went there [to the home of Kha N-dima] we \\'ere told that t.1aa Khuumba could not be properly initiate-d in the

nuun.,·a

cult because maawa spirits

had been abusively fostered to kill uterine kin, and such possession v..·ould therefore have brought about Khuumba�s death. '"Treat her without her ha..,·ing to enter into trance."

12 13

They treated Khuumba to make her to come out of the influence of rnaawa.

IVIoombo. \vho was an accomplice in Suunga�s death. said: "'\\7hy does \\'aana give tonics to f\,fadila and Lee\\·oT' [Moombo had killed Khuumba�s brother. Suunga.l

14

Waana I re prese nte d by Luvwelal. who held the avuncular rights, said: '"If it v..·ere

290

Appendix A true that I do not have the right to exercise the avuncular duties. let the�e ton· •cs be of hann" [though they proved to be beneficial]. ·-

15

lbis young man Ka�la went to Waana \\'ho knows Mbela Khuumba [\\'aana a nd Mbela Khuumba share the av uncular rights.]

Waana to get the dog: that is �·hat caused hL� death. He was given the dog but no one follovled him [to collec t the payme nt for the dog, or to offer tonics to his mother or sisters Leev.ro and �ladilal.

16

But this young man Kasel a v.rent

17

I don't kno\•i if it was the patrikin Mbaya who first wished that he die.

18

\\'hen this young man Kasel a died his eldes t si ster �1adila

to

[unjustly]

me, saying , "You� great-granduncle Wa� are a sorcerer; you and

our

arch Mbaya have eaten him [Kasel a].''

19 20

accused patri­

HWoman, I have eaten no one:' This is what I told her. Since then these young v..·omen have suffered greatly. When consulted, the oracle declared: "Waana is a sorcerer [in thwarti ng the fertility]; let him give up his avuncular rights.''

21

[Granduncle Moombo then took up his responsibilities for Madi la and Lee\\'o:J "'I Moombo am here.,.. The oracle accused Waana of sorcery, namel y of having taken the lives of uterine descendants [like Kasela] to avenge for �tangaya

\vho did not share the income from his avuncular duties.

22

\\'hen my ancestor Waana �as still alive [and exercised his avuncular duties],

did some die [because of him]? w·e were not the ones who intervened; it was they \\'ho ac ted as uncles. [Moombo had exercised the avuncular duties v..·ith­ out either having the right or being delegated

23

to do so by ·\\raaan .]

B ut today problems have appeared in the matriline [ v.'ilh the illnes . s of f\.1adila and Lee\1/·o� as witness to a lack of proper reciprocity between the different generations of uncles].

24

Waana has gi ven up [his avuncular rights]: "Listen, ancestor N-ziinga, grandfather Luvv.·efwa., They

25

lying. I am a direct de scendant of ancestor N-ziinga.

I have taken one full basket, a hen, and five c loths from v-·hat Moombo paid in

order to recove r hi s

26

are

avuncular

rights [as authorized by \\raana].

W he.n Moombo came to discu ss the affair [v.rith Waana of av uncul ar rights l I was in the village and said nothing. Wben they consulted the div iner, the ora­ cle asked: ··woo chased Waana away [took from him his avuncular

right�)?

[Waana did not prevent Moombo from his avuncular duties yet the oracle had asked v.'hy Waana had stopped patronizing Moombo.]

Waana's 27

oath attesting his legitimacy of avuncular right s

is

cited.

If it is not true that I today demanded that I be given goats [to compensate for

�1oombo's abuse of the av uncular rights under my guardianship]� that the young women c am e to me [to solicit my care] and that I belong to the Waana c lan, that the members of this l ineage [these young w·omen] are afflicted. If it is not true that I have been given the matrimonial goods for their mother Khuu­ mba, and if it is not I myself who have gi ven her in marriage to �1baya, then may you yourselves be afflicted.

28

If it is not true that \\'"aana gave his daughlers rand uterine descendants) in mar-

A Case of Inf ertility

riage and that the divinatory orc1cle has never accused him of ensorcellment in relation to a death among you.

29

If I have remained to v..·atch over the place that you, Khuumb� have left, if I

know l\\'O or three things [if Waana has ensorcelled these \vomenj, as did their mother Khuumba, may the. members of this lineage suffer. I have not been involved in any case of ensorcellment, l, Yikafiinga, \vhom Vlaana has engen­ dered. It is Waana v-·ho has gathered the matrimonial goods in order that I be born [the speaker really belongs to the lineage of Waana, his c lassificatory father who has died].

30

Even if their father f\.fbaya has something against them, I have nothing to do with the affair, I have not attended the meetings of the sorcerers organize.d bv Mbava. ..

31

J

May the health of these young women be renev;ed; I myse If am the uncle responsible for them and I have received the prohibitions concerning them from Mbela Khuumba himself so that the uterine life flo\\' may be transmitted and be fertile.

32

These young \vomen belong to me.

33

t.1bela Khuumba is also responsible for the khita and mbh'oolu cults; I myself

34

These young women are my uterine descendants; may their health be rene\\'ed. I

am responsible for the yihoonda khita cult. and Mbela Khuumba, these young \\'omen

are

ours.

Waana ends his oration by handing over a hen to the young v.·omen and anoint­ ing them with kaolin clay. Mbela Khuumba then offers the follo�·ing speech, declaring that he is the. great-great-granduncle of the young women and the owner of the khita cult. He further acknowledges that the young women have come under the khita spell (sentence 38) that he is able to lift.

35

\\'hen I v..·as still young someone else acted as their uncle. Since then I have grov..·n up� my e.yes have been opened and I, �!bela Khuumba, have become their uncle.

36

Each one exercises his avuncular responsibilities in his own v-·ay. But today the quarrels have become too numerous. [Those in exercise of avuncular duties have abused of their rights.]

37

According to the oracle, the khita cult operative in the Mbela Khuumba matriline has caused the women's affliction.

38

Today I have been given these children. I speak the truth; you, the many ancestral shades, listen to m y appeal. These children have fallen under the po\\·er of the khita affliction. [�fbela Khuumba testifies before his ancestors that

he is the great-great-granduncle responsible for the ailment pertaining to the khita cult.]

39

I myself am the root of the tree of uterine descent which has branched out into

the family of Waana. Today, may the health of these young \\'omen be renew·ed if I am rightly in charge of the khita and mblvoolu cults.

292

Appendix A

In the case recorded here� the cure had only partial success. In April 1973 the eldest of the sisters, �1adil� gave birth to a child \\'ho remained healthy. Earlier

'

in December 1972, the younger of the sisters, Leewo, had given birth but both mother and child were in serious condition; the ne.wborn died ten days later. T�'o diviners were consulted and both attributed the death to the same. cau�e.

The oracles had revealed that the ne\vbom had been kille.d by a prior curse \\'hich had not yet been lifted. As \Ve have seen, the younger brothe.r of the initiates� Kasela, was gravely ill. His mother Khuumba and her brother �1an­ gay� the primary uncle of the sick young man, had both ensorcelled the latter. Khuumba had at the same time asked f\.1angaya to curse anyone else who threatened the life of Kasela-in fact, a devious trick intended to pre.vent any accusation directed at him or his sister. A ritual compensation \\'as offered to lvlangaya, as it was not yet lmo\vn that he had abu sed his avuncular rights. This compensation should have been given instead to the innocent uncle., that is, the great-granduncle v�raana. Besides, the primary uncle of the victim Kasela would have been expected to use the avuncular right to lift the curse. Being an unjustified curse, it killed the one \\'hom it should have protected and continued to ravage the children of the victim's sisters, Lee\\'O and �ladila. The oracle advised that �tangaya be invited to speak to \Vaana in order that f\1angaya pay the necessary ritual compensation for the death of Kasela. Waana would have then been capable of consulting the deceased Kasela .. victim of an unjust curse. Once the avuncular powers �'ould have been properly restored to Mangaya., he would be able to lift the. undeserved curse. This advice was scrupulously follo\\'ed, and once all these steps had been carried out Lee\vo, the sister of the deceased Kasela, became pregnant and gave birth to a baby boy in August 1974. The chil
a

year later in July 1975. The husband had meantime married l second \vife in order to redress his sterile marriage. In 1977, Lee�'O gave birth to a son \vho is in good health.

Appendix B Herbarium

"1r. L. Pauwel s identified the. flora listed here Vw'hile he w·as at the botanical laboratory of INE��' Kinshasa campus, of the U niversity of Zaire. The flora are. from the s e condary forest and savanna in the immediate proximity of the vill ages of Yi taanda and Zeembi� as we.JI as from the forest and forest galleries on the left bank of the V.'aamba river near the village s of N -tulumba, N -koongu� .

and N-saanda, in northern K waango. Descriptions of these milieux, such as -th e Taanda populations pe.rceive and represent them, are given in 2.1 and 2.3. .

diimb ulu

Landolphia lanceolata

Apocynaceae

futi

Entada giga ...

�1 imo saceae

kaloombi

[savanna suffrutex]

Rubiace.ae

Kitu dyan-situ

Hae1nanthus sp.

Amaryllidaceae

kitu dyatseki or ki tu

Sansevieria bracteata

Liliaceae

lufuundu

Lagenaria siceraria

Cucurbitaceae

lundzilandzila

Schenckia americana

Solanaceae

lunguungu

4Wegaphrynium

Marantaceae

khidi. See n- kidi

dyahata

macrostaL·hyum luteti

Hypse/opdelphis

l\1arantaceae

poggeana

mabulukutu

Hypti.� suaveolens

Labiatae

mahetiheti

Hyn1enocardia acida

Euphorbiace.ae

mangangatsaanga

Selaginella scandens

Pteridophyta

masamuna

Pauridiantha �vevrei

Rubiaceae

matsutsuutsu

Ocinulm americanum

Labiatae

maze l edi

Cteniti.'i lanigera

(Fern)

mbaamba

Eremospatha

Pal mae

.

haullevilleana mbati

Elaeis guineensis

Palmae

m-bidi

Canarium

Burseraceae

sch}t!einfurthii

294

Appendix B

m-boondi

Salacia pynaertii

Hippocratiaceac

m-booti

Dialium englerianwn

Caesalpiniaceae

m-bosubosu

Berlinia giorgii

Caesalpiniaceae

m-buundzva

lvlaprounea africana

Euphorbiaceae

m-buungi

Strychnos pungens

Loganiaceae

m- fwangulusu

Costus edulis

Zingiberaceae

m-mvuma (kaseema)

Rhabdophyllum

Ochnaceae

-

K-·eil1-'itschii m-m\-..·avt

[large trees with brownish nut-like fruits]

ndiimbula

Gnetum africanum

n-diingi

tonic fruit

n-haandzi

Pentaclethra

-

Gnetaceae Mimosaceae

1nacrophylla n-heeti

Hymenocardia acida

Euphorbiaceae

n-honu

Salacia pallescens

Hippocrateae

n-hoondasala

Diplorrhynchus

Apocynaceae

condylocarpon var. angolen.�is

n-kaasu

Cola acuminnta

Sterculi aceae

n-kidi

lvlammea africana

Guttiferae(?)

n-kooki

Strychnos cocculoides

Loganiaceae

n-kulrubuundu

Pachystela sp.

Sapotaceae

n-kula

Drypetes limosa

Euphorbiaceae

n-kung\\l·a yiteki

Chaetocarpus

Euphorbiaceae

african us n-k\vaati

Erythrophleum

Caesal piniaceae

africanum n-lolu also called

Annona senegalensis

n-ndolundolu

Annonaceae sub�p. oulotricha

n-ndzimba

Combretum laxiflorum

Combretaceae

n-nkheneti

Strychnos icaja

Loganiaceae

n-phemba

Adenia cissampeloides

Passifloraceae

n-saanda

Ficus thonningii

Moraceae

n-seenga

Musanga cecropioides

f\1oraceae

n-siki

.Morinda Iucida

Rubiaceae

n-tsatsa

�\/arkhamia tomento.�a

Begoniaceae

phaanda

Trichilia heudelotii

Meliaceae

phutu

Erythrophleum

Caesalpiniaceae

guineense tsaamba

(synonymous to mbati)

tsakutsaku

Cyperus articulatus

Cypereaceae

tundala

l\jramomum stipulatum

Zingiberaceae

295

Herbarium

yiimba yikayakaya

Raphia vinifera

Pal mae

Dalbergia bakeri

Papilionaeceae

yikhundakhunda

Phragmenthera

Loranthaceae

capitata

yikuumbi

Staudtia stipitata

Myrsinaceae

Yimbandzya kyahata

Eleusine indica

Gramineae.

yingoombu

Hibiscus esculentus

�1alvaceae

yinwaani

Tricalisia dictyophylla

Menispermaceae

yisakaamba

Cognauxia

Cucurbitaceae

yiseleti

podolaena ChrysophyllunJ

Sapotaceae

ban�.,·eolense

yitsakudi

savanna shrub

yiyeembi

Helichrvsum "'

mecho•vianum

Compositae

KINSHASA

�()��

lilillJ Industrial Zone ,....-:--;, l!...!....:J

-

Ad•lnlstratlve Center

§

YaluiT�

-

Township Boundaries

N

t

NGALIEMA - CAlF LOO --

d .

.

.

LEMIA KISENSO KIMBANSE K£

'

NGAFULA

' \ ' 0

Map I. Kinshasa: Fieldwork in the Townships of Ngaliema-Camp Luka and Masina

I

�

�

f

!} Km

/

YAKA

N

G

0 YAKA

Z A I R R

ANGOLA

0

Map 2. Kwaango Land and the Location of the Koongo, Luunda, Ndembu, and Yaka

50krn

I
--... ·

.-. ·4_

NGOOVJ

.�

-..J ·

.

.

-- - ...�..

.

\ .•

.

\ .-·· .

1

..

/

. ·

1

y N·NENE

.

· ... ... ,...,........ .

..

.

'l..

.

..... _ ...

p "

.... ,

I..._._

'·-·-·

"'

l\1ap 3. Fieldwork in the Yitaanda and Yibwaati Localities in Northern Kwaango Land

Notes

Prologue 1 . Throughout the book, I am using �imaginary, ' not with the primary meaning of fictitious, but in line ·wi th Lacan ( 1 949). In his view, the ' imagi nary' register is the subjecfs mode of unconscious feeling and understanding of other people as shaped by the partial projection of his o�·n unconscious images or cliche�, that is. imagoes. The more

these image s interpenetrate with the regi ster of language , social exchange� and

dialogical intersubjecti vity, the more they tran sform into the symbolic order.

Chapter One I . The most recent global estimates of population in the K waango area come

from

de Saint-�1oulin ( 1 976, 1 977, 19 87) and Ngondo ( 1 980). De Decker ( 1 968) is con­ cerned with the largely Yaka population of the diocese of Popokabaka, covering the larger part of the Yaka region . These estimates indicate that the predictions for demo­ graphic growth made by Denis ( 1 964), base.d on his research carried out in 1 95 8-59 , are quite likely overestimated, since they took neither the deteriorating health situation nor the increasing rate of rural exodus into account. Denis ( 1 964: 39) furth er estimated at the time of his re searc h that the population density for at least 60 percent of Yaka l and varies bet\\'een 1 and 6 inhabitants per km2•

2. I t is most difficult to estimate the present Yaka population in Kinsha�a since there has been no censuses related to ethnic identity. I refer to the most recent and reliable demographic im'estigation s, n amely from the 1 980s by Leon de Saint-Moulin ( 1 987).

Yaka people form the majority �f the very densel y populated urban zones of Masina and Ngalie ma-Camp Luka; large groups are also living in Ki ntambo and Yolo sud.

3 . De Boeck ( 1 99 1 a, b. c; Centre of Anthropology, Catholic University of Leuven) offers in-depth analyses of the major sociopolitical i nstitutions and cults of affliction among the Luunda in the settlement of Nzofu, unde.r the authority of M\\'aant Nzav in the Kahemba zone.

4. I \\�·rote a critical revie\\' of De Beir's studies ( 1975a, b), as well as of \'an der B eken's ( 1 978), in Cultures et developpement (Louvain-la-Neuve) 1 0 : ( 1 978): 324-2 7 and 1 1 ( 1 979): 1 50-5 1 , respectively. 5 . B ecause of its preoccupation \�·ith the physical, cosmopolitan, or scientific. medi­ cine is labeled 'biomedicine ' here, for \Vant of a better tenn.

6. The foundation of the AN�.ZA (.A ssociation Nationale des Tradipraticiens du

!Votes to Pages 44-6 7

300

Za·ire )� later renamed as lTN AGZA ( Union � at ional e des Gueri sseurs du

Zai"rc ) b y t h e

'"�1ouvement Popu laire de Ia Re vol ution�H as v..·e ll as the K i nshasa-based Assoc i at io n of Tradi tional Practition ers (AT K I N 9 \\'ith more than

I �000 members ) , in the late 1 97 0s

was proof of the govemme nfs endeavor to legiti m ate traditional heal ing pntc tic e� and to help healers to exchange their semi -clandestin e existence for a public e xerci se of their skills, at l east as herbal i sts . Today, despite the recommendations of the

1 992 S ()\ler­ eign Kational Conference, there still does not exi st a proper l egal frame to i nsen the healers and thei r insti tutions into the �ational Health Care structures. The Kinshasa. based project Health for .� 11 has made some efforts to institutionalize and develop the links between Community Health Care and traditional healing in Kinshasa. 7. See Dumon

and Devisch ( 1 992) for audiovi sual documentation of the trance of

the diviner.

8 . I have disc u ssed various approaches to body symbolism and symptom formation, regarded in rel ation to cul ture

and healing drama, in earlier studies ( 1 9 85a, 1 99 1 c :,.

9. Throughout this book , I use the concept of morphogeneti c field in a rather heuristi c and analogical sense.

Chapter Two 1 . The princi pal trees to be found i n these rather thinly forested are as are the follO\\'­

ing: m -booti, m-boJubosu, and n -hoondasalcL Edible mushrooms proli ferate in forests.

these

In the l ightly wooded savannas, the principal tree is the n -k �1.-·aati, "'the \\'C)(xl of

\v hich is as hard as iron.'� Other vegetation gro\\ring there inc ludes : yi_yeembi. yitJakudi.

n-heeri, n-hoondasala. The n-Jrn-·aati caterpillar, so-called from the name of the tree

on

which it develops, also flouri shes i n thi s environment.

2. As we know from the study carri e d out by Devred� Sys, and Berce ( 1 958). the botan ical landscape of the Taanda group offers a highly representative survey of the vegetation of the K waango.

3. The hyphen replaces the prefix ku-,

"-'U-

of the i nfinitives which are indicate d

in

the text \\'ilhout their prefix.

4. The raffia fibers (luhusrt) are taken from the pi nnate leave s ( luleembi) of the raffia pal m . Arro\vs are made from the young rachi ses , v..·e ll-grov;n rachises a s lats to build houses, doors, or stools., v..· hile the

(n-ndidi) are used

fibers (tsiinga) of old rachises serve

the making of traps and baskets. 5 . This position (-lama or kataku ) is also the one prescribed for the administration or reception of aphrodisiacs or9 in hunti ng, \\'hen the hunter prepares to shoot a large animal (mbisi). In the shrine for the ancestors of the lineage or of an agnatic cult, the esoteric name kataku is used both for the banana pl ants ( dikhondu dyakataku) and for in

the smal l structure which i s erected behind the. house of those who are newl y circum­ cised . This strucrure con si sts of t\\'0 forked branches implanted

in the soi l with

a

smal l

stick resting upon them: it seems to suggest that men in regenerating l i fe bridge the successi ve generations of mothers� as the latter are symbolized by the forked branches .

6 . Thus �·e understand why., at da\\'n� the body of the chief during installment i s anoi nted \\-·ith the red luundu clay dug out o f a ravine c lose to the river or taken from

a termite mound . Thi s anoi nting symbolizes his birth as the mediator of human and ani­ m al ferti lity (cf. Devisch 1 988). Red cl ay, 1nuundu! to be fo un d i n a cave, and white

30 1

Notes to Pages 73-1 05

clay are al so applied to the cheeks -red clay on one chee� w· h i te on the other-of the i niti and i n the n -ngoongi cult, �·ho i� likened to a fetus, or to figurines which recall the founding ancestors of that cult.

7. The ety mology of kyandzangoombi. meaning '-rai nbow;� sug ge s t s the idea of a skirt of raffia (ngombi) w h ich surrounds the femal e ftO\\'er of the palm (J..-ya ndza). 8. Apart from the roden t s , the other phukr� \V hich are held in high esteem in oral literature or ritual prescriptions are: mbviinda (lemur: prosimii); the 'Vi veridae lwnhon.gi (civet cat) and mba/a (civ et) � thotu (striped mongoose: herpestes)� the Mustel idae

m-fuki (mottle-necked otter) and tnbulu (polecat); n-koondu (small jackal : can idae ) ; the Chiroptera pheen gi (fruit b ats : the "flying dog, � ), kaphakala (insect-eating bats: '"horse­ shoe") , and ngeembu (insect-eating bat); the Insectivores lutsokutsoku (\Vater shrew)

and n-pfusyambuumbulu ( mole)� and khaka (tree-d\\·elling scaJ y an teater : ph olidota) .

9. Other �·ays of c al ling do\\'n bad luck ( -beembu� with its indefini te form mbeenzbi.

�il l fate, omino u s transgression") incl ude a man taking a woman by surpri se in the process of defecating, and menstruation, �·hich is said to represent a special threat

to

the h usba nd . The Ieave.s of the n-lolu bush, found in the savannas. which

a"i

are

usoo

toilet paper, also represent bad luck. \\'e should add that in nocturnal chants and in jokes, the mention of the small tree known

as

n-kakala. \v hich is found in the savanna.

calls to mind simi lar bad luck-in bush fires the edges of the le aves are burned� leaving bare �· i spy fibers.

10. From the terminological point of v iew, the ligneous p lants are treated with more distinction than the nonligne.ous. Li g neous species

are

given original and unique name s.

The oral lore provide s ample information about th em� and they may be c lassified ac ­ cording to both ecological or functional criteria. Not only do the plants themselves have their o\vn names, but the different phases of gro\\1h and reproducti on of each-buds� inflorescence, core, or sucker, for example-are designated by specific tenns. But onc e these plan t s

are

employed in a practical or ritual \\'ay, the original tenn gives \\ray to

another technical or functional name. Some of the semantic cate gori e s

are

based on

morphol ogi cal properti es which the p lant might exhibit � those \vith branches pointing gro uped togethe r� as are plan ts \vith spotted leaves, or those �·hi ch pro d u ce their leaves at the same time . Others are c lassi fied ac cordin g to chemical propertie s ,

u pwards

are

such as aphrodisiacs or toxic plants, khadi, that is, �·�·ith a b i tter taste."

Chapter Three I . According to popular belief, the act of giving birth, particularly \\'hen it is difficul t, renders the parturient espec i ally vulnerable to murderous ensorcellment destined to pay the ·�debts of the night'' (kahu). Of co urse . such a conception only serves to reinforce the soci al exclusion of the parturient .

2. Loonga and kawa are objec ts offered in contex ts in \Vhich one person urg e s an­ other to consider a fonnal request for the establishment of stable and benevolent re l a­ tionships . The principal candidate to the succession as politi ca l titleholder presents

the se objects to the c hief of hi gher rank who \\'ill enthrone him . In cases of reconcilia­ tion, the guilty party presents these obj e c t s to the victim of ensorcellment .

3. The tenn -.._a.sa, used to des i g n ate this declination of the ide-ntity, denotes the idea of an i n terpretation of destiny. The head of the hous e-h old or an indi vidual 's u n c le inter-

302

�'Votes to Pages 105-8

descendant's destiny ( -sasa) w henever there is or could be a chang e o f st at us · it i s done particularly for the novice, the fiance a t the handing over o f the b ri de � wealth, the deceased prior to buri al , or prior to consultation of a di viner \\'it h re g ard to a death. Faced \Vith imminent dan ger (a storm, the crossing of a l arge rive r, so me major test, and so on), the individual under threat himse lf plots his ow n fate in

prets a

order to ensure a future as propitious as the past. The divining oracle also con si st s of interpreting the destiny of some one \\'ho is sick or has died. Depending on the etiol ogical examination established by the divining oracle, the therapy or the

fune ral

ri tes for the survivors play a role in this destiny, as we shaH see in the c ase of the khita treatment. The curse (n -sasu. the nominal form of -sasaj consists b as i c al l y of plotting one's fate as an inescapable revenge in li nes \\rith general destiny for s im il ar \\'Tongdoing.

brideweahh, including the dil1-'U, the gifts offered to the uterine ascendants of the girl, was some US S 1 30 in 1 974, some 5 1 00 in early 1 99 1 . and les s today; in general, it i s equivalent to one year's legal minimum wage for an unskilled laborer in the Yaka region and throu ghout rural Bandundu. Though the mone­ tary value-in particular of husbandry-changes, the amount of goods varies little and is not depe nden t upon the social status of the parties or on the economi c situation of the country. Should the lineage group demand an exceptionally high bridevwealth, it in fact devalue s the goods received becau se it lays itself open to similar demands ·when a young man from their O\\'D group plans to marry. The cloths (marecani, phee.n�) offered are pieces of white l inen. four meters in length and an ann-span wide. Today, elder� very much complain that the young couple cohabit in Kinshasa years before recei ving 4. The average value of the total

family consent and p8)1ng bridewealth.

m atri monial transaction serves as the model for other fonns of transaction and engagement as �·ell . The seller and buyer of a goat, pig, or dog enter in a kind of alliance , comparable to the matrimonial one, as do healer and patient at the end of the The

treatment . The diviner, the c ircumciser, the sculptor, the ritual specialist, and the m a�ter of the enthronement ritual all relate to their client as in-la\'1· client or the patient is entitled to special hospitality

( buko ). This means that the

in the home of the se11er

or

the

ritual special ist. On the other hand, the profit which the client accumulates from the animal bough t or from its fertili ty,

or

the cure or the initiation into a special art is ,

the seller or the master. 5. If, in order to marry a ne�· y,·ife , the polygynou s elder uses the matri monial prop­ erty acquired by the marri age of one of his daughters, he is censured by the group, viho suspect him of evil intent toward-, his sons. It happens, however, that the matrimonial in part, returned to

property will be offered to the c ivil authority in payment of fines imposed by the civil tribunal. The compensatory role of t he bridewealth is again seen in another situation in the transfer of this property acquire s

an

wh ic h

even greater symbolic value. In the case of

to the u terine ascendants of the deceased, as I explain in an earlier vt'ork ( 1 979 : 1 70--7 6) . These val u­ death through ensorceBment, the culprit's fami ly group must offer gifts

able gifts, knov..- n as bibiindi, to some extent restore the deceased to hi s uterine ascen ­

dants ¥�'ho gave him life . They compensate for the services \\'hich the deceased person rendered to close kin during his lifetime.

6. \Vhen someone has to commission another person � he offers a dyed cloth , kno\v n in ri tual language as lubongu /y.,'ataangu. ')"affia cl oth of the color of the �un� ' : the

Notes to Pages 1 1 0-7 5

3 03

mmi ss ioned person v..· ears the cloth to �· itness to his status . Pulting a homonymy co betwee n the tenns taangu, ' "sun , color, colored., and -taanga, hto narrate� ' � popular exe­ ge s i s explains: lubongu laM'ataangu kataangila n-samu, ·1his c loth serves to communi ­

cate the me ssage." The husband must pay compensation. known a s mnkosi nJa}·akala, for the firs t conj ugal union in the consummation of the marri a ge , for this union '"broke tbe b ack" ( -tolula n- loombu_) of the \\'oman's genitors. Before offering t\vo or three

pi eces of cloth to his \\'ife's father and mother� he strikes both around the lo·wer back ' "to cure them." Any person guilty of intrusion into the intimacy of matri mony must make s imilar compensation to the betrayed husband.

7. Among the Yaka the physiological process of gestation usual ly arouses little inter­

es t from male society. The husband is expected to have regular intercourse with his pregn ant wife in order to consolidate the bony hard parts of the body i n formation

throUgh his sperm. The anal douches that the pregnant \\'Oman admini sters herse lf seek to maintain the humoral balance.

8. Tradition prescribes sexual absti nence in order to prevent conception . Information would suggest that abstinence is respected by me.ans of coitus interruptus or by some kind of cleansing : after sexual union, the Yw'oman crouches, beats her hips� and clean s her vagina \1./·ith a cloth. Although young peopl e who have lived in Kinshasa are fami l iar \\rith the idea of abortion , in the rural environment it seems rare and is severely criticized

for its danger and for i ts potential for provoking the vengeance of the elders, \\'ho want their offspring to i ncrease .

9. That the primary uncle should act on behalf o f h i s O\Yn uncle derives also from the asymmetrical relation with one's mother's si ster's and brother's children, seen as part of a loYw'er generation : at their mother's death, a person refers to them in the same te.rms as he does to his children . A symmetrical. joking relationship develops between Ego and hi s maternal uncle's v..· i fe, \\'hom he. might \Yell inherit in marriage upon the u ncle's death. Again, upon the death of Ego's father, the children of his father·s sister enter i n to the category of brothers to Ego 's father. The principle of polarity entitling a person to act i n hi s uncle·s name al so enables him to replace his granduncle and his great­ granduncle.

Chapter Fi\'e 1 . Martin

( 1 987) argues that such dispossession is largely the case, for example. in of fail ure, �·aste. decay, and breakdo\\'11 in gynecological or medical sci­

the metaphors

ence that express American society 's e mbarrassment ·with the female body 's processes of fertility.

2. Ancient traditions sometimes associate a young married \•;oman's fai lure to con­ ceive because of amenorrhea or false pregnancy (pseudocyesis) with nyoka n-kawua, literally, ••a snake [here a metaphor for the vagina] that bends and unbends like the

of a bow." In order to exorcise this "snake ." according to the reports of Buakasa and Didillon ( 1 98 1 )� khita initiates make small incisions on the \\'oman's genitals caus­ ing them to bleed . Pascal i ne Creten (Centre for Anthropology, Catholi c Vniversity of Leuven , devotes herself to an i n-depth analysis of the nyoka khawa syndrome as i t is string

conceived of in N kanu-Koongo culture, at the northern fringe of Yaka l and.

3. Thi s hypothesis i s further confirmed by the explanatory value given it in the oracle : to i nterpret

a

disorder. the oracle refers t o the breaking o f a ban �· hich , through lhe

304 c urse1

l\lntes

to

Page.'i 180-89

must be sancti oned by an e v i l. The oracle thus acts as the guaran tor of

i ts

ow

�

declarations and in terpretations. whose legitimacy i s finally demonstrated hy t he cffec ti veness of the cure indicated by the oracle's commands and the succes s o f the h u

nt

organized to this end .

Chapter Six I . Responsibi l ity for the delay of e�pected pregnancy is first attributed to the

\\'o m an

and her ki n of origin . I t is on ly in the case of i mpote n c e characterized by the absen�.:e .

of

an

erection, that the oracle is consu lted indicating that the husband i s to un dergo

an

appropriate therapy.

2. The concept of kh ita was already to be found in \Vritings �·i th regard to the king ­ dom of the Koongo dating from the mi d-seventeenth century (Balandier 1 965 ) . I ha,.·e� ho\,,.ever, been unable to retrace the history of thi s concept in the Yaka culture.

3. In narratives. the expression .veeh.vuula luhaangu kwa JVdzaambi, "'I shal l ask .f\'duuunbi for the solution," is equivalent to another, \vhich is just as common : yeehy­

uula luhaangu "'11'a bcn11buta, HI

shall

ask the elders for the solution :,

4. The soothsayer th erap ist kn own as m -baangu, drinks diluted poison and then i n­ terprets the divinatory message according to the spasms of his digesti ve tract. Thi s qui te ,

peculiar type of therapist is familiar \vith certain curative procedures such as prepari ng ointments, potions, douches , c upping, and ste a m or smoke baths.

5. Lines 7 and 8 refer to a fertil ity which is threatened or obstructed . The ri tual formul a yizeendzedi n- twa ndzak'U, phuungi bakunn hatadi. '-it is as though the ele­ phant lowered his head and tried to bury his tusks in the rock'' is frequently found i n the incantations ag a ins t evi ldoers. Here the elephant tusks and trunk are representative of virile sexuality (cf. Devisch 1 972). The majority of the elders invited to cotnme n t

this expression limited themsel ves t o a compari son, saying: ·�If a chief ho�·, his head. i t is in mourning� if a ri tual special ist boy,·s his heal.L it i s to prov ide care :· This

upon

formu la amounts to saying that

a

patient under the care of the healer is i n good hands,

but if he is left in the care of the elders. he or she is in danger of ensorcellment.

�1orc­

over! h-,·o competent commentaries substi t ute the follo\ving tenns for the first and second part of the expression respectively : yizeendzi (the i nflorescence of the

m:f»'angulusu. a plant found in the savanna and in the forests ), and .Y im iikli'aandi ndz.uu­ ngu (a spatula for preparing com paste pl aced in a pot fil led with an aphrodisiac potion given to candidates for circumcision). Such an exegesi s wou ld appear to sugge st

that

the declaration in q ue stion warns those y;ho Y.'i sh the khita patient ill and advises the rn

that in ac ting this way they are endangering their OY{n fertil ity. The m-ftvangulu.fu plant. prior to bloo ming is cro�·ned by a flower that i s c overed \v ith l arge bracts. \\'hen ,

thi "i

is pulled from the ground , the tu berous root remai n s fixed in the earth and the sap oozes from the stalk. The homonymic associ ation between _v izeendzi, inflorescence �·· plant

..

and -zeendwma, ''to bow the head as a sign of affliction or mourn ing;" expresse s ho"v much aggressi on through ensorcel1ment or from the shades m ight fi nally the aggressor. Moreover, on the eve of circumc ision, the master

tum

against

tri.l·idika) of puberty

rites proclaims the same formula to call the parents and the elders to ren ounce any form of ensorcellmcnt. He inv ites them to take turn s \valking around this and then spitting into an earthen\vare pot

( ndzuungu, \vhich

nr-fwangrllusu plan t

in this context evokes

the

Notes to Pages 1 90-94

305

a e-m a l domain ) held by the y{/iika. the woman ac ti n g as mother to the initiates. The m t ploy s this pot to prepare the yikosa, a mixture of manioc flour, aphrodis i ­ latter th en e m ( e vocati ve o f fetal blood ), and th e hen offered t o the oldest candidate . The ac s, kh ula

rn-fwang ulu.vu

used in this preparation is c alled yimiihvaa ndi

ndz.uung u.

The practice

tuf11S the threat of i m pote nce thro ugh ensorcel lment against the evildoer.

6. At the end of a major hea li ng seclusion9 t he initiate or one of his fami l� v-·i ll pay the therapist a yita, n ame l y a dozen or more piec es of cloth , the e qui valen t of a half vear's unskilled work in the rural are as of the Yaka. This compensate s for the benefit ;he treatment offers to the ne\v i n iti ate . A male i nitiate may be authorized, in turn , to preside over therapeutic rites, and he should share '�some benefit of the initiation '' (/u­ saklli w ith h i s ma ster. The tota l remuneration-n-koo/u, yita , and lusaku - i s caJied n-kaanga. \\l hich mean s ·'connecting." 7. Every

khoofi

consist� of a speci fic set of items believed to co u nteract the evil

agencie.s: (a) A bran ch of the forest tree m - mvuma. \Vhich is erected next to the trunk of the

n-saanda tree. Popular exegesis through homonymy attributes a defensive function

to

the m-mt-·uma tree. based on its simil arity to the verb - vuma, ' -to arre st'": nJ - m.vunz a

kavuma yibeefu .

··may the i l lness of this tree be arre sted.''

(b) The /uteri, a climbing. thorny forest p la nt beari ng much the same sign i fication.

Because of its thorns, th is plant obstructs passage . Sometimes i t is u sed

as

bi ndi ng

in the construction of the fences betv,·een traps duri ng a game dri ve; it i s also used to build the seclusion h ou s e of the kh i ta rite. The luteti plant moreover augurs a propit io u s treatment� this i s hinted at by the homonymy bet\veen lusl1.'aastva. a term describing the shoot of th is plant. and .nt.:aaswa� "·hich means �·good luck." Shoots added of the

lundzilandzila weed found al on g the footpaths (ndzila ) corroborate the same augury :

muna ndzilandzi Ia kakola. '-that he may find healing "·ithout del ay.'' (c) 1be rac hi s of the leaves of the mbaamba rattan palm \Vhich is planted in the khoofi. The rcichi s of the se l e.aves grows and extends unti l it eventual ly resembles a creeper. It is used in the maki n g of traps and baskets and as bindings in the building of house s. This element too s i gn i fi e s bri ngi n g so meth in g to a halt. Through its ins istence on the homonomy between -baambama. 'lo coincide ·with9 to stick to ;' and mbaamba, exegesis recognizes the significance of an arre st" s tati ng, for e xam ple , mbaam ba kan­ baambama. "'let the a ge n t of e v i l become stuck to the 1nbaamba cree per.' ' Speciali st exeges i s compares the role of the pl ant s in arre�ting evil to that of the rit u al specialis t

khoo..fi: _viphati mum-m vu� yingaanRa mulureti or yiphati mum­ ml:uma, yingaanga m umhaamba, '"the ritual specialization lies i n the proper u.�age of the nJ -mvun1a, /uteri. and 1nballmba plants."" The 1nbaamba rachi s moreover expresse s the desire that the participants may prolong the l ine of descent: sino dyambanmba dihwa mhaatnbaku. mutwap..fiinga kahtt/a dikaandaku, "'just as the rachis constantly grov.'s from the base of the p a l m tree , every group of people su rv i ves in its progeny.'' (d) A branc h of the yiseleti� a small tree of the savanna, and that of a tree \\'i th a mottled trunk to he found in the se con d ary forest , n- siki, hel p to place many ritual practices under the control of the kh oofi. Yiseleti is believed to be a formidabl e plant in the erection of the

hec ause a concentrated decoction m ade from it can cause great pain or even lead to

heavy hemorrhages if admi n i s tered as an anal douche. Since its \vood i s u sed to make many ritual statuettes. w h ich are employed as ritual \'ieapon s, yiseleti is also knov.·n

a�

Notes

306

to

Pages 1 94-95

"'mother plant:' Such usage, wh ich c an conceal evi l intents 'of the ni ght ' behind appare n tly well-intentioned applic ations 'of the day ' pre sent s an a mbi gu i t y

ng�·an-ti,

which the

n-siki,

thanks to its mottled trunk, is able to thv.rart .

(e) ..�'-kung�'ayiteki, a bush from the secondary forest, i s also found i n t h e kho�fi. It'\ presence strengthens the sense of arre sting the evil, which popular commentari e s tra n s­ late by the homonymic verb -kuungama. By homonymy, exegesi s says: n -kungw a.Y ite ki

wakuunga bitek; byoosu,

"the

n-kung�·ayiteki

tree brings together all the ritu al stat u­

ettes." The se statuettes rnay also be carved out of its wood. (f) According to exegesis, the

m-booti

and n-heeti bushes of the savanna., \\'hose

ability it is to survive the ann ual burning, serve both to bestoy,· bad luck upon the di sor­ der and to bestow upon the afflicted that same resistance which Vw'ill enabl e them t o overcome the trial.

8. Many ri tual activities ai m at

-kaya,

namely trapping the agent of evi l� that i s. by

sabotaging the evil action and reversing it against its author.

9. The small bags placed under the khoofi nonnally contain a variety of objects :

(a) 1'Abakunumbakunu is a col lection of the young shoots of different spec ies of plants from various levels in the forest and savanna; it is referred to as -kaya n-kaanda. "'trapping all the plants., By placing it under the khoofi, the sp e ci ali st s aim at thwarting in advance all the evi l practices of which each of these plants could be the medi um.

(b) The addition of a few hairs of crafty and aggressive ani mals (mbisi zakhenzena) (cf. 2.3. 1 ) serves as a challenge to the sorcerers \\'hose disguises and meddling

arc

forthright! y exposed. (c) Elements of nonnal household refuse to be found in the

khoofi include pits of the

edible fruit of the m-bidi, a tree found in the forest� and nuts of the oil paJ m, referred to respectively as

n-kanyambidi

and

n-kanyangasi,

and a dried corncob, called

n-suuswakaphiinda, swept up and blackened in the fire. These are "objects trampI ed by everybody,., (yimllli_van tu badyaata baatu); this tells the evi l, no matter what form it takes or where it comes from, that i t will not be able to reappear.

(d) These satchel s also contain loombi, a deadl y ingredient of the ritual v;eapon s, Vw'hich neutralizes any evil use which might be made of them to the detriment of the therapeutic group. In addition to centipedes and spiders, loomhi contains cinders ob­ tained by burni ng small pieces of the dung beetle (kokotu). This insect, wh ich inters human feces and

can

burrow its \\ray into the earth as deep as a buried body, repre sents

the sorcerer who "restores man to the earth ." Two reptiles, again evoking the sorcerer, are

also to be found in the bags: the chameleon (lungweenya) because of its ability to

change its color to suit its background, and the long grey lizard

(kalanga) \\ri th

mottled

lips Vw'hich can disappear at a blink ( -vuulumuna, a tenn also denoting the way in which the sorcerer can move without being seen); this lizard can be repl aced by the blue ­ headed agame lizard (yihalil). Because of their toxic nature , various other anim a ls or substances may represent the malevolent act: poisonous snakes, the

kapfiituia

(a large

dikhookwa difuuliJ mun -zaanga (a kind of large, deadly lizard, dead and dried), and finally the bark of the phutu tree \vhich in the past \\'as used i n the poison ordeal . To increase the deadly effect of these substances, glass splinters (biteenga bya ­ � mbwaata.J or a viper s tooth are also added. centipede), the

1 0. The planting of the life tree in a heal ing cult differs l ittle from the erection of th e

n-saanda koongu

ancestral tree . The latter is set up within the home stead of the patri-

Notes to Pages 1 95-202

3 07

arch of the lineage segment which boasts the oldest ascendency in a given c lan, d ati n g back t o its most distant and presti giou s ancestor. The n-saanda koongu typi fies the link

be tvlee n the group and its distant agnat ic ascendency.

1 1 . The ndzalat drug expresses initiatory fili ation and somehow transmits generative li fe force from master to pupil . Ritual special ists, in part ic ul ar healers� eat of thi s drug

before exe rc i s i ng their function, Y�'hen they address their master on his tomb ; they scat­ ter it over the earth before offe.ring an i te. m of ancestral worship. The drug is made from a

variety of plant substances . One is a grass v.'ith round holloYto' ste ms known

a"

tsaku­

tsaku. Some commentaries accord thi s grass the virtue of �'remi nding the special i st of all that he has been taughf ' (bwasakumuka bungaanga b-.,vaphaabula). Another is the

white yam, toondi. B ec a use the tuber is found under the ground, it emphasizes that the line of l ife transmi ssion bet\\'e en the de ceased master and his pupi l continues. \\'itness to this i s found in the practice in \Vhich the succ e. ssor to a specialist in matters of virile

yam between his master"s legs when he is buried. Peanuts. ngEtba, are another component of the ndztlku drug and represent, it is said� both fert i li ty and

ferti li ty place s such

a

the impossibil ity of doing anythi n g when one is alone, just as it is impossi ble to she1 1

them using only one finger. The red-bro\vn khidi fru it, from the tree of the same

na1ne.

signifies that the cure indeed puts an end to the disorder, since it results i n the pupi l '�

initiation. The m otto khidi m•akid� n-diingi twaniingita, mea n s : '"The khidi fruit sig­ nals the end of the disorder, just as the n -diingi frui t means the assuaging of the illness .''

Kaasu (po u nded cola n ut), n-diingi (a tonic white fruit), and nduungu (pepper), also components of ndzaku� all signify reg ained strength.

1 2. The khoofi shrine summon s shades to support the healing. The small bags that p arti cip ants app l y to the vital parts of the body when the klwofi is being pl a nted contai n ingredients that are reminders of an i ntense shari ng i n life which has its ori g i n s in the

ancestors. According to Yaka exegesis, nut kernels c ontai ned in these small bags are rem i nders of the m-fu: bafu bakhuJu baatu mbidi, "'the shades of the dead, those \\'ho remain a s they v,·ere ." In the popular i mag ination the term m -fu represents. among other thi ngs , those hard and durab le things which, in con seque nce , denote the v,·orld of the dead. Among the objects bearing this signi fi cation are old n ut kernels, certain stones which have been worn av.lay to rese.mble human fonns. sn a il shells fil led with earth fou nd at th e back of a cave, some giant forest trees, as \\'ell as the termite hil l s found at their feet.

1 3 . 1be kuti or yisiimbi is erected in the same way as the n-saanda tree, namely

within a \Vhite circle. and ac comp ani ed by the appropriate i nvocation. Kitu dyan-situ is a

succulent with speckl ed leaves and a Yto'hite

roo t

found in the forest. A variety of kitu

Y�'ith a red rhizome that grow s in the savanna is c all e d kitu dyatseki. Any variety may

be used in the rite. Authorities s tate that the plant represents the vigilance of the ances­

tors-represented by the root of the plant and success in the hunt-\vho are ready to awaken (-kituka) when the sorcerers, re present e d by the speckles, enter their me tamor­ phosis ( -kituka) and leave the forest or the subsoil to attack a member of the therape u tic group . In other cases, and v.'ilh the s ame signification, they hal f bury a smal l bl ack termite hill, yisiimbi, brought from the forest. It is charged \Vith guarding the ritual area day and ni ght , and for this the specialist c arves out tv,·o holes to serve as eyes around v..· hich he a pplies \vhite and red clay (pheemba and 1nuundu). 1 4.

The i ni ti and s can only ri se once the family patriarch has bought ( -kuula) this

308

1Votes

ro

Pages 205-15

right by offering the healer approx imately a day '5 �·age . .�fter his \vife has finished swinging from the trunk of the parasol tree� the hu sband has to pay the same amount to the ritual specialist in order to purchase the right for her to descend . The heaJ cr �eerns hereby to reassert hi � hold over healing. 1 5 . -FEtundila. ''to spurt forth because of fermentation" is a homonym of -fuundila ( the relative fonn of -fuund� .. to accuse, condemn in the cathartic trance:� \\''he re as th e maj ori ty of commentaries accept this idea of accusation, such exegesis would appe ar to conceal -and therefore preserve from any semantic impoverishment-the tnctaphor of froth intert�vining the opposing forces and processes of decay and fennentation, th at is, of death and life-giving in the patient's body and the life-V<�·orld. The equivalent expression� lutstva il1r·aphoon gu� literal ly, '"the ·winged terrnite of the cult,'' w·hich also refers to this condemnation and reversal of the origins of a disorder, i s more di fficult to interpret than the expression fu u n dila fula. LutSl1r'a i� u s ed to de­ scribe the adult �·inged tennite \\'hich abandons the large con ical termitary ( luundu); it can al so serve as a s ynony m of fula. I should point out that oral lore emphasizes the tremendous fertility of the termite queen fp.futnwaluundu or y(fiika) and the fact that a termitary is believed to emerge spontaneously on the spot where the master specialist of male fe rti li ty fyi.sidika) is buried or \\-·here a ka1nbanndz:ya mask has been burned (Devi sch 1 972 : 1 62 ) . Is the termi tary a cosmological metaphor of the androgynous ca­ pacity of autogeneration that the patient acquires in the cathartic tnmce leading to -fuundila fuliJ, "'to denounce/to froth or spurt sap� '? 1 6 . When a child born after the kh ita cure dies prior to \•ieaning� it, like all i nfant�. is buried close to the back wall of the conjugal home. Its mother's n-noongu is placed on its tomb, '�so that the infant \\'i 11 soon return to the maternal �·om b." -

Chapter Seven I . The ritual house c lo sely resembles a large bundle., suspended fro m a thick bcarn and bound by a creeper called n-phemba�� which is also used to transport item�. It is there fore compared to the coffin-bundle knoy;n as n-kuundzu: the dead body, S\vaddled in funeral sheets and enveloped in a linen cloth, l ooks like a bundle suspended fn)m a pole to be trans ported to the cemetery. Perhaps this phase of seclusion could be s e en a s a peri od i n \�·hich the body prepares itsel f fo r rebirth. 2. The fibrous scales (mbuundyambati) taken from the bottom of pal ms are used to \vrap up the various p la nt s and the khal1-'0 and attach them to the vi nes. 3. The bouquet placed against the \\'all of the ritual house is in part compo s e d of certain plants (m -mvuma� mbaaamba. n-heeti, mbati, and masa rn una ) fo und in the khonfi� but of others as \veil : ( a ) A climbing plant, n -phemha, reaches u p to the ridgepole and comes back down to the foot of the opposite \\rail. Another crawls a lo n g the roof tree from one side to the other and., hanging on to the. bushes of the khoofi, may even extend beyond the ridgepole for several meters outside the house itself. Still another is attached horizontally hal f ·way up each \\'all. Thi s cl imbing forest plant signifies the. evil turning ag a i n s t it�elf. �1ottled and about two fi n g e rs thick, it can serve as a binding, at l east if it ha� just been c ut ; on ce dried it breaks easi ly. \\'hen it is used to transport the shro uded body to the cemetery, this plant is referred to as n -kaanga mbvuumbi� "corpse binder., ,

309

Note to Page 2 1 6

(b) A fore st creeper� yin waani. to a certai n extent plays the same role as the n -phemba vin e as it rises up to the ridgepole and extends along it to the outside . Turn ing to the , hom onymi c verb -n»'aana, uto combat, . exegesis stresse s the defen si ve functi on of the refuge made of thi s creeper and the large lun�vaan i leave s i n the following \\lay : tvun­ waana l1-'rtsi kuna kuna bun-nwaan isi. hif anyone enters into the ritual house to attack

th e patient, let a dispute break out." (c) In the bouquet

v.re

also find a branch of the n-lnvaati savanna tree, \\'hose v.·ood

is considered as hard as iron. Commentators, finding a certain homonymy �·ith -kwaata. '"to catch, to capture ,'' state :

kuln"·aati h'utabukaku, if it catches you it is imposs ible ..

to

break a\•iay.' ' (d) l�.fbuundzya, a bush of the savanna which is u sed in a l arge number of medicines and which is nicknamed rn-burtndzyabukoondi, uthe m-buundzya bush is like a net.''

4. The ritual v.·eapon (teenda. pl . mateenda, or bura� pl . mata, "gun": or yinwaan r�nu, -'something v.rith \•..- h ich to fight") is v.'Tapped in lunM1aan i leave s, evocative of -n �·vaana.. -'struggle .'' It acts as

a

booby-trap . This weapon is attached to the centre of the ridgepole

of the seclusion house at the point \\'here several n-phemba creepers cross . The ritual weapon adds to the ri tual house's significance as a place of combat between deadly ensorcel lment and J ife-giving forces , as e�pressed in a formula found in many incanta­ tions against an aggressor: ndvvoondi )'aamba, n -singoondi n-phemba. �.'may his hou se be transformed into a mortuary and may this n-phen1ha creeper serve to hind his corpse· ' (for transportation to the cemetery). The n-phemba creeper, at v.·hose end a snake 's tooth is sometimes attached, also cal ls dov.·n the i nescapable death of the sorcerer \\'ho attacked the patient.

The usu al components of a ritual weapon are the following : (a) Residues of the cli­ ent's nails, hair or spit v..· hich, according to specialists, can conceal his "shado�·s or double.'' lhus preserving them from the attack of sorcerers �·hose first aim is to seize hold of their victim's shado\\'. ( b ) An assortment of pl ants (mbakunumbal:unu). (c) The deadly ingredient loombi (see ch. 6, n. 9 [dl ). (d) An aggressive or explosive ingredient known as kha wa, con si sti ng of fragments taken from animals. plants, or other sub­ stances \Vhose powers of attack or of protection are obvious . These componen ts are all \\'rapped up in a small cyl indrical packet simi J ar to a cartridge. In preparing the kha�va, the ritual speciali st avoids touching the ingredients with his hands, for fear th at h i s o�·n commensals may become exposed to the sorcerers� pl ots against his client. No doubt it is for the same reason that he calls upon a "'prepube.scent child �·ho has never

Yw'Om

clothes�' to place the ingredients i n the packet v:ith the. aid of a knife: the speci alist himsel f closes the packet usi ng a cork sealed \vith resin . This operation of filling and sea1 ing the packet is kno\\'11 as -soma

bura. uloading the gun :' In additi on to the pieces

of bone and hair, and of skin from sn akes ( sometimes bought in Kinsha�a), hair from animals, and pl umes from birds of prey, the kJrawa also contains the toxic bark of the phutu tree; in the pa�t this bark: v.ras u sed in the. poison ordeal. Further ingredients i nclude : thuya tsaandzi� gunpov.'der; thuya mboombi, an explosive to be found i n car­ tridges; kafofo/u,

a

match servi ng as a detonator; and ndzasi� l ightning, in the shape of

sand �·hich has been vitrified by li ghtning or of resin v.rhich has fl owed from a vitri fied tree. All ritual arms experts do their be st to add a most terrifying and unpredictabl e 'death-trap' t o the khawa. for ex ample, an arrow which has killed someone, or of vine with \Vhich someone has hanged himself.

a

piece

�votes

310

to

Pages 2 1 6- 1 9

5 . The hi ltless kn ife i s an agricu ltural and household impl ement u�e d

exclusi ve ly bv

a knife is never used to kill game or spill blood. \\nen a mac hete i�.... shortened and has lost its \\'ooden hilt through the many use s a man has made of it9 i t only the n is regarde d suitable for \\'Omen's use of it. It has lost its male sex ual con not a­

women, and such

tions : bibiindi refers both to the hilt of the man's machete or cutl ass , as v.;ell

as

to

a

purse h an ging from a stick that a man carrie s on hi s shoulder and that contain s a few of hi s be long ings A woman's machete i s a complement to the hoe, and l ike the latter it .

carries genital connotations. U sed in the entrance to the ritual house . it is not accompa­ nied by any accessories nor is it the subject of any incantation .

6. The only food forbi dden to the initiand is a dish (-dya) consi sting of meat (princi­ pal ly mbisi or phulat and fo\\•1 ) and cassava paste ; this is the only meal wh i c h restore s commensality. On the other hand, the initiand may eat fresh or boiled com, peanuts�

bananas, or yams . Unlike the food served at meals, these vegetables can be prepared and, as it is said, "nibbled" r -tafwala) at any time of the day. even while walking through or outside the vil lage. 7 . In the context of khit� the mangangatsaanga plant is used to enve lop the bottorn of the tsaanga khita, a gourd whose neck has been removed which contains a medicine intended to lessen the pains of pregnancy or of menses. This p lant is also used to \1\.irap up the initiate 's n-11oongu. It is moreover p laced in the large gourd that serve s as

a

coffin

for a t\\·in y,·ho has died at an early age and whose rebirth is a\\l·aited. 8 . If sorc ery is compared to a nocturnal h unt, anti-sorcery activities and those aimi ng to combat evil also use the idiom of the hunt. Thus the collection of plants to be used both for protection and for trappin g as wen as for medicinal cures, con sti tute the "en­ ,

snaremenf of the evil. The ritual speci alist harvests these plant., by cutting the shoots '

at the cyme or the low branches of bushes and trees, ahvays usi ng a crook-li ke stick

a yikho. This is the same term used for the hook se rving as a trigger in a spring trap. The use of the yikho to collect these. plants , even if they are �·ell \v ithin reach no doubt denote s the pl an ts c ap acity to entrap ( -kaya). In order to detach a piece of the bark from a tree trunk, the ritual speci alist knocks it off (-teembula) by hitting it kno\\·n

as

,

'

y,·ith a large stick known as

a

yikhookolu. This word, which shares the same root as

yikho, also refers to the club used to kill game caught in a trap or in nets. Fi nally, yikhookolu is also the name for the stick which the sorcerers would use to kill their victim. B y rubbing off the bark of the tree-trunk with this stick, the speci al i st thus deals

a mortal blow to the agent of evil, also hinted at by the hitting of the tree. 9. Some of the cold infusions �·hich the khita recluse imbibes as a purge contain the grated root of n-lwondasal� a savanna vine containing white latex \\'hich also serves as a home for the tso1Ul c aterpill ar The homonymic verb -sala n -hoonda, "•to kill [the illness ] ,'" specifies the use of this plant. Thi s infusion is e mp loyed as an enema a gain st stomach pain s, vomit ing and i ntestinal worms . It is also used to prepare a steam bath for the treatment of eye infecti ons. By applying the latex of this plant to \\'Ounds it is po ssible to create tattoos. The infusion prescribed for the khita rec l u se al so invol ve s the leaves of the savanna bushes n-heeti, m-booti, and n-lolu. C on side red to be the bearers of misfortune (n -tyambeembi) (cf. ch. 2, n. 9), they aim at re versin g the evil. .

-

,

Certain wann infu sions used

as

purgative douches consist of several plants that aim

at '"ensnaring" the disorder; for example, the m-m 1:uma bush found in the sec ondary forest augurs the arre st ( -vwna) of the evil. and the phaanda tree from the forest should

conduce to its capture ( -phaanda ). Taken in strong dose s.,

an

infusion of the bark and

31 1

Notes to Pages

2 1 9-20

the gratings

of the roots of the phaanda tree can cause a hemorrhage. S ometi mes a red ant .. kamba/a, is added, again 'lo inaugurate the capture of the di sorder� ' ( kakambalala yibeefu). In order to ensure that the curati ve effects spread to all parts of the body, strong smelling plants are added to the infusion. Thus, the bark of the kuhi tree, found in fores t glades , is employed because of its strong garlic-like smell. The root of the n-nkheneti bush, a toxic plant found in the savanna, is removed fnlm the soil �·ithout cutting it and is then grated and boiled. Thi s concoction has a very penetrating odor., and is admini stered "so that this odor may cause the illness to flee" (lnUIUl.fiimbu dyeeni yibeefu kitiinin i). In areas where paJ m trees are found, fragments taken from the base (known as leernbwa or n-sokwa mbati ) from where the palms sprout are added to the infusion so that life may become prolific again . Yimbandzya kyahata, "the little \Veed that grows all over the village'� is added both to assoc iate the. coresidents to this process of renev..· al.. \\'hile linking it to the survival of the village community: yimbandzya n-kul...,•a ha ta, ·'the l ittle \veed that is he re ever since there Vw'as a village,'' and, co mme n­ taries add � •'it has been witne ss to all the vi llage di sputes and their resolution." 1 0. The lukeVw·ann enema used to rinse the vagina is prepared from the forest climber n-phemba; this is an implicit reference to conception . Exege si s accepts a homony my between n -phemba and pheemba (white kaolin clay), stating that n -phemba kaseemasa yivumu, ·'the n -phe1nba plant makes the \vomb completely clear"-imply ing that white clay stands for the u terine life source as appropriated by men . 1 1 . In addition to th e ingredients of the purgative douc he (mentioned in note 9), the cold infusion used in the ndwba zapheelaka also contains n -hoondasala, 11 - lolu, and n-heeti, as \\'ell as the gratings of the lignified stump of the kaloombi, \Vhich is adminis­ tered to ensure that ..the i nternal \\o·ounds tum black (phuta zaphiindidij. Exegesis points to a homony my between kaloo"1bi and loombi. bl ac k ashes," as well as a scar which turns black ( -phiinda ) as it heals. 1 2 . The luke\varm infusion consists of the leave s of the parasol tree .. of manganga t­ saanga, a cli mbing plant found in humid regions, and of TJUJzeledi, a fern from h umid areas which, in ritual use, may replace this cl i m b in g plant. Also added are dried leaves taken from a spider's v.•eb, lungyatungya, and red wood paste (khula) to symbolize trou ble-free gestation. 1 3 . The i nfusion prepared for the gynecological patient consists of the tendril s (ma ­ ziingu) or parts of several species of climbers destined to thVw·art the "binding'" effe.ct of the disorder: the lufi�undu vine which produces frui t used as gourds (symbolizing the womb ) ; the yisakaan1ba. \vh ose fruit i s to xic� and the thorns (nu�koon gi) of the yikaya­ kaya creeper, whose name recalls the homonymic term -kaya, used to describe ritual entrapment or reversal . Again, in order to de.monstrc1te that healing is something very normal, the foliage of the oil pal m (leembwa) taken from the base of the foliate crown and the vill age weed (cf. note 9) are also added to the infusion. Other ingredients con ­ sist of the in florescence, yizeendi, of the m-fwangu/u ... u plant (cf. ch. 6, n. 5) and above all the slightly toxic root of the n-tsatsa tree, which is considered to be an aphrodi siac. Other tradition s state that this tree grows at the foot of a termite hill which appeared on the grave of the yisidika. the master spec iaJ i st of the rite of viri le ferti lity (cf. ch . 6. n. 1 5 ) . 1 4. The food taboos imposed o n the recluse involve : (a) A ll foods containing a vi s­ cous juice (leendzi) that as commentaries have it, si gni fies the inability "to retain spenn.'! Those vegetables \Vhich lose the ir \vater \\'hen �"cut with a knife'� ( bisaka bya "

312

/Votes

to

Pages 224-30

khekl rnbeedi J are also forbidden ; examples are the l eaves of the m anioc plan t o r of th e forest pl ants n1 -boondi and ndiimbuln u sed as vegetables ; are also proh1 bi t cd th e ugombo' � fruit (yingoombu) of the subligneous plan� and the fruit, diitnb uJu, nf the

small suffrutescent savanna plants . ( b) Hen's eggs� because they sy m b o l i ze

a

closect

"'omb. (c ) i\11 k inds of mu shrooms .. because their �·hitish color reminds one of a ne tn ia or an a lbino . And (d) fish caught Y.'i th a hook ( n -tsuka ndobuj and a few sn1 all nl am ­ mals .. symbo ls of abortion.

1 5. This term ngooongu is also used to designate the envelope of leave s that is placed above the pot in w h ich a ritual m edicine simmers, and th at is bound i n the loincl oth bet\'leen the legs of a sterile \voman .

form and function , hetwcen the kamwaadi branch and the branches placed in the n -koong wa of the hunt . The 1 6. This in terpretation i s based on the simi lari ty, in

n-koongwa, literal l y� uhunter�' � is an altar erected� for e"ample, at the po in t \\'here the

path to the cemetery cnlsses another. It is composed of a log of \\'Ood placed horiz on ­ tally between four forked stakes; a longe r pole extends beyond the log and rests in a fork at the grou nd leve l. Thi s n-koongh'a, which to some extent resembles

a

t urtl e

or a sv.'i ng trdp, \v o u l d appear to have a cosmol ogical meaning � that of the prin1ordial union between the sexes. In other ritual con te"ts , kan1waadi is assoc iated v..· i th the twuila termi te hill and v;i th scu lpte d objects p lac ed in the earth� s u ch as luunband­ :.ya and kakuungu. Although little information is available c once rn i ng these l ast ob­

jects. they refer to primordial ancestors p rece di ng lineage s oc iety (cf. Devi sch 1 972:

1 56 � 1 62).

1 7 . Medication prepared from plants and intended or recommended for another per­

son is usu ally the o u tcome of a cul tic tradi tion a cqu ired through initi ation of some fonn or another. The Yaka make no disti nction bet\veen the ngangan-kisi. elseY�·here referred to as a speci a l i st of channs ( n-kisi) or magician, and the ngangabuka. in ot her \Vo rd �� the ··medic ine man.'' the herbalist. The se neologi sms were introd uced by the missio nar­ ies to g u ide the behav ior of those Yaka Y�'ho converted to Chri stianity and

are

not used

by the healers themselve s. 1 8 . Since i nitia t i on in t he khita cull. unl ike i n other cults , does not im'est the initiate with the art of heal i ng , the i ni t iate is not given the yihalu . namely

the phann acopoe ia

needed to exercise the art; instead she rece ives a phaandzi bundle of medicinal pl ants .

1 9. In order to thv..·art any disorder or to prevent the m alevo len t use of these po\\·crt"ul plant s � the khita cont ains , among other ingredients, fragments of the bark of giant forc�t trees, some of w hi ch are toxi c : (a) M-m""·ayi i s a forest tre e \\i ith a to x i c baric It i s claimed that the area i m mediately aro und thi s tree becomes steri le . Thi s characteristic is transferred to the healer's art invoked to overcome the disorder; thi� is the meaning of the express ion nz -mwayi mhuUi

n-ti kamli'aanga btlngaanga. "'j u st as the m - rnwayi i s a tree

Vl hic h

domi nates. th us the

therapeutic art must assert it�elf." (b) Vlith regard to the n-honu tree, \-..· hich is found in the forest glades and which i s one of the components o f t h e yihaJu and the phaandzi, commentaries s ee a homonymy with the tenn -honuka. u sed to de s cribe

a

goat struggl ing to ··loosen'' i t self, and offer

the followi ng expl anati on: mbee.fu kahonuka yibeefu kyan - tabula, .. the sick person fights so that the illness may release him.'� (c) 1\'-haandzi is a large forest tree producing curled l igneous pods. A concen trated decocti on pre p ared fron1 the gratings of the roots or the bark of t he trunk and admi nis-

� otes to Pages 23 1-33

313

tered by anal douche can c au se a painfu l headache- ''you fee l that the bones of the sk ul l are tightening'' (mboondzr� kazikidi). Thi s tree is i nc lu de d in th e yihalu or phaan ­ dzi sp ec i fi c al l y to �'prevent any pain Yt'hich might

spl i t the p at ien fs head'' f wr�n ­

haandziku, l·vr�n-yatiku ).

(d) JV-kukubuundu is a forest tree \\'ith a toxic bark \�lhich , \\'hen it fall s, takes a great many other trees \\.'ith i t . It is als o said of it that n-kukuhuundu. n-ti ·wudya tnakasa

mbuumba h.'a.'� ima.';ana. "the n -kukubuundu tree is poison to the sq u irre l and a danger to the wild cat ." By placing the bark of this tree in the pharmacopoei a, the initi ate assumes the po\\·er of the tree and uses it to therapeutic ends . (e) The t o x i c bark of the forest tree. phutu, \\'as in the past employed in the poison ordeal . Because of th i s use, the tree is also known as yibala khasa n-ti -.vudya halok(· yibala khasa, hthe tree

" hic h ·

kil l s sorcerers."

(f) Because of its straight, sl i pp e ry trunk , the forest yiku r�mha tree is described in the fol lov.-ing v.ray : yikuumbi, n-ti ndelrtmuka, n-tya phaamba/a kyatolwala bimati. ''yiku u ­ mbi i s a la rge sl ippery tre e , those \\'ho try to climb it risk a fracture.'� Ritual spec iali�t s use the bark of th is tree t o neutralize the sorcerer's aggress ion . (g) I ncl ud ed in the phanna copoeia are a number of

c u rl ed plants symboli zing the

uentwi ning'' effect of the disorder a n d \\'hose th\varti ng effect i s to be reversed by the ingredients ' own tv.'isting action, m-bindu.fi, the ends of tan g led creepers, and maziingu malufuundu� tendrils of a cli m bi ng pl ant \\'hose fruit can be used as gourd�. (h) The pharmacopoeia al so contai ns a us pic i ou s tokens of the l eg itim ac y of the thera­ peuti c art : a bone from each animal whose ki l l in the h u nt or in

a

sac ri fi ce was "'an

augury of a prosperou s outcome" ( -.\·allli'a.sa). for exampl e , of the seclu sion� the fami ly reunification, or the conjugal reu nion . The phannacopoeia is kept in a skin ( of a ci vet,

weasel , Gambian rat� or squirrel ) presented Yi'hen the serv ic e s of the specialist are hired. The skins of the se an i mal s arc used in an effort to thwart the abn onn a lity which the khita therapy is intende d to he.al� in part icula r abortion. These small mammals, both because of their striped skins·and in virtue of their way of c onc e al i ng themsel ves, sym­

bolize the se abnormal ities. The name of the ring , lukata, at the bo tto m of the phannac o ­ poeia signifies not so much a support but rather so me thing bei ng turned agai n st itse lf: indeed , lukata can be a synonym of kuundzi. the name for

the elbow-shaped branch

placed i n t he kh ita khoofi.

20. Tsaanga khita consists of a s e rie s of ingredie n t s in tended to boob y-trap the many routes the e.vil might take and to convert the obstacle to ferti lity i nto

an

element o f

fertility. � mo ng them \Ye fi nd: ( a ) ingredient" taken a t random from the yihnlu of the �

(b) crushed bark to be used in the i nitiate's phaandzi; (c) an assortment of pl ants (d) c i nders from the fire lit close to the secl usion house; and fi­ nal l y, (e) agricultural products ( p e an u t s and maize.. for example) symbol isi ng great fer­ healer:

("mbakunumbakunuj;

ti lity. These are all mixed \Vith khula red v.·ood pas te and "'uundu. red clay, de.noting

fetal blood .

2 1 . The t he rapi s t sometimes kneels at the cro s si ng of the p a th s , close to a tuft of grass . Plucking several blades. he tY·iines cord s from them wh i c h he bi nds tog ether wh ile ch anti n g : 1

Tu tuu d i di haphaam bwa nd zila,

2

tukabul a haphaamhwa ndzilaku.

3

Phaambv.·andzila, n-dyakyee ndzi .

314

l\lotes

to

Pages

240-44

1

Having reached the crossing of the paths,

2

\•ie should not go back.

3

The crossing of the path s reabsorbs that �·hich impairs one 's gait.

According to the commentaries, this intercession indicates that the ritual specialist, hy making the initiate cross the intersection of the paths, authori7.es her to leave the seclu ­ sion house with impunity and to abandon the chameleon-like gait.

22. Various objects are attached above and on top of the front part of the headdre ss �·om by the khita initiate to entrap the disorder and guarantee good heal th . A vagi nal ­ shaped cowrie

(luziimbu IM.•aphasi),

whose crevice has been filled with khal·va (the ex­

plosive ingredient used in ritual weapons), serves as "a \Vatchful eye" to take evil-doers by surprise . A small bag contains gratings from the bushes of misfortune.

n-heeti and

m-booti. and a piece of the black mushroom which grows on rotten \\'ood, \\�·hose name� yidiiya, also means "'oblivion." Attached to the headdress are phatulu (two small sticks --of m-tnvwna and tt-kung-wa yiteki wood in the shape of a hooli;-dc�"\fetaid le into eacl1 other. and siimba dyangeembu (bat 's nails), expressing ho\v much the initiati on, and th� initiate as v...·e ll, is a connecting medium, a bond of union. The fine weave of grass to be found at the water's edge, mangangatsaanga -evocative of the placenta-that is attached to the headdress and around the skull adds t o the significance o f rebirth .

23 . Apart from the little Maleeka guardian, the coinitiates- who do not share in the rec luse's fetal condition-leave the seclusion bouse after three or four days' stay. At dawn on the day of their return to the village, they are taken to the stream to Yv'ash� they undergo no transitory rite . Their faces are colored like those of the patient and of the Maleeka. The head of their family leads them from the seclusion house in the presence of the ritual specialist. The group proceeds through the vi llage collecting small presents

(n-seendu),

but they have no ritual obj ects . Their exit from the ritual house lifts all the

ordinances laid upon them during this phase .

24. Before returning to his conjugal home, the therapist must ensure that those bond� in which he has so intimately become involved in the cure do not constitute an intrusion into hi s O\\'D family and conjugal space . He is careful to set the ritual objects \\'hich he brought with him on a pile of refuse at the outskirts of his homestead. They wil l remain there for at least one night, a tran sitional and regenerative period that ritual vocabulary characterizes as yitatu, uthree days." They are sprinkled with n-zootuiza. a substance prepared from ani mal excrement. in order to wash ofi the impurities (mhviindrt). Prior to entering the marital home, the ritual specialist offers his first wife the khokY.la tuululu,

the hen \\'hich the head of the afflicted couple 's fami ly had given him, the day the khoofi was set up, as a sign of goodwill or� according to the fuller expression, khoku lwtuula kundzo, "the hen signifying that nothing \\'ill prevent him from entering under the mari­ tal roof." To properly benefit from the gift of this hen, the co-spouses rub their heels \\'ith a feather.

25 . When M aleeka prepares to attend the marriage, there occ ur a number of ritual practices whose effect is to extend to her marri age the fertility conveyed to her by the initiation . ..4t her marri age, the groom, the head of her parental homestead, and her uncle each pre-sent her \\'ilh chickens

as

a tonic and symbol of transition. �1oreover, her

uncle, and eventuall y the ritual specialist who presided over the sec lusion , \\'i l l pre ­ scribe medici nes made of savanna pl ants (y{futu) for the �1aleeka .

References

Ademuwagun, Z., et al . , eds. 1 979 . Afri can therapeutic systems. Walthan, M ass. : Cross­ roads Press .

Akerele, 0. 1 984. WHO's traditional medicine program : Prog res s and perspectives. "''HO Ch ronicle 38(2) : 76-8 1 . Anderson , E . 1 95 8 . J'Jessianic movements in the UJ»'er Congo. Llppsala: S tudia Ethnographica Upsal iensia. Anzieu , D. 1 98 1 . Le gro up e de l 'incorucient. L 'imag inai re groupal. Pari s: Dunod . --- .

1 985 . Le J'Joi-peau. Pari s : Dunod .

Aryee, A. 1 983. The

c oe " is tence

of traditional and modem medicine in Nigeria: An

exam ple of transitional behavior i n the developing \\'orld. Ph .D. diss., Boston

Unive.rsity. Bail leul, H. 1 959. Le s Bayaka: Aper�u de I ' e volu t io n politique et economique de leur pays jusqu ' en 1 958. Zaire 1 2( 8): 823-4 1 . B alandier, G. 1 965 . La vie quotidienne a u Royaume de Kongo du XV/e au XV/1/e siecle. Paris: Hachette. Bannerman , R. , et al . 1 983 . Traditional medicine and health care. Geneva: ��0. Bee� B. 1 978. The metaphor as a mediator between semantic and analogic modes of ilioug� . �r�n r A�h� � .� ' 1� 9� (� 1 )� · 8_3� -� 97 ��������������

B ei delman , T. 1 966 . Swazi royal ri tual . Africa 36: 3 1 3-45 . Bibeau, G . 1 979. The World Health Organization i n encounter with Afri can traditional medicine. In African the rapeutic systems, ed. Z. Ademuwagun. et al. , 1 82-86. �Talthan , Mass. : Crossroads Pre ss . --- .

1 98 1 . Preal a ble s a une epidemiologie anthropologique de I a depression . Psy­

chopathologie Africaine 1 1( 1-3) :96-1 1 2 . ---. 1 984. Authenticite et ambiguite d ' une implication dans un ln stitut africain de recherche. Anthropologie et Societes 8(3): 95-1 1 5 . Bibeau, G. . et al . 1 979. La medecine traditionnelle au Zafre. O tt awa : CRDI. B iebuyck, D. 1 985 . The Ans ofZaire. Volume I . South·westem Zaire. Berkeley : Llnive.r­ sity of California Press. Bittremi eu x, L. 1 936. La societe secrete des Bakhimba au l'Aayombe. B ruxelles : lnstirut Royal Colonial Beige . Boddy, J. 1 989 . \\'omhs and alien spirits: l+omen, men. and the Zar cult in !VorthRrrr Sudan. Madison : University of \\'i sconsin Press. Bonnafe, P. 1 969. Un aspect religieux de r icteologie li gnagere. : Le nkira de s Kukuya du Congo- Brazzavi lle. Cahiers des Relig ionj· Africa in es 3 ( 6): 209-97 .

3 14

lvore.'t

to

Pagej· 240-44

1

Having reached the crossing of the paths,

2

\Ve should not go back.

3

The crossing of the paths reabsorbs that which impairs one 's gait.

According to the commentaries , this intercession indicates that the ritual speci alist. by making the initiate cross the intersection of the paths, authorizes her to leave the se c l u­ sion house \\'ith impunity and to abandon the chameleon-like gait. 22 . Various objects are attached above and on top of the front part of the headdress

khita initiate to entrap the di sorder and guarantee good health I.\ vagi nal­ shaped co\\·rie (luziimbu lwapha.�i). \\'·hose crevice has been filled \Vith khawa (the ex­ plosive ingredient used in ritual \•ieapons), serves as ''a \\'atchful eye" to take evil-doer)'; worn by the

.

.

by surprise. A small bag contains gratings from the bushes of misfortune. n-heeti and

m-booti, and a p iece of the bl ack mushroom which grows on rotten v.'ood, y..·hose name,

yidiiya, also means "oblivion.'' Attached to the headdress are phatulu (two small sticks of m-mvuma and n-":ungwa yireld wood in the shape of a hook), dovetailed into each other, and siimba dyangeembu (bat's nails), expressing how much the initiation , and the well, is a connecting medium, a bond of union . The fine we ave of grass to be found at the \Vater's edge, mangangatsaanga-evocative of the placenta- that i s attached t o the headdress and around the skull adds to the significance o f rebirth. 23. Apart from the little M aleeka guardian, the coinitiates-y..· ho do not share i n the recluse's fetal c ondition - leave the seclusion house after three or four days • stay �t dawn on the day of their re.turn to the village, they are taken to the stream to wash ; they undergo no transitory rite . Their faces are colored like those of the patient and of the Maleeka. 1be head of their family leads them from the sec lusion house in the presence initiate

as

.

.

of the ritual specialist. The group proceeds through the village collecting small presents

(n -seenduj,

but they have no ritual objects . The.ir exit from the ritual house lifts all the

ordinances laid upon them during this phase .

24. Before returning to his conjugal home, the therapi st must ensure that those bonds in which he has so intimately bec ome involved in the cure do not constitute an intrusion into his oy;n family and conjugal space. He is careful to set the rirual objects \Vhich he brought with him on a pile of refuse at the outskirts of his homestead. They \viii remai n there for at least one night, a transitional and regenerative period that ritual vocabulary

n-zoondza, a substance (mbt-·iindu). Prior to entering the marital home, the ritu al specialist offers hi s first \\·ife the kho/...rwa tuululu, the hen which the head of the afflicted couple's famil y had given him, the day the khoofi was set up. as a sign of goodVw'i ll or, according to the fuller expression , khoku katuuln kundzo. uthe hen signit)ri ng that nothing wil l prevent him from entering under the mari­ characterizes as

yitatu,

•'three days." They are sprinkled v.ri th

prepared from anima] excrement, in order to \\'ash off the impurities

tal roof." To properly benefit from the gift of this hen, the co-spouses rub thei r heel s v.ri th a feather.

25. When M aleeka prepares to attend the marriage, there occur a number of ritual practices whose effect is to extend to her marri age initiation . ..�t her marri age,

the

the

fertility conveyed to her by the

groom, the head of her parental homestead, and her

un cle each present her y..·ith chickens as a tonic and symbol of transition . �1oreover. her uncle, and eventually the

ritual

specialist who presided over the seclusion, \v ill pre­

scribe medicines made of savanna plants

(yifutu)

for the Malee.-:ka»-.---

References

Ademuwagun, Z., e t al. , eds. 1 979. Africa n therapeutic syste11zs. Wal than. Mass . : Cros s­ roads Press . Akerele, 0. 1 984. WHO's traditional medicine program : Progress and perspectives.

�rHO Chronicle 38(2):76-8 1 . Anderson. E. 1 95 8 . �fes..\·ian ic movements in the Lo-.ve r Congo. Uppsala: Studia Ethnographica Upsaliensia. �A.n zieu. D. 1 98 1 . Le groupe de finconscie11t. L 'imaginaire groupal. Pari s: Dunod. ---. 1 985 . Le Moi -pea u. Paris : Dunod. Aryee9 A. 1 9 83. The coexistence of traditional and modem medicine in !\i geria: �A.n ex amp le of transitional behavi or in the de.veloping world . Ph.D. diss., Boston University. B ailleul 9 H. 1 959. Les Bayaka : Aper�u de !'evolution politique et economique de leur pays j usqu 'en 1 958 . Zai're 1 2(8): 823-4 1 . Balandier, G. 1 965 . La vie quotidienne a ri Royau"1 e de Kongo du XV/e au XV/1/e .\·iecle. Paris: Hachette . -----Bannerman , R. , et al . 1 983 . Tradi tiona l medicine and hea lth care. Geneva: \\'HO. Bee� B . 1 978 . The metaphor as a mediator bet�·een semantic and analogic modes of thought . Current Anthropology 1 9( 1 ) : 83-97 . Beidelman, T. 1 966 . Swazi royal ritual . Africa 36: 3 1 3-45. Bibeau, G. 1 979. The World Health Organization in encounter with African traditi onal medicine. In African therapeu tic systems, ed. Z. Ademuwagun, et al., 1 82-86. Walth an, 1\.fass. : Crossroads Press.

1 98 1 . Prealables a une epidemiologie anthropologique de la depre ssion . Psy­ chopathologie Africaine 1 7( 1-3):96-1 1 2 . --- . 1 984. Authenticite et ambiguile d' une implic ation dans un Institut africain de recherche . Anthropologie et Societes 8(3 ):95-1 1 5 . Bibeau , G . ., e t al. 1 979 . La medecine traditionnelle a u Zai"re. Otta�·a: CRDI. Biebuyck, D. 1 985 . The A rts oflilire. Volume I , SouthM.'estern Zaire. B erkeley: Univer­ si ty of Californi a Press. Bittremieux, L. 1 936. La societe se c rete des Bakhimba au l\!ayombe. Bru.xelles: lnstitut

--- .

Royal Colonial Bei ge. Boddy. J. 1 989 . Wombs and alien spiri ts: \-�omen, men, and the Zar cult in Northern Sudan. f\.1adi son : University of \\'isconsin Press .

Bonnafe , P. 1 969. Un aspect rel igieux de l' ideol ogie lignagere : Le nki ra de s Kukuya du Congo-B ruzaville. Cahiers des Religion.r Africaines 3 ( 6): 209-97 .

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Index

Bantu civilization: cul L� of affliction � 23-24:

Abortion, 303n.8

and Yaka heali ng cult�, 7

Adultery. See Extramarital sex Agnatic descent,. 1 4� 1 1 5-2 2 � co mmun al sorul­

Bats� 203-4, 22 1 -22

lities a� s oci ated with� 1 48� 1 5 4-60; and l i fe

Belly, the, 1 3 8-39; in dance. 260. 26 1 ; and

groups, 1 1 5-1 9; sorcery in, 1 27 � and thera­

Bile.si 2 29-30

peutic initiation, 228� and the u teri n e line,

Biomedicine, 29-3 3 , 299n . 5

61 . 92. See al so Ngolu

Birds, 78-79

tran smi �sion,. 1 6 1 ; and residential kin

ndzaambi cul t 1 5 3 ..

Aluund, 1 56. See also Luunda

Birth-giving, 1 00, 1 1 9, 1 34� 3 0 l n. 1

ANAZA (Association Nationale des Tradiprat­

Blacksmi th, 1 56

icie:ls du Zarre :�, 299n.6

- e-a--.--li_o --- e. s....0-7� �,--:.i.236 ,� ....-c_ ifi c r----c - a_ e_ ---.-s_ B lood. 1 3 8 � bl ood

__

Ancestor. 1 3 , 1 1 5 , 1 80-8 2

Menstruation

Androgyneity of the heal e r 1 63 , 1 86; of the .

in itiate , 66, 204-6, 2 1 3, 22 1 . 264, 266, 267

Animals, 74--8 6; aquatic animals� 7 8 ; bats.

Body. 1 3 2-60; afflictions of, 1 46--47 ; as ana­

l og i c operator, 49 � the belly, 1 38--3 9. 1 5 3 . 260.. 26 1 ; blood, 1 38; bodily emissions

..

203-4, 22 1-22; big game an i mal s , 74-76;

1 37; bodi ly orifices, 1 32,. 1 33., 265, 27 1 .

birds. 78-79: blending of habi tats 84-86;

276 ; the body's vectors, 276; bowel move­

,

in blood sacri fi ce, 236. 2 70; chameleons� 232, 235, 306n.9� c i vet c ats, 223, 230;

ments.. 1 3M; breasts. 1 02, 1 38 ; excre ti on ,

1 38; and gender arrangements , 92-9 3 � and

cocks� 63-65, 1 5 1-52, 204. 236 � dog s, 1 29,

group in Yaka healing cults , 37-38; the

1 3 t , 1 35-3 6 ; eels, 78; elephants. 1 5 7.

h ead. 1 3 8 . 27 1 ; and healing� 2 5 5-8 1 ; the

304n.5; fish, 7 8. 220. 23 1-3 2; gazelles, 87, 1 1 4; genet�. 77. 222-23; goats, 1 29, 1 3 1 , 1 66; hens. 63-65, 1 2 3-24, 1 5 1-52, 1 84, 1 85. 1 9 1 . 1 96. 2 1 4 , 220-2 1 , 225. 236-37 , 243� 270� hyenas , 1 3 1 ; insects., 78, 8 5 .

heart. 1 40-4 1 , 27 1 ; high versus low part�.

2 7 1 : the hips� 260, 26 1 � tbe liver. 1 4 1 � phys i­

cal and sen sorial contact. 1 3 3-38 ; the

relational body, 1 39-46� reorig i nation in khita cure , 2 1 3-45 ; in ritual act ion ,

306n .9� Ki v u shrews, 76, 7 7 ; mbisi1 75-76,

50-5 1 , 246� 247, 2 48 25 2 ; role in khila

1 1 . 300n .5 ; 'J-kwaati caterpillar, 300n . l ;

healing . 49-50; saliv� 272; skin, 220�

phuku. 77, 30 I n.S; pigs. 1 3 1 ; rainbow

265 , 270, 276; as source and agen t of

snakes, 7 3-74� s_mal l mammals. 77, 220;

healing , 46-48 , 264-67� 268 ; symbol ic

snakes., 7 3--7 4. 78 ; water shrews , 44,. 77,

turning inside out in khita cure,

2 1 0 � wonns . 78

Aq uati c animals, 7 8 ATKIN ( Association o f Traditional Prac­ titioners ). 300n.6

.

270; and symbols. 280; twofold function of, 1 33

Bourdieu. Pierre, 48,. 276., 279 Bowel movements, 1 3 8 Breast-feeding. 1 1 0, 1 1 3

Balandier, Georges. 1 80

Brea�ts I 02 , 1 38

B anana plants. 64

BrideY.. ealth. 1 0 1 . 1 04-6. 1 65 . 1 66 , 302n .4

,

326

Index

Calendar. 8 1-83

divinatory e-tiol ogy. 1 62-63; drummi ng an d

Ca-;h crops, 8 3

salvo in, 1 43 � for infertility. 1 65 . 1 68 ; m eet ­

Chamel eons, 232, 2 3 5 306n. 9

ing place. 1 1 6; and men�s symbolic repr�

Chants: and healing, 259, 260, 26 1 , 262, 2 7 2 �

duction, 4; oratory in, 1 44

,

in khita cure, 1 96-20 1 , 203, 208- 1 0. 223.

Cow ives, 96, 1 02, 302n .5

2 26-30, 238. 240

Cowrie shel ls� 1 63, 3 1 4n . 22

Charcoat 68, 1 26, 1 64

CsikszentmihalyL �fihaly. 36

Chavunduka. G . , 30. 3 1

Cults of affliction, 1-4., 23--2 4, 1 47-60; ap­

Chief. the: anointing with red clay, 300n .6; and communal cults, 1 5 7, 1 5 8 ; and divin­ 14. 1 54 ; and hunting, 87-88; and the

ers,

proach to illness, 1 7- 1 8 ; attacks on, 1 58� communal cults compared to. I , 1 48� 1 5 8: culture a� setting the sc ene for, 48 ; and divi­

Lukhaanga cult, 1 55-56 ; and marri age ,

nation, 1 49, 1 5 0, 1 69-7 3 ; and gendered rela­

1 03 1 06; and ngoongu, 87, 1 56; sacred

tions, 93� interweaving of body and group9

house for, 88

3 7-3 8; and political control, 1 48; reject1on

,

Children: breast-feeding and weaning. 1 1 0.

by the young, 1 9; resistance to capitalism

1 1 3 ; eating of s mall mam mals, 7 7 ; games.

and bureaucracy. 30-3 1 ; and social ization ,

1 1 3 � and grandparents, 98 , 1 1 8. 1 39, 1 42; in

246 ; social management of i llness, 5 1-5 2 :

the homeste� 94� 95 ; li stening and speak­

an d sorcery. 1 49; symboli sm o f the hen and

ing, 1 39, 1 40� music learning, 26 1 ; name­

the cock, 63-65 ; transformative drama dc­

giving, 1 1 1- 1 3. 1 64. 2 1 1 ; treatments for,

ve loped by. 38-46� transiti onal objects used

1 60

i n , 273 ; untamed forces counteracted by,

Christianity, 1 9, I 54� 1 5 8

86-8 7; and the uterine line. 1 48, 1 49-5 4 .

Circumcision: symbolic association with men­

Se e also Khita healing cult; Traditional

struation, 82; and the yikubu cult, 1 5 6-57

medicine

Circumci sion ceremoni es. 1 1 3- 1 5 ; color sym­

Culture: the body as a deposit of, 255-67 ; as a

bolism, 65; karaku position, 64, 300n.5;

fabric of regeneration., 4, 46-48 , 254-59�

and

mas king,

1 1 4, 1 35 ; khita initiate� ex­

cluded from, 27 3 ; kholuka mask, 1 35 � and

m-fwangulusu,

304n .5 ; songs for, 72, 1 0 1 ;

in urban context, 1 5 8

2 7�0; healing as work of, 48-49 ; and the sensorium. 48-52 Curses: on male fertili ty, 1 80 ; reversal of in

khita healing . 1 84-85; in the uterine line, 1 49, 1 70. 1 7 1 , 1 74-76

Civet cats , 223, 230 Closure, 1 46, 1 72, 1 77 Cl othing, I l l , 1 37

Dance: in healing. 259-64 ; in khita

Cock crowing at dawn, 63-65, 1 5 1-52, 2 36:

cure.

1 96.

1 97 ; at transitions of group and season al cal ­

cock standing on one leg and the parasol

endar, 72; weaving compared to, 72-7 3 � an d

tree� 204

wome n. 7 1-7 3

Coitu� . See Sexual intercourse

De Beir, Leon, 22� 1 8 1

Colon iali sm, 5-6, 1 5

De Decker, Henri . 299n. l

Color symbolism. 65-69; and the rainbow

Defilement. 97. See also lntru�ion

snake, 7 3-74

Denis, Jacques, 299n. l

Coming-out ordeal,. 23 1-36

Destiny. 301 n . 3

Communal sodal itie s, 1 47-60; and agnatic de­

Disrobing, 1 3 7

scent, 148,. 1 54-60; and chiefs, 1 57, 1 5 8 ;

Diviners: attacks on. 1 5 8 ; and chiefs. 1 4. 1 54 �

cults of affliction compared to, I , 1 48 1 58;

cJairvoyance of, 1 46 ; and cults of affliction .

and socialization . 246

1 49, 1 50, 1 69-73 ; divination associated

.,

Contrace-ption , 303n. 8

with the uterine li n e. 148; divinatory etiol­

Cooking, 90-9 1 , 1 00; as a metaphor o f gesta­

ogy. 1 62-63. 1 69-78 ; divinatory hunt in

tion , 6 1-6 3 2 1 7-24 ,

Council of elders : and bridewealth, 10 5; and

khira cure� 1 95-96. 232; the hunter com­ pared to, 1 64� i nitiatory seclusion of, 1 63;

32 7

Index

in ngoombu c ull. 44. 1 5 1-5 3, 1 69� on sorcer­

resource for renewal, 1 95 ; and sorcet)·,

ers, 1 26; symbolism of palm and parasol

88--8 9 ; transitional zone between village

ttees. 64; therapeutic approach of. 1 76; in

and forest, 58-60 ; vi llage contra�ed wi th,

towns, 2 8 ; trance$, 1 63

56-57

Fula: as origin or illness, 2 1 0, 230� ritual ther­

Divorce, 1 1 0, 1 25, 1 42. 1 67. 245 Dogs, 1 29, 1 3 1 . 1 3 5-36, 146

apy for. 2 1 1 . 2 1 2. 225 , 226; and trance,

Douches: for infenility, 1 68 ; ingredients of,

207 . See also Fermentation � J',.looyi

1 5 9, 2 1 8 , 2 1 9, 3 1 011 .9; plants excluded

from. 227; during pregnancy. 303n . 7 ;

as

purgative, 1 38

Dreams, 7 5. 98

Games, 1 1 3 Gazelles, 87, 1 1 4 Gender: the body and gender arrangemen ts.

Drunrurnnn g, 1 43, 259. 260, 26 1 , 262

92-93� cosmological ponrayal of, 60--74�

Dung beetles, 306n.9

cosmology of gender arrangements. 53-9 1 : and seniority, 1 42

�n jars, 60, 62-63, 1 00

Ge.nets . 77, 222-23

Eating, 94-95 . 220

Gi ving birth. See B irth-giving

Eels, 78

Gluckman, �fax, 249

Er�ion, 1 46. 1 7 2 . 1 73, 1 77, 276

Goats, 1 29� 1 3 1 ; goat for the prohibition, 1 66

Elders : asse ni ve speech of. 1 44 ; attain ment of

Grandparents, 98, 1 1 8. 1 3 9. 1 42

great age, 1 39� piercing gaze of, 1 45, 2 7 3�

Group. the, 1 3 2--60; and the body in Yaka

role i n marriage. 1 1 9; status of, 1 1 8. See

healing cult..�. 3 7-3 8. 267 ; reorigination in

aLso Council of elders

khira cure, 2 1 3--45

Elephants. 1 5 7 . 304n.5

Gynecological disorders : cau.�es of, 1 7 1 ; divi ­

Emetics . 1 5 9

natory etiology of, 1 69-78; and divorce,

Enemas: and heal� 1 3 8; ingredients of, 226,

1 67 ; and extramarital sex. 1 69 . 1 7 2; heal ing

3 1 1 n. 1 0; for inversion of the body order,

process for. 268 ; redres.�i ve intervention i n

27 1 ; in khila cure, 2 1 8 . 2 1 9, 220; method of

khila cult, 1 79-2 1 2 ; social origins of, 1 6 I �

admini stration, 1 59. 1 68

and sorcery, 1 69, 1 70, 1 72., 1 73; therapy for,

Etiology : divinatory, 1 50, 1 62-63 , 1 69-78; as indication of tberap}� 1 73--7 8 ; popular etiol­

ogy of infertility. 1 6 7--69

1 73-78; and uterine arfili ation, 1 69-7 1 . 1 74, 1 75., 1 77. See al.so Infertility Gyn-eco-logy, 2, 2 1 3, 253

Excretion. 1 3 8 Exogamy, 1 02, 1 29

Haomba cult. 1 57� 1 5 8

Extramarital sex : avoidance of allusions to,

Hamlets, 1 1 6

96� consequences of, 1 1 0-- 1 1 ; and diffic ult

Head, the, 1 38, 27 1

pregnancy, 1 09; and gynecological dis­

Healers: entrusting tbe patient to the healer.

orders, 1 69, 1 72; and the hunt. 1 26 ; indi­

1 8 5-96; as former patients. 1 50; hunters

cated by ordeal of the live fish, 2 32;

compared to., 86-87; bunter-trapper role a�­

occ urrence on the edges of fields, 59; and

sumed by, 1 90, 1 92 ; khita healer's challenge

tobacco 1 3 5

to sorcery, 1 88-89; maternal uncle's role

,

taken by, 1 86, 2TI; professional autonomy Ferme ntation: and asserti ve speech. 1 44 , 1 63 ;

of, 1 54� qual ifications of, 1 85 ; and the ru l­

of game, 1 36; as a partial death of the geni­

ing class, 1 48; traditional healers as herbal­

tor., 1 36; a� transfonnative metaphor, 40 ,

ists. 28; traditional healers in towns , 1 8.,

206., 2 1 0, 278

25-3 3 ; oick.sters compared to, 2 82; voi cing

Fertil it y ritual s, 245-54 Fi sh. 78, 220. 23 1-32

lhe patient's needs. 263 Healing, 255-8 1 � cu ltural inducers of.

Rshing9 78. 23 1-32

268-76; eti ology as indication of therapy.

Forest: fore st forces in khita cure. 224-44 ; a�

1 7 3--7 8� healing ritual, 4, 25 2-53. 255-56,

Index

328

Heal ing

(con1inued)

of! 5 1-5 2 . 1 3 2, 1 6 1-62; sorcery as source

276; homeo pathy. 1 8 8. 1 89. 2 1 2 . 267-7 6.

of, 1 8 ;

2 77: an d mooy;, 258; music and dance in.

276; Yaka \'icw of, 1 7-1 H1 30. 3 1 , 1 -Ul-4 7 .

259-64. 272; and ngoongu. 280; and the ori­ fi cial and sensory body. 268 � as a produc­

as upsetting of

the body "s veclorsl

See also Gynecological di sorder� I maginary realm. 4-6, 1 8--20. 38, 57� 1 2 8-3 1 ;

tive pro..: ess . 256-57; self-healing, 276-R I ;

definition of, 299n . l ; and the hunter an d :--. o r­

source of, 264-67 ; � tarting poi nt of, 2 5 5 :

ccrer. 88-9 1 ; and ritual. 43-44� 246. 25 6-

and weaving. 257� 2 5 8. 2 5 9 . 264, 278-79.

59, 273

See a�o CuJ tc; of affliction; Healers; Herbal

Impotence� 304n. l

medic ine� Tradi tional medicine

Inces t.. 1 29, 1 36

Healing c ults . See Cults of affliction

lnfenility! 1 64-69; adultery as cause of1 1 72 :

nyok.a kiuiWll,

Health, 3 1 . 274. 275

ca'ie study of. 285-92 ; and

"'Health for AlJ" program, 28. 300n . 6

303n.2; popul ar etiology of, 1 67-69; and

Heart, the , 1 40-4 1 . 27 1

uterine affiliation, 1 74

Hens: hen about to lay. 63-65 , 1 5 1-52, 2202 1 . 236; hen for the hire of services, 1 9 1 ; hen for the hun t� 1 23-24; hen of the pact , •

In itiation. therapeutic. 2 24-3 1

Insects� 78 , 85 ; dung beetle,. 306n.9; n - h...·clat; caterpillar� 300n . 1

237; in khita c ure , I H4� 1 85 1 1 96, 225�

Insemination. 1 34, 2 1 0-1 2

243; symboli zed by sed usion house , 2 1 41

Int rusi on . or infringement upon the dome :--. tic and conj ugal boundaries, 9 3 . 96-9 8. 1 25.

236 . 270 Herbal medic ine : and cycl ic time, 272; in he al ­ ing cults, 1 5 8 ; herbarium, 293-9 5 ; and tradi­

1 46-4 7 , 1 65, 1 73 /sangoma, 24

tional h eali ng� 28-29 Janzen , John . 25, 2 2 5

Him. 99, 1 79 Homeopath�1 1 88� 1 8 9 . 2 1 2 . 267-7 6 27 7 �

Homes tead, the� 93- 1 00, 1 1 7 . 1 26, 1 30, 1 38

Kam ,.,·aadi, 224

Hunting: anti-sorcery activitie s compared to,

Kaolin, 67--68 ; applied to ancestor'� grave�

3 1 0n. 8 ; big gmne animals. 74 76! the ch:ief as hunter,

87 8 8 � and communal cu lt s. 1 57 ; -

1 1 6, color �ymbolism, 69. in k.Jrita cnre1 I 84, 1 85 , 1 90. 27 1 ; and the maternal u nc le ,

in different seasons1 8 2 ; di v i natory hunl i n

67, 1 22 ; senior fe male as guardian of. 1 42 ;

khita cure, 1 95 -9 6 � 2 3 2 ; the diviner com­

and sorcery, I 27

pared to the hunter. 1 64: and dornestic kin

Karaku position� 64. 1 95 , 300n . 5

re lations . 1 22-3 1 ; the healer compared to

Khiimbi cult, 1 5 8

the hun ter� 8 6- 87 ; hen for the hunt. 1 23-24;

Khita healing cult � 2. 1 53 ; as B antu cult of

the hunt and ex tramari tal sex. 1 26 ; hunter­

affliction, 23: the hody in. 49-50; chants

trapper role assumed by khita healer. 1 90.

in khita cure . 1 96-20 1 , 203,. 208-1 0, 223.

1 92; kataku position in, 300n .5; and life

226-30. 238. 240;

transmission. 1 22-23 1 4 1 ; a� men's work.

46- 47 � as cult with

&3 .. 90-9 1 ; the n-koongwa� J I 2n . l 6 ; sec lu­

1 49 ; dance in khila cure, 1 96, 1 97; the de-

..

as corporeal praxis. a demonstrati ve trance ,

sion compared to the hunt. 222; s oc ia l li fe

cay and cooking of gencnative for(.;es . 1 96-

re flected in. 1 2�26 ; the sorcerer compared

2 1 2; divinalOI)· hun t in kh ita cure� 1 95-96.

to the h unter, 8 8-90. 1 23 , 1 3 0; and un­

232; early re ferences to. 304n.2; ene mas in

tamed forces. 86-9 L and viri lity, 1 4 1 ;

khila cure , 2 1 8 , 2 1 9, 220� fertil ity problen1s

wife ·� rights and responsibilities regarding

a nd congenital de fonni ties rel ated to, 1 7 1 ;

the hunt , 1 23-26 H yenas� 1 3 1

forest forces in. 224-44 ; fragrant essences u sed in. 1 35 : homeopath k princ iple of. 1 8X, 1 89� 2 1 2 : i n i ti a te e mancipating her­

lhembi � 249. 250

sel f from the therapeu tic relationship. 24 1-

I1 lne ss: and health as po larit ie s , 274. 275; l ep­

44; k aol in in khitlt cure. 1 84, 1 8 5� 1 90. 27 1 ; leading the initiate=baek into society

rosy. 1 36; relapse of. 24<1 45�ial a�pe-cts

3 29

Index

2 38-4 1 ; maternal unc les' role in, 1 83-H5 ;

Leembi culL. 1 57

me dic al preparations u sed in, 1 59; and ny­

Lemba cult., 1 55

oko khawa. 303n .2; paradox and tran sgres ­

Lepro sy, 1 36

sion in, 267-76;

p arasol tree 's

signi ficance

Lianas., 80-8 1 , 2 1 5

for. 62. 202 . 204-5� 206, 2 1 0. 2 1 1 . 220; put­

Life flow. See .\1ooyi

ting the ailmc.nt to death, 20 I ; redre�l}ive as­

Life force. See Ngolu

peel of khiw cu re 1 79-2 1 2 ; reinteg rati o n

Life transmission: agn ati c and uterine lines al ­

,

of patient in to the family circle� 236-38 ; re­

lied in, 1 6 1 � cos mology of. 53-9 1 � hunting

versal of curses in. 1 84-85 ; reversing the

c ompare d to, 1 22-23, 1 4 1 � impedi me nts to.

v ie w � of., 1 64;

persecution into bonds of life tran smi ssion.,

1 6 1-78; patriarchal

1 83-96� se c l u s ion period, 1 8 3 . 1 96, 2 1 1 ,

pal reason for marriage, 1 73; reversi ng the

2 1 3-45, 266. 273. 3 1 0n.6, 3 1 1 n. l 4; s i m i l ar

persecution i n to uterine bonds of. 1 83-96�

as princ i­

cult�. 1 80-8 3 ; statu s of khita initiate s ,

social fonnation of. 92-1 3 1 � uteri n e life

2 1 3- 1 4 ; the taboo o f sight. 273 ; tennitaries

transmission and maternal unc les., 1 2 1-22.,

in khira cu re 1 93. 22 1 . 222 , 224; therapeu­ �

tic approach of, 1 77-78 � therapeuti c ini ti a­

206� and wedding ceremonies, 10 I

Life-world. 1 32-60: and the body and the

healffi-g---oolt! 37 38; reorigi

tion in, 224--3 1 ; trance in kl;ira cure. 1 87.

group in Yaka

1 97 , 206., 207, 2 1 0� 2 1 1- 1 2, 225

nation in khita c ure. 2 1 3-45 � transforma­

KhoJukcl ma�k, 1 35

tion in ritual healing, 276

KhOl�fi shri ne , 1 92; ere ct i on of, 1 93-95 ; ob­ jects to c oun te ract evil agencies. 3 05 n 7; sa­ .

chets pl aced

under,

306n.9; and secluts ion

L i neage groups� 1 1 5-1 9 Li stening , 1 39-40

Liver. the, 1 4 1

h ut , 2 1 5 � summoning of ance s tral shades .

Loombi, 306n.9

307n . l 2

Loonga, 30 I n.2

Khosi c u lt, 1 57

Lubongu lwataangu, 302n .6

Khulu paste , 2 1 7 , 2 1 9, 2 30, 270. 27 1

Lukhaanga c u l t 1 55-56� priests, 1 3

Kimpasi� 1 80

LungundzyaJa. 63

Ki n shasa: fieldwork map. 296; health care

Luteti, 1 94� 2 1 5 . 305n.7

,

fac ilities, 27� marriage c u s t oms of city

Luunda, 1 1-1 3 . 1 5 . 55 , 62, 1 57, 297

dwellers, 1 02-3 � staw s of communal c ul t s

Lwuila. 224

in� 1 5 8 ; traditional heal ers in, 28-29; Yaka

divination and heaJ ing in. 1 8 ; Yaka migra­

.\1aawa c u l t 1 49., 1 53

tion lo. 1 5- 1 6; Yaka population in, 299n .2

�aleeka, 1 83 ; as hou..� servant to initiate,

Kinship re l at ion s : and gy necological disor­

.

2 1 7 ; marri age of., 3 1 4� and phaand:.i phar­

ders� 1 6 1 � hunti ng versus sorcery and,

macopoei a. 2 30� re integration of i ni ti ate

1 22-3 1 ; l i neage groups. 1 1 5- 1 9. See also

into the home , 236� rei n tegrat ion of initiate

Agnatic descent; Uterine fi liation

into society� 239; sharing enemas and oint­

Kir1.4 237, 307 n . l 3

ments with i nitiate , 2 1 9, 220 ; and lsaanKa

Kool a 1 2

khi1a, 23 1 ; vi sit to therapi �t after se clus ion ,

Koongo . 1 1 , 1 55, 1 80, 1 8 1 , 297

242 � in water ordeal of transition, 2 3 2. 23 3 .

,

Kopytoff, Igor, 1 8 1

234, 235

Kuyu.. 1 8 1

Malemu c u lt , 1 58

Kwaango., I I , 1 5 . 1 82 , 298 , 299n . 1 ; fi eldwork

�l anchestcr School in South-Ce ntral Africa.

map., 297

249

Kyaambvu., 1 2

Mandongu cult, 1 58

Kyeesi. 2 1 4, 284

Mangungau·aanga, 2 1 8 , 23 1 , 240, 3 1 0n .7 , 3 1 1 n . l 2. 3 l 4n.22

Lacan. Jacques. 299 n . l

�fanioc., R3. I 00 . 1 92 , 1 94

Lamal, Fran�ois, 1 8 1

�farriage. 1 0 1-6 ; ag e s at., 1 02� bridcweal th�

La s t �1urray. 30, 3 1 ,

1 0 1 . 1 04-6, 1 65., 1 66, 30 2n 4 : and ch ief� , .

Index

330

M:fwangulusu, 304n . 5

Marri age (continued) 1 03 I 06� consummation of, 1 06; co"'ives,

M-m1.-· urrw tree, 1 94, 305n.7, 3 1 0n .9

96. 1 02 . 302n. 5 ; customs of city dwellers.

.�-mwayi tree, 3 1 2n. 1 9

1 02-3 ; divorce, 1 1 0, 1 25 , 1 42, 1 67, 245 ;

Months, 8 1-83

elders' role in. 1 1 9 ; exogamy, 1 02., 1 29; fer­

Moon : color symbolism, 67; crescent moon,

,

70. 7 1 ; full moon . 7 1 ; l unar cycles and

tility�s importance in� 1 64, 1 7 3 � as link between various homesteads, 92; marrie d

femaJe cycles, 70-73 ; new moon, 70

life, 1�1 1 ; significance in Yaka society,

�\fuoyi: affected by illness, 1 46� channeled

through the mother and uterine line, 1 4 . 6 7

1 6; wife beating . 1 42

�

�fartin., E. , 303

69� 93 , 1 09, 1 20, 258; and cults of affl ic ­

Mataamba cult, 1 58

ti on, 1 49-54; color symbol ism, 69; as goal

�laternal ancestra1 maJefactor, 208

of khita healing . 1 93 , 1 94, 1 95 ; impedi­

�latemal uncles, 1 20-22, 303n.9; and curs��

ments, 1 69-73; in life transmission, 1 6 1 ; in

a niece, 1 70, 1 72-73� the healer taking

man and environment, 7 1-73 ; olfaction and

on

on the role of, 1 86, 277; and kaolin. 67,

sexuaJ desire as manifestation s of, 1 35 ; a�

1 22 ; in khita healing, 1 83-85; and

source of healing, 2 58; tapped by sorcerers,

ngoongu, 1 7 ; and sorcery, 1 27; and uterine

1 27. See a lso Dance ; Kaolin ; �1atcrnal un­

l ife transmission, 1 2 1-22 206

cles; ho1oon; Sorcery

,

.�baamhi cu1t. 1 5 7

�lortuary rituals, 1 2 2 �lotherhood, 94. 1 00, 1 06, 1 1 9-2 1

.�bakunumbakunu, 234, 235 , 306n.9

�lushrooms, 82. 300n . 1

Mbata, 1 82

Music, 259-64. Su also Chants; Dane\!;

.�baamba. 1 94, 305n.7

�'fbiimbya n-Jchando cult. See Ylkubu cult

Drumming; Rhythm

�'fbi.si, 75-76, 77, 300n .5

Mwaadi, 1 43

��buundwaphoongu, 22 1

Mwani kabwanga cult, 1 56

�'Jbwoolu cult, 1 49, 1 53

Mwani phuru cult, 1 57

�1en : access to fore st and savann a, 57, 58; ac­

Mwiingoony cult, 1 56

cess

to the yikoolu, 59; authoritative speech

in, 1 43; the body and personhood in, 1 32,

Name-giv ing, 1 1 1 -1 3, 1 64, 2 1 1

1 34; curses on male fenility� 1 80; domestic

Nasal instillations. 227-28

role� 93- 1 00; enemas and douches used by,

Ndembu, 3 3 34, 35, 36, 245-5 1 , 297

1 59; extrusive behavior

in, 1 47 ; fasci nation

-

.Ydzaamb i cult, 1 53-54, 1 88

with cooking outdoors� 90-9 1 ; fascination

lvdzaku. 307n. l l

with untamed forces, 86-87 ; fertility in,

lvdzuundu cult. 1 5 8

1 79-80; fishing, 7 8 � food preferences. 1 36;

lvgola cult, 1 58

health vie"'ed by. 1 62 ; h unting 74-76, 82.

lvgo lu: affected by illness. 1 46; in the agnatic

.

83, 90-9 1 , 1 4 1 ; impotence, 3 04n. 1 ; mar-

li ne, 1 3 . 69, 1 00, 1 27, 275 � color symbol-

riage, 1 0 1-6; marri ed life, 1 06-1 1 ; and the

ism, 69; in life transmission, 1 6 1 ; in man

maternal uncle, 1 2 1-22; men's work. 8 1-84.,

and environment, 1 3� 90, 1 23 , 225 ; in pub-

1 00-1 01 ; in

nkuia cuJt, 248 � palm tree

as

lie male cults� 1 5 5 ; repre sented in the

ndzo

makhulu, 1 3 ; and viril ity, 92. See also symbol of authority of, 62; and seniority. -----. -----------=-c= -r or s-= al � =c; c= a� cc= � :\1 ::-' m '0 -::-: b =-' a =-=-�ee el) te 1 42 ; wife beating, 1 42. s

-

1\'goTM, 24, 72, 259

uncles Menstruation: and bodily limits . 1 38 ; savanna

associated wi th., 82; as source of bad luck, 30 1 n.9; suffrutex used �

sanitary towel,

209� village outskirts associated with. 5 8

�1etaphor: ritual metaphor, 42-44� Turner on, 35-37

�1etonymy, 42-43 , 45

Ngoombu cult� 1 50-53 ; as cult with a demon-

strative trance . 1 49 ; digging in the groun d

by initiate s, 2 1 0; diviners in. 44, 1 5 1-53 , 1 69

f4igoongu, 1 7 . 27 8 ; and the chief, 8 7 , 1 5 6; and dancing, 73; and healing, 280; released in khita cure� 206, 2 1 3 ; as the sacred, 277; and

33 1

Index

seclusion . 22 3-24; s y mboli ze d by the sec lu­ sion hou se . 1 5 2 . 2 1 7-1 8

Parasol

tree:

crowing cock as symbol of. 64;

in khiw cu re , 202. 204-5, 206, 2 1 0� 2 1 1 ,

�,.,-haandzi tree, 3 1 2n. 1 9

220; symboli sm of, 62; use in infusions,

l"-hoondasala. 3 1 0n.9

3 1 1 n. 1 2

l"-hwoodi cuJ t, 1 57

Panurition . See Birth-giving

Night of mi srule, 99

Pean uts , 8 1 , 83

.'N-kaandal 1 5 8

Period of seclusion . See Seclusion period

N-kaangal 305n.6

Pe�onhood, 1 3 2 . 1 3 3

Nkalaany, 1 5 7

Pfumwaphoongu. 1 83

N-karula cult . 1 54

Phaambwand7)la, 59-60

�v·kang ��a puberty ritual. 246, 248-49

Phaandzi pharmacopoeia, 229, 230, 238,

IV-khanda cult. Se e Yikubu cult

3 1 2nn. 1 8 . 1 9 Phoong14, 149-50. See auo Cults of affliction

Nkira, 1 8 1 1\?cita cult, 1 80, 1 8 1

Phuku. 77, 30 1 n . 9

J\'-lcoohl. 1 90-9 1

Pi g s . 1 3 1

J\'-kiJongwa� 3 1 2n . 1 6

Plants , 74-86; in anti-sorcery acti'litie s.

J\'-lcuba mbadi cult. 1 5 8

3 1 0n .8; b an ana plants, 64; blending of habi ­

lv-lcukubuundu tree. 3 1 3n . l 9

tats. 84-86� and cyclic time, 272: in cnc. ma.s

lvkula c ul l . 246. 24 7-48

and dou ches 227 ; in khira cure, 1 92. 1 94 .

lv-kungwa)•iteki, 306n . 7

2 1 X; ldtu, 23 7 307 n . l 3 � lianas, 80-8 1 . 2 1 5 ;

l"-kwaati caterpillar. 300n. 1

ligneo u s plants. 79, 30 1 n . I O ; lureti, 1 94,

N-kwaari tree. 300n . l

2 1 5, 305n.7; num gangatsaa nga, 2 1 8, 23 1 .

.'N-Jaangu cult, 1 5 8

240, 3 1 0n.7. 3 1 l n. l 2, 3 1 4n.22; manioc, 8 3

N-luwa cult, 1 57, 1 58

1 00. 1 92 , 1 94; mbakunumbakunu, 306n.9:

N-ngoongi cult, 1 56

m:fwang u /usu 304n . 5 ; n-kungwayireki.

·�l-noongu. See \'leaving-hook

3 06n 7 ; n-phemba� 308n . 3 . 309n .4, 3 1 1

,

,

.

l

.

Northern Yaka 1 1 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 9

n. IO; peanut� 8 1 . 83; in the seclusion

N-phemba. 308n.3, 309n.4, 3 1 1 n . l 0

boo se, 1 59. 2 1 5- 1 6, 229, 308n .3; suffrutex .

h'-saanda tree. 1 93, 1 94-95

8 1 , 209, 222; tobacco, 1 35 ; vines, 80-8 1 ,

h'-seenga. 2 1 1

2 1 5, 3 1 0n .9; white yam, 307n. l 1 ; yiludi,

J\'-tyabungaanga, 1 5 9

84. See auo Hemal medicine; Trees

J\'yoka lchawa, 303n.2

Praxiology. See Semantic-praxiological method

Oil palms, 60

Pregnancy : abortion, 303n.8; customs on an­

Oneiromancy, 75

n ounceme n t of, 66. I 08-9; difficult preg­

Ordeal and augw)" of the live fis� 23 1-32

nancy and e.xtramarital sex. I 09 ; douches

Orifices, bodily. 1 3 2 , 1 3 3 . 265 , 27 1 , 276

d uring 303 n . 7 ; food prohibitions, 220; pre­ �

marital , 1 03; sexual intercourse during.

303n.7

Palm nuts. 2 1 0, 2 1 7 Palm trees, 60-62; in khita healing, 2 1 0; mbaamba, 1 94, 305n.7� oil palm . 60; para­ sol tree compared to 204-5 ; palm nuts, ,

Primary and Preventive Health Care Pro­ grams, 25 Puberty rituals , 245--46, 248-49

2 1 0, 2 1 7; symbolized by the cock . 73. See Raffia palm: cloth used in khita heal i ng , 1 9 1 �

also Raffia p al m Palm wine: cooking and feeding associated

in c urtain s 2 1 6; fibers. 300n.4; in loin­ ,

with. 90; and khita ini ti ate s 2 1 4; in the

cloths, 1 45 ; symbolism of. 60; weaving of�

marriage process, I 03 � and men's staw s.

7 2-73 . 1 45 , 2 1 1 . 278-79

,

62� preparation of. 60; and speaking, 1 43,

Rainbow, 6 1 , 7 3-74, 88

145; and weaving, 278-79

Rainbow snake. 73-74

Paradox, 267-76

Relapse of illness . 244-45

Index

332

Reproduction : abdomen

a� seat

of, 1 3 8 ; men s ·

sy mbol i c reproduction, 4; negated by sor­

on. 96. 98 ; sense of smel l in, 1 35 . See also Extramarital sex S baba, 1 5 7

cery. 1 23 ; the reproductive cell. 1 06-1 5

S hrines: content� and function of, 1 5 8; and

Rhythm, 259. 260, 26 1 , 263, 272 Ritual: autogenerative dimension of, 46: the

body in ri tual action, 50-5 1 , 246, 247. 248,

kataku, 300n.5; kluJofi shrine . 1 92 . 1 93-95 , 2 1 5� yi.suun."u shrine� 63

252; of family unit y, 99� fertility rituals,

Siblings, 1 1 9

245-54; healing ri tual , 4. 25 2-53. 2 55-56.

Skin. 220, 265, 270� 276

266; knowledge in, 50; mortuar:y rituals,

Slaves. 1 1 7

1 22; puberty rituals. 245-46, 248--49 ;

Slit gong , 1 63

redressive effect of, 249 ; ritual drama.

Smell, 90, 1 35-36, 1 46, 220

4, 250-5 1 � 253, 257. 266; ritual me ta­

Smith. Pierre . 48

phor, 42-44; ri tual praxis, 46-48: the

Smithery. 69� 1 5 7. 1 5 8 ; the blacksmi th, 1 56

ritual specialist . 25 1 ; ritual weapons.

Sn akes, 78: rainbow snake, 73-74

85, 2 1 6� 309n.4; semantic-prax iologica1

Sorcery : in the agnatic line, 1 27� cannibal

analysis oL 39-46; Turner on, 3 5 ,

feasts and promiscuity. 9 1 , 99, 1 28 ; color

]6-37

symbolism. 68: and cults of affl i ction , 1 49; and d omesti c ki n rel ations. 1 22-3 L and the

Sacred hou se, 88

fores� 88-89; and giving birth, 30 1 n. l ; and

S acrifice, 2 36, 270

gynecological disorders. 1 69, 1 70. 1 72,

S al i va. 272

1 73 ; the hunter compare d to the sorcerer.

S avanna: burning of, 82, 83 ; in ci rcumcision songs, 1 0 1 ; and marriage, 1 0 1 : menstrua

tion a�sociated with, 8 2 ; zone , 59; as

women's

as

­

transitional

88-90� 1 23, 1 30; inverting the body order, 27 1 ; khita heale r s chall enge to, 1 8 8-89; '

as

negation of sociality and reproduction, 1 23�

milieu , 5 8 , 59

prote cti ve me as ures against 1 30 ; and social .

Seasons. 8 1--83

disruption , 1 2fr3 1 � sorcerers

Sec lusion house : for circumcision. 1 57: hen

a�

fore st

dwellers. 57, 1 26; as source of illness . 1 8;

symbolized by, 2 1 4 236, 270: in khira heal ­

symbolism of cock crowing, 64: unmasked

ing. 20 1 , 2 1 4-- 1 7 ; in ngoombu cu lt 1 5 1 .

by a diviner, 1 64: and untamed force s.

1 52; n-phemba vine on. 308n.3; as outer

86-9 1 ; in the uterine li ne, 1 26-27

,

,

skin of the patient, 270; plant bouq uet used

Space : and bodily position . 1 34; cardi n al

in, 1 59, 2 1 5-1 6. 229, 308n .3 ; resemblance

points. 54-56: horizontal and vertical ,

to coffin-bundle. 308n. l ; a� symbol of

54-60; and the rainhow snake , 73-74: Yaka

ngoor�gu, 1 52, 2 1 7-1 8; the uninitiated and men prohibited from, 273

conception of, 5 3 Speak ing 1 40; authori tative speech, 1 43. 144: �

Sec1 usion period. 1 96, 2 1 3-45 ; coming-out

and pal m wine. 1 43 , 1 45

ordeal. 23 1-36; end of, 2 1 1 , 225 . 236, 238.

Suffrutex, 8 1 , 209 , 222

273; food taboo s , 220, 3 1 On.6, 3 1 1 n. l 4; and

Suku. 1 8 1

heal ing, 266; the hunt co m pare d lo seclu­

Sun : color symbolism, 65, 66, 67; mi gra­

sion .

222; and ngoongu� 223-24; the thera­

peutic grou p. 1 83

tion and

palm

Sem antic-praxiological method. 5, 40

settlement

snake,

73

Sexual des�, 1 3 5 , 1 38, 1 6H, 220

Sun-skirt, 1 59

Sexual intercourse : and bodily h nuts� 1 38; cel­

SymbOls,

ebrate d in k.hita cure.

associ ated with, 1 1 9 ;

tree as icon of. 6 1 ; and the rain bow

34-37. 2�b I . 280

202; contraception�

303n. 8 ; defloration. 202 ; incest, 1 29, 1 36;

Thanda. 1 2-1 3 , 2 1 , 1 8 1

insemination, 1 34; and love, 1 42; in

Than da N- leengi, 20. 2 1

mar­

riage, 1 1 0; positions of m e n and wo men

,

1 34; during pregnancy. 303n .7; restrictions

Tcke, 1 8 1 Tcrmi tarie�: and fertility, 308n. l 5 ; in khira

Index

333

1 93 , 22 1 . 222� 224: tenn i le mound s.

cure ,

60, 7 3-74, 307n. 1 3

Village. 1 1 6--1 7� f(lrest contrasted Y.. ith, 56-57 ; outskirt s of, 58� significance to the

Therapeutic initiation , 224-3 1 � an d agn at ic

Yaka., 1 6 ; transitional zone between village

filiation. 228

and fores4 5 8-60

Therapy. See Healing

Vines, 80-8 1 ; lianas. RO-M I 2 1 5 ; n - hoonda­ ,

Th i e l . Jozef. l 8 1

sala, 3 1 0n .9

Time, 1 1 9. 1 34. 272; calendar. 8 1-83

Vision, 1 45-46

Tio. 1 8 1

Voice, the, 262-63

Tobacco. 1 3 5 Touch, 1 36

\Vater ordeal of transition. 23 2-36

Traditional medicine. 25-33 ; biomedici ne

\Vater shrew, 44. 7 7 , 2 1 0

compared to, 29-33 ; defined� 23-24; and

\'leaning . I t O

herbal me dicine, 28-29; Turner on , 33-3 7 .

\\leaving: danc ing compared to., 7 2-7 3; and

See al.'io Cults of affl iction

healing, 257. 258, 259� 264. 27 8-79; of the life force, 2 1 1 ; of raffia p alm, 7 2-7 3 , 1 45 .

Trances: culls \\'ith a demonstrative trance . 1 49; in diviners . 1 63 ; in khita cure, 1 8 7 ,

2 1 1 , 278-79

1 97. 206, 207, 2 1 0 . 2 1 1-1 2, 225 : i n kluJ.\"i

\\leaving-hook: collected foodstu ffs attached

an d n-hwaudi cu lts, 1 57 � i n ngoombu cul t

to, 239: mock battle for, 206� 2 1 1 . 225. 226:

1 5 1 , 1 52: paradoxical aspe cts of, 269; and

and n am e of the initiate 's ch i l d 24 1 . 28 1 :

the voice , 262-63

and the phaandzi pharmacopoei a� 230;

,

Transgress ion. 267 76

pl aced under marital b ed � 23 1 ; for weav ing

Transitional object, 273-74

raffia fibers. 72

-

Trap pi ng . 75 , 2 1 4

Werbner, Richard. 48� 249

Trees. 79-80, 1 20 � "r-m1;uma tree. 1 94,

White yam., 307n. l l

305n 7 , 3 1 0n.9� "'-nrn'ayi tree. 3 1 2n . l 9 ;

\\li fe beati ng� 1 42

n-haandzi tre e, 3 1 2n . l 9; n- kuk.ubu undu

\Vil son . l\1on ica� 35

tree. 3 1 3 n . 19; n-kwaati tree , 300n . 1 ;

\Vomen: abortion� 303n . 8 ; the body and per­

.

n-saanda tree , 1 93 , 1 94-95 ; yikuumba tree,

sonhood in, 1 32: brea,t-fecding. 1 1 0., 1 1 3 ;

3 1 3n. 1 9; yiseleti tree , 1 94. 305n.7. See also

brea�ts. 1 02, 1 38: confinement of, 9 1 ; and

Palm trees � ParctSol tree

danc e 7 1-7 3; domestic role., 93-1 0 1 ; .

Tsaanga khita. 23 1 � 3 1 On.7, 3 1 3n .20

douches and enema� used by� 1 59. 1 6R �

Tsiku, 1 69

eating of small mammaJ s, 7 7 ; fertilit)' and

Tsootso, 1 82

infertility in. 1 64-69, 1 79� fishing� 78; giv ­

Tsuumbwa. 224

i n g birth , 1 00., 1 1 9. 1 34. 30 1 n . l ; lunar

Turner� Victor. 7. 9. 3 3--3 7 , 245-53

cycles and female cycles. 70-7 3 ; m arri age.

t: ntamed forces. 86-9 1

fan tasies � 9 1 ; menstruation, 58, 8 2 . 1 3 8 .

t: terine filiation. 1 4 , 69. 92. 1 1 5- 1 9 ; cults of

209� 3 0 1 n.9� motherhood, 94. 1 00, l Otl,

1 0 1-6; marri ed l i fe , 1 06 1 1 ; in mast.:uli nist -

affliction associated wi th, 1 48. 1 49-54;

1 1 9-2 1 ; movement patterns . 260-6 1 � as

curses in the uterine l i ne , 1 49, 1 70. 1 7 1 .

mwaadi, 1 43; pottery mak ing by. 63; preg-

1 74-76� divination as�ociated wi th, 1 48 ;

nancy, 66, 1 03� 1 0 8-9, 220, 303n.7; puberty

and gynecological disorders. 1 69-7 1 , 1 7 4

.

rituals. 245--46, 248-49 ; savanna activi ti es

1 75., 1 77: and the individual 's health and

of, 5 8. 5 9 ; and seniority, 1 42; speaking i n

uniqueness � 1 1 9-2 2 ; and infenili ty. 1 74 �

counci1 , 1 43 ; status o f khita initiates,

and l i fe transmi ssio� 1 6 1 � and �on;ery.

2 1 3-1 4 ; and traditional healers, 29 ; wife

1 2�2 7 . Sec also J\1oo_vi

beating. 1 42� wife 's rights and respon sihi li L­

.

ies regardi ng the hunt, 1 23-26� women's Vansi na., J an., 1 80

associations. 33 ; women's work� R l -84.

Van Wing , Joseph. 1 80

1 00-1 0 1 ; and the yikuolu, 59

Index

334

\Vorld Health Organization (\\'HO), 2 6

Yibwaati� 298

Yidyaata. See Intrusion

Wonns � 78

Yifiika. 1 1 5 Yaka people , 1 1-20; agnat ic descent i n , 1 4,

Yifutu. 1 59., 2 1 8, 2 1 9

1 1 5-22 ; and animal s and plants, 74--8 6; on

Yihalu, 1 87.. 233, 3 1 2nn. 1 8, 1 9

the body, the group, and the li fe-world,

llkho gesture, 1 85, 1 86. 3 1 0n .8

1 32-60 ; colonial rule, 1 5 � co!;mology of

Yikhookolu, 3 1 On.8

gender arrangements and life transmission,

l'ikhuumba tree, 3 1 3n . l 9

5 3-9 1 ; cults of affli ct i on and commu nal

YilctJo/u. 58--5 9, 1 0 1

sodalitie s, 1-4, 1 47-60; divination and

l'ikubu cult., 1 5�5 7, 1 79

heali ng in the ci ty, 1 8 ; and economic devel­ o pmen t 22-23; healing ritual. 25 3 ; iJlness

Yr.lcula. 1 25 YiJudi. 84

viewed by, 1 7-1 8, 30 3 1 , 1 46-47 ; the indi­

Yimbala cult. 1 54

vidual viewed by, 48; Koongo 1 1 ; location

Yimbeela, 2 1

,

..

..

in Zaire , 297 ;

marri age ,

1 6, I O I-6� migra­

pared to, 3 3-34; Nonhem Yaka, 1 I . 1 1 5� 1 1 9; population . I 1 , 299nn. I, 2 ; sociaJ ran g e me nts

1-imenga, 236

Ylndongu cult, 1 57

tion to Kinsha.�a, 1 5- 1 6 ; Ndembu com­ ar­

and c ultural practi c e s 1 1 ,

Yip.fudila cult, 1 57 Yrphas� 1 79 Yisekti, 305n .7

1 5 ; social formati on of life transmission.

Yisuungu shrine., 63

92-1 3 1 ; social identity of, 1 7 ; space

Yi�a. 1 3 , 2 1 , 298

conceived by, 53; u te rine filiation in., 1 4 ,

Yltoo lu, 1 97

1 1 5-22 ; view of reality, 46 ; the village's si gnificance to 1 6 ,

Yibati, 96. 1 94

Zempleni. Andra.�, 265

l9o!f1bo, 1 82

Nl liNOI10I..< Xl\ I A HUt'A�

s llJUit.S

for the Yaka of Southwestern Zaire. infertility is a tear in the fabric of life. and

Khita ferti lity ritual reweave!\ the W..maged strands. In Weaving th' Thread'i of Uje. Rene l>evisch offers an extended analysis of the Khita cult. which leads the

to an original account of the workings of ritual healing.

Dc vi sch anal y1.cs the Yaka's understanding of existence as a fahric of finnly but delicately interwoven threads of cosmos, body, and society. The fertility

healing ritual calls forth forces, feelings. and meanin�s that allow women to rejoi n themselves to the comple x pattern of life. Rather than echoing traditional beliefs or practices. the Tires themselves generate the forces and meaning that

weave together the cosmic, physical, and social worlds of their partic ipants. Devisch's prax iological approach is unique in also using p henomenological insights into the intent and results of anthropological fieldwork. This innovative work will have ramifications hcyond African studies, reaching into the anthro­ pology of medicine and the body. comparative religious history. and women's studies. .. Devisch leads the reader deep within the world of Yaka spirits and the rich cosmogonies which the healing cults of the Yaka reveal. This work has the com­ passion and deep understanding that characterized Victor Turner's analyses of

the

Ndembu

and produces major understanding

which will

have similar

impon

for the anthropolog ical understanding of ritual and sy mbolic processes." -Bruce Kapferer. University College London ..Nu writer sim -c Victor Turner has conveyed ..

so

vividl y the richness and gener­

ative force of African healing rites . Oevisch insists on us i ng the word '

culture

with hope ' ; he shows how Yaka IO'n-ecu-lu�v transmits a pervasive sense of uterine life tn harren bodies, restori ng in them the means to be fru itfu l Moving .

beyond models of metaphor. drama. and narrative that derive from textual traditions. Devisch locates the force of ritual in the body itself, in corporeal devices and processes that flow from a common wellspring of lived experience. Has inspired account more than fulfils his goal-to do justice to the powerful presence of healer and patient at the heart uf Yaka creative practice." -Jean Comaroff, University of Chicago

Rene Devisch is professor of social anthrupnl ogy at the Catholic Universities of l .euvc n and Louvain

.

The University of Chicago Press

CuH�r phut�: Rene Devisch Cover de"i n· Manin Hertzel

ISBN

0 - 226-14362-7