Visions of the Divine Council in the Hebrew Bible

VISIONS OF THE DIVINE COUNCIL IN THE HEBREW BIBLE A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Religion Division Pepperdine...

Author: Paul B. Sumner

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VISIONS OF THE DIVINE COUNCIL IN THE HEBREW BIBLE

A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Religion Division Pepperdine University Malibu, California

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts

by Paul B. Sumner April 1991 (corrected February 2010)

Electronic Version of this Thesis Available at: hebrew-streams.org

Paul B. Sumner

Visions of the Divine Council in the Hebrew Bible

© 1991, 2010 Paul Byron Sumner ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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Visions of the Divine Council in the Hebrew Bible

ABSTRACT Visions of the Divine Council in the Hebrew Bible by Paul B. Sumner

The divine council in the Hebrew Bible is a symbolic ruling body consisting of God as the supreme monarch and various supernatural attendants. According to Patrick Miller, the divine council is one of the central cosmological symbols in the Hebrew Bible. That is, it is one of the Bible’s ways of describing how God maintains order in the the Creation. Working through innumerable hosts of angelic servants, God creates and rules the physical universe, as well as the world of men. In his position as head of the council, God holds three primary offices: King, Judge, and Warrior. He is absolute ruler over all. He makes judicial decisions about the activities of its occupants. And he initiates punitive actions against those forces (divine or human) which cause chaos and disorder (i.e. sin), in order to restore tsedaqah (righteousness) and shalom (wholeness, peace). His obedient angels serve him in each of his corresponding offices. In his royal throne-room, they praise their King and act as his official counsellors, courtiers, and messengers. As members of the court, they act as witnesses, investigating detectives, bailiffs, and perhaps fellow judges. As members of the Warrior’s vast army, they wage war on evil beings. The existence of the divine council is witnesses to by various literary genres of the Hebrew Bible. It is mentioned in historical, narrative and poetic passages, prophetic visions, Temple liturgy, apocalyptic visions. It also transcends the historical time-line, from the earliest primeval history to the final eschatological frontier. The concept and imagery of the divine council is thus woven throughout the pages of the Hebrew Bible. In the Hebrew Bible, a few select men gain access to the divine council. These visitors are the prophets. During their visionary entry into working sessions of the royal throneroom, they overhear what the King and his counsellors decide to do regarding specific human situations. Such visits or “throne visions” are for the purpose of giving the prophet a message

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to announce to his people. The visions also authenticate the messenger, because he alone “has stood in the council of Yahweh” (Jer 23:18). The throne visions became a kind of “theological genre” through which the visionaries/writers conveyed their convictions about the status of a particular agent of divine redemption. These agents, when once seen in the heavenly throneroom (if not seated on the throne by God himself), demand attention from the community of believing Israel. In the canonical throne visions, we read descriptions of specific agents at the center of council sessions. The high priest Joshua is inaugurated as authority over the post-Exilic Restoration Community. He is opposed by a prosecuting attorney named “the adversary” and defended by YHVH’s angel. And in the last throne vision, a mysterious being with human form receives authority from God to rule the world. Does this important cosmological symbolic concept and imagery continue to be important among post-biblical Jews? The central concern of this paper is to show that divine councils were common in the ANE prior to Israel’s historical emergence; to sketch out the basic elements and evidences of the divine council in the Hebrew Bible and show the unique features in the relation to foreign pantheons; to analyze the use of those elements with the throne visions or working sessions of the council; and to suggest that the concept imagery and concept continued into post-biblical (Early) Judaism, including the New Testament.

hebrew-streams.org

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... 3 Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................ 5 List of Abbreviations.................................................................................................................... 6 Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 8 Chapter 1 Ñ Ancient Near East Backgrounds....................................................................... 13 Divine Councils .............................................................................................................. 13 Mesopotamia .................................................................................................................. 14 Egypt ............................................................................................................................... 19 Canaan ............................................................................................................................ 23 Visions of Deities ........................................................................................................... 26 Chapter 2 Ñ The Divine Council in the Hebrew Bible...................................................... 30 Names of the Council . ................................................................................................. 32 Names of Council Members ........................................................................................ 33 Other Indications of the Divine Council ..................................................................... 37 The Biblical Council and ANE Assemblies.................................................................. 44 Visions of the Divine Council ....................................................................................... 49 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 50 Chapter 3 Ñ Visions of the Council in Pre-Exilic Works .................................................. 51 Exodus 24:9-11 ................................................................................................................ 52 1 Kings 22:19-23 ............................................................................................................. 59 Isaiah 6:1-8 ...................................................................................................................... 66 Chapter 4 Ñ Visions of the Council in Exilic and Post-Exilic Works .............................. 73 Ezekiel 1, 10 ..................................................................................................................... 73 Zechariah 3 .................................................................................................................... 83 Daniel 7 ............................................................................................................................ 90 Summaries of Throne Visions ................................................................................... 110 Chapter 5 Ñ Conclusions and Trajectories ....................................................................... 113 Conclusions .................................................................................................................. 113 Trajectories ................................................................................................................... 114 Apocalyptic Works: 3d-1st centuries BCE ................................................................ 116 Apocalyptic Works: 1st century CE .......................................................................... 121 New Testament .......................................................................................................... 126 Selected Bibliography............................................................................................................. 135

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ABBREVIATIONS AB AEL ANE ANEP ANET ANRW BASOR BCE BDB BHS Bib BKAT BZAW CBQ CE CRINT EncJud ExpTim FOTL FS GKC HB Hor HSM HSS HUCA IB ICC IDB IDBSup Int ISBE ITC JAOS JBL JCS JETS JJS JNES JRS JSNT JSOT JSP

Anchor Bible Ancient Egyptian Literature (3 vols., ed. M. Lichtheim) Ancient Near East The Ancient Near East: An Anthology of Texts and Pictures Ancient Near Eastern Texts (3d ed., 1969) Aufstieg und Niedergang der Ršmischen Welt Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Before the Common Era Brown-Driver-Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia Biblica Biblischer Kommentar: Altes Testament Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fŸr die altestamentliche Wissenschaft Catholic Biblical Quarterly Common Era Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971) Expository Times Forms of Old Testament Literature Festschrift Gesenius-Kautzsch-Cowley, GeseniusÕ Hebrew Grammar (2d ed.) Hebrew Bible Horizons in Biblical Theology Harvard Semitic Monographs Harvard Semitic Studies Hebrew Union College Annual Interpreters Bible International Critical Commentary Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible, Supplementary Volume Interpretation International Standard Bible Encyclopedia (rev. ed. 1979Ñ1988) International Theological Commentary Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Cuneiform Studies Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society Journal of Jewish Studies Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of Religious Studies Journal for the Study of the New Testament Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha

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JSS JTS KB LXX MT NERT NCB NEB NICNT NICOT NIV NJV NRSV NTS OTL OTP OTS ResQ RevQ RSV SBT SJT SNTS TDNT TDOT VT VTSup WBC ZAW

Visions of the Divine Council in the Hebrew Bible

Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of Theological Studies Koehler-Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros (1958) Septuagint Masoretic Text Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament New Century Bible New English Bible New International Commentary on the New Testament New International Commentary on the Old Testament New International Version New Jewish Version [Tanakh, Jewish Publication Society, 1985] New Revised Standard Version New Testament Studies Old Testament Library Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (2 vols., ed. J. Charlesworth) Oudtestamentische Studi‘n Restoration Quarterly Revue de Qumran Revised Standard Version Studia Biblica et Theologica Scottish Journal of Theology Society for New Testament Studies Theological Dictionary of the New Testament Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament Vetus Testamentum Vetus Testamentum, Supplements Word Biblical Commentary Zeitschrift fŸr die altestamentliche Wissenschaft

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INTRODUCTION Emphasis on the monotheism of the Hebrew Bible has often diverted attention away from the existence of the divine council, even though its concept and imagery pervade the Bible. This council may be defined as a symbolic ruling body consisting of God as the supreme monarch with an assembly of supernatural servants gathered around his heavenly throne. References to God’s royal throneroom and his entourage occur in every portion and most literary genres of the Bible. In the Law, the Prophets, and the Writings; in narrative and prophetic, historical and poetic, liturgical, wisdom, and visionary materials; from the primeval moments of creation to the eschatological arrival of God’s co-regent and kingdom, the äåäé ãÇñ (“council of YHVH”) is a widespread, continual feature of Israelite faith.1 The Most High God administers his kingdom through an assembly, council, or army of divinely-appointed agents. The overall biblical testimony leads us to conclude that strict monotheism is alien to the Hebrew Bible: YHVH is indeed unique (ãçà, Deut. 6:4), but he is not alone. While some scholars think that the concept of a heavenly assembly was “a literary fiction” used to dramatize how God thought and worked (on the analogy of a human king surrounded by his courtiers), 2 others deny that it was merely a literary construct. For example, H. Wheeler Robinson is convinced that the concept was a “real” (as opposed to literary) component of Hebrew thought. He says it provided a valuable “cosmic background” to human life which helped to “maintain a living relation to God.”3 Similarly, Patrick Miller calls the imagery of the divine council “one of the central cosmological symbols of the Old Testament.”4 That is, it provided a model of how God operated the universe and accomplished his purposes for and through Israel and all humankind. How did Israel know about the existence of this council in heaven? According to the Bible, prophets were granted access into GodÕs throneroom 1 Biblical examples for each of these categories may be found on pp. 26-27. 2

E. g., D. Neiman, “Council, Heavenly,” IDBSup 188.

3

H. W. Robinson, “The Council of Yahweh,” JTS 45 (1944) 157.

4

P. D. Miller, “Cosmology and World Order in the Old Testament: The Divine Council as Cosmic-Political Symbol,” Hor 9 (1987): 54.

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through visions, where they audited the proceedings, then reported to the people. Gerald Cooke sees this activity as an important verification that the council was part of Òthe living pattern of Israelite faith.Ó Since having access to the heavenly council was the main criterion for determining the legitimacy of a true prophet, no borrowed literary figure or metaphorical imagery would have been accorded such a central place in so critical an issue to IsraelÕs religious identity.5 Six of these prophetic visits to the throneroom are mentioned in the Bible. These so-called Òthrone visionsÓ are, in effect, brief descriptions of working sessions of YHVHÕs council. In them we get a glimpse at GodÕs concerns and means of exercising his authority over the world. The concept and imagery of divine councils also belonged to the common thought world of ancient Near Eastern mythology. Pantheons are found in literature and inscriptions as early as the 3d millennium BCE in Sumer and Egypt and the 2d millennium in Mesopotamia and Ugarit. These congregations of gods are similar to IsraelÕs council structure. Surprisingly, Israel also affirmed that YHVHÕs throneroom contained a congregation of elohim (gods) or beney elohim (sons of God/gods), in spite of her insistent adherence to the belief that YHVH alone was true God. This belief posed a not-so-subtle threat to her monotheism, yet she tenaciously retained the council concept throughout the canonical writings. A small strand such as this woven throughout Israelite faith warrants thorough analysis. Almost all the scholarly work on the divine council in the Hebrew Bible is recent. While pre-20th century commentators would discuss passages that referred to angelic beings or to GodÕs throne, none produced a complete study on the subject. With the discoveries of the Ugaritic tablets from Ras Shamra beginning in 1928, critical interest accelerated. These tablets contain Canaanite mythological poems about the heavenly assembly of the high god El and the exploits of his children Baal, Yam, Mot, and Anat. Similarities with the biblical council of YHVH became evident, and many scholars were quick to say that Israel borrowed her conception from the native Canaanites. William F. Albright said, however, that Israel ÒdemythologizedÓ any pagan ideas she embraced, in light of her monotheistic devotion to YHVH.6 Metaphorically speaking, she stripped the 5 6

G. Cooke, “The Sons of (the) God(s),” ZAW 76 (1964): 45.

Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan: A Historical Analysis of Two Contrasting Faiths (Garden City: Doubleday, 1968). 193.

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foreign gods of power and made them serve in YHVHÕs court as mere angels. G. Ernest Wright argued that although Israel did not deny the existence of the gods worshiped by other peoples (henotheism), she affirmed that compared with YHVH theses deities lacked power to do anything;7 they were Òno godsÓ (Deut 32:17). According to Wright, Psalm 82 emphasizes that any being, authority or power that these deities have all derive from YHVH, and it clearly devalues all powers other than his. Even though theologically dangerous, the Divine Assembly of YHVH argues in favor of the uniqueness of IsraelÕs faith because it is so radically different from pagan assemblies.8 Recent research on the divine assembly has concentrated on two general areas. The first concerns the presence and activities of prophets within the council. Nearly all recent studies on Israelite prophets recognize the importance of this experience in validating the messengerÕs office as well as for clarifying the source of his word to the people.9 The second area of study concerns the parallels with Canaanite and other ANE mythologies. Scholars from the early ÒAlbright SchoolÓ (W. F. Albright, G. E. Wright, J. Bright) contrasted the uniqueness of IsraelÕs religion over against foreign beliefs.10 More recent scholars, however, have returned to previous critical German views that the similarities between Israel and her neighbors outnumber the contrasts.11 This latter view is probably the most common among scholars today.12 Patrick Miller has opened important new 7

G. E. Wright, The Old Testament Against its Environment (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1950), 39. 8

Ibid., 36-37.

9

E.g., see E. C. Kingsbury, “The Prophets and the Council of Yahweh,” JBL 83 (1964): 279-86; M. E. Polley, “Hebrew Prophecy Within the Council of Yahweh, Examined in its Ancient Near Eastern Setting,” in Scripture in Context (Essays on the Comparative Method) (ed. C. Evans, W. Hallo, J. White; Pittsburgh Theological Monographs 34; Pittsburgh: Pickwick Press, 1980), 141-56. 10

Note the key words in the titles of Albright’s and Wright’s books: Two Contrasting Faiths and The Old Testament Against its Environment. 11

For examples of this perspective, see F. M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic: Essays in the History of the Religion of Israel (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1973) and E. T. Mullen, The Assembly of the Gods: The Divine Council in Canaanite and Early Hebrew Literature (HSM 24; Chico: Scholars Press, 1986). 12

In his recent work, M. S. Smith argues that Israel absorbed Canaanite polytheism and only gradually developed monotheistic Yahwism (The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel [San Francisco: Harper, 1990]).

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dimensions on the subject by focusing on the theological implications of the biblical council concept. For example, he demonstrates its usefulness for interpreting Genesis 1-11 and for explaining GodÕs three roles as King, Judge, and Warrior.13 Most scholars are agreed, however, that the biblical council contains two major distinctives: (1) YHVH alone is ÒGodÓ in the assembly. He exercises kingship over a host, not of competing peers, but of anonymous angelic servants; and (2) YHVH grants human beings (the prophets) the privilege of access to council sessions where they can hear Òthe word of the LORD.Ó With all this, no one has issued a lengthy study restricted to the elements and functions of the Hebrew divine council. MullenÕs large work, The Assembly of the Gods, focuses mainly on Ugaritic council materials, and does not provide complete data on the biblical dimension. Research on throne visions is generally limited to specific commentaries on the books in which the visions occur or to studies on certain pseudepigraphical and apocalyptic works. No complete study in English has been done on the Hebrew divine council or on throne visions as a group. This thesis will address these two areas of need. Regarding the first area, this paper will analyze the divine council in detail by surveying specific texts evidencing the existence of GodÕs assembly. It will list names of the gatherings and the members, as well as allusions to heavenly court proceedings. It will summarize the various functions of the members. It will discuss the name ÒLORD of hosts,Ó a title which almost certainly describes God as the head of angelic armies. Finally, it will compare the Hebrew council with foreign pantheons, but will only indirectly address the question of monotheism. Regarding the second neglected area, this paper will analyze the six throne visions in the Hebrew Bible. Since these visions are windows on specific council sessions, they reveal more directly what goes on inside YHVHÕs throneroom. Particular attention will be given to determining their theological function(s) within the respective books. This determination will be made by analyzing (1) their literary and historical milieu, and (2) specific details in the visions such as the divine names, the names of the council members, the witnesses, and the actions of the council. Finally, an effort will be made to determine whether the visions as a

13

See Miller’s Genesis 1-11 (Studies in Structure & Theme) (JSOT Sup 8; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1978) and “The Sovereignty of God,” in The Hermeneutical Quest (FS: J. L. Mays; ed. D. G. Miller; Allison Park: Pickwick, 1986), 128-44.

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group convey any uniform theological message. Beyond the biblical materials, another question arises: If the council concept was so vital to the theology of the Hebrew Bible, was it also important in later post-biblical Jewish works? No one has traced the council concept as it flows out of the Hebrew Bible into Jewish literature of the Second Temple Period. Such a study would clearly be valuable for understanding the development of Early Judaism. Tracing the trajectories of the concept and imagery is beyond the scope of this paper.14 Nevertheless, as a basis for further study, the concluding chapter will briefly survey several post-biblical documents in which imagery of the divine council and throne visions occur. The works will show that later generations of Jews did retain a belief in GodÕs council and used the throne vision as a theological ÒstageÓ on which to dramatize important heavenly messages. Included in the category of ÒJewish literatureÓ will be the New Testament. The NT contains at least two throne visions (Acts 7, Revelation 4-5), and numerous allusions to the imagery of the heavenly council. It appears that the NT writers had this Hebrew imagery in mind when they described JesusÕ exalted status beside God in the throneroom. Since imagery conveys theology, this perspective could be valuable for perceiving and articulating new theologies and christologies derived from the Hebrew Bible. Specifically, the first chapter of this paper will survey ancient Near Eastern heavenly assemblies and visions of deity in order to provide a milieu in which IsraelÕs faith found expression. The second chapter will analyze the various features of and evidence for the biblical divine council. The third chapter will analyze throne visions in the pre-Exilic works of Exodus 24, 1 Kings 22, and Isaiah 6. The fourth chapter will discuss throne visions of the Exilic and post-Exilic period. These include Ezekiel 1 and 10 (considered as part of one vision), Zechariah 3, and Daniel 7. This chapter will include a brief summary of what the throne visions convey theologically as separate units and as a group. The fifth and final chapter will cite representative passages from Second Temple Period Jewish literature, including the New Testament, and suggest trajectories for further study.

14

Originally, I had hoped to carry this study into Jewish literature up to end of the 1st century CE. The complexity and breadth of the materials made this goal impossible.

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Chapter 1

Ancient Near Eastern Backgrounds Divine Councils History technically “began” when written records first documented events in specific places in time. This occurred in the early years of the third millennium BCE. The first tablets and inscriptions reveal already sophisticated societies with technically advanced arts and sciences and ambitious economic operations. They also show highly developed polytheism with complex pantheons and elaborate mythic stories describing how the gods came into being and explaining the “why” of the human condition. When the Hebrew people emerged on the world’s historical stage they were “late-comers.”15 They arrived in a world that already had a long history and well-established religious ideas. Divine assemblies were a common feature of all the major ancient cultures with which the Israelites had contact— Mesopotamia, Egypt, Canaan. Paternal gods sitting in council with their children, grandchildren, viziers, courtiers and numerous soldiers, was the standard conception of the organization and function of the divine world. These gods held council sessions to debate plans of action and to vote on propositions, all to administer the cosmos. The assembly edicts were then executed by the appropriate member deities. Human worshipers in the ancient Near East usually allied themselves with one of the lesser, local deities, believing that the High Gods were too busy to give them a hearing. Although the names, rituals and myths might vary, the overall conception of the heavenly world in the ANE was that a “divine government” existed. Following are representative texts from the mid-3d millennium to the mid1st millennium BCE which document this common conception.

15

J. Bright, A History of Israel (3d ed.; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1981), 24.

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Mesopotamia Sumer The wellspring of the Mesopotamian pantheon concept was Sumer. The Sumerian pantheon contained 3,000 to 4,000 deities.16 At first, it was organized on the pattern of a country manor (lords and servants), but later as a city assembly (lord-mayor and officials).17 Deities tended to be localized in specific agricultural regions and capitals. Local fishermen, herdsmen, or marshmen all retained their own versions of the gods and expected certain favors from their gods pertaining to their livelihoods. Still, the localized religious concepts were overshadowed by a belief in the very highest or universal gods. Ultimate authority in the cosmic state rested in the Great Assembly.18 The god An (“the Sky” or “Heaven”) was the Father and King over the assembly. He and his three children were the four principal gods, who also represented four fundamental cosmic elements. Enlil (“Lord Wind”) stood for heaven’s dynamic energy and was symbolically present in storms. He was also administrator over the fertile earth. His sister (and sometimes consort) Ninhursaga was the Great Mother, the “Lady Fashioner/Potter” or “Lady of (embryo) Form-giving” or “Lady of the Stoney Ground” (where foothill animals birthed). The youngest brother was Enki, manager/lord (en) of the earth and controller of the “sweet waters” of the marshlands and the two major rivers (Tigris and Euphrates) which contained earth’s needed fertility powers.19 The wife of father-god An, Ki (“the Earth”), was not prominent in the myths. In some texts, An’s headship seems to have passed to his eldest son, Enlil. One hymn supposedly composed by a Sumerian king extols the grandeur of Enlil, whose epithets include: Father, Lofty Bellwether of the 16

T. Jacobsen, “Mesopotamian Gods and Pantheons,” in Toward the Image of Tammuz and Other Essays on Mesopotamian History and Culture (ed. W. L. Moran; Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1970), 21. 17

T. Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness: A History of Mesopotamian Religion (New Haven/London: Yale Univ. Press, 1976) 81-84; Bright, History, 35. 18

Jacobsen, Treasures, 86-91.

19

See the detailed overview of these four gods in Jacobsen, Treasures, 95-116.

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Universe, the Great Mountain, Shepherd and Herdsman. When he “seats himself broadly on the holy dais, on the lofty dais,” the earth-gods do obeisance and the Anunnakis “humble themselves” before their exalted god.20 The earthly king goes on to praise his heavenly mentor, adviser, and skillful lord: You, lord Enlil, who are lord, god, (and) king, Who are the judge (and) decision-maker of the universe, Your noble word is as weighty as heaven, You know no opposition, At your word, all the Anunna-gods are hushed.21 To what extent was the cosmic state reflected on the human level? Sumer apparently first governed its city-states by democratic assemblies of elders, nobles, and priests. In times of severe crisis, a warrior-king was appointed to defend the people, then later excused when peace returned.22 Eventually, the advent of continuous warfare demanded full-time monarchs; and by the 2d millennium, the warrior-kings received permanent, divinely inspired appointments to the throne. Still, they ruled only with the support of the earthly assembly. Akkad When the Semite Akkadians under Sargon I seized power from the Sumerians in 2360 BCE, they adopted the Sumerian pantheon, albeit with modifications (especially in nomenclature).23 The Akkadian high god was called Il, but major interest seemed to fall on the divine triad of Shamash, Sin, and Ashtar (“Sun, Moon, and Star”). As they were in Sumer, numerous city-gods and lesser deities of thunder, rainstorm, and battle (usually goddesses) were also worshiped. The syncretistic Akkadians, however, so 20

“Hymn to Enlil, the All-Beneficent,” in ANET, 573.

21

Ibid., 575.

22

Jacobsen, “Early Political Development in Mesopotamia,” in Tammuz, esp. 137141; see also in same volume “Primitive Democracy in Ancient Mesopotamia,” 157-170 (orig. in JNES 2 [1943] 159-172). 23

The nature of the pre-Sargonic assembly of Akkad is “very largely unknown,” according to Jacobsen (Tammuz, 34).

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blurred their own original religious views that historians are unable to decipher any unique council concepts.

Evolution and Immutability in Mesopotamia The 2d millennium saw the rise of two major powers: Babylonia in the southern river plains and Assyria in the mountains northwest along the Tigris. This political change resulted in further syncretism and mutations of religious ideas. Most of Sumer’s gods carried over, but two new “faces” appeared in the pantheons. In Babylonia, Marduk became the city-god of Babylon and the active head (“king”) of the divine assembly. In Assyria, Ashur became city-god of the capital Ashur, and accrued the features of Enlil, the Sumerian “Lord Wind” or “Lord Storm.”24 The epic literature of this era shows both evolution and immutability: evolution in the makeup of the council, and unchangeableness in the belief that a cosmic assembly existed and remained a vital aspect of religious life. A brief survey of three versions of the Mesopotamian flood myth will demonstrate both these points. In the fragmentary Old Babylonian myth The Story of Atrahasis (ca. 1600 BCE) are references to the four main deities (An, Enlil, Enki, Ninhursaga) and their “Assembly” of lesser gods, the Anunnaki and Igigi.25 The epic explains why the gods created man (to do manual work for them), why they became enraged at man (their “noise” deprived Enlil of sleep), and how they decided to send a flood to destroy them. It also explains how some men survived the flood-wrath (with the help of an assembly member): Enki comes to the man Atrahasis in a dream and tells him to “build a boat, spurn property and save life.”26 Enki tells him to make an ark (lit. “Preserver of Life”) strong with pitch. The human obeys and loads the ark with animals and birds. At the appointed time, the storm god Adad roars and releases the torrent, killing countless people. Seeing the mass destruction, Enki is “beside himself” in grief: “In the assembly of the gods / How did I, with 24

Ibid., 35-36.

25

For translations see W. G. Lambert and A. R. Millard, Atra-hasis, the Babylonian Story of the Flood (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 89-101, and ANET, 104-06 (partial text). For excellent summary of the text see Jacobsen, Treasures, 116-121. 26

Lambert and Millard, Atra-hasis, 89.

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them, command total destruction?”27 Enki’s plan to save humans, however, is successful: Atrahasis lives. But Enlil is enraged: “All we great Anunnaki / Decided together on an oath. / Where did life escape? / How did man survive in the destruction?”28 Enki then rises before the Great Gods to defend his action—but the text breaks off here. In a Sumerian-language version of this myth, called The Eridu Genesis (also ca. 1600 BCE), the “gods of the universe” (An, Enlil, Enki, and Ninhursaga) discuss destroying mankind by flood.29 After debate, the council issues a “verdict” or “command by the assembly” that man is to be extinguished.30 Earth-god Enki, however, takes it upon himself to convince the priest/king/diviner Ziusudra to build a boat in order to endure the coming deluge. Enki then defends his subversion of the divine will before irate members of the Ubshuukkinna or Great Assembly. Under his persuasion, An and Enlil drop their objections and even allow Ziusudra into the council chamber and bestow on him the “lasting breath of life,” which is “life like a god’s.”31 The Gilgamesh Epic (Tablet 11) contains the same general story-line, but with alternate characters.32 In this 7th century Neo-Assyrian recension of the 2d millennium Babylonian version, the divine assembly decides to flood the city of Shuruppak on the Euphrates. The god Ea (not Enki, as in previous versions) reveals the high-level plan to Utnapishtim, the human city-lord, then commands him to build a boat. After the aborted attempt to wipe out mankind, Enlil is furious, but Ea persuades him and the council to be kind to Utnapishtim. Eventually, they acquiesce and decide to confer immortality on the man and his wife. As a consequence, the couple becomes, in the words of

27

Ibid., 95.

28

Ibid., 101.

29

For the text and notes see ANET, 42-44; T. Jacobsen, “The Eridu Genesis,” JBL 100 (1981): 513-529; A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis: The Story of the Creation (2d ed.; Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1954): 49-52; and Lambert and Millard, Atra-hasis, 138-72. 30

Jacobsen, ibid., 523.

31

Ibid., 525.

32

For the text see ANET, 93-97.

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Enlil, “like unto us gods” (ll. 191-194).33 It is clear from these three versions of an ancient flood epic that the general configuration of the Mesopotamian divine assembly remained intact. Even with the personnel changes in succeeding societies, the vision of a cosmic government remained unaltered. Important to our study of the Hebrew Bible (setting aside the parallels with Noah) are the themes of a divine council headed by a chief deity who decides the fates of human beings. Babylonia. The prologue to the Code of Hammurabi contains the king’s description of his call to be Babylon’s national “shepherd” (1728-1686 BCE).In the opening lines, he makes clear the heavenly source of the laws by which he will rule. In this text, we now encounter Marduk, Babylon’s stategod and leader of the cosmic assembly. When lofty Anum [the sky god] king of the Anunnaki [lesser gods attending Anum], and Enlil [the storm god], lord of heaven and earth, the determiner of the destinies of the land, determined for Marduk, the first-born of Enki, the Enlil functions over all mankind, made him great among the Igigi [lesser gods attending Enlil], called Babylon by its exalted name, made it supreme in the world, established for him in its midst an enduring kingship, whose foundations are as firm as heaven and earth— at that time Anum and Enlil named me to promote the welfare of the people . . . 34 Here, we encounter the theme of a divine council calling a human king and revealing a body of laws to him for his people. On the surface, this is similar to Moses’ calling and the revelation on Mount Sinai. In the Babylonian creation epic known as Enuma Elish (ca. 18-17th cent. BCE), the activities of the pantheon are portrayed in great detail.35 Enuma Elish is partly a theogony explaining the origins of the gods, but its main purpose is to tell how King Marduk (the “Son of the Sun”) rose to power

7-48.

33

ANET, 95.

34

ANET, 164.

35

For the text see ANET, 60-72, 501-03 and A. Heidel, Babylonian Genesis,

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by defeating the goddess Tiamat, her puppet-prince Kingu, and her eleven monster-gods.36 Only parenthetically is the epic a creation story. It mentions the creation of “savage-man” almost as a footnote. The gods made him out of the blood of slain rebel Kingu in order to be their house-boy so they could get rest.37 (Humans did not believe the gods held them in high esteem.) The epic mostly glorifies warrior Marduk, who was elected king by Anum and a Great Assembly consisting of “fifty great gods,” “seven gods of destiny,” the “Anunnaki of heaven and earth,” and three hundred Igigi. They erected for him a princely throne. Facing his fathers, he sat down, presiding. “Thou art the most honored of the great gods, Thy decree is unrivaled, thy command is Anu. Thou, Marduk, art the most honored of the great gods.38 Among Marduk’s fifty throne names was the title “Lugal-dimmerankia” or “King of the gods of heaven and the underworld.”39 Well into the 1st millennium (the time of Israel’s exile in Babylon), Enuma Elish was recited annually on the fourth of Nisan at a New Year Festival commemorating Marduk’s accession to the divine throne.40

Egypt When we turn to the Nile region, the picture of divine councils is far less uniform. Egyptian religion was not a monolithic entity, but slowly evolved over three millennia in relative isolation from other cultures.41 The whole region manifested diversity of belief, as well as diversity of geography. There were some thirty-nine gods and goddesses worshiped in scattered temples 36

ANET, 62-63, 66-67.

37

ANET, 68.

38

ANET, 66.

39

ANET, 69, 502.

40

ANET, 60.

41

Beginning in the great empire-building era of the 18th Dynasty (1552-1306), Egypt met numerous Semitic deities and imported them. None, however, were exported, as archaeological evidence attests (IDB 2.65).

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throughout the empire.42 There were three types of gods: (1) divinities of place (e.g., Ptah of Memphis, Sobek of the Faiyum); (2) cosmic or nature deities (e.g., Re, the sun-god; Geb, the earth-god; Nut, goddess of the sky); and (3) gods responsible for some function or aspect of life (e.g., Sekhmet, goddess of war and disease; Bes, god of the household and childbirth; and Ma‘at, goddess of truth and justice).43 Because the deities were generally restricted to particular locales or functions, and usually only one of them had “chief” status, the Egyptian religious system had the appearance of henotheism, worship of one deity while not denying the existence of others. 44 The texts reveal that some organization existed among the gods, but manifest no systematized theology of hierarchy.45 At least as early as the 6th Dynasty of the Old Kingdom we read about a pantheon called the Ennead, or “The Nine (gods).”46 Worshiped in the city of Heliopolis, this group consisted of Atum (Aten, Aton, “the All”) and his selfengendered children and grandchildren.47 At the city of Hermopolis, a pantheon called the Ogdoad or “The Eight” was honored. It was made up of completely different deities headed by Nun and Naunet.48 The various texts

42

ISBE 4.101. E. Hornung lists over 100 gods and goddesses in his “Glossary of Gods,” in Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt (The One and the Many) (tr. J. Baines; Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1982), 274-84. But there was considerable overlapping of offices and attributes, as well as the use of two or more names for a deity, so any list is problematic. The “monotheistic” revolution of Pharaoh Amenophis IV (Akhenaten) in the 18th Dynasty “Amarna Period” (1364-1347) was a short-lived effort to focus belief in the one sungod Aten (Aton). After Akh-en-Aten’s death, his second son-in-law Tut-ank-Aten changed his name back to Tut-ank-Amon, and returned to Thebes where Amon was worshiped. IDB 2.62; ISBE 4.104. 43

IDB 2.57.

44

J. H. Walton, Ancient Israelite Literature in its Cultural Context (A Survey of Parallels Between Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Texts) (Library of Biblical Interpretation; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1989), 245. 45

ISBE 4.104.

46

The earliest apparent reference to the Ennead is from the Pepi I Pyramid Text (2250-2000 BCE). See M. Lichtheim, ed., Ancient Egyptian Literature [hereafter AEL] (3 vols.; Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1973-80), 1.45. 47

IDB 2.58.

48

ISBE 4.104. For texts mentioning the Ogdoad, see AEL 2.122; 3.45; 3.72.

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reveal ambiguity in the numerical constituency of these assemblies.49 Council terminology was also fluid.50 Erik Hornung notes that the earliest (1st Dynasty) name of an Egyptian pantheon is Ht, the “Corporation,” and the pharaoh was the “most divine one of the Corporation.”51 However, the designation “The Three” (a father, mother, and child) was the simplest and preferred way of expressing the concept of deity. The term Ennead, “the Nine,” was apparently an intensive plural (3 x 3), and the “Two Enneads” of the Pyramid Texts to Seti I (6th Dyn.) signified an even more complete totality.52 Individual members of the Corporation were “Gods,” “Spirits,” or “Lords.” The head deity (whoever was worshiped as such) was “the AllLord,” “Lord of Ma‘at,” “Lord of the gods,” or “the One God among the Ennead.” They assembled in the “great council chamber” or “the Hall of Geb,”53 where they engaged in various activities. At times, the Council exercised its authority to choose a new chief-god and give “the office to its lord, the kingship to its rightful owner.”54 Afterwards, they feasted and adored the new god: The Nine Gods adore him . . . The ancestors rejoice to see him, Those yonder are in awe of him . . . The great Ennead praises him, The small Ennead loves him. The Ennead was jubilant: “Welcome, Son of Osiris, Horus, firm-hearted, justified, Son of Isis, heir of Osiris!”55 49

For example, in an inscription to Pharaoh Seti I, the “Ennead” actually had seven gods, not nine. In the Palermo Stone, it had ten deities; and at Thebes, it contained fifteen. 50

The heavenly Ennead could be called “the Council of Thirty,” or “House of Thirty,” or “the Court,” or “the Council of Ma’at” (AEL 2.216, 1.155, 2.220, 2.84, respectively). 51

Hornung, Conceptions, 221.

52

See Hornung, “Classification and Articulation of the Pantheon,” in Conceptions,

217-223. 53

AEL 1.203, 155.

54

AEL 2.84.

55

AEL 2.82, 83, 84.

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They also acted as judges: “The Ennead found him guilty of his crimes.”56 And they had power to wage holy war against a pharaoh’s enemies: “As for any spells, any spells spoken against me / The gods shall rise up against them / The entire Ennead, the entire Ennead!”57 Similar to those in Mesopotamia, the Egyptian pantheon members thus acted as kings, judges, and warriors. The adulterous intrigues and theomachies seen in Mesopotamia, however, were not a common feature of the Egyptian pantheons. Rather, the gods’ conduct was strictly regimented by Ma(at , meaning right order, acceptable behavior, justice, or righteousness.58 Yet, with all their power, the “Egyptian gods are neither transcendent nor eternal, unconditional, absolute.”59 They resided only in specific cities and regions, having nothing much to do with the outside world (if there was one). They were also quite mortal: they were born and died. How much the Enneads reflected earthly Egyptian structures of government is unclear. From the beginning, the pharaoh was a god, the divine principle of rule upon earth, and he was called Horus, Son of Re or even Re the sun-god himself.60 As with neighboring kings of the time, the pharaoh had a “cabinet” of trustworthy officials, a “governor” (chief executive officer) and “press-secretary” (speaker). For special cases, he also called in his counsellors or princes, those “who stand before him.” The “Holy House” also had guards and courtiers, as any palace would.61 According to tradition, upon his death, the king continued to rule in the next world and would need his court officials. Consequently, during much of the Old Kingdom, servants were often buried in mastaba tombs next to their masters (a practice 56

AEL 2.75; cf. 2.213, 220.

57

AEL 2.120.

58

“Ma(at was the quality which man had to render to the king and which the king had to render to the gods” (IDB 2. 60). 59

Hornung, 195.

60

IDB 2.59.

61

A. Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt (tr. H. M. Tirard; New York/London: Benjamin Bloom, orig. 1894, rpt. 1969), 68-75.

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eventually abandoned).62 Very little of this earthly organizational detail is mirrored in the heavenly realm.

Canaan The cuneiform tablets from Ugarit share with Mesopotamian works a wellorganized divine assembly. There is, however, in their description of the divine world a new approach. For present in the Ugaritic pantheon is an intermingling of deities of West Semitic, Hurrian, and Mesopotamian origin. In fact, so complex is the pluralism that some tablets contain rosters of who’s who in the divine assembly. According to Patrick Miller, the presence of these comparative god lists shows a “clear concern to systematize [the world of the gods] and uncover its external as well as internal relationships.” The effort reflected a self-conscious human desire “to order and understand those relationships,” to make sense of the various bands of divine light.63 Ugarit was a strategic hub of religious interaction from varying cultures, a “partial prism for perceiving the spectrum of the religious world of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages.”64 Ugarit is important to biblical studies because most scholars believe that the religion presented in the tablets from Ras Shamra is also the religion of the Canaanites with whom the tribes of Israel interacted for centuries. 65 Among the Ugaritic works of greatest interest is the Baal Cycle (or “Poems About Baal and Anat”), an elaborate 14th century theogony 62

IDB 2.59.

63 P. D. Miller, “Aspects of Religion at Ugarit,” in Ancient Israelite Religion (FS: F. M. Cross; ed. P. D. Miller, P. D. Hanson, S. D. McBride; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 54. The god lists attest to over 250 divine names, but only 28 formed the core of the pantheon (IDBSup 930). 64 65

Miller, ibid.

For discussions of this subject, see J. Gray, The Legacy of Canaan: The Ras Shamra Texts and Their Relevance to the Old Testament (VTSup 5; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965); W. F. Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan: A Historical Analysis of Two Contrasting Faiths (Garden City: Doubleday, 1968), esp chap. 3, 110-52; F. M. Cross, “The Religion of Canaan and the God of Israel,” in Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Essays in the History of the Religion of Israel) (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1973), esp. 1-75; M. S. Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (San Francisco: Harper, 1990), esp. 1-24.

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describing how the fertility and storm-god Baal rose yearly from the grave and rose to permanent power over Ugarit at the expense of his father El.66 Since Canaanite religion was a fertility religion, this myth attempted to deal with the perennial problem of drought. The Baal cycle explained natural phenomena by teaching that the Storm/Rain/Fertility-God Baal is slain by his brother Mot (“Death”) every spring but returns to life every fall. Thus it taught that war in heaven had earthly consequences. In addition to theogony (origins of the gods), cosmogony (the establishment of order and rule in the universe) was another concern of the epic. 67 As in Mesopotamian texts, the Baal Cycle envisioned an organized heaven in which the Puhru Mo idu (“the Gathered Assembly”)of holy ones met in a “house” (temple), seated on “thrones of princeship,” and ruled the cosmos.68 Many of the minor members were he-lamb gods, ewe-lamb goddesses, bull-gods, cow-goddesses, and even throne and chair-divinities, while the major deities represented natural phenomena.69 The creator god El was known as “Father Shunem” (Father of years), “Puissant Bull,” “Bull El Benign,” and “King over the Assembly of Divine Beings.”70 His wife, Asherah (Astarte, Ashtoreth), was the “Progenitress of the Gods.”71 Their most notable sons included Yam (“Sea”), Mot (“Death”), and Baal (“Lord, Possessor”).72 Yearly, Mot kills storm-god Baal, bringing drought and death.73 Baal remains interred in the netherworld until Maiden Anat, their

66

For texts of the Baal Cycle, see ANET, 129-142 and J. C. L. Gibson, Canaanite Myth and Legends (2d ed.; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1978). For a discussion on the contest between El and Baal, see U. Oldenburg, The Conflict Between El and Baal in Canaanite Religion (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1969), esp. 101-142. 67

Miller, “Aspects of the Religion at Ugarit,” 59.

68

For specific texts, see E. T. Mullen, Assembly of the Gods: The Divine Council in Canaanite and Early Hebrew Literature (HSM 24; Chico: Scholars Press, 1980), 128-29. 69

ANET, 134.

70

E.g. ANET, 129, 232. For studies on El, see J. J. M. Roberts, “El,” IDBSup, 255-58; F. M. Cross, “ìÍà,” TDOT (1977) ,1. 242-61. 71

ANET, 132.

72

On Baal, see M. J. Mulder, “ìòa” TDOT 2.181-200.

73

ANET, 139, 141.

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warrior-sister, avenges his murder by slaughtering Mot and raising Baal.74 Other notable deities at Ugarit included Dagon (Dagan, Fish god; cf. Jud 16:23), Ilib (“God of the Father”), Hadd (Hadad, Storm god; perhaps = Baal; cf. HB “Ben-Hadad”), Lotan (Sea-serpent; HB “Leviathan”), Resheph (God of Pestilence; cf. Hab 3:5), Shapash (Shemesh, Sun god; cf. Josh 15:7), Shachar (Dawn; cf. Isa 14:12), and Shalim (Dusk). Regional and local deities were common as well: Chemosh (cf. Num 21:29), Melqart, Molech (cf. 2 Kgs 23:10). Local town versions of Baal are reflected throughout the Bible (e.g., Baal-Hermon, Baal-Judah, Baal-Peor, Baal-Zephon).75 The term Rp m (“Rephaim” in Isa 14:9; 26:14, 19) may also refer to minor Canaanite deities.76 The pantheon also employed a necessary class of messenger deities, whom the higher ranking gods dispatched as “embassies” to other gods.77 Thus at Ugarit, the heavenly council was based on a hierarchy of divine offices.78 According to Lowell Handy, this was typical of the “theological construction of the divine realm” in all of Syria-Palestine.79 He further notes: “This vision of the divine realm reflects something actually understood by the

74

ANET, 140.

75

ISBE 4.96-98.

76

See discussions and pertinent texts in C. E. L’Heureux, Rank Among the Canaanite Gods (El, Ba al, and the Repha)im) (HSM 21; Missoula: Scholars Press, 1979) and Mullen, Assembly of the Gods, 261-74. 77 See discussions in S. A. Meier, The Messenger in the Ancient Semitic World (HSM 45; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988), 124-28. 78 L. Handy, “Dissenting Deities or Obedient Angels: Divine Hierarchies in Ugarit and the Bible,” Biblical Research 35 (1990): 18-35. 79

Ibid., 18. Handy proposes that a four-tiered divine hierarchy existed in the religion of Ugarit and elsewhere in Syria-Palestine. On the executive level was El, the Father god with superior wisdom and ability. At his side on the same level, as some believe, was the divine gebirah or Queen Mother Asherah. The two formed an administrative team. On the second tier were powerful “patron deities,” the managerial stratum of the cosmos, the kings of their respective kingdoms (cities, nations, natural phenomena). These included, Mot, Baal, and Yam. On the third tier were the craft-gods, the functional managers, the specialists. On this level we find Kothar-wa-Hasis, a master-builder and metalworker, and Shatiqatu, apparently a healer. The bottom (fourth) tier was occupied by minor messenger deities, the mlakm or angels. Handy thinks the Judeans took over this four-tier Canaanite hierarchy after they conquered Canaan, eliminated the two middle tiers, and promoted a council consisting only of Yahweh as chief deity and his angelic messengers.

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ancient authors” (emphasis added).80 H. W. Robinson made a similar observation about the “realism” in the Hebrew descriptions of the heavenly council.81 In the HB, however, only one deity ruled, and YHVH’s messengers were “angels,” not lesser deities. Summary. Non-Israelite literature shows that the concept of a cosmic government visualized as a supreme council of gods (often with a head deity ruling over subordinates) was widespread in ancient Near Eastern religions, from the 3d to the 1st millennium. Israel lived in contact with all these polytheistic cultures. That she should also believe in some sort of heavenly council would be no surprise. Just how much Israel assimilated or borrowed from any of her neighbors or host nations (Mesopotamia, Egypt, Canaan) is disputed. Most scholars today believe Canaan was the major source of Israel’s concepts of a divine council.82 There is, however, much discussion on how and why Israel may have borrowed. Allusions to, or “reflections” of, pagan pantheons can be found in the Hebrew Bible. The function and purpose of these allusions is another question.83

Visions of Deities Ancient Near Eastern gods reportedly spoke to male and female prophets through omens, oracles, visions, and dreams. Evidence of prophetic activities exist in all the major cultures.84 Among the earliest attestations 80

Ibid., 19.

81

H. W. Robinson, “The Council of Yahweh,” JTS 45 (1944): 151.

82

Representative of current scholarship is Mullen’s conclusion: “There is no longer any need to trace the Israelite concept of the council to Mesopotamian religion. With the exception of the phenomenon of the prophet as herald/courier of the council, the Israelite view of the assembly agrees in every detail with that of the council of the gods seen in the Ras Shamra texts. We must conclude that the major source of influence upon the council motif in early Hebrew literature comes from Canaan and not from Mesopotamia. Yet the parallels among the councils in all three cultures strongly suggest that the concept of the council of the gods was a common motif in the ancient Near East” (The Assembly of the Gods, 283-84). 83 84

See the discussion at end of chap. 2, pp. 43-45.

See J. Blenkinsopp, A History of Prophecy in Israel (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1983), 53-60; H. B. Huffmon, “Prophecy in the ANE,” IDBSup 697-700; G. V. Smith,

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are those from the city of Mari (in modern Iraq).85 Cuneiform tablets from the late 18th century BCE during the Lim Dynasty describe at least three kinds of prophets or “speakers”: (1) the answerer or oracle-giver (apilum/apiltu); (2) the singer (assinnu): and (3) the ecstatic (muhhum/muhhutum).86 In addition, the baru, a professionally trained expert, divined the heavenly will using various techniques, including haruspexy (reading animal entrails).87 “Intuitive prophecy” also existed at Mari. This was less academic, more spontaneous and ecstatic. Whatever their expertise, most Mari prophets served within temples, usually dedicated to Ishtar. The vast majority of messages they received from the gods were addressed to the king.88 The court-prophet was in reality a two-way messenger between the throneroom of the heavenly pantheon and that of the earthly monarch. Although these prophets did not themselves enter heaven; they received their messages from sub-deities sent by the assembly.89 We can see an example of this in the “Balaam Text” from Deir Alla (early 7th cent.).90 In a night-vision, Balaam, the “seer of the gods,” beholds

“Prophet,” ISBE 3.989-992; H. Ringgren, “Prophecy in the ancient Near East,” in Israel’s Prophetic Tradition (ed. R. Coggins, A. Phillips, M. Knibb; Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984), 1-11; M. Weinfeld, “Ancient Near Eastern Patterns in Prophetic Literature,” VT 27 (1977), 178-95. 85

On Mari, see W. L. Moran, “New Evidence from Mari on the History of Prophecy,” Bib 50 (1969): 15-56; J. M. Sasson, “Mari,” IDBSup 567-71. 86

Blenkinsopp, 56-57; IDBSup 698.

87

A. Malamat, “A Forerunner of Biblical Prophecy: The Mari Documents,” in Ancient Israelite Religion, 33-34. 88

Ibid., 34. See also Blenkinsopp, 57. Prophets are also closely associated with kings in the Bible. The difference in the HB, however, is that the prophetic message was not always a word of assurance; and, in fact, it was often, as the Monarchy decreased in loyalty to YHVH, a warning word of severe penalty. The effort of Jezebel to wipe out YHVH’s prophetic schools in the 9th cent. marked the start of prophetic martyrdom. 89

In the 8th century “Stele of Zkr,” King Zakir says: “Be ‘elshamayn spoke to me through seers and through diviners.” His seers urged Zakir to press on in the power of the “Lord of heaven” since the god had chosen him as king (ANET, 655). 90

J. Hackett, The Balaam Text from Deir ‘Alla (HSM 31; Chico: Scholars Press, 1980), 29. See also J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij, ed., The Balaam Text from Deir ‘Alla Re-evaluated (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1991).

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6

Saddayin or messenger deities who come to him with an oracle from the assembly of El. Their “message” is a symbolic description of a horrifying age of reversals in the natural order in which hares eat wolves, hyenas are tamed, and an unknown monarch dies (“You will lie down on your eternal bed and perish,” (II. 11).91 Balaam did not ascend to heaven to hear all this;

6

the Saddayin came to him. Visions of the supreme god seemed to be reserved for the king. In Egypt, visions of the All-Lord were granted to some, if not all, pharaohs. In the Divine Nomination of Thut-Mose III (19th Dyn., 1490-1436 BCE), the divine pharaoh gets re-confirmation of his status as king late in his reign. While worshiping in the temple of Amon, Thut-Mose envisions the gloryrays of the sun-god, his father, who makes “heaven and earth festive with his beauty.” The enraptured king flies to heaven as a falcon where father Amon-Re opens “the doors of heaven” and appears to his son in a “mysterious form.”92 Similarly, the Sphinx Stela records how Thut-Mose IV experiences a noon-dream while resting in the shadow of the Sphinx. In the vision, his father-god, Harmakhis-Khepri-Re-Atum, confirms him with the words: “I shall give thee my kingdom upon earth. . . . Thine is the land in its length and its breadth, that which the Eye of the All-Lord illumines.”93 In a Sumerian text, Enmeduranki (the seventh king after the flood) was admitted to the divine assembly and shown mysteries that included the tablets of heaven and the techniques of divination. This king was regarded as the founder of the baru guild of diviners and the mediator of its methods.94 In the other cosmic direction, the Assyrian Prince Kumma descends to the Nether world during a night vision. There he sees the underworld vizier Namtar, as well as demon sphinxes (kuribu) and fifteen composite deities

91 Interestingly, the book of Numbers mentions a Semitic prophet named Balaam (chaps. 22-24), who “hears the words of El” and “sees the visions of Shaddai” (24:4, 16). 92

ANET, 446.

93

ANET, 449.

94

Cited by J. J. Collins, “The Place of Apocalypticism in the Religion of Israel,” in Ancient Israelite Religion, 542-43. For the texts on Enmeduranki, see W. G. Lambert, “Enmeduranki and Related Matters,” JCS 21 (1967): 126-38.

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with animal heads and human hands and feet.95 Kumma also sees the wrathful god Nergal on his royal throne, surrounded by the Anunnakis “standing bowed in respect.”96 From this, we conclude that thronerooms existed on high and far below.

Summary. The texts of the ANE show extensive prophetic activity centered around temple sites or royal palaces, punctuated by visionary encounters with deities and members of the heavenly assemblies. The same general pattern exists in Israel. Visions of a heavenly throne and its Occupant also occur in the HB. The visions are all given to prophets, who may also be priests in the Jerusalem temple. Instead of hearing the council “word” from messenger deities, the prophets enter the throneroom and hear the word themselves.97 The messages typically concern Israel’s kings, and occur at times when kingship is in crisis or when a change of ruler occurs. The throne visions, however, are never the privilege of kings.98

95

Cf. the forms of the living creatures and cherubim in Ezek 1 and 10.

96

ANET, 109-10.

97

This view must be reconciled with the various appearances of the “Angel of YHVH” in the Torah and Former Prophets (e.g. Joshua and Judges), who appears and delivers God’s messages to people. Can he be considered a true “angel” (i.e. messenger) from YHVH, or does he represent the very personality of YHVH himself? 98

Solomon’s confirmation dream in 1 Kgs 3:5-15 does not record a vision of God on his throne. Cf. Ps 89:19-20a: “Then you spoke in a vision to your faithful one, and said: ‘I have set the crown on one who is mighty, I have exalted one chosen from the people. I have found my servant David.” Perhaps this reference to a confirmation vision was actually given to Nathan, David’s prophet. See discussion in H.-J. Kraus, Psalms 60-150 (tr. H. C. Oswald; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1989), 207-10.

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Chapter 2

The Divine Council in the Hebrew Bible Numerous biblical texts testify to the belief in a heavenly council consisting of YHVH the King and his staff.99 Patrick Miller says the council imagery is in fact “one of the central cosmological symbols of the Old Testament.” 100 The imagery expresses how the biblical writers understood the “machinery and systems” of the universe. Similar to the Mesopotamian view in which an assembly of gods ruled the cosmic state, the council of YHVH in the Hebrew Bible is responsible for maintaining order in creation at large, but especially order on earth and among Israel. Significant differences exist, however, between the biblical understanding of YHVH’s council and those of other Near Eastern societies. These distinctions will be discussed later. References to God’s royal throneroom and his entourage of heavenly servants occur in all three portions of Hebrew Scripture (Law, Prophets, Writings); in all major literary genres, including narrative (Exod 24:9-10; Job 1:6-12), historical (1 Kgs 22:19-23), prophetic (Isa 6; Jer 23:18-22), poetic (Job 15:7-8; 33:23), liturgical (Ps 89:5-7; 103:19-22), wisdom (Job 15:8), and visionary (Ezek 1, 10; Zech 3:1-5); and in the earliest and latest dated materials.101 It is also found in materials spanning all of time, from the 99

Among the most useful studies on the divine council are: B. W. Anderson, “Hosts, Hosts of Heaven,” IDB 2.654-56; G. Cooke, “The Sons of (the) God(s),” ZAW 76 (1964): 22-47; F. M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Essays in the History of the Religion of Israel) (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1973), 177-190; P. D. Miller, “The Divine World and the Human World” (chap. 1), in Genesis 1-11 (Studies in Structure & Theme) (JSOT Sup 8; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1978), 9-26; idem, “The Sovereignty of God,” in The Hermeneutical Quest (ed. D. Miller; Allison Park, PA: Pickwick, 1986), 129-44; E. T. Mullen, Jr. The Assembly of the Gods: The Divine Council in Canaanite and Early Hebrew Literature (HSM 24; Chico: Scholars Press, 1980); D. Neiman, “Council, Heavenly,” IDBSup 187-88; M. E. Polley, “Hebrew Prophecy Within the Council of Yahweh, Examined in its Ancient Near Eastern Setting,” in Scripture in Context (Essays on the Comparative Method) (ed. C. Evans, W. Hallo, J. White; PTM 34; Pittsburgh: Pickwick Press, 1980), 14156; H. W. Robinson, “The Council of Yahweh,” JTS 45 (1944): 151-57; R. N. Whybray, The Heavenly Counsellor in Isaiah xl 13-14 (A Study of the Sources of the Theology of DeuteroIsaiah) (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1971), 39-53; G. E. Wright, The Old Testament Against its Environment (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1950), 30-41. 100

P. D. Miller, “Cosmology and World Order in the Old Testament: The Divine Council as Cosmic-Political Symbol,” Hor 9 (1987): 54. 101

“This concept of a Divine Assembly appears in the earliest, as well as the latest,

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primeval moments of creation (Gen 1:26; Job 38:7) to the eschatological arrival of God’s kingdom (Dan 7:9-14). It is important to see how deeply embedded this imagery and concept are in the various strata of the Hebrew Bible. It is also important to note that the concept of a heavenly council did not threaten the position of YHVH as “God of gods and Lord of lords” (Deut 10:17), even in those portions of the Bible where monotheism is so very strongly emphasized (e.g. Deut 6:4; Isa 43-46). As Th. Vriezen noted: “The conception of a host of angels or heavenly beings surrounding Yahweh is always present in Israel. . . . People could not conceive Yahweh in another fashion. . . . Far from clashing with monotheism this conception lays the greatest stress on the Majesty of Yahweh. Yahweh is a unique God, but He is not alone.” 102 The council imagery served a vital polemical function by providing Israel a way of asserting the superior majesty and authority of her God over the “demons” and “no-gods” (Deut 32:17) worshiped as deities by her neighbors. Yet the council idea was not merely a theological construct developed solely for apologetics: it was a living element of Israel’s religious system. Evidence for this “real” belief can be seen in various texts. God has taken his place in the divine council; In the midst of the gods he holds judgment . . . I say, “You are gods, sons of the Most High, all of you.” (Ps 82:1, 6) 103 literature of the Old Testament,” G. E. Wright (The Old Testament, 33). Council imagery exists in such early poems as: Exod 15:11a (“Who is like you, O LORD, among the gods? [elim]”); Deut 33:2 LXX, Sam, Syr (“With him were myriads of holy ones; at his right, a host of his own”); Judg 5:20 (“The stars fought from heaven”), and v. 23 (“Curse Meroz, says the angel of the LORD”); Ps 29:1 (“Ascribe to the LORD, O heavenly beings, ascribe to the LORD glory and strength”). The council is also found in late works: Neh 9:6 (“You are the LORD, you alone; you have made heaven, the heaven of heavens, with all their host . . . To all of them you give life, and the host of heaven worships you”); Dan 11:36 (“The king . . shall speak horrendous things against the God of gods [el elim]”). On the dating of most of these, see Mullen, Assembly of the Gods, 188 n. 128; D. N. Freedman, “‘Who is Like Thee Among the Gods?’ The Religion of Early Israel,” in Ancient Israelite Religion (FS: F. M. Cross; ed., P. D. Miller, P. D. Hanson, S. D. McBride; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 315. 102

Th. C. Vriezen, An Outline of Old Testament Theology (2d ed.; Newton, MA: Ch. Branford, 1970), 327, 328. 103

Unless noted otherwise, all Scripture quotations are from the New Revised Standard Version (NRSV) (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1989). Other texts may be used and are listed in the “Abbreviation” pages.

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Your wonders, O LORD, are praised by the heavens, Your faithfulness, too, in the assembly of holy beings. For who in the skies can equal the LORD, Can compare with the LORD among the divine beings, A God greatly dreaded in the council of holy beings, Held in awe by all around Him? (Ps 89:5-8, NJV) The LORD has established his throne in the heavens, and his kingdom rules over all. Bless the LORD, O you his angels, you mighty ones who do his bidding, obedient to his spoken word. Bless the LORD, all his hosts, his ministers that do his will. (Ps 103:19-21) 104 Names of the Council The gatherings of God’s servants have several titles: ãÍòÇî (“mount of assembly” — Isa 14:13, a mythological allusion 105); íéÏäÝìÛà äÍðÚçÌî (“camp of God” — Gen 32:2); úÌçÌìÙÖÏî (“company” [of destroying angels] — Ps 78:49); ÌäÇìÛàÐãÇñ 106 (“council of God” — Job 15:8, 29:4); äåäéÐãÇñ (“council of YHVH” — Jer 23:18, 22); íéÏÖÇãÙ÷ÐãÇñ (“council of holy ones” — Ps 89:7); ìÍàÐúÌãÚò (“congregation of God”— Ps 82:1); and íéÏÖÇãÙ÷ÐìÌäÙ÷ (“assembly of holy ones” 104

This psalm clearly associates heavenly beings with the administration of YHVH’s kingdom. The Enthronement Psalms (Pss 24, 29, 47, 68, 89, 93, 96-99) emphasize YHVH as king enthroned in heaven, although few mention his staff. On this subject see W. O. E. Oesterly, “The Kingship of Yahweh,” The Psalms (2 vols.; London: SPCK, 1939), 1.4455; J. Gray, “The Reign of God in the Psalms,” The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of God (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1979), 39-116. 105

“The old mythological ideas of the god dwelling or of the gods meeting in assembly in the recesses of (Mount) Zaphon . . . had been transferred to Zion as the divine, holy mountain. . . . For the loyal Yahwist in Jerusalem, the ultimate arrogance would have been for the Assyrian ruler to claim the right to sit (like the Davidic king?) in the council of God, in the recesses of Zaphon (Mt. Zion),” J. Hayes and S. Irvine, Isaiah the Eighth Century Prophet (Nashville: Abingdon, 1987), 233. Some scholars think the noun øÇc, usually translated “generation,” may refer to a mythological divine assembly in Amos 8:14: “As your god lives, O Dan . . . As the øÇc of Beer-sheba lives” (Mullen, Assembly of the Gods, 118 n. 16). But see J. Hayes for other explanations (Amos, the Eighth Century Prophet [Nashville: Abingdon, 1988], 214-215). 106

The word sod means both council and counsel. (1) It is a circle of familiar friends, the place of confidential speech, the intimate fellowship of God [Gen 49:6; Ps 25:14, 55:15 (Eng 14), 89:7 (Eng 8); Prov 3:32; Job 29:4]. (2) It also means the secrets or decisions arising from such conversations [Ps 83:3 (Eng 4), Prov 11:13, 15:22]. Prophets stand in the sod of YHVH (Jer 23:18, 22) and are commissioned to announce the sod they overhear (Amos 3:7; Job 15:8). See Whybray, The Heavenly Counsellor, 51-52.

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— Ps 89:6). Each of these terms, except for the Aramaic àËðéÏc (court, Dan 7:10, 26), is also used in the HB for Israel’s human gatherings, whether the purposes are religious, military, or simply communal (having fellowship and obtaining counsel). Names of Council Members The heavenly beings and servants of YHVH have several descriptive titles. This variety of terminology suggests that the constituency of the council held considerable interest for the Israelites. The reality of God’s court on high apparently was a widely held assumption. Many names, in fact, occur in the book of Psalms, a collection that reflects popular theological perceptions. Several names also appear in Job, a book reflecting the perceptions of the “Wisdom School.” There, the names especially relate to judicial functions, a major concern in the book. Overall, the great variety of terms for the council members might also indicate that the beings do not have regularly prescribed titles at all; the titles change. In other words, as the beings serve different functions they are titled accordingly. For example, a “messenger” could also be a “soldier” in YHVH’s army or a “minister” in the temple. Generally, there is no systematizing of the ranks, although the commander of YHVH’s army (äåäé àËáÙöÐøÌ×; Jos 5:13-15) and the divine destroyer [úéÏçÙÖÌî; Exod 12:13; 1 Chr 21:15) have individualized roles.107 Following is a representative list of various names for members of YHVH’s council.

íéÏøéÏaÌà

“mighty ones” — Pss 78:25, 103:20

íéÏäÝìÛà

“gods/divine beings” — Pss 8:6 (Eng 5), 82:1, 86:8, 97:7; 138:1

íéÏäìÝ à Û ¨Ëä© éÍðaÙ

“sons of (the true) God” — Gen 6:2 108; Deut 32:8;109 Job 1:6, 2:1, 38:7; cf. Dan 3:25

107

M. S. Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (San Francisco: Harper, 1990), 9-10. In Zech 3 and Job 1-2 are seen the individualized roles of the “Messenger of YHVH” and “the Satan” within the divine council (see the discussion below in Chap. 4 ). 108

For discussions see R. R. Marrs, “The Sons of God (Genesis 6:1-4),” ResQ 23 (1980): 218-24 and D. J. A. Clines, “The Significance of the ‘Sons of God’ Episode (Genesis 6;1-4) in the Context of the ‘Primeval History’ (Genesis 1-11),” JSOT 13 (1979): 33-46.

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34

íéÏìà Í éÍðaÙ 110

“sons of God/gods” — Pss 29:1, 89:6

ïÇéÙìÎò éÍðÙa

“sons of the Most High” — Ps 82:6

íéÏøÈaÏb

“warriors” — Deut 33:2b-3; Zech 14:5; Joel 4:11 (E 3:11); Ps 68:17; 103:19-20

ÌçëÝ éÍøaÝ bÏ

“mighty ones” — Isa 13:3;

íéÏãÈãÙb

“troops” — Job 19:12, 25:3

íéÏááÙ ç Ý

“guardians (of the people)” — Deut 33:3 111

úÇiÌç

“living creatures” — Ezek 1:5, 13-22

ìéÍç

“host” — Dan 4:32 (Eng 35)

íéÏáÈøÙk

“cherubim” — Gen 3:24; Exod 25:18-22; Ezek 10:1-20

çéÏëÇî

“umpire/arbiter” — Job 9:33

_ÌàÙìÌî

“messenger/angel” — numerous: Gen 19:1; 28:12; 32:2-7; 2 Sam 24:16; Zech 1-5; Pss 8:5, 91:11, 103:20, 148:2

íéÏäÝìÛàÐ_ÌàÙìÌî

“messenger of God” — numerous: Gen 21:17, 31:11, 48:16; Exod 14:19; Jud 13:9; 2 Sam 24:16

äåäéÐ_ÌàÙìÌî

“messenger of YHVH” — numerous: Gen 16:7-11, 22:11, 24:7, Exod 3:2, 23:20; Num 22:22-35; Jud 2:1, 5:23, 6:11-22, 13:3-21; 2 Kgs 1:3; 19:35; Isa 63:9; Zech 1:9, 3:1-6; Ps 34:8; 1 Chr 21:12-30

õéÏìÍî _ÌàÙìÌî

“intercessor, angel mediator” — Job 33:23

112

109

The MT of Deut 32:8c reads: “According to the number of sons of Israel.” The LXX and Qumran appear to have a better reading: “According to the number of the sons of God” (so NEB, RSV, NIV margin; the NRSV reads: “sons of the gods”). This may simply be a plural form of ìÍà ïÍa (son of God) meaning “sons of God”; GKC 124q; P. Craigie, Psalms 1-50 (WBC 19; Waco: Word, 1983) 242 n. 1b. 110

111

This is an alternate reading proposed by F. M. Cross and D. N. Freedman (“The Blessing of Moses,” JBL 67 [1948], 193, 199-200). 112

The word melitz alone occurs in Job 16:20 where most versions render it “scorners.” But the context in v. 19 (“My witness is in heaven, and he that vouches for me is

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35

úéÏçÙÖÌî

“ravager” — Isa 54:16 113

úÍøËÖÙî

“minister” — Ps 103:21; 104:4

íéÏãáË òÚ

“servants” — Job 4:18

ãÍò

“witness” — Ps 89:38 114 (Eng 37); Job 16:19 (or is this God himself?)

øéÏò 115

“watcher(s)” — Dan 4: 10, 14, 20 (Eng 13, 17, 23)

íÏéÌîËÖ éÍãÈîÌò

“pillars of heaven” — Job 26:11

àËáöË

“host/army” — Jos 5:14-15; 1 Kgs 22:19; Isa 24:21; Jer 19:13; Zeph 1:5 ; Pss 103:21, 148:2; Neh 9:6

116

íÏéÌîËgÌä àËáËö

“host of heaven” — 1 Kg 22:19; Isa 24:21, 34:4; Dan 8:10; Neh 9:6

íéÏÖÇãÙ÷

“holy ones” — Deut 33:2-3 117; Hos 12:1; Zech 14:5; Pss 16:3, 89:5, 7, 8; Prov 9:10?, 30:3?; Job 5:1, 15:15; Dan 8:13

ç Ì Èø

“spirit” — (rare) 1 Kgs 22:21-23; Ps 104:4

on high”) suggests melitz should be rendered “advocates” (human) (so NJV). Job abounds in legal terminology. See below, p. 88 n.281 for details.

The book of

113

Cf. Exod 12:13; Jer 22:71; 1 Chr 21:15 (“destroying angel”). The msht was a weapon wielded by Baal (KTU 1.2 I 39); cited by M. S. Smith, Early History of God, 113 n. 132. 114

Ps 89:38 speaks of “an enduring witness in the skies.” For the discussions whether this is an astronomical body, an angelic being, or God himself, see T. Veijola, “The Witness in the Clouds: Ps 89:38,” JBL 107 (1988): 413-17. 115 J. Teixidor has suggested that the term øéÏò (“watcher”) was based on spies who watched over the empire on behalf of the Persian ruler (JAOS 87 [1967] 634). Cited by Smith, Early History of God, 10, 33 n. 53. See discussion below on pp. 89-90 n. 51-52. 116

116 In Ugaritic the noun saba means army; in Akkadian the verb means to wage war (KB 790). Both meanings exist in the HB. Some “service” done for God is, however, not military in nature, but occurs in his temple (Num 4:23, 8:24), even by “service-women” (úÝàáÙÝvÌä, Exod 38:8; 1 Sam 2:22; cf. Ps 68:11b “great is the company [tzaba] of women who proclaim the good tidings”). 117

For discussion of these “holy ones,” see Cross and Freedman, “The Blessing of Moses,” 198-202.

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íéÏîËø

“those on high” — Job 21:22

íÏéÌîËÖ

“heavens” — Deut 32:1, 43 (mss); Isa 1:2; Jer 2:12; Pss 19:1 (Eng 2), 50:6 (=97:6), 89:6, 148:4

çéÍøËé ÖÎîÎÖ íéÏáËëÇk

“Sun/Moon/Stars” — Jos 10:12b-13a; Jud 5:20; Ps 148:3; Job 38:7

ãÍä× Ë

“He that vouches for me” — Job 16:19; cf. Gen 31:47

íéÏøÌ×

“prince(s)” — Jos 5:14, 15; Dan 10:13, 20, 21; 12:1

íéÏôøË × Ù

“serafim” — Isa 6:2, 6

The terms for the council members apparently can be grouped according to six broad categories of relationship to YHVH. These groupings reinforce the idea that the beings are not independent divine entities in their own right, but derive their existence solely from the one who created them and commissions them to serve. A. Heavenly realm [God is Creator]

íéÏìÍà¯íéÏäÝìÛà íÏéÌîËÖ íÏéÌîËgÌä àËáÙö íéÏáëË Çk ç Ì éÍøéË ÖÎîÖ Î íÏéÌîËÖ éÍãÈnÌò íéÏîËø úÇçÈø

gods, divine beings heavens army of the heavens sun, moon, stars pillars of heaven high ones winds

B. Familial [God is Father]

íéÏìÍà¯íéÏäÝìÛà¨Ëä© éÍðÙa sons of (the) God ïÇéÙìÎò éÍðÙa sons of the Most High C. Regal [God is King]

_ÌàÙìÌî íéÏäÝìÛà _ÌàÙìÌî äåäé _ÌàÙìÌî ÌçÈø

messenger messenger (personal presence) of God messenger of YHVH agent/herald

D. Military [God is Warrior]

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íéÏøéÏaà Ì íéÏøÈaÏb íéÏãÈãÙb íéÏááÙ ç Ý ìéÍç úéÏçÙÖÌî àËáËö íéÏøÌ×

mighty ones warriors troops guardians host ravager army princes

E. Court [God is Judge]

õéÏìÍî _ÌàÙìÌî õéÏìÍî çéÏëÇî ãÍò ïéÏøéÏò ãÍä× Ë

Ì

messenger of intercession intercessor umpire/arbiter witness watchers witness

F. Zion/Temple/Ark/Throne [God is Lord]

íéÏáÈøÙk úÍøËÖÙî íéÏãáÌ òÚ íéÏÖÇãÙ÷ íéÏôøË × Ù

chariot throne-bearers ministers servants holy ones fiery (winged) ones

Other Indications of the Divine Council Plural verbs and pronouns. Other evidence for a heavenly assembly includes the use of plural pronouns and verbs in statements attributed to God. Three of these occur in Genesis 1-11. Gen 1:26 Gen 3:22 Gen 11:7

Let us make humankind in our image, according to our likeness The man has become like one of us, knowing good and evil Come, let us go down

From Philo onward, Jewish commentators generally held that these plurals were used because God was addressing his heavenly court. The early postApostolic Fathers (e.g., Barnabas, Justin Martyr) saw the plurals as a reference to the pre-incarnate Jesus and an adumbration of the Trinity. Recent scholars, however, tend to agree with ancient Jewish opinion,

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believing that the interpretation of the Fathers was anachronistic and that the HB writers “had no such conception in mind.”118 For example, F. M. Cross notes: “In both Ugaritic and biblical literature, the use of the first person plural is characteristic of address in the divine council. The familiar ‘we’ . . . has long been recognized as the plural address used by Yahweh in his council.”119 This grammatical form has been variously labelled “the royal we,” “the deliberative we,” “the plural of fullness,” or “the plural of majesty.” Donald Gowan, however, says: “There is no support in the OT for most of the proposed explanations.” Rather, he opts for the “consultative we,” reflecting God’s consultations with his spiritual creatures in heaven.120 Franz Delitzsch had used a similar term: “communicative plural.” 121 Courtroom Settings. Plurals, such as these in Genesis, commonly occur in the book of Isaiah. For example, the statement in Isaiah 6:8 (“Whom shall I send, and will go for us?”) likely “reflects the idea that God was surrounded 118

D. Gowan, From Eden to Babel (A Commentary on the Book of Genesis 1-11) (ITC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988), 28. Some scholars held this view long before modern studies on ANE councils. For example, a century ago, Franz Delitzsch said that the plurals in Gen 1:26, 3:22, and 11:7 referred to God’s conversations with the angels (A New Commentary on Genesis [Vol. 1; tr. S. Taylor; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1888] 98-99, 171-72, 351). A little later, A. B. Davidson wrote: “These Elohim, or sons of Elohim, form the council of Jehovah. They surround Him, and minister to Him. He and they are Elohim” (Theology of the O.T. [Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1904] 295). For a brief history of interpretation of the plurals in Genesis, see G. J. Wenham, Genesis 1-15 (WBC 1; Waco: Word Books, 1987), 27-28. V. P. Hamilton does not believe Moses was a “trinitarian monotheist,” yet he argues that the “us” of Gen 1:26 represents a “duality” within the Godhead, i.e. God and Spirit. In Gen 3:22, the “us” represents God’s self-deliberation (Genesis: Chapters 1-17 [NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990] 134, 208-09). 119

Cross, Canaanite Myth, 187 n. 176. Cf. Asherah’s speech to the Assembly of El: “Let us make (him) king” (UT 49:I:20, 26 = CTA 6), and El’s decree to the Assembly: “Our king is Al iyan Ba ‘al; our judge without peer” (UT 51:IV:43-44; V:40-41 = CTA 4). Cited by Hamilton, Genesis, 209 n. 4; cf, Mullen, Assembly of the Gods, 50, 66-67.. 120

D. E. Gowan, From Eden to Babel, 27-28. C. Westermann argues for a “plural of deliberation” (God speaking to himself when deciding something). He does so because he attributes all three Genesis verses to the Priestly writer, and thinks P knew of no such heavenly court and could never have intended an allusion to other divine beings (Genesis 111 [tr. J. Scullion; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984] 144-45). Other critics, however, assign Gen 3:22 and 11:7 to J (Noth) or L (Eissfeldt), so Westerman’s argument is not conclusive. Miller says, “One could hardly argue with much cogency that such a notion would be unknown to P when it is assumed from early to late in the Old Testament. In fact in the later period, at the time the Priestly circle was at work, the imagery of the divine world and the heavenly beings was becoming increasingly articulated and prominent” (Genesis 1-11, 12). 121

Commentary on Genesis, 1.171.

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by the court made up of his heavenly servants.”122 Similarly, the court room scene in Isaiah 41 contains several plural pronouns: Set forth your case, says the LORD; bring your proofs, says the King of Jacob. Let them bring them, and tell us what is to happen. Tell us the former things, what they are, so that we may consider them, and that we may know their outcome; or declare to us the things to come. Tell us what is to come hereafter, that we may know that you are gods [elohim] do good, or do harm, that we may be afraid and terrified. (vv. 21-23) 123 In Isaiah 40:1-8, the second person plural imperatives and the reference to various “voices” indicate a heavenly council session, which apparently included the prophet himself.124 Verse :1 Comfort [ÈîÙçÌð], O comfort [ÈîÙçÌð] my people :2 Speak tenderly [áÍìÐìÌò ÈøÙaÌc] to Jerusalem . . . and cry [ÈàÙøÏ÷Ùå] to her :3 A voice cries out :6 A voice says :6 And I [the prophet?] said 125 When the council gathers for legal purposes, it is typically called into session with an “Address to the Divine Council.”126

122

R. E. Clements, Isaiah 1-39 (NCB; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), 76.

123

R. N. Whybray sees this passage as a continuation of the “fact-finding” court case that YHVH called at the first of the chapter (41:1-5). Either as a plaintiff or defendant, YHVH calls his witnesses (coastlands and peoples) to hear the testimony of the gods of the nations as they marshall forth their claims of divinity (Isaiah 40-66 [NCB; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1981] 60, 67-68). Cf. Isa 43:9: “Who among them declared this, and foretold to us the former things?” 124 See R. F. Melugin, “The Formation of Isaiah 40-55,” BZAW 141 (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1976): 83-86; Mullen, Assembly of the Gods, 216-17; B. W. Anderson, Understanding the Old Testament (4th ed.; Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1986), 476-78. See also C. R. Seitz for recent discussion of council imagery in Isaiah 40-66, “The Divine Council: Temporal Transition and New Prophecy in the Book of Isaiah,” JBL 109 (1990): 229-47.

The MT reads øÌîËàÙå (“and he said”), but LXX and 1QIs a read: “and I said” (so RSV, NIV, NJV margin). 125

126

Cross, Canaanite Myth, 152. Cf. Ps 29:1: “Ascribe to the LORD, O heavenly

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Hear, O heavens, and listen, O earth; For the LORD has spoken. (Isa 1:2) 127 A little later, following detailed specification of the charges brought against the defendant, the Judge then enters the courtroom: The LORD rises [áËvÏð] to argue his case [áéÏøËì] he stands [ãÍîÝò] to judge the peoples. The LORD enters into judgment [ïéÏãËì] with the elders and princes of his people. (Isa 3:13-14a)

128

Similar imagery appears in Psalm 82, where the defendants are members of the divine council itself: God has taken his place [áËvÏð] in the divine council [ìÍàÐúÌãÚò]; in the midst of the gods [íéÏäÝìÛà] he holds judgment [èÝtÙÖÏé]. (v. 1) 129 Summary of Council Activities A survey of passages mentioning the council members provides a general beings / Ascribe to the LORD glory and strength.” 127

In Micah 6:1-2, the mountains serve as God’s court witnesses. Some scholars think a similar address in Mic 1:2 originally went out to the council, although it now says “Hear, you peoples.” See the discussion in D. R. Hillers, Micah (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984), 19 and J. T. Willis, “Some Suggestions on the Interpretation of Micah I, 2,” VT 18 (1968): 372-79. The verbs áöð and ãîò can both have forensic nuances (cf. judging scenes in Amos 7:7, 9:1; Isa 6:1, 4). In Mesopotamia the verbs “to stand” (uzuzzu) and “to sit” (uasabu) are technical terms for participating in the assembly (puhrum) (T. Jacobsen, Toward the Image of Tammuz, 401 n. 24). Officers stood in Solomon’s court (1 Kgs 4:5, 7, 27; 5:16; 9:23). The members of the divine council are said to stand in YHVH’s presence (1 Kgs 22:19; Isa 6:2; Ezek 1:25, 10:2-3; Zech 3:1, 4; Dan 7:10). They may stand in readiness to participate in the legal proceedings, or to execute God’s decisions, or out of reverence for the Judge—or perhaps all three in some cases. Cf. A. Malamat, “Kingship and Council in Israel and Sumer: A Parallel,” JNES 22 (1963): 247-53. 128

129

On the age of this psalm, H-J. Kraus states: “The deposition of alien gods . . . and the appearance of Yahweh as the ‘Most High God’ lead to religion-historical discussions that took place in early times and that in the archaic transmissions of the cult could well have had an effect” (Psalms 60-150 [tr. H. C. Oswald; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1989], 155). On Ps 82, see also L. K. Handy, “Sounds, Words and Meanings in Psalm 82,” JSOT 47 (1990): 5166; M. Tsevat, “God and the Gods in Assembly. An Interpretation of Psalm 82,” HUCA 40 (1969): 123-37. According to Wright, Ibn Ezra (d. 1164) was first to suggest that the “gods” in this psalm refer to patron angels of the nations (The Old Testament, 31).

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list of activities in which they engage. These include: (1) praising and worshiping God (Deut 32:43; Isa 6:3; Pss 103:20-22, 148:1-6; Job 38:7; Neh 9:6); (2) serving as ministers (Isa 6: 6-7; Ps 103:21); (3) serving as witnesses, fellow judges, and bailiffs in YHVH’s court (Isa 1:2; Ps 82:1-4; Zech 3:3-5); (4) acting as God’s throne or chariot (Pss 18:10, 99:1); (5) carrying God’s throne (Ezek 1, 10); (6) serving as captains and soldiers in the supernatural army (Jos 5:1415; 2 Kgs 6:17); (7) interpreting visions (Zech 1:9, 19, 21; Dan 7:15-17, 8:15-19); and (8) serving as shepherds of men or as patron angels of nations (Gen 48:15-16; Deut 32:8; Dan 10:21, 12:1). The council operates on a cosmic level, governing God’s universe; on an earthly plane, governing Israel and nations; and on an individual level, guiding and protecting the righteous believer (Jud 13:8; 2 Kgs 6:17; Ps 91:11). These activities or functions are all relational—to YHVH. The council members do not act as autonomous divinities. There is no question who is Head of the assembly: YHVH makes decisions and his council responds. There is, however, power of choice among the members; the spirits can decide to serve (cf. the volunteering spirit in 1 Kings 22:20-23, and God’s question in Isa 6:8: “Whom shall I send, and who will go for us?”). Regarding the relationship between God and his servants, Patrick Miller has drawn attention to three “primary theological images” attributed to God in the Hebrew Bible.130 They include: King, Judge, and Warrior. Each reflects aspects of his position as head of the cosmic government. Corresponding to these positions, members of his council perform appropriate duties. The picture of God as King points to his power and rule: power to control nature and history, and rule in the processes of ordering and governing. Thus, as entourage of the great king, the assembly pays homage to the monarch and carries out his rule by communicating the divine decrees. God’s role as Judge affirms that there is ethical grounding to his reality and that the universe and human history are morally accountable. There will be, in the end, a vindication of the right. Accordingly, YHVH’s judicial members investigate the human situation, record the crimes, and lift the human outcry to God. They also carry out his verdicts of judgment. The third image of God as Warrior points to his power

130

P. D. Miller, “Cosmology and World Order in the Old Testament,” 63. Cf. Cross, Canaanite Myth, 189-90.

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to effect a righteous rule and perform the plans of his heart. His assembly then marches with their Lord as a heavenly army, engaging the enemies of YHVH in holy war.131 Additionally, it is worth noting that all three flow out of YHVH’s character as Sovereign Lord. He is Lord first, then King, Judge, and Warrior. Similarly, his servants function in four spheres—religious, monarchical, legal, military. Title: Location: Council functions: King Palace/Throne-room Monarchical

Lord Temple Religious Judge Courtroom Legal

Warrior Chariot (in camp or in temple) Military

One of the main responsibilities of the council, according to Miller, is to maintain justice and righteousness in the universe. “Righteousness” ( äË÷ËãÙö) can be understood as an “all-encompassing world order,” a “principle of moral and cosmic orderliness.”132 Sin in the religious sphere or injustice in the social sphere injects discord and shatters the íÇìËÖ (peace). The council then exercises decisive acts of èËtÙÖÏî (justice), thereby restoring íÇìËÖ and äË÷ËãÙö.133 It should be noted that “cosmic orderliness” in the HB does not imply the existence of a cosmic state, in the Mesopotamian sense. The order and structure of YHVH’s heavenly kingdom is not a self-contained, static object or a sphere of laws and government or realm of independent celestial

131 Ibid., 63. Miller has written extensively on the subject of YHVH as Warrior. See his The Divine Warrior in Early Israel (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1973) and previous articles: “El the Warrior,” HTR 60 (1967): 411-31; “God the Warrior,” Int 19 (1965): 39-46. See also Wright’s chapter on this aspect of God in his The Old Testament and Theology (New York: Harper, 1969), 121-50, and M. C. Lind, Yahweh is a Warrior (Scottsdale, PA: Herald Press, 1980). 132

Miller (p. 68) is here quoting D. Knight, “Cosmology and Order in the Hebrew Tradition,” in Cosmogony and Ethical Order (ed. R. W. Lovin & F. E. Reynolds; Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1985), 149. 133

Ibid.

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inhabitants into which one might enter. The kingdom is an extension of the King, an active personal being who is unceasingly ordering the forces and beings in his creation. The “world of Elohim,” the “State,” could not go on without YHVH. No council session begins without him. He is the State himself.134

YHVH, the Head of the Council Perhaps the one title of God that most clearly reflects his position as head of the divine assembly is úÇàËáÙö äåäé, “YHVH of hosts/armies.” While some scholars believe these “armies” refer to Israel’s human hosts, most think that they are celestial battalions, belonging to the Creator.135 Of the 284 occurrences of the name, no fewer than 251 are in the prophetic books. Significantly, it most frequently occurs in Isaiah 1-39 (56 times), Jeremiah (82), Haggai (14), Zechariah (53), and Malachi (24).136 As Tryggve Mettinger points out, these prophets have one notable feature in common: “they represent a tradition closely associated with the Jerusalem temple.”137 The name does not, however, occur in the book of Ezekiel, written by a priest during Exile when the temple lay in ruins. The temple on Mount Zion served to eliminate the boundary between heaven and earth.138 It became 134

This insight was developed from G. von Rad’s comments about “nature” in Israelite thought (God At Work in Israel [tr. J. H. Marks; Nashville: Abingdon, 1980] 116). 135

O. Kaiser summarizes three meanings proposed by the name: (1) leader of earthly armies (1 Sam 17:45; 1 Kgs 2:5), (2) leader of heavenly armies (Deut 4:19; Jud 5:20; 1 Kgs 22:19; Isa 40:26; Dan 8:10), or (3) it is an abstract plural indicating God’s power (Isaiah 1-12 [2d ed.; OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1983] 126-27). 136 T. N. D. Mettinger, In Search of God (The Meaning and Message of the Everlasting Names) (tr. F. Cryer; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988), 125. 137

Ibid.

138

Ibid., 131. “The Temple is the site at which the category of space is transcended. Here the distinction is obliterated between the heavenly and the earthly, in that both are subsumed under a higher mystical identity. . . . When God speaks from Zion, he also speaks from heaven” (T. Mettinger, The Dethronement of Sabaoth [Studies in the Shem and Kabod Theologies] [tr. F. Cryer; Coniectanea Biblica, OT 18; Lund, Sweden: CWK Gleerup, 1982] 30). Note Psalm 76:2, 8a: His abode has been established in Salem, His dwelling place in Zion. . . .

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God’s royal palace on earth when he entered it and sat invisibly upon the cherubim who formed his throne or symbol of kingship (cf. Ps 80:1). In his temple-palace, YHVH did not exist in “splendid isolation” (a conceptual projection by alienated modern man); he was surrounded by myriads of heavenly beings.139 These “hosts” (úÇàËáÙö) permeated the creation, wherever their Lord reigned. Thus the temple was the junction with the heavenly world, the world of Elohim (God and gods).140 “The Sabaoth name designates God as the heavenly King, and the element seba’ot directs our attention to the heavenly hosts around the throne of God.” 141 Thus the name expressed a cluster of theological concepts summed up by the phrase “the present God.”142

The Biblical Council and ANE Assemblies We have seen that the imagery and terminology of the divine council convey a clear picture of YHVH as supreme Head of creation. Yet within the context of the ancient Near East, Israel’s conception of a divine assembly around God could create a real danger. It left the door open for a large From the heavens you uttered judgment. 139

Mettinger, In Search of God, 133.

140

On YHVH as the occupant and defender of Mt. Zion, see J. J. M. Roberts, “Zion Tradition,” IDBSup 985-87, and idem, “Zion in the Theology of the Davidic-Solomonic Empire,” in Studies in the Period of David and Solomon and Other Essays (ed. Tomoo Ishida; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1982), 93-108. 141

Ibid., 134. Against this view, W. Eichrodt notes that the plural seba’ ot is never used for YHVH’s heavenly hosts in the HB (only the singular áöð is used). He proposes that the term refers “to all bodies, multitudes, masses in general, the content of all that exists in heaven and earth” (Theology of the Old Testament, 1.192-93). Similarly, some believe the plural Elohim expresses not numerical plurality but “plenitude of might” (Davidson, The Theology of the Old Testament, 99-100). The LXX regularly renders YHVH Seba’ot as pantwkra&twr. Alternately, it may express “intensification” of qualities [i.e. the greatest, highest, only God] (H. Ringgren, “íéÏäÝìÛà,” TDOT [1977] 1. 272-73); or simply the abstract plural “Godhead” (GKC 124g; see 124e on plurals of amplification). Thus the term YHVH Seba’ot might convey the sense: YHVH is the Lord of all powers. Mullen renders YHWH Seba’ot as “he who creates the heavenly armies” (Assembly of the Gods, 187). 142

Mettinger, ibid., 136. See also his “YHWH Sabaoth — The Heavenly King on the Cherubim Throne,” in Studies in the Period of David and Solomon and Other Essays,109138. For ANE materials bearing on this subject, see L. Seow, Myth, Drama, and the Politics of David’s Dance (HSM 16; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989), 16-19.

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amount of syncretism with Babylonian and Canaanite ideology.143 For while YHVH was Israel’s chief God, pagan deities could enter his council chambers, so to speak, as members of his heavenly host and receive human worship. This happened, in fact, during the reign of Manasseh when the king erected altars to the sun, moon, and stars, within the courts of YHVH’s temple (2 Kgs 21:3-5).144 In spite of the dangers, Israel clung to her conceptions of God and his council.145 She had to because it was vital for her understanding of how YHVH governed the universe. “The monotheistic character of Israel’s faith never precluded the notion of Yahweh having a coterie or surrounded by a court of semi-divine beings whom he addresses, commands, and with whom he holds conversation.”146 Israel also retained the council concept because it provided a powerful apologetic tool. Many have suggested that Israel aggressively attacked existing ANE council concepts by symbolically demoting pagan deities and portraying them as members of YHVH’s assembly.147 This so-called “demythologizing or depotentizing” action, it is argued, was a good polemical method.148 For Israel to march into the pagan pantheons and sack them, taking captive, as it were, the hosts of gods and goddesses and making them messengers, ministers, and soldiers in God’s kingdom would make a profound theological statement.149 143

G. E. Wright, “The Faith of Israel,” Interpreter’s Bible, 1.360.

144

Smith rejects the view that monotheism was a Mosaic feature later polluted by Baalism. Instead, he argues that Israelite religion all along knew deities other than Yahweh, from the period of the Judges into the Late Monarchy. He admits, however, that the deities were “conspicuously limited” (History of God, 145). This implies that some antisyncretistic force was also regularly operating in Israelite circles. 145 Even the strongly monotheistic books of Deuteronomy (4:35, 39; 6:4; 32:39) and Second Isaiah (41:4; 43:10; 44:6; 45:5, 18, 21; 46:9) affirm that though YHVH is unique, he is not alone. Cf. the verses in late 1 Chr 16:25-26: “The LORD . . . is to be revered above all gods. For all the gods of the peoples are idols.” These two lines are not in Ps 105, which contains most of the same historical review. 146

Miller, Genesis 1-11, 18.

147

A. Weiser, The Psalms (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1962), 557 [on Ps 82].

148

W. F. Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (Garden City: Doubleday, 1968),

149

Wright says that in Hebrew eyes the members of pagan pantheons are

193.

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Comparison of Functions This leads to a pertinent question: How did the functions of ANE councils compare with those of YHVH’s council? Chapter 1 demonstrated that ANE assemblies consisted of a hierarchy of several deities, some of whom nursed hopes of overthrowing the father of the pantheon. Below them numerous sub-deities served the pantheon. The high gods created the universe through sexual acts or by great murderous conflicts among themselves (theomachies). The gods begot children deities and created powerful dynasties. They engaged in “normal” governmental functions. These often included pre-legislative-session parties during which their specially-created butlers and maids (i. e., humans) served at the banquet tables and cleaned up the mess. The gods occasionally chose new leaders and held coronation ceremonies where they lavished praise on the successor god-king. Or they might impose the death sentence on a rebellious god. Towards the human realm, they enacted laws and decreed punishments such as drought and floods for violators. The Hebrew Bible knows none of this.150 The biblical divine council operates with a radically different dynamic called “Yahwism”—YHVH alone rules in heaven in holy splendor. The Bible contains no theogony, no “history of God.” YHVH is simply the “Existing One,” the only deity. Therefore, he does not beget other deities or compete with them for the throne. None of his angelic “sons” says, “Not thine, but my will be done.”151 “thoroughly devaluated” (Old Testament Against its Environment, 38). 150

Mullen exaggerates when he says that “the Israelite view of the assembly agrees in every detail with that of the council of the gods seen in the Ras Shamra texts” (Assembly of the Gods, 283-84, emphasis added). In fact, the contrasts are very pronounced. 151

The HB does speak of forces inimical to YHVH, but it is only in Early Judaism and the New Testament that revolts on the part of some heavenly beings against the Throne are described. The sin of the angels in Gen 6 appears to be the beginning of this revolt (cf. footnote 10 above). The subject of satan, demons, evil spirits, familiar spirits, and such, is beyond the scope of this paper. The HB view of haSatan (the adversary) is currently being reanalyzed. For example, see a discussion in P. L. Day, An Adversary in Heaven: satan in the Hebrew Bible (HSM 43; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988), and D. J. A. Clines, Job 1-20 (WBC 17; Waco: Word Books, 1989), 18-23. On related subjects, see D. E. Aune, “Demon,” ISBE 1.919-22; T. H. Gaster, “Angel,” IDB 1.128-34; D. R. Hillers, “Demons, Demonology,” EncJud (1971), vol. 5, esp. cols. 1521-25; S. B. Parker, “Deities, Underworld,” IDBSup 222-25. On mythological supernatural figures such as Mawet [Death], Dever [Pestilence], Resheph

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YHVH takes counsel and creates man out of love, in his own image, not as an accident or for utilitarian motives because he needs a house-slave. In fact, God provides food for man and dignifies him with co-administration of the earth (Gen 1:26-31). Unlike pagan deities, YHVH is not willful and capricious nor given to angry fits of violence or determined to cloak his will in enigma.152 The purpose of God’s council is not for entertainment, debauchery, or self-aggrandizement, but for revealing his will, redeeming creation, and restoring íÇìËÖ on earth.153 Comparison of Members At least two major differences can be seen between the council members in the Bible and their Near Eastern counterparts. First, the members of YHVH’s council lack mythological details. Max Polley says, “They do not have special functions nor do they participate in feasts and banquets.” 154 They never come to life as real personalities as they do in the Canaanite or Mesopotamian pantheons. Nor does any member directly correlate to any known foreign deity. R. N. Whybray notes that the Hebrew Bible exhibits “a deliberate minimising and generalizing of these subordinate beings . . . they have no names, no history and no permanent and distinctive functions.”155 Even the role of haSatan is not absolutely defined, and he is always forced to accept the rule of YHVH (e.g., Job 1, 2). Another major difference is that YHVH is never pictured as actual [Plague], and Gad [Fortune], see J. H. Tigay, “Israelite Religion: The Onomastic and Epigraphic Evidence,” in Ancient Israelite Religion, esp. 163-67. On the figure of Awen, see H.-J. Kraus, Theology of the Psalms (tr. K. Crim; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1986), 134-36. Depictions of various ANE demons are seen in O. Keel, Symbolism of the Biblical World (Ancient Near Eastern Iconography and the Book of Psalms (tr. T. Hallett; New York: Seabury, 1977), 78-85. 152 B. S. Childs, Old Testament Theology in a Canonical Context (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986), 226. 153

Cf. Ps 97:2b: “Righteousness and justice are the foundation of his throne.”

154

“Hebrew Prophecy Within the Council of Yahweh,” 147. In Exod 24:9-11 the human elders partake of a feast in the presence of God. If they are the earthly representatives of the (unmentioned) heavenly elders, their feasting may signify another Hebraic alteration of the general Mesopotamian schema. See below Chap. 3, p. 53 n. 11. 155

Whybray, The Heavenly Counsellor, 46.

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“Father” of the divine beings, in the sense that An, Amon, or El procreated families of children gods who might become potential rivals. Rather, YHVH’s relationship to his “sons” is that of Creator; he is their King and Commander. No angel is ever called a “son of YHVH” (only “son of God”), nor is worship of any member of the heavenly court countenanced.156 In fact, it is not quite correct to call them “divine” beings in the same sense as YHVH is divine. The biblical writers made certain that no one stood (or sat) on equal par with YHVH.157 What Gordon Wenham said about the theology of Genesis 1 in relation to ANE creation stories applies to this discussion of the councils. Genesis 1, he says, “is a deliberate statement of [the] Hebrew view of creation over against rival views. It is a demythologization of oriental creation myths, whether Babylonian or Egyptian; rather it is a polemical repudiation of such myths.”158 Allusions to common features of ANE councils in the Hebrew Bible, therefore, may well be part of a offensive theological message: black backdrops on which to project the glory of YHVH.

156

Cooke, “The Sons of (the) God(s),” 46.

157

The later rabbis tended to divert attention away from the council, and especially away from the unknown being who enters YHVH throneroom in Dan 7:13-14. See the discussion in chap. 4. 158

Wenham, Genesis 1-15 , 9.

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Visions of the Divine Council How did Israel know about the existence of YHVH’s council in heaven? The primary source, according to the Bible, is her prophets. The prophets, in turn, knew about it because they had stood in the midst of YHVH’s throneroom. In fact, admission into his chambers was one criterion for being a true prophet: Who has stood in the council of the LORD [äåäé ãÇñ] so as to see and to hear his word? I did not send the prophets, yet they ran; I did not speak to them yet they prophesied. But if they had stood in my council [ãÇñ], they would have proclaimed my words to my people, and they would have turned them away from their way, and from the evil of their ways. (Jer 23:18a, 21-22) The status and role of the human prophet is a third distinctive feature of the Hebrew council, according to Polley. In no parallel passages in Mesopotamian, Egyptian, or Ugaritic texts is a human prophet called within the assembly of the gods in order to deliver the decision of the assembly to humans. Sub-deities were dispatched to selected human seers on earth to carry the word.159 In the Bible, spirits (the “sons of God”) only occasionally announce the word of God (e.g. Jud 2:1-5; 13:3-5). Rather, they typically carry out supernatural actions, i.e. those that humans cannot do. Delivering the divine word is a duty apparently assigned to men: prophets were heralds or couriers of YHVH.160 This was unique to Israel. Gerald Cooke points out that even though the prophets had access to the throneroom

159

Ibid., 149.

The messenger formula äåäé øÌîËà äÝk (“thus says YHVH”) derives from the prophets’ attendance in the hwhy dos where they heard the counsel and were dispatched to fulfill it. Only after the Exile, when God’s word to Israel was one of compassion, did the prophets begin using the actual title “messenger” for themselves (e.g., Hag 1:13; “Malachi” means “My Messenger”). See J. Ross, “The Prophet as Yahweh’s Messenger,” in Prophecy in Israel: Search for an Identity (ed. D. L. Petersen; London: SPCK; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 114-18, and Mullen, Assembly of the Gods, 209-26. On messengers generally, see S. A. Meier, The Messenger in the Ancient Semitic World (HSM 45; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988). 160

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of YHVH, they are never called “sons of God” or “holy ones,” or accorded membership in the divine council. They were not divinized because they had stood in the world of Elohim; they remained only mortal visitors.161 The descriptions of their visits to working sessions of the sod YHVH have been called “throne visions.” These visions are small specific windows opened on cosmological reality, showing how God thinks, who works for him, and how changes in the world occur. Chapters 3 and 4 will discuss these visions in detail.

Conclusion Chapter 2 made three points: (1) It demonstrated the widespread presence and interest in the divine council in the Hebrew Bible. The council represented an important and “realistic” element in Israel’s theological world view. The concept that God was “YHVH of the hosts of heaven” expressed the conviction that the cosmically-powerful Creator was also present among his nation, on the wings of the cherubim over the ark in the Temple on Mount Zion in Jerusalem, the city of David. He also stood as Master/Owner of the righteous individual. As such, he commanded heavenly armies to protect his beleaguered servants (2 Kgs 6:17; Ps 91:11) and directed the events that molded their lives (Job 1:6-13). (2) It showed that the council concept did not threaten YHVH’s position or uniqueness; in fact, it enhanced his role as ruler over the world of angels and men. As king and supreme suzerain, YHVH administered his creation through a variety of supernatural servants. Compared with YHVH as Elohim, the elohim of the nations were nothing. YHVH reviewed their performance as “gods” and judges of the gentiles and condemned them for failing to rule justly (Ps 82). (3) It outlined the basic differences between council concepts in the ANE and in the HB. While the other councils were pantheons, the assembly of YHVH was a meeting of the one God and his subordinate, semi-divine, angels who served the King anonymously.

161

Cooke, ibid., 47.

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Chapter 3

Visions of the Divine Council in Pre-exilic Writings “Throne visions” report the experiences of prophets who were admitted into the council chamber of YHVH. The visions provide specific glimpses into contemporary historical situations, and provide a theological viewpoint in relation to those human circumstances. Six passages in the Hebrew Bible are classified as throne visions: Exodus 24:9-11, 1 Kings 22:19-23, Isaiah 6:18, Ezekiel 1:26-28 and 10:1-5 (chap. 10 is considered as part of the one larger visionary experience), Zechariah 3, and Daniel 7:9-14. The term “throne vision”162 is defined in this paper as: a vision of God sitting on a throne accompanied by heavenly beings. Each vision is introduced by a verb of seeing, most often äàø.163 This and the following chapter will analyze the passages to determine how the visions correspond theologically to the historical realities. This analysis will include brief literary and historical summaries, and discussions of specific throne-vision terminology and imagery, such as the 162

The term is used in Form-Critical discussions. E. g. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel I (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979), 100; J. J. Collins, Daniel (With an Introduction to Apocalyptic Literature) (FOTL 20; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1984) 18; R. M. Hals, Ezekiel (FOTL 19; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989), 11. 163

For selected works on visions see D. E. Aune, “Visions,” ISBE 4.993-994; J. Eaton, Vision in Worship (The Relation of Prophecy and Liturgy in the Old Testament) (London: SPCK, 1981); J. D. Levenson, “The Jerusalem Temple in Devotional and Visionary Experience,” in Jewish Spirituality I: From the Bible Through the Middle Ages (ed. A. Green; New York: Crossroad, 1987), 32-61, esp. 46-51; B. O. Long, “Prophetic Call Traditions and Reports of Visions,” ZAW 84 (1972): 494-500; idem, “Reports of Visions Among the Prophets,” JBL 95 (1976): 353-65; S. Niditch, The Symbolic Vision in Biblical Tradition (HSM 30; Chico: Scholars Press, 1983); M. S. Smith, “‘Seeing God’ in the Psalms: The Background of the Beatific Vision in the Hebrew Bible,’” CBQ 50 (1988): 171-83. For works on theophanies see J. Barr, “Theophany and Anthropomorphism in the Old Testament,” in Congress Volume Oxford 1959 (VT Sup; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960), 31-38; F. M. Cross, “The Storm Theophany in the Bible,” in Canaanite Myth, 156-77; G. H. Davies, “Pillar of Fire and of Cloud,” IDB 3.817; idem, “Theophany,” IDB 4.619-20; W. R. Herman, “The Kingship of Yahweh in the Hymnic Theophanies of the Old Testament,” SBT 16 (1988): 169-211; J. Jeremias, “Theophanies in the Old Testament,” IDBSup 896-98; G. A. F. Knight, “Theophany,” ISBE 4.827-31. For works on dreams see R. Gnuse, The Dream Theophany of Samuel (Its Structure in Relation to Ancient Near Eastern Dreams and Its Significance) (Lanham: Univ. Press of America, 1984); I. Mendelsohn, “Dreams,” IDB 1.868-89; J. H. Stek, “Dreams,” ISBE (1979), 1.991-92.

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meaning and significance of the divine names and council members, the identity of the vision witnesses, the purposes of the visions, and any related details. Each vision will be discussed separately, then a summary analysis of all six will be provided at the end of Chapter 4. This summary will compare and contrast the visions to determine if a unified purpose or function transcends them as a group. Chapters 3 and 4 are divided at the Babylonian Exile in the 6th century. Chapter 3 contains studies on Exodus 24, 1 Kings 22, and Isaiah 6. Chapter 4 contains studies on Ezekiel 1 and 10, Zechariah 3, and Daniel 7. This division is chronological according to the events reported in the various books, except that the positions of Zechariah and Daniel are reversed, following their canonical placement in the Hebrew Bible. I am aware, that the compositional chronology of all these passages is different. Whereas the events of Exodus 24 come before Isaiah 6, the recording of the events may have occurred later (if Exodus 24 is assigned to the “P” or Priestly editor of the 6th century). Most scholars, however, assign Exodus 24 to either the Yahwist or the Elohist, in the 10th and 9th centuries, respectively. First Kings 11 is a part of the Deuteronomic History composed during the Exile in the mid-6th century, although its events are from the 9th century. As for the Exilic and post-Exilic passages, most scholars think that the portions of Ezekiel and Zechariah discussed here were composed shortly after the reported visions. For Ezekiel 1 and 10 the approximate date would be 593-92 BCE; for Zechariah 520 BCE. The stated historical marker for Daniel 7 is 554 BCE, mid-way through the Exile. However, most scholars place its actual composition to around 167 BCE, assuming its author wrote pseudonymously under the name “Daniel.”

Exodus 24:9-11 Literary The visionary experience recorded here appears in the context of the Sinai revelation (chaps. 19-24). It follows the giving of the Covenant Code (20:22-23:33) and concludes the covenant ratification ceremony (chap. 24). In this latter chapter, Moses builds an altar, orders sacrifices, reads the book of the covenant, elicits the peoples’ reaffirmation of loyalty to YHVH, and

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dashes them with the covenant blood (vv. 4-8). The covenant is then sealed with a vision of God and communal meal, with the elders eating before God (v. 11). Though the events of Exodus apparently took place in the 13th century, scholars believe their history was composed much later, although they do not agree on the age of this particular passage, because of the divergent opinions about its author.164 Regarding the throne vision in 24:9-11, some see the “strong probability that it is a tradition of great antiquity,”165 especially because the blunt statements—”they saw the God of Israel” (v. 10) and “they beheld God” (v. 11)—were never modified by later editors for reverential reasons.166 Typically, the Hebrews believed that seeing God face to face was a dangerous matter: “You cannot see my face; for no one shall see me and live” (Exod 33:20; cf. Jud 6:22, 13:22). Thus the statements in vv. 10-11 are extraordinary. The fact that they were not changed indicates the esteem with which this vision report was held and attests to its authenticity within the tradition. Historical/Theological This passage is the only recorded covenant ratification ceremony with YHVH in attendance. Many scholars see the Sinai Covenant as a standard Near Eastern suzerainty treaty in which an all-powerful monarch enters unilaterally into a pact with a weaker, subordinate party.167 By defeating the 164

No consensus exists on the source of this pericope; e.g. “J” (10th cent.) - Wright; “E” (9th cent.) - Noth; “L” (10-9th cent.) - Eissfeldt; “N” (ca. 800) - Fohrer; “P” (6th cent.) -several. 165

E. W. Nicholson, “The Antiquity of the Tradition in Exodus xxiv 9-11,” VT 25 (1975): 70. See also his “The Origin of the Tradition in Exodus xxiv 9-11,” VT 26 (1976): 14860, in which he quotes G. Henton Davies as saying these “are some of the most astonishing and inexplicable verses in the Old Testament” (p. 160). Cf. W. Beyerlin, The Origins and History of the Oldest Sinaitic Traditions (tr. S. Rudman; Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1965) and Th. Vriezen, “The Exegesis of Exod 24:9-11,” OTS 17 (1972): 100-33. 166

Indeed, the LXX avoids the anthropomorphism of the MT: “They saw the place where the God of Israel stood.” Similarly, the later Targums of Palestine and Onqelos display reticence: “They saw the Glory of the God of Israel.” 167

For discussions of suzerainty treaties and the Sinai Covenant see J. Bright, A History of Israel (3d ed., Philadelphia: Westminster, 1981), 147-55; D. R. Hillers, Covenant: The History of a Biblical Idea (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ., 1969); G. E. Mendenhall, “Covenant,” IDB 2.714-15; J. A. Thompson, “Covenant,” ISBE 1.790-93. An

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pharaoh, Egypt’s divine suzerain (Exod 1:8, 14:8), God became Israel’s new suzerain and protector.168 The Red Sea victory song, celebrating the fall of the alien overlord, alludes to an exchange of kings: “YHVH will reign [_ÝìÙîÏé] for ever and ever” (Exod 15:18). Soon after this, a new “suzerainty treaty” was ratified on Mount Sinai with blood (Exod 24:4-8). The throne vision (24:9-11) reports how the treaty was then consummated with a ceremonial meal.169 The phrase “ate and drank” (v. 11) is used several times in the HB during auspicious occasions (Gen 24:54, 26:30; 2 Kgs 7:8, 9:34). Significantly, the Chronicler used it when retelling the coronation of Solomon: “They ate and drank before YHVH on that day with great gladness” (1 Chr 29:22a). Similarly, Ugaritic materials often refer to a deity or king sharing a meal with advisors prior to their consultations.170 Related to this ratification meal on Sinai, Isaiah 24-25 mention an eschatological banquet following a great battle in which YHVH “will punish the host of heaven, in heaven, and the kings of the earth, on the earth” (24:21). Afterwards, YHVH Seba’ot will reign in Jerusalem, and “before his elders he will manifest his glory” (v. 23). R. E. Clements believes that Exodus 24:9-11 has influenced Isaiah here.171 In both passages, the “elders” of Israel or of God172 are present, and seeing God (Exod) is synonymous with seeing his Glory (Isa 6). Isaiah 25:6 says, “On this mountain [Zion] YHVH Seba’ot will make for all peoples a feast.” God will also remove the veil of darkness over the nations and swallow up death. Isaiah’s apocalyptic vision example of a suzerainty treaty is seen in ANET, 203-5, “Treaty Between Mursilis and Duppi-Tessub of Amurru.” 168

P. Craigie, The Book of Deuteronomy (NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987),

83. 169

Meals were a traditional way to seal and validate human covenants. E.g., Exod 18:12: “Aaron came with all the elders of Israel to eat bread with Moses’ father-in-law in the presence of God.” Cf. Gen 31:54. 170 R. J. Clifford, The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old Testament (HSM 4; Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1972), 42-47. 171 172

Isaiah 1-39 (NCB; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), 206.

Some scholars think the elders in Isa 24:21 are heavenly beings. See J. D. Watts, Isaiah 1-33 (WBC 24, Waco: Word, 1985), 330; H. Wildberger, Jesaja [BKAT X/11.12; Neukrichen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1978), 949-50; T. M. Willis, “Yahweh’s Elders (Isa 24, 23): Senior Officials of the Divine Court,” ZAW 103 (1991): 375-85.

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portrays a celebration of YHVH’s kingship and his victory over ancient foes. Thus, if Isaiah is indeed drawing upon the imagery and theology of the Sinai theophany, it is legitimate to suggest that Exodus 24:9-11 records, in attenuated form, a similar event in which the elders of Israel worshiped their heavenly King in the presence of heavenly elders.173 Under God’s feet was a pavement or platform made of øéÏtÌñ, “sapphire” (v. 10, some read lapis lazuli ). Sapphire (the term is Sanskrit) was an imported gem often used in palace or temple constructions (Exod 28:18, 39:11; cf. Ezek 9:2 LXX; 28:13). Ezekiel’s throne vision mentions “something like a throne, in appearance like sapphire” (1:26), and thus associates the gem with the royal seat of YHVH. The “pavement” made of this sapphire is úÌðÙáÏì (Exod 24:10), a flagstone, tile or sun-baked brick surface, suggesting a resting place for a throne.174 Thrones in the ANE were typically on raised daises. Thus the entire theological “atmosphere” around this vision strongly suggests that YHVH is here thought of as King, even though he is not so designated and no throne is mentioned. This truncated depiction of the enthroned God might be labelled a “prototypic throne vision.”175 Divine Names The use of the more general term íéÏäÝìÛà, instead of äåäé, may be due to the author’s or later editors’ reticence about describing a human seeing YHVH. However, whether the elders saw “God” or “YHVH” is almost a moot point since the text says they saw God’s “feet” (v. 10). Such anthropomorphic visions, though displeasing to later generations, are rather typical of the HB.176 This bolsters the view that the passage antedates later Hebrew

173 Doubts expressed about the Isaianic authorship of chap. 24 (e.g. Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 196-200; O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament: An Introduction [tr. P. R. Ackroyd; New York: Harper, 1976], 323-27) do not alter the theological message of the passage. 174

BDB 527; KB 472. This construction may have similarities to Canaanite temples. See M. S. Smith, “Biblical and Canaanite Notes to the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice from Qumran,” RevQ 12 (1987): 585-88. 175

I am indebted to Prof. J. J. M. Roberts of Princeton Theological Seminary who expressed this opinion to me in a private conversation (April 1989). See also K. Baltzer, The Covenant Formulary in Old Testament, Jewish, and Early Christian Writings (tr. D. E. Green; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971), 30 n. 54.

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conservatism and was regarded as a prized memory. Council Members YHVH’s revelation as the Lawgiver at Sinai followed his powerful demonstration as the “Man of War” at the Red Sea (Exod 15:3). Upon Mount Sinai, God descended in fire and storm in the manner of a warrior (Exod 19:16-19).177 In another portion of Sinai traditions, the textual memory indicates that YHVH was not alone in glory; his theophany included angels: God’s chariots are myriads upon myriads, thousands upon thousands; the Lord is among them as in Sinai in holiness. (Ps 68:17 [Eng 17] NJV) The Deuteronomic tradition contains similar imagery: The LORD came from Sinai, and dawned from Seir upon us; he shone forth from Mount Paran, with him were myriads of holy ones; at his right hand, a host of his own. (Deut 33:2)

178

Thus there is tradition outside of the book of Exodus connecting heavenly beings with Sinai. Nevertheless, Exodus 24:9-11 is silent about them. Nor does the vision refer to God as “King” or describe his throne. Was there reason to exclude such references during the era when this text was composed? One possible era may have been the early Monarchy, when many scholars date this passage (“J”). Prophetic critics of the Judean throne may have believed that any detailed reference to YHVH’s kingship could be 176

“There is adequate evidence for a strong tradition in early Israel that Yahweh let himself be seen at times in the form of man. . . . Anthropomorphism in the OT has often drawn attention to itself because of the difficulty and offence it presents to modern thought.” J. Barr, “Theophany and Anthropomorphism in the Old Testament,” in Congress Volume Oxford 1959 (VT Sup; ed. G. W. Anderson; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960), 32, 38. 177

On YHVH as the Divine Warrior, see P. D. Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1973) and P. C. Craigie, “God the Warrior” (chap. 3) in his The Problem of War in the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978), 33-43. 178

The LXX reads at v. 2b: “at his right hand were his angels.”

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misused by unscrupulous kings to bolster their seat of power by claiming that their court mirrored God’s.179 Indeed, YHVH is actually seldom referred to as king in the HB.180 On the other hand, the reality of God’s sovereignty was well known, especially during the Monarchy.181 So there is no clear reason why any pictorial representation of God’s seat of power or attribution of the title “king” should be censored here in this “throne” vision. In the other throne visions God is called “king” only in Isaiah 6:5; his authority being expressed in the others by mention of his throne. Witnesses Moses and seventy-three others ascended the mountain and saw God. Moses is nowhere called a àéÏáËð (prophet) in the book of Exodus, but he is in Deuteronomy 18:15 and 34:10. Even if the term was applied to him by a later generation, it is clear that every feature which characterized the later classical Yahwistic prophets can first be found in Moses. If not in name, he was a prophet-spokesman-mediator-interpreter de facto, one who experienced visions of YHVH and who spoke with God face to face (Exod 33:11; Num 12:8). Moses’ tribal origin was Levi (Exod 2:1-10). His brother Aaron was his mouth(piece) (Exod 4:16) or prophet: “See, I make you as God to Pharaoh, and Aaron your brother shall be your nabi’ (Exod 7:1).” Aaron, however, is nowhere referred to as a prophet of YHVH. Nadab and Abihu, who accompanied Moses and Aaron, were sons of Aaron and thus operated in priestly circles (Exod 28:1). The seventy elders who witnessed the vision are not called prophets. On the other hand, there may have been “prophetic”

179 Although throne visions were not granted to any kings, “oracles” were given to assure them of God’s pleasure and support. E.g. “Then you spoke in a vision to your faithful one, and said, ‘I have set the crown on one who is mighty . . . I have found my servant David’” (Ps 89:19-20; cf. Pss 2:7-9; 132:11-12). However, these visions may have been given to the court prophet (e.g., Nathan), not to the monarch himself. 180

See M. Tsevat, “King, God as,” IDBSup 515-16.

“The worship of Yahweh as _ÎìÎî or ‘King’ was certainly no late development in the religious history of Israel but dates from at least the early years of the monarchy and, so far as the House of David was concerned, served as a constant reminder to the earthly king that there was a heavenly King to whom he was ultimately responsible,” A. R. Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (Cardiff: Univ. of Wales Press, 1955), 34-35. 181

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individuals among them. Although Exodus 24 does not explicitly say that Eldad and Medad were part of this specific gathering on Sinai, on another occasion they became “spirit-filled” and “prophesied” (Num 11:26-30). The least we can say is that the group which saw God and ate before him contained one nabi’ (if not others) and at least four were from priestly circles. Special Terminology Two verbs for seeing God are used in this passage. They saw [ÈàÙøÏiÌå] the God of Israel (v. 10) They beheld [ÈæÛçiÎ åÌ ] God (v. 11) The verb äàø is the usual one for physical sight. The verb äæç, on the other hand, suggests perceiving through a vision (Num 24:4). The verbal noun äÎæÝç means a seer (Amos 1:1). Another noun form (ïÇæËç) means “vision.” B. S. Childs notes: “The shift from the verb r’h to hzh, the latter word being the technical term for prophetic clairvoyance, again appears to be an attempt to characterize this viewing as a special category of perception.”182 But Childs does not explain why the shift occurs; and, in fact, the majority of the other throne visions use äàø, suggesting literal seeing.183 Only Daniel 7 uses äæç (Aramaic).

Actions of the Council Although this vision contains no court imagery, what clearly goes on is a celebration of the kingship of YHVH by his people. They banquet at his feet, as subjects before a holy sovereign. This emphasis on YHVH as king is present in every other throne vision.

182

B. S. Childs, The Book of Exodus (OTL; Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 1974),

507. A. R. Johnson says äæç is used more for visions with auditory content, while har concerns mostly visual phenomena (The Cultic Prophet in Ancient Israel [2d ed.; Cardiff: Univ. of Wales Press, 1962] 9-11, esp. 12). A. Jepsen says hazah is used for “nocturnal perception of a divine voice” (TDOT 4.290). 183

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Purposes of the Throne Vision At the birth of the nation, Israel had a legitimate interest in knowing more about her heavenly and earthly leaders. Her old taskmaster pharaoh lay dead on the shore of the Red Sea, defeated by YHVH the Man of War. But could the God of Moses, “YHVH” of Moses’ Midian vision, show himself to be a capable guide from here on? To answer such concerns, YHVH is presented as descending on Sinai and giving them Torah for their present life and for their future in the land. As their heavenly shepherd, he thus provided divine instruction. He also gave them Moses and his staff of elders as shepherds of the nation. God verified their status as leaders by admitting them to a fellowship meal around his throne on top of the mountain. The vision, therefore, functions to exalt both YHVH and his human counterparts, and to set the course for the nation.

1 Kings 22:19-23 Literary This throne vision appears in the section known as the “History of the Kings of Israel and Judah” (1 Kgs 12 - 2 Kgs 17). Chapter 22 concludes 1 Kings and the final section dealing with the House of Omri (1 Kgs 16-22).184 The chapter focuses on the final errors and resulting death of Omri’s son, King Ahab. First Kings 22:13-23 specifically contains vision reports from prophet Micaiah ben Imlah in response to a summons to give a prophetic opinion on the outcome of the royal war-plans being discussed in the council chambers of Kings Ahab and Jehoshaphat. The two kings already have assurance of success from 400 court prophets. But upon being pressured for his opinion, Micaiah tells them what they do not want to hear. In the first report, he succinctly foretells the outcome of the battle: “I saw all Israel scattered on the mountains, like sheep that have no shepherd; and the L ORD said, ‘These have no master; let each one go home in peace’” (v. 17). Verses 19-23 then 184

1 Kgs 22:14-28 = 2 Chr 18:13-27. On this passage, see W. Roth, “The Story of the Prophet Micaiah (1 Kings 22) in Historical-Critical Interpretation 1876-1976,” in The Biblical Mosaic —Changing Perspectives (ed. R. Polzin and E. Rothman; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982), 105-37.

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allude to Micaiah’s experience in the divine council. His report begins: “I saw the LORD sitting on his throne with all the host of heaven standing beside him to the right and to the left of him” (v. 19). He then explains the true origin of the false (optimistic) prophecy uttered by the 400 prophets (vv. 20-23) (it was inspired by an angel of YHVH). Micaiah utters a final warning to Ahab about the campaign in words characteristic of a Yahwist’s critique of bad kings: “If you return in peace, the LORD has not spoken by me” (v. 28). Embedded in the Deuteronomistic History,185 the whole episode predictably shows the consequences of rebellion against YHVH’s law and the counsel of his prophets. Historical/Theological Omri and Ahab belonged “to the most gifted and energetic rulers who ever occupied Israel’s throne.”186 Omri formed alliances with various foreign states to guarantee military strength and to develop economic advantage. His son Ahab in turn had engaged in a successful coalition campaign against a declining Assyria at the Battle of Qarqar in 853 BCE. This joint Israelite-Syrian venture was impressive to every strategist and patriot in the Northern Kingdom—except the prophets of YHVH. These religious purists ignored Ahab’s material successes because he was poisoning the nation spiritually. “The latent Canaanization of Israelite religion, which had been at work since the conquest of the land, entered into its acute phase during the days of the Omrides.”187 Omride policies were promulgating the Canaanite world-view and endangering the spiritual heritage of Israel. YHVH was being presented not as “One” (Deut. 6:4), but as one among many other gods (i. e. Canaanite/Phoenician), and Baal was his chief competitor. Several events occurred during the 9th century which were aimed at the destruction of the Omride Dynasty and the vindication of YHVH’s name.

185 Although scholars assign 1 Kgs to the Deuteronomic Historian, H. W. Robinson observes that “the peculiarities of the story are the best guarantee of its early date and genuineness” (“The Council of Yahweh,” JTS 45 [1944] 153). 186

H. Donner, “The Separate States of Israel and Judah,” in Israelite and Judaean History (ed. J. H. Hayes & J. M. Miller; OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1977), 399. 187

Ibid., 405.

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While the humiliation of Baal on Carmel is the most notable (1 Kgs 18), the throne vision in 1 Kings 22:19-23 is also significant in this connection. In chapter 22, Ahab seeks Jehoshaphat’s help in recapturing Ramoth-Gilead, stolen, ironically, by the once-friendly king of Syria (Aram) (vv. 1-4). In their war council, they obtain support from 400 Baal prophets (vv. 5-6), but Ahab does not seek a word from YHVH, especially from Micaiah (vv. 7-8). Of great importance to that era was the question of how to distinguish true from false prophets. The throne vision of Micaiah confirmed him as a “true” Yahwist prophet over against Ahab’s cadre of syncretistic, Baalistic seers. In the end, only Micaiah’s counsel (not theirs) came to pass: Ahab was killed in battle.188 Also pertinent to the era, this throne vision reasserted the kingship of YHVH. It was YHVH the Divine Warrior and his council—not Baal and his council, or Ahab and his—who determined the outcome of the war with Ben Hadad. YHVH was king even over pagan Syria, and he could easily award the gentiles military victory over his own people Israel. This he did: he brought down the Israelite king for his faithlessness and evil. Thus the vision taught that real power over the affairs of men resides only with the God of Israel. Divine Names Micaiah says he saw äåäé. According to Tryggve Mettinger, the Tetragrammaton expresses the idea of “God’s active and helpful presence.”189 As his covenant name, it conveyed God’s unending loyalty to

188

On the struggles between true and false prophets see S. J. de Vries, Prophet Against Prophet (The Role of the Micaiah Narrative [1 Kings 22] in the Development of Early Prophetic Tradition) (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978); J. L. Crenshaw, Prophetic Conflict: Its Effect Upon Israelite Religion (Berlin/NY: W. de Gruyter, 1971); idem, “Prophecy, false,” IDBSup 701-02. B. S. Childs notes three distinctions of a true prophet: (1) he has stood in the Council and received divine revelation; (2) his messages have a unified theme: repentance from evil; (3) he is morally unimpeachable (Old Testament Theology in a Canonical Context [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986] 141). 189

T. D. N. Mettinger, In Search of God (The Meaning and Message of the Everlasting Names) (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988), 41. During the Josianic reforms of the 7th century, the name also bore the idea “He is the one who exists [and no other god does]” (p. 49). For a more technical discussion of the Name, see D. N. Freedman and M. O’Connor, “äåäé,” TDOT 5.500-21 and R. de Vaux, “The Revelation of the Divine Name,” in The Early History of Israel (tr. D. Smith; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1978), 338-57. De Vaux says the Name conveys the idea that Yahweh alone is the “Existing One” (p. 357).

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his people. When Micaiah announced whom he had seen and heard in the vision, the prophet left no doubts in the minds of his opponents who really was deciding the fate of Ahab and the coalition army. Micaiah did not speak merely of “God,” an ambiguous term that might refer to Baal. Ahab was rejecting Yahweh, the powerfully-present, covenant God of the Hebrew fathers.190 Terminology First Kings 22 is the first of the throne visions to actually mention a throne (v. 19).191 Elsewhere in the HB, the wings of the cherubim serve as God’s earthly throne, and the ark of the covenant as his footstool.192 None of that temple detail appears here, nor are physical qualities ascribed to God. Perhaps Micaiah’s attenuated description is meant to emphasize the underlying theological symbolism more than literal features. The verb “sitting” (áÖé) by itself can imply ruling as a king,193 and thus indirectly allude to YHVH’s role as monarch. The vaguely described “host” or assembly is “standing” (ãÍîÝò) around YHVH, ready to serve. That may be enough to know. Though the vision is visually non-descript, it still powerfully conveys an image of the sovereign Monarch. Council Members Micaiah sees “all the host of heaven” (íÏéÌîËgÌä àËáËöÐìËk) standing on either side of YHVH (v. 19). The àËáËö was God’s army of angels (Pss 103:21, 148:2).

190

T. Fretheim thinks that the Deuteronomic Historian’s central concern is the First Commandment: “I am Yahweh your God . . . you shall have no other gods before me” (Deut. 5:6) (Deuteronomic History [Interpreting Biblical Texts; Nashville: Abingdon, 1983] 21). By being first disloyal to YHVH, Ahab became second disobedient to his Torah and led the nation into apostasy. 30 For an early study on this and other visions of the throne, see E. C. Kinsbury, “The Prophets and the Council of Yahweh,” JBL 83 (1964): 279-86. Cf. “Give ear, O Shepherd of Israel . . . you who are enthroned [áÍÖé] upon the cherubim” (Ps 80:1b); “. . . the ark of the covenant. . .the footstool of God” (1 Chr 28:2). 192

“But you, O LORD, reign [áÍÖÍz] forever; your throne endures to all generations” (Lam 5:19; cf. Exod 18:14; Mal 3:3; Ps 2:4). 193

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These are contrasted to the hosts filling Ahab’s court, military camps, and coalition. Individual members of the army are called çÈø (“spirit,” vv. 21-23). This is one of only a few places in the HB where ruah is used for angelic beings. (The term is predominantly used for God himself: he is and has ruah.) The spirits’ responsibilities are not specified in this vision. They observe God’s review of the human battle plans, and choose to participate in his counter plan. One of them volunteers to mislead Ahab’s prophets with false inspiration (vv. 20-23). Though the spirits have supernatural ability to communicate to humans, they are not individualized or named. This is “indicative of the monotheistic implications of primitive Yahwism.”194 Witness Micaiah ben Imlah is implicitly designated a prophet. During their war plans, Judean King Jehoshaphat asked Israelite King Ahab, “Is there not here another àéÏáËð of YHVH of whom we may inquire?” (v. 7). In response, the king of Israel told an officer, “Bring quickly Micaiah the son of Imlah” (v. 9). In addition, Micaiah’s prophetic abilities are confirmed when falseprophet Zedekiah taunts him, “How did the spirit of the LORD go from me to speak to you?” (v. 24, RSV). Possessing YHVH’s spirit was a sign of prophetic status. Finally, Micaiah predicted Ahab’s death in battle: “If you return in peace, YHVH has not spoken by me” (v. 28), and his word came true (cf. Deut 18:21-22). Some scholars suggest that the whole episode is Micaiah’s “call narrative.” But he was already active as prophet prior to this event, as v. 8 shows: “He never prophesies anything favorable about me.” After this chapter, Micaiah is never mentioned again among the schools of prophets. Micaiah’s tribal origin is not given, but the provenance of this story is the Northern Kingdom Israel where Ahab ruled from the city of Samaria. Since the king seems to have had previous contact with the prophet (“I hate him, for he never prophesies anything favorable about me,” v. 8), it is possible that Micaiah came from one of the northern tribes. Samaria sat within the original inheritance of Manasseh. Joseph Blenkinsopp points out that “during the two centuries from the death of Solomon (ca. 925) to the fall

194

IDB 3.372.

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of Samaria (722 B.C.E.) references in the history to prophets and prophecy are restricted entirely to the Northern Kingdom.”195 Actions of Council In this meeting, YHVH has already decided that Ahab will fall, and he asks for volunteers to orchestrate events to this end: “Who will entice Ahab, that he may go up and fall at Ramoth-Gilead?” (v. 20). God asks for no opinions. His hosts offer no advice or rebuttals; they simply obey. One of their number volunteers to implement the divine counsel, and God publicly asks him just how the spirit will work (thus giving the human audience an opportunity to hear Micaiah’s report). The spirit replies: “I will go out and be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his [Ahab’s] prophets” (v. 22). Satisfied with this plan, YHVH assures his servant’s success. The King-Judge has issued his ruling; the deed will be done. And lest Ahab be in doubt, Micaiah adds an unambiguous clarification: “YHVH has spoken evil concerning you” (v. 23). Purposes of the Throne Vision This throne vision has several functions within its 9th century historical and theological setting. On the wider front, the vision affirms that YHVH is King of kings. He rules all human armies, Israelite or pagan. His chief rival Baal has no power in the real world. Secondly, it also teaches a strong “monistic outlook” in which YHVH is “the source of all happenings, including the evil ones.”196 Thirdly, the vision “demonstrates that the destiny of a people can be separated from that of their ruler.”197 Ahab perished, Israel did not. Fourthly, the vision affirms the supernatural origin of

195

J. Blenkinsopp, A History of Prophecy in Israel(From the Settlement in the Land to the Hellenistic Period) (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983), 69. The names “Micaiah” and “ben Imlah” are symbolic of the 9th cent. struggle with Baalism: ÈäÙéËëéÏî means “who is like YHVH,” and äËìÙîÏé [or àËìÙîÏé, many mss] means “he [God?] will fulfill or accomplish” [his counsel]. 196 197

IDB 3.372.

R. D. Nelson, First and Second Kings (Interpretation; Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1987), 152. This theme was later expanded by Ezekiel (e.g. 3:17-21; 18:2) and Jeremiah (e.g. 31:29-30) during the Exile.

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prophecy. YHVH’s prophets do not speak from themselves, they deliver the message they heard in the council chambers. Fifthly, it provides a glimpse into what Bernhard Anderson calls “a transitional moment in the history of prophecy.”198 With Micaiah, prophecy was no longer the echo of nationalism or the servant of the political establishment. Here we have a break with the professional prophet. . . . But in a deeper sense, prophets of Micaiah’s type did not break with Israel’s true prophetic tradition; they were indeed more sensitive to that tradition than the ecstatic prophets themselves. In prophets like Micaiah the ancient Mosaic faith came alive in the present with new meaning and power.199

Isaiah 6:1-8 Literary The first major division of Isaiah 1-39 is chapters 1-12, a section that concerns the sins of Judah/Jerusalem and contains warnings of her descent into exile. More specifically: chapters 1-5 contain the details of the lawsuit God brings against Judah; chapter 6 tells of God’s appearance to Isaiah and his commission to announce judgment; and chapters 7-12 show Isaiah confronting unbelieving leaders and prophesying what the future holds, both bad and good. Structurally, chapter 6 is an “apologetic hinge” explaining why Isaiah had authority to bring the lawsuit just announced against Zion (he had entered God’s holy presence), and why he is about to announce their expulsion from God’s presence.200 Many scholars believe the throne vision records Isaiah’s call to be a prophet, but this is doubtful.201 He had already 198

B. W. Anderson, Understanding the Old Testament (4th ed.; Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1986), 270. 199

Ibid., 271.

200

Isaiah must prophesy “until the LORD sends everyone far away, and vast is the emptiness in the midst of the land” (v. 12). 201

For discussions about the “call narrative” in Isaiah 6, see I. Engnell, The Call of Isaiah: An Exegetical and Comparative Study (Uppsala: Lundquistska, 1949); N. Habel, “The Form and Significance of the Call Narratives,” ZAW 77 (1965): 297-323, and W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1 (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979), 97-100. J. H. Hayes and S.

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been prophesying “in the days of Uzziah” prior to the king’s death (1:1).202 In fact, this chapter closes the “Uzziah section” with the warning that Isaiah’s previously announced demand for holiness will continue into the future.203 The vision has two parts: (a) the exalted worship by seraphim in the temple and Isaiah’s repentant response (vv. 1-5), and (b) Isaiah’s purification and commission to announce Judah’s exile (vv. 6-13).204 Historical/Theological In the mid-8th century, the Northern Kingdom Israel paradoxically was externally strong, prosperous and confident of the future, while internally in death throes from moral rot.205 During an especially anarchic period of ten years (746-737), the palace in Samaria had known five kings. Israel was out of control. In the South, the Judeans were enjoying the fruits of economic and political revival under Uzziah (Azariah). Though they too were “a people laden with iniquity” (Isa 1:4a), their corruption had not yet ripened to the extent present in their sister. Yet both nations would soon face an ominous visage from the north. Following a period of great weakness, the kingdom of Assyria under Tiglath-Pileser III (745-727 BCE) began sweeping through the Fertile Crescent like a giant storm, annexing conquered territories and exiling their A. Irvine list six reasons why they believe Isa 6 is not a call report (Isaiah: The Eighthcentury Prophet: His Times & His Preaching [Nashville: Abingdon, 1987], 108-10. See also M. Kaplan, “Isaiah 6, 1-11,” JBL 45 (1926): 251-59; J. D. W. Watts, Isaiah 1-33 (WBC 24; Waco: Word, 1985), 66, 70-72. 202

Hayes and Irvine say Isa 1:1 is a colophon added by a later editor, but they still believe Isaiah was active during the reigns of the four Judean kings (Uzziah to Hezekiah). See discussion in Isaiah, 67-69. All other 8th cent. prophets have such colophons (Hosea, Amos, Micah). 203

Watts, Isaiah 1-33, 70.

204

J. Eaton says the unit Isa 1-6 describes how perverted Zion is restored to fellowship with YHVH. After the lawsuit in chaps. 1-4, chap. 5 is a love song to the “festal bride” Zion delivered by Isaiah as the friend of the bridegroom, YHVH himself. Chap. 6 then records the liturgical arrival of Zion’s loved one, “the manifestation of YHVH’s kingship, acclaimed simultaneously in heaven and in Zion” (“The Isaiah Tradition,” in Israel’s Prophetic Tradition [FS: P. Ackroyd; ed. R. Coggins, A. Phillips, M. Knibb; Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984] 71-73). 205

Bright, History of Israel, 266.

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ruling classes. Such a world threat had never been known to the tribes of Jacob, and it seemed to many that there was no human hope of resisting such an inexorable foe. Shortly after Tiglath-Pileser began his western campaigns in Syria in 745, the leprosy-ridden King Uzziah of Judah died (1 Chr 26:19-21).206 His death created an enormous crisis for Judah, and presumably for Isaiah himself. Who was competent to replace the able Uzziah? In the midst of the internal turmoil (in both the North and South) and the external Assyrian hurricane, YHVH appeared to the prophet as {_ÎìÎnÌä—the King (v. 5). Was this God’s answer? Would he step in to rescue Judah? Witnessing such a vision assured Isaiah himself a privileged place among the great men of Israel. But the focus of the throne vision was on the King, not Isaiah.207 The grandeur of God was the subject. The Temple itself could not contain his enormous presence: “the hem of his robe filled the temple” (v. 1).208 This imagery recalls Marduk’s description in Enuma Elish: “He was loftiest of the gods, surpassing was his stature; his members were enormous, he was exceedingly tall.”209 Symbolically, when compared to the rival deity of the approaching Assyrians, YHVH was “larger.” What’s more, his majestic presence (ãÇáËk) radiated so brightly beyond the confines of Jerusalem that it “filled the whole earth” (v. 3). YHVH was no mere tribal deity residing on a hill in Salem. The “Holy One of Israel” (a favorite

206

Scholars variously place Uzziah’s death between 742 (Bright) and 736 (Clements)

BCE. 207 J. T. Willis notes: “The emphasis is not so much that he saw the Lord, but that he saw the Lord sitting upon a throne, that is, as King. The people of Judah were inclined to put complete confidence in earthly kings like Uzziah (v. 1) and Ahaz (7:1). . . . Yahweh is the only real king” (Isaiah [Austin: Sweet, 1980] 140). 208

The “hem” may be the portion from the knees down. The lower extremities (“feet”) was all the elders saw of God on Sinai (Exod 24:10). Isaiah chooses not to describe God more than this. Sitting on the 15 ft. high wings of the cherubim, God’s appearance was enormous. Cf. G. R. Driver, “Isaiah 6:1 ‘his train filled the temple’,” in Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William F. Albright (ed. H. Goedicke; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1971), 87-96. 209

ANET, 62, l. 99. In the Baal Cycle, by contrast, it says of Asherah’s son, Ashtar, that “his feet reach not down to the footstool, nor his head reaches up to the top” (ANET, 140, ll.59-60). Cf. J. C. Greenfield, “Ba’al’s Throne and Isa. 6:1,” Mélanges bibliques et orientaux en l’honneur de M. Mathias Delcor (ed. A. Caquot, S. Legasse, M. Tardieu; Neukirchener-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1985), 193-98.

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expression of Isaiah)210 ruled everything. Before his glory, no human monarch or power could hope to stand. Even the awesomeness of TiglathPileser paled in the terrible light of the “cosmic King and Sovereign over the nations.”211 Nor could the powers of Egypt offer Judah any hope of protection and deliverance from Assyria. Quite clearly, Judah’s vulnerability at the death of Uzziah was in marked contrast to the capability of her God. To her shock, however, he did not lift her up to glory where he was seated: some twenty years later, Israel was no more, and Jerusalemites heard pagan soldiers taunting below her walls. Assyria was given control. Divine Names Isaiah says he saw éËðÝãÚà (“my Lord”) sitting on a throne.212 The name appears to express the close relationship between prophet and God, servant and Master, for it originated “as an address in private prayer” and meant “my Dominion.”213 It is significant that several other prophets who record their inaugural calls all have “a special preference” for the name éËðÝãÚà (e.g. Isaiah, Amos, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Second Isaiah).214 This is the only throne vision in which God is designated _ÎìÎî: “My eyes have seen the King, the

210

E.g., Isa 1:4; 5:19, 24; 10:17, 20; 12:6; 17:7; 29:19, 23; 30:11, 12, 15; 31:1; 37:23.

211

B. W. Anderson, The Eighth Century Prophets (Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, Micah) (Proclamation; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985), 60. Cf. Ps 47:8: “God is king over the nations; God sits on his holy throne.” 212 éÍðÝãÚà is literally “my Lords” (BDB: “plural of majesty”). Individual men in authority were often called adonim : (1) kings (Gen 40:1; Jud 3:25; 1 Kgs 22:17); (2) princes (Gen 42:10, 30, 33; 1 Sam 29:10); (3) master (Exod 21:4, 6, 8; Deut 23:16 [Eng 15]); and (4) owner (1 Kgs 16:16, 24). Occasionally, the HB says God is µynidfa}h; ynedfa} , “Lords of the lords” (Deut 10:17 = Ps 136:3). Cf. the plural use in Isa 51:22; Hos 12:15; Pss 8:2, 10; 135:5; 147:5; Neh 8:10, 10:30. According to Biblia Hebraica (3d ed.), over 100 Hebrew mss read äåäé, instead of éÍðÝãÚà. For specific mss, see C. D. Ginsburg, The Later Prophets (London: British & Foreign Bible Society, 1926), 8, and the Bomberg Rabbinic Bible, Neviim Aharonim (Mikra`ot Gedolot, vol. 8; New York: Pardes Pub. House, 1951) at Isa 6:1, 8. Cf. also IDB 2. 414. In Amos’ 8th cent. temple vision he says, “I saw éËðÝãÚà standing beside the altar” (9:1), but several Heb mss also read YHVH. Amos uses Adonai in other vision texts (7:1, 2, 4, 5; 8:1, 3, 11; 9:5, 8). 213

O. Eissfeldt, “ïÇãËà,” TDOT 1.63.

214

Ibid., 64-65.

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LORD of hosts” (v. 5b). The kingship of YHVH was by this time (8th cent.) an “old” element of Judean theology. As J. J. M. Roberts has shown, the concept antedates the founding of Zion, the Temple, and the Davidic Monarchy .215 In addition to these names, Isaiah adds another Jerusalem signature by calling God úÇàËáÙö äåäé (“the LORD of hosts”), the special term used for his militant loyalty to the Jerusalem Temple.216 The “Zion theology” taught that Jerusalem was impregnable as long as YHVH sat on the cherubim-throne surrounded by his army. But in this case, contrary to expectations, the Divine Warrior was about to wage war on his own people. Though fiercely loyal to them, he was more loyal to his Name and would countenance no one taking it up in vain. This passage, of all the throne visions, best summarizes Isaiah’s conception of what it meant for the holy God to dwell among his people. The universal King sat in the Temple on Mount Zion as the Holy One of Israel.217 Council Members In the vision, Isaiah sees at least two six-winged creatures called íéÏôËøÙ× (“seraphim” or “burning ones”) standing near God’s throne (vv. 2-3, 6). One of them says in a temple-shaking voice: “Holy, holy, holy is YHVH of hosts; the whole earth is full of his glory” (v. 3).218 Another seraph brings an altarcoal and with it purifies Isaiah’s mouth (vv. 6-7). In the temple setting, these servants are not soldiers from YHVH’s army, but worshippers and “priests.” In appearance, these beings seemed to be “a supercharged variety” of the winged cobra or uraeus which stood behind the throne and adorned

215

“In Defense of the Monarchy: The Contribution of Israelite Kingship to Biblical Theology,” in Ancient Israelite Religion (ed. P. D. Miller, P. D. Hanson, S. D. McBride; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 377-96. 216

On this name, see above chap. 2 pp. 40-42.

217

For a lengthy study on the kingship of YHVH in the HB as it is portrayed in prophetic theophanies and throne visions, see J. Gray, The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of God (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1979), esp. 117-224. 218

For an valuable study on the “holiness of God,” see N. H. Snaith, The Distinctive Ideas of the Old Testament (New York: Schocken Books, 1964), 21-50. Cf. also N. Walker, “The Origin of the ‘Thrice Holy’,” NTS 5 (1958): 132-33.

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headdresses of Egyptian royalty, protecting the pharaohs.219 Similarly, Isaiah’s seraphs stand “above” YHVH (v. 2), but not as guardian protectors. They protect themselves from God: four of their wings cover their faces and body parts (they fly with the other two), as if to say: “YHVH needs no protection; his attendants rather should shield themselves from his burning glory.” Winged serpents were common to Egyptian iconography. Significantly, they have also been found on inscriptions and seals from 8th century Judah, indicating close, perhaps syncretistic, ties with Egyptian culture.220 Looking at this scene theologically, the seraphs may symbolize the inferior, powerless divinities of Egypt in humbled service to YHVH.221 During this period of Assyria’s threat, it would be tempting to go down to Egypt for help. But by visualizing Egypt’s heavenly powers (the awesome cobras) made subservient to Israel’s God the vision (and prophet) would make plain just who held real power.222 As noted before, “depotentizing” of

219 J. J. M. Roberts, “Isaiah in Old Testament Theology,” in Interpreting the Prophets (ed. J. L. Mays and P. J. Achtemeier; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 64. Isa 14:2829 says a “flying fiery serpent” [ óø×] attacks the enemy Philistines. 220 For discussions and backgrounds on the seraphim, see R. D. Barnett, “Layard’s Bronzes and their Inscriptions,” Eretz-Israel 8 (1967): 1-6; K. R. Joines, “Winged Serpents in Isaiah’s Inaugural Vision,” JBL 86 (1967): 410-15; idem, “The Bronze Serpent in the Israelite Cult.” JBL 87 (1968): 245-56; idem, Serpent Symbolism in the Old Testament: A Linguistic, Archeological and Literary Study (Haddonfield: Haddonfield House, 1974). For iconographic evidence of winged serpents in the ANE and in Judah/Israel, see O. Keel, Jahwe-Visionen und Siegelkunst (Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1977), 74-110; idem, Symbolism of the Biblical World, 21-24, 260-62; M. Metzger, Königsthron und Gottesthron (AOAT 15/2; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1985); Y. Yadin, “A Note on the Nimrud Bronze Bowls,” Eretz-Israel 8 (1967): 6-7. In Egypt, the falcon god Horus also frequently hovers over or surrounds the pharaoh in an aggressive, protective posture. Royal headdresses often have both cobra and falcon emblems (e.g. Tut-Ankh-Amon). In Judean theology, the human kings enjoyed YHVH’s guardian wings or shadow (Pss 17:8; 36:7; 57:1; 61:4; 63:7; 91:1, 4; cf. Exod 19:4 [which says God bore Israel on his wings]). For further material on the rapport between king and God, see J. H. Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms (2d ed.; JSOT Biblical Seminar; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1986), 142-49. For related ANE iconography, see Keel, Symbolism of the Biblical World, 190-92. 221

Mullen sees in the imagery possible Ugaritic parallels in El’s winged allies and Yamm’s fiery messengers (Assembly of the Gods, 207). 222

When the Assyrians finally lay siege to Jerusalem, Hezekiah apparently did plan to seek military help from Egypt: a temptation vehemently opposed by Isaiah who considered such action as a denial of YHVH and his covenant power (see Isa 19; 30:1-3; 31:1; 36:6). Whether Ahaz was so tempted is uncertain. If he was, the symbolism of the throne

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alien spiritual beings is characteristic of monotheistic Yahwism. This is not to say the seraphs are merely theological cardboard figurines. But their description has definite connections with the religious milieu of contemporary Judah. What these visionary beings are in reality is uncertain, but the theological point is clear. “One could hardly express any more vividly the sole lordship and matchless majesty of Yahweh. Yahweh alone is Lord. He brooks no rival.” 223 Witness Isaiah ben Amoz is called a àéÏáËð in Isa 37:2, 38:1, and 39:3. Chapter 1 opens the book with the title ïÇæÚç (“a vision”, v. 1), and 2:1 says he “saw” [äËæËç] a “word.” Both terms indicate prophetic functions.224 Nothing is given of Isaiah’s tribal descent. Because of his apparently free access to the king in Jerusalem (7:1-3) and his presence in the Temple during the throne vision, many scholars assume he was a Jerusalemite of either priestly or royal descent. Von Rad says Isaiah “was a townsman, brought up in the traditions of the royal city and a sharp-eyed observer of world politics.”225 Tradition says he was a cousin to Judean King Uzziah.226 Actions of Council The vision opens with worship of God by the seraphim, who stand “above” YHVH in the throneroom. One seraph praises YHVH with what may be a temple choral antiphon (v. 3), while another “blots out” (lit. “atones,” øÍtÏk) vision in chap. 6 would also be quite appropriate. 223 Roberts, “Isaiah in O. T. Theology,” 64. On different theological interpretations of Isa 6, see D. E. Gowan’s recent article, “Isaiah 6:1-8,” Int (1991): 172-76. 224

On the transition from pre-classical court prophets to popular writing prophets during this era, see J. S. Holladay, “Assyrian Statecraft and the Prophets of Israel,” in Prophecy in Israel: Search for Identity (ed. D. L. Petersen; London: SPCK; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 122-43. 225

G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology (2 vols.; tr. D. M. G. Stalker; Edinburgh/London: Oliver & Boyd, 1965), 2.176. 226

ISBE 2.885. On prophets operating in the temple, see Johnson, The Cultic Prophet in Ancient Israel.

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Isaiah’s sin with a coal from the altar (v. 7). Next, the Lord asks the council for a volunteer, “Who will go for us?” (v. 8).227 Instead of a spirit stepping forward, as we saw in 1 Kings 22, the human visitor speaks up to accept God’s commission. This act sets an important new precedent. Spirits are not now the only agents of God allowed to enter a council session, participate, and receive orders: the threshold of the temple is open to humans.228 Zechariah is the only other throne vision witness to speak during a session (Zech 3:5).229 Purposes of the Throne Vision This vision occurred ostensibly in the earthly Temple. But the Temple is a meeting place of earth and heaven; it is the divine Dwelling Place among people. By entering the earthly doors, Isaiah crossed the threshold into the heavenly court where YHVH sits. His throne vision accomplishes at least five things: (1) It magnifies, in a time of great historical upheaval, the Kingship and Lordship of YHVH: not only over his sinful people, but also over the kingdom of Assyria (and implicitly Egypt). (2) It conveys assurance of divine intervention in the affairs of humans. (3) It predicts imminent catastrophe for Judah. (4) It authenticates the person and message of Isaiah. And (5) it reveals that humans can participate in the work of the divine council by volunteering to serve it.

227

Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 76.

228

Even so, prophets are never called “sons of God” in the HB. They have access to the divine council’s deliberations and act as messengers and bearers of the divine counsel, but they do not retain membership there. 229

“One of the most unique aspects of Hebrew religion is the unparalleled phenomenon of the classical prophets. These men, called by Yahweh, served as the couriers of the decree of the assembly/Yahweh. They pronounced the judgment of Yahweh with the formula koh ’amar YHVH, thus asserting that their message and authority was equal in power to that of the council itself,” Mullen (Assembly of the Gods, 283).

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Chapter 4

Visions of the Divine Council in Exilic and Post-Exilic Writings This chapter analyzes the last three throne visions. They fall historically just at the beginning of the Exile, immediately following it, and some 350 years after it. Ezekiel marks the actual transition period in which the callous numbness of Judah’s sin passes into the shocking reality of her judgment. Ezekiel was one of the first exiles taken to Babylon in 597 BCE. The chariot of God appeared four years later (seven years before Jerusalem fell). The city’s stones had not toppled, but he knew that they surely would. Eventually he received word that they did (33:21). Zechariah is at the other end of this experience. He is a returnee, an exile contributing to the restoration of the ruined homeland and remnant people. He is trying to live, and urge others to live, in the light of prophetic promises of a future that was different than the fathers had hoped. The book of Daniel, ostensibly written by a companion of Ezekiel, seems to have actually been compiled out of earlier exilic stories of faithful Judeans and a Maccabean Age commentary on those stories. The throne vision in Daniel 7 marks a deeper development of “apocalyptic eschatology” in which the promises once given to the Hebrew fathers would find completion in a far future era, not immediately. All three visions portray God as king, but Zechariah and Daniel also concern God’s choice of earthly rulers: one being an actual, contemporary person, the other being a mysterious heavenly figure described only as “humanlike.” Because Daniel contains the last throne vision, and because it is the ancestor of numerous Jewish apocalyptic throne visions (including those in the NT), the book will receive more detailed analysis.

Ezekiel 1, 10 Literary The book of Ezekiel has two major components: messages of judgment (chaps. 1-24) and messages of consolation (chaps. 33-48). A block of

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prophecies against foreign nations (chaps. 25-32) intervenes. The fall of Jerusalem in 586 BCE is the dividing point between the two blocks, since Block A announces its inevitability (chaps. 8-11) and Block B presupposes its occurrence (e.g. 34:12; 36:2-6; 43:8).230 Two throne visions occur in Block A.231 The first vision extends from 1:4 to 3:15. Ezekiel 1:4-28 gives the graphic details of the vision, while chapters 2-3 report Ezekiel’s prophetic commission and the conclusion of his visionary encounter and return to his people. The second throne vision (chap. 10) occurs inside the extended vision of chapters 8-11 which dramatize the death of Jerusalem, symbolized by the withdrawal of God. Descriptions of God on the throne (10:1) are secondary to the actions of the mysterious man in linen and the movements of the cherubim-throne (vv. 2-22). Historical/Theological Some 140 years after Isaiah saw YHVH in the Jerusalem Temple, Ezekiel saw a similar but startlingly different image. In 597 BCE, the first group of upper class citizens was shipped out of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar’s army for settlement along the Chebar River in Babylon.232 The very last Judean king (Zedekiah) remained behind on the throne of David in the royal city, awaiting his fate. For all intents and purposes human kingship in Israel-Judah was a tarnished relic of the past. The kingdom of Israel was already scattered in exile. Now Jerusalem, “the joy of all the earth” (Ps 48:2), was passing over the threshold into utter humiliation. Her new circumstances raised previously unthinkable questions. Had God abandoned his people? Were the “eternal” promises voided? Was God limited to the regions of Judah? Could he be worshiped in exile? Was he impotent against Marduk and the divine council of Babylon? What hope did Judah have now?233 Four years after descending into exile and mulling over these 230

R. M. Hals, Ezekiel (FOTL 19; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989), 3.

231

See H. van Dyke Parunak, “The Literary Architecture of Ezekiel’s Mar’ot Elohim,” JBL 99 (1980): 61-74. 232

Cf. 2 Kgs 24: 10-16. On the historical backgrounds of the book of Ezekiel, see W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel I (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979), 9-16. 233

Cf. the questions voiced in Ps 77:7-9: “Will the LORD spurn forever, and never again be favorable? Has his steadfast love ceased forever? Are his promises at an end for

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kinds of questions, the throne of God appeared in a storm to the priest Ezekiel. By appearing to a priest on a cherub-borne throne in enemy lands (chap. 1), YHVH proved he was not bound to the Holy of Holies. His throne, and all that it represented by metonymy, was portable. He could go anywhere and exercise authority as king. Even the gods of Babylon could not prevent his invasion. His storm-wind raged across their land undaunted (1:4), decisively proving that “the whole earth is full of his glory” (Isa 6:3). In defiance of human or heavenly armies, YHVH appeared in his warrior chariot in total sovereignty.234 His presence radiated overwhelming sanctity: “When I saw [the throne of YHVH] I fell on my face” (Ezek 1:28c).235 To exiles who later heard Ezekiel’s vision report, God’s appearance in Babylon also had a message. Loss of the temple (God’s dwelling place on earth) did not mean Judah’s spiritual disintegration, because she still had the Lord himself.236 Nor was the end of the Davidic dynasty the worst tragedy, for Ezekiel’s first vision confirmed that remnant-Israel still had King and Presence. As for the prophet himself, the vision endowed authority upon him to go to the “rebellious house” as messenger of the divine council.237 The second throne vision in chapter 10 has a different thrust. It was given more than a year after the first vision, six years before the fall of Jerusalem in 586 (8:1). Unlike the first, this vision functions not as an affirmation of the nearness of God, but as a drama portraying the city’s near doom. Ezekiel sees the Glory and the chariot-throne abandon the Temple, signifying that the fate of the defiled edifice was ordained by the holy Throne.238 YHVH himself, not the invading pagans, decreed that the “lamp all time? Has God forgotten to be gracious? Has he in anger shut up his compassion?” 234

In the Torah and Early Prophets (Jos, Jud, Samuel), the normal “mode” for God’s appearance in alien territory was in the “Angel of the LORD.” Here, God comes in person with chariot-throne. 235

Similarly, when Isaiah heard the seraphim say, “Holy, holy, holy” (6:3), the sense of unworthiness to be YHVH’s servant left him prostrate (v. 5). 236

“Though I removed them far off among the nations, and though I scattered them among the countries, yet I have been a sanctuary to them for a while” (Ezek 11:16a). 237

On Ezekiel’s call and its relationship to other call narratives, see Zimmerli, Ezekiel I, 97-110.

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of David” would go out; the Babylonians were merely his fierce bellows. Judah’s stubborn sinfulness finally dethroned YHVH. Before leaving her, however, he promised his eventual return (Ezek 11:17-20) as well as her future spiritual transformation (“I will . . . put a new spirit within them,” [11:19]). Divine Names In these two visions, Ezekiel saw “visions of God” (íéÏäÝìÛà úÇàÙøÌî 1:1),239 the “glory of YHVH” (1:28, 10:4), the “glory of the God of Israel” (9:3), and “the God of Israel” (10:20). The Tetragrammaton does not appear by itself in chapters 1 or 10, though the phrase “They shall know that I am YHVH” occurs some forty-nine times in the whole book. These less direct titles show “distancing” from the Deity, common to Exilic and post-Exilic materials. For example, in 1:28 we are removed three steps from direct mention of God: “This was the appearance of the likeness of the glory of YHVH.” Though God is present, he is “veiled” by his ãÇáËk. Paradoxically, the prophet also saw “something that seemed like a human form” [íËãËà äÍàÙøÌîÙk úÈîÙc], composed of something like “gleaming amber” above and “fire” below his loins, and all clothed in splendor (1:26-27).240 But strangely, this human form receives relatively little attention. Instead, in descending order of proportional attention, we encounter first the living creatures, then the chariot wheels, then the crystal platform, and finally the figure on the throne.241 Apparently, Ezekiel must mention God’s form, but dare say no more. Exodus 24 and Isaiah 6 also have vague allusions to God’s human form.242 238

The shocking idea that YHVH would abandon his covenant people, even to wage war on them, was expressed as early as the 8th cent. by Amos. In a series of terrifying reversals, unrepentant Israel would finally “meet” her God (cf. Amos 3:13-15; 4:13 [mentions warrior God of hosts]; 5:18-20; 8:2-3; cf. also Deut 28). 239

M. Greenberg translates as “divine visions” (cf. 8:3, 40:2) or “supernatural” visions, which no mortal eye could see without divine help (Ezekiel 1-20 [AB 22; Garden City: Doubleday, 1983] 41). 240

J. Barr observes that “anthropomorphic theophanies” are reserved for prophets alone, while visions for the Glory are for large numbers of people in a “cultic situation” (“Theophany and Anthropomorphism in the Old Testament,” in Congress Volume Oxford 1959 [VTSup; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960] 34). 241

Hals, Ezekiel, 14.

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Significantly, the divine council/temple name, “YHVH of hosts,” does not appear in the book of Ezekiel.243 Nor does the prophet ever refer to God as “King.” This suggests that the heavenly Warrior would no longer defend Jerusalem and the temple, the site of his palace and throne. Nevertheless, God does promise a future restoration of the Davidic kingship under new conditions.244 Council Members God does not appear to Ezekiel inside a heavenly or earthly council room, surrounded by hosts or seraphim. Instead, the prophet sees a throne carried through the heavens by four úÇiÌç (“living creatures” [1:5ff]).245 While these beings are similar to the seraphim of Isaiah 6, they have only four wings (v. 11) with human hands attached (v. 8). In addition, each has four faces: man, lion, ox, eagle (v. 10), and are animated by the çÈø, “a” or “the” s/Spirit (v. 20). Whether this is God’s personal spirit or the “living impulse” uniting

242

Ezekiel, in fact, shows awareness of the “prototypic” throne vision in Exod 24. Compare: Ezek 1:26: “a throne in appearance like sapphire” with Exod 24:10: “a pavement of sapphire stone”; and Ezek 1:22 (RSV): “the likeness of a firmament shining like crystal” with Exod 24:10: “a pavement…like the very heaven for clearness.” This imagery appears only in these two places. B. S. Childs says the vision in Ezek 1 was “greatly embellished” by bringing in the imagery of other theophanies from Exod 24, Isa 6, and Ps 18:11 (Introduction to the Old Testament), 368. 243 See the significance of this omission in T. Mettinger, The Dethronement of Sabaoth (Studies in the Shem and Kabod Theologies) (tr. F. H. Cryer; Coniectanea Biblica, OT 18; Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1982), 109-11. 244

E.g., “I will sprinkle clean water upon you, and you shall be clean from all your uncleannesses . . . a new heart will I give you, and a new spirit I will put within you. . . . My servant David shall be king king over them . . . David shall be their prince” (Ezek 36:25-26; 37:24, 25). “Ezekiel did not . . . surrender the hope reposed in the promises of David, but he tore it from its roots in the existing state and hurled it into the future. . . . Though he looked for the restoration of a united Israel under Davidic rule (chs. 34:23f.; 37:15-28), he expected Yahweh, who is himself the good shepherd of his sheep (ch. 34), to accomplish this. . . . The old national hope was thus retained, but pushed into the future, awarded to a new and transformed nation, and made wholly dependent upon a new divine saving act,” Bright, History of Israel, 337, 339. The “storm-cloud” [v. 4, äËøËòÙñ ÌçÈø] in which God appears, was the vehicle of other divine descents and ascents. E.g., Elijah is taken in the “whirlwind” or “chariot of fire and horses” (2 Kgs 2:1, 11); and God appears at last to Job in a whirlwind (Job 38:1, 40:6). 245

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the four creatures is not clear.246 Even though extraordinary, the creatures are not cold, inanimate beings, but represent four kinds of created life, human or animal. Verse 5 emphasizes that overall “they were of human form.” Their duty seems limited to carrying the throne (v. 26). They do not speak, but their wings emit sounds “like mighty waters, like the thunder of the Almighty (éÌcÌÖ ìÇ÷), a sound of tumult like the sound of an army” (äÎðÚçÌî) ( in battle?) (v. 24). All this conveys a warlike atmosphere, quite expected around the Warrior God. In his second vision, the prophet assigns the name íéÏáÈøÙk (“cherubim”) to the creatures that he saw in his first vision (10:15). The origin and meaning of the Hebrew root áøë is disputed, but the root krb appears in other ANE languages.247 Many scholars connect the cherubim with sphinxes, griffins, or winged lions. Representations of such beings were found at various sites, including Byblos, Carchemish, Nimrud, Samaria, Aleppo and Tell Halaf.248 These artifacts show winged animals either supporting or forming the throne of a deity or king.249 As noted before, the Hebrews at times adopted ideas and images from their neighbors, then modified or demythologized them for apologetic reasons. The cherubim may here express the message that the throne-bearers of foreign deities and pagan monarchs are actually YHVH’s laborers.250 The cherubim are mentioned some ninety times in the HB. At their

246

Cf. J. Wevers, Ezekiel (NCB; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), 46; Zimmerli, Ezekiel I, 130. 247

In Akkadian, KaRaBu means to pray, to be gracious or to bless. The noun KaRuBu means an intercessor, but KaRiBi are gatekeepers and KiRuBu is the name of the winged bull (BDB 500-01; KB 454). W. Zimmerli says that karibu denotes “a deity of the second rank, who especially speaks to the high gods for men” (Ezekiel I, 250). 248

Cf. ANEP, 649-55. Ezekiel’s cherubim have mostly human form (1:5).

249

Near Eastern cherubim and cherubim-thrones can be seen in Keel, Symbolism of the Biblical World, 188-190, 231-239; idem, Jahwe-Visionen und Siegelkunst, 168-177; Metzger, Königsthron und Gottsesthron, tables 39, 84, 114, 118, 121-122. 250

Compare Franz Delitzsch’s remark: “Revealed religion . . . has lowered the cherubs, as well as other powers of nature deified by heathenism, to powers subordinate to God the Lord of hosts” Commentary on Genesis (1888), 1.175. For recent bibliography on the cherubim see C. Westermann, Genesis 1-11 (tr. J. Scullion; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984), 273-74.

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first mention, they protect the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:24). Typically, such beings were guardians of holy places.251 In the HB, they appear most often in Exodus, 1 Kings, and Ezekiel (i.e., in Tabernacle or Temple contexts). With their wings they formed YHVH’s throne (Exod 25:18-22; Pss 80:1, 99:1; cf. 1 Sam 4:4), and either carried or formed the celestial chariot of God (1 Sam 22:11 = Ps 18:10). First Chronicles 28:18 speaks of “the golden chariot of the cherubim.” Some scholars see a connection between the words “chariot” (äËáËkÙøÎî, from áëø) and “cherub” (áøë). The only difference between the noun roots is the order of the first two letters: áëø—to ride; áøë—cherub. Transposition of initial letters (metathesis) occurs elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible.252 Psalm 18:10 (Heb 11) says: “He rode (áëø) on a cherub (áøë) and flew.”253

Because of their frequent ties with the ark of the covenant (the footstool of God) and the strong Temple emphasis in Ezekiel, it makes sense to view the cherubim as primarily throne-bearers for YHVH the Warrior. In Ezekiel 10, the Glory of YHVH rests upon the cherubim-throne (v. 4). As the vision proceeds, the cherubim rise from the threshold and vicinity of the Temple and evacuate step-by-step eastward to the Mount of Olives. In chapter 1, the chariot vision shows God is not bound to Jerusalem, but will go anywhere to find the faithful. Here, God’s chariot is not chained to the inner sanctuary; it can depart at any time, if human sin drives it away. Another significant being appears in the second throne vision. Ezekiel sees a “man” (ÖéÏà) clothed in linen garments with writing case at hand (9:3,

11) who passes through Jerusalem and marks the sinners out for distinction (v. 4).254 This scribe may be the “spirit” (RSV “Spirit”) who looked “like a human being” and earlier grabbed the prophet by the hair and transported him to Jerusalem (8:2-3). This being is not, indeed, merely “human,” for the

251

Wenham, Genesis 1-15, 86.

252

GKC 19n.

253

In the temple, the cherubim are God’s chair; in the field, they become his chariot. For more see W. B. Barrick, “The Meaning and Usage of RKB in Biblical Hebrew,” JBL 101 (1982): 481-503. 254

Linen was the clothing of priests (Exod 28:39; Lev 16:4), and a writing case signifies a scribe, another function of priests.

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Hebrew text calls him “fire” (ÖÍà 8:2; LXX reads “man” ÖéÏà).255 In 10:2 the man in linen is granted access to the throne and the altar-coals below (10:67), which he is to scatter over Jerusalem as a sign of judgment. Whatever his symbolic identity, he is in service to YHVH as a supernatural servant, though he is not called an angel. Witness Ezekiel was a priest (1:3), and possibly head of one of the twenty priestly orders in charge of Temple operations.256 He was a “man of not only allaround general culture, but of intellectual powers of the first rank.”257 He is not directly called a prophet, but certain verses imply that he is. “Whether they hear or refuse to hear [Ezekiel’s message] . . . they shall know that there has been a àéÏáËð among them” (Ezek 2:5; cf. 33:33). In numerous places he is told “to prophesy” (àÍáËpÏä, Hiphil imperative) “against” the mountains of Israel, wicked counselors and shepherds, and against Gog (Ezek 6:2; 11:4; 34:2; 38:14). He prophesies “to” the dry bones of Israel and “to” the Wind of YHVH (37:4, 9). Thus he combines priestly and prophetic offices, as did Moses and Isaiah. Actions of the Council Ezekiel 1. In this vision, YHVH confers with none of his council. The thundering cherubim voices express nothing intelligible (at least to Ezekiel or his readers). When the wheeled throne settles down, YHVH’s court is in present and Ezekiel falls to the ground. YHVH breathes his spirit-word into him and raises him up (2:2), then commissions him to go to the “nation of rebels” with the word that the Temple would shortly fall (2:3-3:11). Unlike Isaiah, Ezekiel does not volunteer to be a council herald. Nevertheless, once he is sent (2:3) he finally accepts his task with less than joy (“I went in bitter255

His description matches exactly that of the human form sitting on YHVH’s throne in 1:26-27. Cf. 1 Chr 24:16 “the twentieth [lot fell] to Jehezkel” [ìàÍ÷æÙ ç Î éÙ same Hebrew as “Ezekiel”]. 256

257

G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology (2 vols.; tr. D. M. G. Stalker; Edinburgh/London: Oliver and Boyd, 1965), 1.222.

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ness in the heat of my spirit” [3:14]). Ezekiel, unlike Isaiah, describes an end to the vision: YHVHÕs Kabod ascends, and the spirit transports Ezekiel back to his companions in Tel Abib, Babylon, where he suffers post-vision trauma (ÒI sat there overwhelmed among them seven daysÓ [3:15]). Ezekiel 10. In the extended vision in chapters 8-11, God decides to abandon Jerusalem to its sins (“I will deal in wrath” [8:18a]). He shows Ezekiel the city’s corruption from several perspectives and reveals his agents of judgment. The scribe clothed in linen (9:3, 11) marks the sinners out for punishment, and a band of executioners (9:1-2) hunts them down. Eventually, the Kabod exits the Temple like a king walking out of his palace, and mounts the waiting chariot outside (10:3-4). The chariot travels a short distance to the eastern gate and stops, as if pausing in regret or sorrow, as if waiting for repentance to come to the city (10:18-19). But after more specific judgments are decreed (11:1-12), along with promises of restoration (vv. 1621), God abandons the city to station himself on the Mount of Olives across the Brook of Kidron (vv. 22-23). The Judge has turned the defendant over to the wheels of justice.258 Purposes of the Throne Visions Though he did not stand in the council of YHVH, Ezekiel bowed before the throne of the King, heard God’s plan, and accepted the task of taking the bitter word back to his people. Both visions symbolically demonstrate YHVH’s total power and inexorable will over friend and foe. In Deuteronomic terms, this is expressed as: “YHVH alone is God, the Lord of heaven and earth.” A few steps over the threshold of national disaster, YHVH’s appearance (in Vision 1) gave a heartening hope to the prophet, in spite of the call and bitter work he must do. Merely knowing that God was near answered many of those tormenting questions the exiles lived with.259 258

This dramatic departure finds it counterpart in 43:2-5 where, in the distant future, the Kabod returns to the Temple. 259

R. Wilson lists the theological implications of Ezek 1: (1) It makes clear that Ezek came as close as any Israelite since Moses to seeing the face of God; thus his message has divine authority. (2) It assures the exiles that God has not rejected them. (3) The presence of God’s glory in Babylon meant it had left its abode in Jerusalem and the city would soon fall (“Prophecy in Crisis: The Call of Ezekiel,” in Interpreting the Prophets, 164-65).

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Vision 2 shows the darker reality of what the first vision implied: God’s nearness on exile in his terrifying chariot meant that he had abandoned Jerusalem. The Glory was departing. Yet his absence was only for a season. For embedded in the heart of the judgment message was the promise of return to the city, both of the exiles themselves (11:17) and later God’s Kabod (43:1-9). “Mortal, this is the place of my throne and the place for the soles of my feet” (43:7). At Israel’s nadir, this promise was one of God’s “blessings of Nullpunkt [point zero],” the possibility of new beginnings for those who weathered the storm.260 As a whole, the book of Ezekiel represents a radical shift in prophetic thinking about God’s activity in Israel’s history. The shift concerns how, when, and where the fulfillment of divine promises will take place. Eschatology becomes a focus of Ezekiel’s teaching.261 The distant future will be the new theater of operations in which God concludes his plans and where his people will no longer be the instrument of that consummation.262 The throne visions presage this new viewpoint by showing the familiar God of the covenant working out the old purposes (e.g. establishing “David” and the temple) amid unearthly images from another plane of reality.

260

W. Zimmerli, I Am Yahweh (tr. D. W. Stott; Atlanta: John Knox, 1982), 111, 133.

261

Some scholars have described this shift as a difference between “prophetic eschatology” and “apocalyptic eschatology” (e.g., see P. D. Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic [rev. ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979] 11). M. Stone says this shift “was fundamentally the result of the transfer of the realm in which eschatological hopes were expected to be fulfilled from the on-going process of history to the end of history or beyond” (“Apocalyptic Literature,” in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period [ed. M. Stone; CRINT 2.II; Assen: Van Gorcum; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984] 386). See discussions and critiques of Hanson by R. P. Carroll, “Twilight of Prophecy or Dawn of Apocalyptic,” JSOT 14 (1979): 3-35; R. J. Bauckham, “The Rise of Apocalyptic,” Themelios 3 (1978): 10-23. 262

Individual repentance will bring individual salvation, but will not affect the heavens or earth.

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ZECHARIAH 3 Literary Zechariah 3 records the fourth of eight symbolic visions extending from 1:7 through 6:8.263 According to 1:1 and 7, Zechariah saw the visions in 520 BCE. Two years later, he received a “word” from God (7:1). The eight visions all express God’s intention to support the restoration of the Jewish community after it began to return in 538 from Babylonian exile.264 God’s central message to them is: “I am very jealous for Jerusalem and for Zion . . . I have returned to Jerusalem with compassion” (1:14, 16). Accordingly, he will take vengeance on those who exiled her (Vision 2; 1:18-21; Heb. 2:1-4 ); bring back the captives and rebuild the city (Vision 3; 2:1-12 [Heb 5-17]); and reinstitute the authority of the Torah (Vision 6; 5:1-4). Visions 4 (chap. 3) and 5 (chap. 4) relate to the establishment of new leadership over the restoration community. Chapter 3 concerns the priestly leader, chapter 4 the political. In the new situation, a dual government is ordained, divided between Joshua the high priest and Zerubbabel the governor. Historical/Theological About seventy years after the destruction of the temple, a group of returnees began rebuilding it in 520 (Ezra 4:24; Haggai 1:1, 14-15), and they dedicated it five years later (Ezra 6:14-16). Joshua, Zerubbabel, and the prophets Haggai and Zechariah were the driving forces behind this effort. Zerubbabel’s grandfather was the Judean King Jehoiachin, who had been deported to Babylon along with Ezekiel and other leaders in 597 (2 Kgs 24:10-17; 1 Chr 3:17-19; cf. Matt 1:12). Thus Zerubbabel came from the royal Davidic lineage. With the restoration of the province of “Yehud” (as it was called), 265 one 263

For analyses of the visions (excluding chap. 3), see S. Niditch, The Symbolic Vision in Biblical Tradition (HSM 30; Chico: Scholars Press, 1980), 73-175. 264

For the era see P. R. Ackroyd, Exile and Restoration (A Study of Hebrew Thought of the Sixth Century B. C.) (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1968), 171-217; F M. Cross, “A Reconstruction of the Judean Restoration,” JBL 94 (1975): 4-18; R. Mason, “The Prophets of the Restoration,” in Israel’s Prophetic Tradition, (FS: P. R. Ackroyd; ed. R. Coggins, A. Phillips, M. Knibb; Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984), 137-54. 265

The name “Yehud” occurs on coins and inscriptions of the Persian period. See E. Stern, Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian Period 538-332 B.C.

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would expect a revival of the Davidic monarchy. Did not God’s promise of an everlasting Davidic kingship still hold?266 Yet the title “king” was not given to Zerubbabel.267 Instead, he was the “governor” (äËçÎt — an Assyrian loanword; Ezra 2:63, 6:7; Hag 2:2-9, 20-23). Zechariah 6:13a says: “It is he that shall build the temple of the LORD; he shall bear royal honor [ãÇä], and shall sit and rule [ìÌÖËî, not _ÌìËî] on his throne.” The office of “king” in the old monarchical sense was thus apparently dead. A significant change had taken place, for most of the leadership responsibility was now in the hands of the high priest Joshua.268 His inauguration is the subject of the throne vision in chapter 3. Vision Features Unlike the other seven visions in Zech 1-6, which feature symbolic beings and objects along with interpretations, chapter 3 spotlights a known person and emphasizes symbolic actions, instead of objects. Unlike the other visions, in which an angel interpreted the revelation, in this one YHVH “roused himself from his holy dwelling” (2:13) and personally “showed” the vision to Zechariah (3:1). This difference may be because the vision takes place in God’s council room. The vision begins with a description of a scene in which Joshua, the angel of YHVH, the Satan, and YHVH himself are present. For unstated reasons, YHVH rebukes the Accuser-Satan, who apparently acts as the prosecuting attorney next to Joshua (v. 1). God announces that Jerusalem and her high priest have been rechosen (to be restored) from the fires of exiles (v. 2). One of the council members then (Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips/Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1982), 20213, 224-27. 266

2 Sam 7:16: “Your [David] house and your kingdom shall be made sure forever before me; your throne shall be established forever.” Cf. Ps 89:29: “I will establish his [David’s] line forever, and his throne as long as the heavens endure.” 267

Many scholars think the crowning of Joshua in Zech 3 and promises to “the Branch” in 6:9-14 originally involved only Zerubbabel and were changed by priestly scribes to aggrandize the high priest. But see C. L. Meyers and E. M. Meyers, Haggai, Zechariah 18 (AB 25b; Garden City: Doubleday, 1987), 366-75; hereafter cited as Meyers. 268

It is noteworthy that only Joshua’s investiture as high priest is enacted before the divine council (3:1-5). The crowning of Zerubabbel is merely promised (v. 8; cf. 6:11-13).

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orders “those who are standing before him” to remove Joshua’s filthy clothing (v. 4).269 This act removes his guilt, whereupon he receives “festal apparel” instead. Zechariah himself then steps into the investiture ceremony by saying: “Let them put a clean turban on his head” (v. 5).270 The council attendants make the change, while the angel of YHVH stands near (v. 5). Following these dramatic actions comes God’s confirmation of and promises to Joshua (vv. 6-10). If the high priest is Torah-faithful, he will have charge over the temple courts and will “render judgment” from God’s House (v. 7a).271 More significantly, Joshua will have “the right of access among those who are standing here [in the divine council]” (v. 7b). This was unprecedented for a non-prophet to enter the heavenly sod of YHVH. Interestingly, as we have seen above, most recipients of throne visions were prophets connected with the priesthood. Joshua is, however, not assigned to the office of prophet; he remains high priest. As Meyers points out: The expanded role of the priest with respect to judgment necessitates his becoming privy to God’s judgment. . . . Just as the prophet is God’s messenger, communicating especially to the king as the official ultimately responsible for the carrying out of justice, so now the priest must execute justice and thus needs to have access to the divine will.272 Though Joshua will be a “prophetic” leader, he will not be sole authority. God will “bring [his] servant the Branch” (v. 8), identified later as the templebuilder Zerubbabel (4:9; 6:12). Zechariah 6:13a says he will have “royal honor” to “rule” from the palace throne, but the text comes short of entitling him to kingship. His “crown” (6:11, 14; the Hebrew is actually plural) will reside “as a memorial in the temple of the LORD” (6:14b). To monitor his 269

“Standing before” is technical language for participating in the council. See Meyers, 182-83. Cf. Zech 6:5: “These are the four winds of heaven going out, after presenting themselves before the LORD of all the earth.” The turban or óéÏðö Ë represented the office of high priest (Exod 28:4; Lev 16:4). The phrase “clean turban” can be rendered “pure turban,” connoting ritual purity and not hygienic cleanliness. See Meyers, 191-92. 270

The Hebrew is ïéÏãËz, not “rule” as in NRSV, NJV, RSV. The LXX reads su\ diakrinei~j to_n oi]ko&n mou. See discussion in Meyers, p. 195. 271

272

Ibid., 197.

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obedience to the Torah, “There will be a priest by his throne, with peaceful understanding between the two of them” (6:13).273 Divine Names In the book of Zechariah, the name “YHVH of hosts” occurs fifty-three times.274 This is an extraordinary concentration in a relatively short book. One thus expects a strong theological message underlying its presence. This is YHVH’s old “Temple name” signifying the heavenly King enthroned on Mount Zion with his heavenly retinue. It was commonly used before the exile in Isaiah 1-39 and Jeremiah. As noted above, the apostasy of Judah led to God’s departure from the temple and the city’s collapse (Ezek 10). “YHVH of hosts” was de-throned by Zion’s rejection of him as monarch. Ezekiel never depicted God in the bold imagery of Zion theology as the Divine Warrior inside the temple. In the restoration age, however, the prophets Zechariah and Haggai use the title dozens of times in order to revitalize that old theology and to assert that YHVH has returned to Jerusalem in favor and is now present in the temple and among his people.275 The end result of God’s return to Zion is that the gentile world will “seek the LORD of hosts in Jerusalem.” Clinging to the garments of the Yehudites (Jews), the gentiles will say, “Let us go with you, for we have heard that God is with you” (Zech 8:22, 23).

Council Members Some scholars believe “the angel of the LORD” (3:1, 3) actually refers to God himself, not to a distinct angel. However, in chapter 1 “the angel of YHVH” is clearly distinguished from YHVH himself (v. 12), making it unlikely that the two have coalesced in this chapter.276 Many believe that the term “angel 273

The LXX reads in v. 13b: “There shall be a priest on his right side.”

274

T. N. D. Mettinger, In Search of God (The Meaning and Message of the Everlasting Names) (tr. F. H. Cryer; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988), 133-35. 275

Meyers, 18-19. Cf. Haggai 2:5: “Take courage, O Zerubbabel, says the LORD; take courage, O Joshua. . .take courage, all you people of the land, says the LORD; work, for I am with you, says the LORD of hosts. . .my Spirit abides among you; do not fear.” 276

In both 1:12 and 3:1, the word mala’k is anarthrous, so the use of the article in

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of YHVH” was an expression reflecting a post-Exilic sense of a now-remote God communicating through an intermediary angel.277 The term, however, is used throughout the Pentateuch in numerous pre-Exilic passages (i.e., J and E). Its use in Zechariah may imply nothing about God’s “transcendence.” Human concerns about what goes on in heaven regarding individual lives are typical of any stressful time of history. No doubt the fall of Jerusalem and the Exile demanded prophetic explanations in order to bolster faith, but it does not follow that the mention of angels implied God’s withdrawal from the affairs of his people. Just the opposite. Both Zechariah and Haggai affirmed his nearness. Even though interpreting angels are active in Zechariah, the prophet still considers himself to be in direct communication with God without angelic media (“YHVH showed me” [1:20; 3:1]). This is the earliest dateable biblical reference to the figure of ïËèËrÌä, the Satan.278 In this passage, he acts as adversarial accuser and stands beside Joshua, literally, “to satanize” him (ÇðÙèÏ×Ùì [v. 1]).279 As many have pointed out, the Hebrew article before the noun—”the Satan”—indicates a title or office, not a specific malevolent being.280 A “spirit” in Micaiah’s throne some English versions [“the angel of the LORD”] is conjectural. 277 Typical of this view are the remarks of C. Stuhlmueller: “Only in the literature of a prophet like Zechariah do angels begin to appear in a separate role as independent beings. At the same time, then, when God is becoming ever more transcendent and awesome . . . the distance from God and the people is bridged by intermediary spirits called angels who share in God’s government of the universe” (Rebuilding with Hope. A Commentary on the Books of Haggai and Zechariah [ITC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988] 81). 278

For discussion of the accuser’s office and role and this passage see Meyers, 18386. On “Satan” in the HB see D. Fuller, “Satan,” ISBE 3.340-41; T. Gaster, “Satan,” IDB 4. 224-25; G. von Rad, “diavbolo”,” TDNT 2.73-74; N. Forsyth, The Old Enemy: Satan and the Combat Myth (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1987), 107-23. Cf. Ps 109:6: “Appoint a wicked man against him; let an accuser [ïËèË×] stand on his right hand.” Earthly satans are mentioned in 1 Sam 29:4; 2 Sam 19:22 (Heb 23); 1 Kgs 5:4 (Heb 18); 11:14, 23, 25. Even the Mala’k YHVH acts as a “satan” (adversary) to Balaam (Num 22:22, 32). 279

280

The Satan is found elsewhere only in post-exilic works: Job 1:6-12, 2:1-7; 1 Chr 21:1. In Job, he is mentioned in the context of the divine council in a similar role as prosecuting attorney. (See next footnote.) N. H. Tur-Sinai sees the satan as originally a secret agent of the king. The name was first spelled ïËèË× [from èÈÖ, to roam or rove around]. As the “eyes of the king,” the Shatan reported seditious thoughts and false piety among the king’s subjects, and only later

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vision acts as malevolent adversary to YHVH’s enemies (1 Kgs 22:21-23). Whether the spirit-accuser here in Zechariah 3 is a functioning member of, or an outside visitor to, YHVH’s council is uncertain. He is super-human, yet he clearly has no power in the council to protest God’s rebuke or sabotage Joshua’s induction.281 accrued the reputation as adversary, accuser, and noxious informer. In 1 Chr 21:1, he appears to be an agent provocateur who, seeing no fault in David, seeks to prove his zeal to the throne by inciting him to offense (The Book of Job [rev. ed.; Jerusalem: Kiryath Sepher, 1967] 41-43). Tur-Sinai also sees a heavenly court scene in Zech 4. The menorah dispensing oil represents God; the seven eyes of the Lord that “range through the whole earth” are the satan or spy (v. 10b). The two “anointed ones” [øËäÙöÏéÐéÍðÙa, lit. “sons of fresh oil” v. 14] should be “the sons of the court” [reading øÍöËçÎäÐéÍðÙa], or God’s bodyguards standing at his right and left (pp. 39-41). But see discussion in Myers, 254-59. 281

At this point, a word must be said about the divine council imagery in Job 1 and 2. Scholars date the composition of the book of Job anywhere from the 10th to the 5th cent. (see discussions in IDBSup 480 and ISBE 2.1065-66). The prose introduction explaining the Source of Job’s afflictions mentions two sessions of the heavenly assembly (1:6-12; 2:1-6). In both passages, the “sons of God” and “the adversary” come before the Lord on an appointed day. The expressioníéÏäÝìÛàÐéÍðÙa occurs elsewhere in Job 38:7 (“the morning stars sang together, and all the sons of God shouted for joy’) and Gen 6:2 (“The sons of God saw that the daughters of men were fair”). While some scholars believe these “sons” are human, Rick Marrs argues that they “are best understood as divine members of Yahweh’s heavenly council” (“The Sons of God [Genesis 6:1-4],” ResQ 23 [1980] 219. See also G. Cooke, “The Sons of (the) God(s),” ZAW 76 (1964): 23-24. G. J. Wenham discusses the whole Gen 6 episode and the theological implications of viewing these sons as angels, in Genesis 1-15 (WBC 1; Waco: Word, 1987), 135-47. When the sons of God and the Satan enter the throneroom, they “present themselves” (1:6, 2:1). The Hebrew word áÍvÌéÙúÏäÙì [Hithpael] is used elsewhere in court proceedings (Exod 8:20 [Heb 16]; 9:13; Josh 24:1; Prov 22:29a; cf. BDB 426). The Satan enters the assembly “among” the other sons (1:6, 2:1). This suggests his membership with them, although some think he is an outsider (see discussion in J. Hartley, The Book of Job [NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988] 71-72). According to Hartley (p. 71), the Hebrew root stn means “to oppose at law.” H. H. Rowley says haSatan functions as “one of the spirits at the court of God who was charged with the exposure of men’s pretences” (The Book of Job [NCB; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980] 31). M. Pope thinks haSatan was like a member of the Persian secret police who went around spying on citizens as the “eyes of the king” (cf. “going to and fro on the earth. . .walking up and down on it” 1:7, 2:3) (Job [AB 15; Garden City: Doubleday, 1965] 10-11). See A. L. Oppenheim, “The Eyes of the Lord,” JAOS 88 (1968): 173-80. But see E. Yamauchi who says the Persian works containing the figure of Satan are much later than Job (Persia and the Bible [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990] 459-60). In Greek literature, spirits are often known as “the king’s eyes” [Herodotus, Hist 1.114), and an ambassador is “the Great King’s Eye” [ Aristophanes, Archarnians 92, 94, 124]. For a historical and theological discussion on the Satan see D. J. A. Clines, Job 1-20 (WBC 17; Waco: Word, 1989), 18-30, and N. H. Tur-Sinai, The Book of Job, 38-45. The council scenes in the narrative introduction to Job have several functions. The first is to show that Job’s fate lay in the hands of the merciful, though mysterious God. The man’s sufferings did not escape the eyes of YHVH: they were before the throne. Secondly, the scenes attack the idea of dualism in which God has an opposite, equal nemesis. YHVH

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Witness Zechariah the son of Berechiah, the son of Iddo, is called a àéÏáËð in 1:1, 7. Ezra refers to “the prophets, Haggai and Zechariah” who “prophesied” against Judah (5:1; 6:14). Iddo may have been Zechariah’s “grandfather,” the prophet/seer during the reign of Solomon (2 Chr 9:29), Rehoboam (12:15), and Abijah (13:22), or he may have been the head of a family of priests who returned to Jerusalem after the Exile (Neh 12:4, 16), in which case Zechariah would have been both a priest and a prophet.282 Zechariah participates in the activities of the throneroom, as shown by the words “And I said” (v. 5). 283 This is the first time a prophet effects action within a council session. Purposes of the Throne Vision What is clear in this throne vision is that the enthroned king YHVH of Hosts has returned to the Temple site (did he ever fully leave?) and exercises authority over his small beleaguered remnant. He is present with all his army divisions and court assistants. Via the vision, the King makes it clear that a grandson of David will again wear a crown in Jerusalem, but the old kingship will not be restored as before. Human monarchy is gone. In light of the recent disastrous centuries in which Israelite and Judean kings increasingly became unfaithful to the Torah, God now sets up a system whereby the political seat is overshadowed by the religious crown. The priest’s main responsibility is to teach the Law and dispense God’s counsel alone is in absolute control over the events of Job. The angels do his bidding, but God alone bears the responsibility for their actions on the human plane, even as the source of death and destruction. The two courtroom scenes set the tone for the rest of the book, which abounds with Job’s repeated demands that the Judge hear his case, references to intercessory or advisory angels (9:33; 16:19; 33:23), and legal terminology. Some of the legal terms in Job include: äëé (to reprove or argue)—5:17; 6:25, 26; 9:33; 13:3, 10, 15; 15:3; 16:21; 19:5; 22:4; 23:7; 32:12; 40:4; ÷ãö (verb; to justify, make right)—4:17; 9:2, 20; 11:2; 13:18; 15:14; 22:3; 25:4; 27:5; 32:2; 33:32; 40:8; ÷ãö (noun; justice, righteousness)— 6:29; 8:3, 6; 29:14; 31:6; 35:2; 36:3; áéø (to present a case)—9:3; 10:2; 13:6, 8, 19; 23:6; 29:16; 31:13, 35; 33:19; íz (blameless, perfect, complete)— 1:1, 8; 2:3; 8:20; 9:20, 21, 22; 12:4; 36:4; 37:16. 282 283

IDB 4.942.

Cf. N. Tidwell, “Wa’omar (Zech 3:5) and the Genre of Zechariah’s Fourth Vision,” JBL 94 (1975): 343-55.

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in daily affairs. Thus the vision not only confirms God’s supreme authority, it affirms that his throne is behind the selection of Joshua as religious head and of Zerubbabel “the Branch” as governor. In a time of profound insecurity, knowing God’s choices would be welcomed. The “community of Yehud” had both heavenly and earthly leadership. For Zechariah, the vision of the council confirmed his own status as a prophet of the restoration. He not only brought “the word of the LORD” to the people from the heavenly council, he even participated in the activities of the throneroom by mediating the choice and investiture of Joshua as spiritual head. With this vision begins a long Jewish tradition of recognizing certain individuals standing in the precincts of the divine palace.284 These beings (whether spirit or human) are all agents of YHVH, but are distinct from the prophets who observe the council proceedings. Attendance before, and acceptance by, God in his chambers was an important criterion for gaining public approval as an authorized servant of God. The throne vision in Daniel 7 further supports this conclusion.

Daniel 7 The general scholarly consensus is that the book of Daniel was either written or compiled in its present form around 167 BCE. The book thus contains the last canonical throne vision, coming some 400 years after Ezekiel’s throne vision and some 570 years after Isaiah’s vision. Daniel is closely related to portions of 1 Enoch (particularly the “Book of the Watchers” [chaps. 1-36]), which are among “the oldest surviving Jewish documents of religious character outside the Bible.”285 These portions are now dated to the mid-3d century BCE.286 It is beyond the scope of this paper to do more than 284

“The emerging personification of the figures in the Divine Council, both positive and negative, is a major feature of exilic and post-exilic biblical writing, and the Book of Zechariah bears unmistakable testimony to this process,” Meyers, 184. In the 3d cent. Testament of Levi, Levi enters heaven in a dream-vision where he sees the Holy Most High on the throne. An angel tells Levi that he is chosen to be a son and minister and priest in God’s temple, and seven angels in white replace his clothing with fabulous priestly garments (OTP 1.788-91). 285

M. E. Stone, Scriptures, Sects and Visions (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980), 31.

286

Stone, ibid., 33; M. Black, The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch (Leiden: E. J. Brill,

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occasionally cite 1 Enoch as a valuable document for interpreting Daniel. What is most important here is recognition that we have a canonical text overlapping in time with a non-canonical work of a similar nature. Literary The book of Daniel, like 1 Enoch 1-36, is classified specifically as a “Historical Apocalypse.”287 A clear explanation of this term is problematic. Indeed, scholars today are still hammering out descriptive definitions of “apocalypses.”288 While it is not crucial to this thesis to define with precision the literary genre of Daniel, it is useful to focus on certain common features in apocalyptic works. One typical feature of the works is their complex “symbolic universe” and tendency to bring back ancient biblical imagery and theology for reshaping.289 H. H. Rowley describes this as “the re-adaptation of the ideas and aspirations of earlier days to a new situation.”290 Among the 1985), 151. 287 “Historical Apocalypses” do not involve otherworldly journeys, but “are characterized by ex eventu prophecy of history and by eschatology that is cosmic in scope and has a political focus.” J. J. Collins, Daniel; with an Introduction to Apocalyptic Literature (FOTL 20; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1984), 33. 288

See the attempts by the SBL Apocalypse Group in J. J. Collins (ed.), Apocalypse: The Morphology of a Genre, Semeia 14 (1979): 1-19. For evidence that scholars still have not reached a consensus, see R. L. Webb, “‘Apocalyptic’: Observations on a Slippery Term,” JNES 49 (1990): 115-26. For the SBL Group analysis of Jewish apocalypses, see J. J. Collins, “The Jewish Apocalypses,” Semeia, 21-59. On the subject as a whole see, J. J. Collins, “Apocalyptic Literature,” in Early Judaism and Its Modern Interpreters (ed. R. A. Kraft & G. W. E. Nickelsburg; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), 345-70; idem, “The Place of Apocalypticism in the Religion of Israel,” in Ancient Israelite Religion, 539-58; D. Flusser, “Apocalypse,” EncJud 3.179-81; P. D. Hanson, “Apocalyptic Literature,” in The Hebrew Bible and Its Modern Interpreters (ed. D. A. Knight and G. M. Tucker; Chico: Scholars Press, 1985), 465-88; P. D. Hanson, Old Testament Apocalyptic (Interpreting Biblical Texts; Nashville: Abingdon, 1987); idem, ed., Visionaries and Their Apocalypses (Issues in Religion and Theology 2; London: SPCK/Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983); M. E. Stone, “Apocalyptic Literature,” in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period (CRINT 2.II; ed. M. E. Stone; Assen: Van Gorcum/Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984), 383-441. 289

J. J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to the Jewish Matrix of Christianity (New York: Crossroad, 1987), 14-16; P. D. Hanson, “Apocalypticism,” IDBSup 30-31; D. S. Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1964), 122-27. 290

H. H. Rowley, The Relevance of Apocalyptic (A Study of Jewish and Christian Apocalypses from Daniel to the Revelation) (2d ed; London: Lutterworth Press, 1961), 13.

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traditions revived in Daniel 7 is the Hebraic concept of the divine council. The book of Daniel divides naturally into two parts. Daniel A (chaps. 16) includes court stories relating the experiences of Daniel and three fellow Judean captives in 6th century Babylon. Daniel B (chaps. 7-12) consists of four visions given to Daniel during the reigns of Nebuchadnezzar (7:1), Belshazzar (8:1), Darius (9:1), and Cyrus (10:1). Many scholars believe the two parts actually represent two “Daniels.” For example, Gerhard von Rad says the court narratives originated in 6th century Babylon and the visions in 2d century Judea.291 P. R. Davies points out that the court stories “are not of Palestinian origin, because they clearly reflect a Diaspora, not a Palestinian lifestyle.”292 He says they reveal little animosity toward the Gentile kings who hold captive the Judeans. In fact, Jews are being promoted into the pagan thronerooms. Not so in Daniel B, where the Gentile rulers are pictured as wild beasts devouring the faithful of Israel in their homeland. B. S. Childs thinks chapters 7-12 are a 2d century extended interpretive commentary on 2:31-45, containing Nebuchadnezzar’s dream about a urpart statue and Daniel’s explanation of its parts. A Maccabean Age author believed that this dream was actually a prophecy unfolding in his own time and he sought to validate Daniel’s original interpretation of it by “filling in the details.” Therefore he wrote chapters 7-12 to clarify to his contemporaries the original intent of the sacred writings.293 Chapter 7 begins the extensive “interpretation” by Daniel B. Specifically, the chapter contains a dream-vision and its interpretation by an angel. In the dream Daniel envisions four great beasts rising from the sea (vv. 1-8), then describes the heavenly throneroom where the divine council judges the beasts (vv. 9-10). As a result of the trial, one beast suffers the death penalty while his colleagues are stripped of power (vv. 11-12). Immediately, Daniel sees God transfer their world-rule to someone who looks human, not beastly 291

G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology (2 vols.; tr. D. M. G. Stalker; Edinburgh and London: Oliver and Boyd, 1965), 2.309-10. 292 293

P. R. Davies, Daniel (Old Testament Guides; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1988), 21.

B. S. Childs, Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979), 616, 618. On the backgrounds of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, see D. Flusser, “The Four Empires of the Fourth Sibyl and in the Book of Daniel,” in Judaism and the Origins of Christianity (ed. B. Young; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1988), 317-44.

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(vv. 13-14). Lastly, at Daniel’s request, an angel explains the vision (vv. 1528). Historical/Theological That the canonical Daniel is not a product of the 6th century does not greatly affect our pursuit of a theological interpretation of the throne vision in chapter 7. The circumstances among Jews in the 6th and 2d centuries are similar: Israel experiences domination by gentiles hostile to their faith. Nevertheless, if chapters 7-12 at least are the product of the 2d century, it is worthwhile viewing them within that historical context.294 Most scholars date the composition of Daniel 7-12 to 167 BCE during the reign of the Seleucid ruler Antiochus Epiphanes IV.295 In 169 Antiochus plundered the Jerusalem temple (1 Macc 1:16-28; 2 Macc 5:1-20), set up the “abomination” or “desolating sacrilege” on the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54), burned Torah scrolls and executed observant Jews (1 Macc 1:55-59). The reasons for his violence against Judaism are disputed.296 Nonetheless, Antiochus’ assault on the temple and aggressive promulgation of Hellenism was a major crisis for the Jews. Apparently, many in Israel “stood firm” against the tide and died as martyrs (1 Macc 1:61-62). Eventually, a priestly clan led by Mattathias rebelled, overthrew the insolent Gentile and restored the temple to Jewish hands (1 Macc 2:1-28; 3:1-26; 4:36-61; 2 Macc 8:1-7; 10:1-8). Within this tumultuous period, the book of Daniel was supposedly born. When joined to the court stories (which modelled resolute loyalty to God) the visions of Daniel conveyed a powerful message about the need to trust in 294 For surveys of this time period, see M. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism (2 vols.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981), 1.175-218; O. Mørkholm, “Antiochus IV,” in Cambridge History of Judaism [CHJ] (Vol. 2, The Hellenistic Age; ed. W. D. Davies, L. Finkelstein; Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1989), 2.278-291; J. A. Goldstein, “The Hasmonean Revolt and the Hasmonean Dynasty,” in CHJ 2.292-351; E. Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (rev. & ed. G. Vermes & F. Millar; 4 vols.; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1973-1987), 1.137-63; S. Talmon, “The Emergence of Jewish Sectarianism in the Early Second Temple Period,” in Ancient Israelite Religion, 587-616; E. Bickerman, The Jews in the Greek Age (Cambridge, MA/London: Harvard Univ. Press, 1988); D. J. Harrington, The Maccabean Revolt: Anatomy of a Biblical Revolution (OT Studies; Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1988). 295 296

Of course, many put the composition of the entire book to this time.

Harrington discusses five possible reasons for Antiochus’ persecution of the Jews (Maccabean Revolt, 92-97).

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the Hebrews’ God, even to death . Contrary to all rational evidence, “the Most High is sovereign over the kingdom of mortals” (4:17). Surely, Antiochus’ regime will fall, and the kingdom of God “shall never be destroyed” (7:14). This message was light in a dark time in the 2d century. Indeed, within a few decades, the book apparently gained canonical status at Qumran and Daniel was counted among the prophets of Israel.297 Divine Names One of the features of apocalypticism is the revival of mythopoeic language from Israel’s ancient past.298 The author of Daniel 7 drew upon several ancient images and theologies from the Hebrew Bible. Susan Niditch says even though he innovates, he “constantly links himself to the older tried and true traditions, creating new syntheses appropriate to his message.”299 297 Since the Qumran mss. of Daniel usually agree with the Masoretic texts and change precisely between Hebrew and Aramaic in the same places, and do not have the Apocryphal “Song of the Three Young Men” (found in the LXX), M. McNamara says “the text of Daniel was already fixed in the first century B.C.E.” (quoted by A. Lacocque, Daniel in His Time [Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1988] 34). In fact, one ms. (4Q Dan c) dates to 125-100 BCE, some 50 years after the book’s presumed writing (F. M. Cross,The Ancient Library of Qumran and Modern Biblical Studies [2d ed.; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1961] 43). See E. Ulrich, “Daniel Manuscripts from Qumran. Part 1: A Preliminary Edition of 4QDana,” BASOR 268 (Nov. 1987): 17-37, esp. 17. Ulrich notes that the book of Daniel survives in eight copies at Qumran, compared with only four of Jeremiah (p. 19). See idem, “Daniel Manuscripts from Qumran. Part 2: Preliminary Editions of 4QDanb and 4QDanc,” BASOR 274 (May 1989): 3-26. When other biblical mss. were found at Qumran also dated to the 2d cent., those scholars who had before placed the composition of the books to that century decided to push back the time of composition to allow for the “canonization process.” Daniel was the exception. For example, J. Myers wrote: “The discovery of a fragment of Chronicles at Qumran renders a Maccabean date virtually impossible for any part of Chronicles” (1 Chronicles [AB; Garden City: Doubleday, 1965] 165). Similar comments appear in W. H. Brownlee, The Meaning of the Qumran Scrolls for the Bible (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1964), 29-30 [RE: Psalms]; M. Burrows, More Light on the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York: Viking Press, 1958), 171 [RE: Qohelet]. This inconsistency of judgment bears correction. On the status of Daniel as a prophet, see below pp. 107-08. 298

On the use of ancient materials see Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, 79-80; idem, Daniel, 74-83 with bibliography. 299

Symbolic Vision, 202. For an example of connections between the throne visions in Dan 7 and Isa 6, see G. G. Nicol, “Isaiah’s Vision and the Visions of Daniel,” VT 29 (1979): 501-04. Nicol argues that Dan 7-10 as a whole “points to the possibility that at some level the author of Daniel’s visions has committed himself to a controlled reflection upon the

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The designation for God within the throne vision (vv. 9-14) is “the Ancient One” (NRSV) or “Ancient of Days” (RSV, NJV, NIV) (ïéÏîÇé ÷éÏzÌò, v. 9; àËiÌîÇé ÷éÏzÌò, v. 13.300 On the surface, this suggests “someone august, venerable and respected, judicious and wise.”301 Or it could imply God’s existence from eternity. It is worth noting that the essential meaning of the Tetragrammaton is: transcending the ages. The root of äåäé is the verb for being or existence (äéä). Roland de Vaux renders the name äåäé as “the Existing One.”302 André Lacocque proposes meanings such as “The-OneWho-Endures,” “the One who forwards time,” or “the One who rules over time.” 303 Daniel’s expression “the Ancient One” may therefore be an Aramaic equivalent of the meaning of the Hebrew name äåäé, and thus act as a euphemistic reference to the God of the Hebrew Fathers.304 To conceive of God as ancient was not unusual. He always had primacy over the “new gods” of the Canaanites (Jud 5:8; cf. Deut 32:17), and was “enthroned from of old” in the heavens (Ps 55:19). Additionally, Isaiah attributes to the Davidic king the title “Everlasting Father” (9:6), an allusion to his role as patriarch over the nation and to the longevity promised him by God (cf. Pss 21:4; 72:5). Two similar titles for pharaoh—”Prince of Eternity” and “Lord of Infinity”— attest to the age of such royal terminology.305 Along with the title “Ancient One” is a striking image: “His clothing vision which is reported in Is. vi” (p. 504). R. H. Charles wants to emend the text to read: àËiÌîÇé ÷éÏzÌò, or “one like an aged being,” but has no textual support (The Book of Daniel [New York: Henry Frowde/Edinburgh: T. C. & E. C. Jack, 1929] 75-76). 300

301

J. E. Goldingay, Daniel (WBC 30; Waco: Word, 1989), 165.

302

R. de Vaux, “The Revelation of the Divine Name,” in The Early History of Israel (tr. D. Smith; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1978), 338-57, esp. 354-57. 303 A. Lacocque, The Book of Daniel (tr. D. Pellauer; Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1979), 145, 142. In Dan 12:7, an angelic being makes an oath “by the one who lives forever” [íËìÇòËä éÍça Ù ].

The name äåäé does not appear in any Aramaic portion of the HB (Dan 2:4-7:28; Ezra 4:8-6:18, 7:12-26). The Name appears in Daniel only in chap. 9, where the setting is a penitential prayer to YHVH for sins against his covenant (vv. 2, 4, 10, 13, 14, 14, 20; perhaps also 1:2 [see BHS]). 304

305

J. H. Hayes and S. A. Irvine, Isaiah: The Eighth-Century Prophet (Nashville: Abingdon, 1987), 182.

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was white as snow, and the hair of his head like pure wool” (v. 9b). The throne vision in 1 Enoch 14 contains similar imagery: “The Great Glory was sitting upon [the throne]—as for his gown, which was shining more brightly than the sun, it was whiter than any snow” (v. 20).306 This may be an attempt to visualize more explicitly Ezekiel’s vague description of the splendor of YHVH’s glory on the cherubim-throne (Ezek 1:28). Enoch makes no mention of God’s “hair,” as Daniel does. White wool suggests priestly purity or an honest judge (Lev. 13:47-59; Isa 1:18; cf. Rev 1:14). Some scholars see in this council imagery a reflection of the Canaanite heavenly assembly. The name “Ancient One” and the white visage echo descriptions of the high god El who is portrayed as the “Father of Years.”307 God’s act of giving dominion to the “son of man” (Dan 7:13) is also viewed as an allusion to El giving the throne over to his son Baal.308 However, similarities do not demand parental relationship.309 The concept of a divine council was not limited to Canaanites, but was in fact an ancient element of Israelite faith. The portrayal of God as an age-abiding deity had pertinent theological value to Jews, isolated by the centuries from the era when God personally “sat” in the temple on Mount Zion. The Ancient One “reached” them across time and circumstances. Continuity was always an important feature of Jewish faith (e.g., Ps 105). Nor was the conveyance of rule from king to prince unique to Canaan. Father kings had been passing their thrones to their sons in ancient societies for millennia. Where and how else would successions take place except in the father’s throneroom with his court present? The imagery in Daniel 7 need not imply Canaanite roots. Nonetheless, its common mythological elements may serve double function as anti-Canaanite polemic.310

306

E. Isaac, “1 (Ethiopic Apocalypse of) Enoch,” in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (ed. J. H. Charlesworth; 2 vols.; Garden City: Doubleday, 1983, 1985), 1.21. 307

ANET, 129.

308

E.g., Cross, Canaanite Myth, 16-17; Mullen, Assembly of the Gods, 159-60.

309

J. Gray is dubious of the connection between El and the Ancient of Days (The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of God [Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1979] 235. 310

A. Lacocque says we may be witnessing Hebrew messages being poured into foreign molds (Daniel in His Time [Studies on Personalities of the O. T.; Columbia: Univ.

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The angel who interprets the throne vision to Daniel refers to God as ïÇéìÎò (“the Most High,” vv. 18, 22, 25, 27). This name was known among the patriarchs (Gen 14:18-22; Deut 32:8) and the kings of Jerusalem (2 Sam 22:14; Ps 78:17; Lam 3:35). As a title it expressed YHVH’s supremacy: “the Most High over all the earth [sits] exalted far above all gods” (Ps 97:9). It also designated “the Lord of the assembly of divine beings.”311 Within the context of Daniel’s attempt to stimulate faithfulness to the God of the covenant (cf. 9:4-19), this old title (like “the Ancient One”) makes theological sense. Just as Zechariah revived the name úÇàËáÙöÐäåäé, Daniel revived the title ïÇéìÎò in post-Exilic times for the purpose of stressing God’s universal sovereignty. God’s kingship over foreign deities and evil human powers is a central message in the book of Daniel.

Council Members Angels. In the vision of the throneroom (vv. 9-14), Daniel’s description of the heavenly assembly is far less explicit than we might expect for someone writing in the 2d century. He shows no interest in the physical form, rank, powers, or residences of the council members. They have no identities or qualities; they are mere numbers: “A thousand thousands served him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him” (v. 10). In this simplicity, however, he powerfully conveys the magnitude of Elyon’s council. One million—no, more—one hundred million await God’s command. 312 In the vision, the “thrones were set in place” (v. 9a). Whether they are for the council members is unclear. The phrase “the court sat in judgement” (v. 10) implies they share some kind of judicial authority with the Ancient One. His wheeled throne of “fiery flames” (cf. Ezek 1:15-19), however, sets God apart of South Carolina Press, 1988] 98). It is not clear, however, why a 2d cent. Daniel B would be in dialogue with Canaanite theology and not Greek mythology. Were they similar? A study on the beliefs of the Antiochean Syrians would be useful. 311

IDB 2.412. Several scholars believe El Elyon was originally two Canaanite divine names, later fused by Israelites into one epithet for YHVH as the God of the patriarchs. See discussions by A. R. Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (Cardiff: Univ. of Wales Press, 1955), 43-46; R. E. Clements, God and Temple (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1965), 43-49; H-J. Kraus, “The Names of Yahweh,” Psalms 1-59 (tr. H. C. Oswald; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1988), 82-89. 312

In Dan 8:11, God is the “Commander [or Prince] of the host.”

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from the others in the tribunal. Members of the council escort the humanlike being into the chambers (7:13). He comes “with” [íÏò] 313 the “clouds of heaven,” suggesting that the clouds may be courtiers of the council.314 From one of the numerous “attendants,” Daniel seeks an interpretation of the visions (v. 16), but does not describe the interpreter. Elsewhere, Daniel B refers to various heavenly beings. If he gives them form at all, it is always human (8:15, 16; 9:21; 10:5, 16; 12:6). His most detailed description is of the “man clothed in linen,” who combines features of Ezekiel’s heavenly man-inlinen and of God (Ezek 9:2; 1:27). Daniel actually names two angelic beings. Gabriel is a øÎáÎb (a strong young man, hero, or warrior [8:16; 9:21]). His name means “man [warrior] of God.”315 Michael is “one of the chief princes” (10:13) and “great prince [and] protector” [ìÌò ãÍîÇòËä ìÇãËbÌä øÌrÌä] of Israel (12:1).316 His name means “who is like God?” The text also mentions princes of Persia and Greece who oppose God’s princes (10:13, 20). National patron angels are here clearly mentioned; although the unnamed Mala k YHVH was in a sense Israel’s patron long before this, and Deuteronomy 32:8 (margin) implicitly attests to angelic rulers over the nations. First Enoch contains names for numerous other good and fallen archangels, but Daniel says nothing about them.317 Angels are not prominent in Daniel 1-6. Nebuchadnezzar calls the beings that he sees in his dream “Holy Watchers” (4:13, 17, 23).318 A human-

313

The LXX reads “upon” (cf. Matt 24:30; 26:64). The LXX-Theod. reads “with” (cf. Mark 14:62; Rev 1:7). 314

In 1 En 14:8 the clouds and fog call out to Enoch then the winds rush him to heaven. In Ugaritic texts, “clouds” accompany Baal’s entry into El’s presence. E.g. CTA 2.I:18; 4.VII.54, VIII.15-35 all mention “Ba‘al and his cloud entourage.” See Mullen, Assembly of the Gods, 214. 315 The related adjectival noun øÇaÏb (strong, mighty, valiant man) is used for angels (Ps 103:20), for God (Deut 10:17; Isa 10:21; Ps 24:8), and for the Davidic Messiah (Isa 9:5 øÇaÏbÐ ìÍà; Ps 45:44: “O mighty one”).

A øÌ× or prince of God’s army is mentioned in Jos 5:14. Michael figures prominently in Qumran works, especially in the War Scroll (1QM). The names “Gabriel” and “Michael” contain the ancient -el or “God” element. 316

317

Cf. 1 En 6:6-8; 9-10; 20. The 2d cent. BCE book of Tobit 12:15 speaks of Raphael, one of “the seven holy angels who present the prayers of saints and enter the presence of the glory of the Holy One.”

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like angel stood with Daniel’s friends in the furnace (3:24-25, 28), and in the lion’s pit with Daniel himself (6:22). Generally speaking, in Daniel A, the angels operate on an earthly, individual level; while in Daniel B, they operate on a heavenly, more cosmic, level. Compared with 1 Enoch, Daniel’s angelology is very subdued. He is more interested in what the beings do and say, not in who they are.319 Many have assumed that the growing Jewish fascination with angels during this era resulted from a deepening sense of God’s transcendence or withdrawal from earth.320 Viewed from another perspective, however, their presence illustrates God’s means of governing the world and communicating to men. As we saw earlier, this was an integral theological thrust of the whole divine council concept. For example, Isaiah’s vision of the transcendent King (6:1-3) did not imply God’s remote inaccessibility, but his powerful, direct involvement in Israel’s daily life and in international affairs.321 That God works on the mythic or angelic level merely reinforces ancient Hebrew theology that “the angel of YHVH encamps around those who fear him” (Ps 34:7). Thus, Daniel was not an apocalyptic innovator, as much as he was a restorationist who re-rooted his contemporaries in their ancient beliefs. Son of Man. In his night visions, Daniel also sees “one like a human being [ÖËðÛà øÌáÙk] coming with the clouds of heaven” (v. 13). This Bar Enash 318

1 En 12-16 concerns the divine judgment of “the Watchers.” On the meaning of “watchers,” see chap. 2 pp. 31-32 n. 17. 319

W. S. Towner says “a de-mythologizing of angels and the heavenly forces has already taken place in the Danielic corpus” (Daniel [Interpretation; Atlanta: John Knox, 1984] 173. Quoted and denied by J. J. Collins, “The Place of Apocalypticism,” Ancient Israelite Religion, 557 n. 74). For studies on Jewish angelology, see B. J. Bamberger, “Michael and Gabriel,” EncJud 11.1487-90; H. L. Ginsburg, “Angels and Angelology,”EncJud 2.956-77; G. W. E. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the Mishnah (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981), passim; C. Rowland, The Open Heaven: A Study of Apocalyptic in Judaism and Early Christianity (New York: Crossroad, 1982), esp. 78-94; E. E. Urbach, “The Celestial Retinue” (chap. 8); The Sages (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1987), 135-83, 204-07; and the pre-critical but useful work by A. Edersheim, The Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, orig. 1886, rpt. 1980), Vol. 2, Appen. 13, 748-55. 320

Cf. W. Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament (2 vols.; OTL; tr. J. A. Baker; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1961, 1967), 2.200. See W. Brueggemann, “Presence of God, Cultic,” IDBSup 680-683; H. J. Wicks, The Doctrine of God in the Jewish Apocryphal and Apocalyptic Literature (New York: Ktav, 1971). 321

Goldingay, Daniel, 88.

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(lit., “son of man”) is “presented” by council members to the Ancient One, who then gives him authority over the world. Bar Enash’s identity is the subject of many studies.322 Among other identifications, he has been equated with the Primeval Man,323 the Messiah-Son of David,324 a corporate representative of the Jewish people,325 the High Priest,326 a deified Israel,327 and the angel Michael.328 The identification of Bar Enash is complicated by the angel’s interpretation of the vision. According to the angel, God’s kingdom is taken from the four beasts and given not to the singular “son of man,” but to “the holy ones of the Most High” or “the people of the holy ones

322

E. g., see discussions by T. F. Glasson, “The Son of Man Imagery: Enoch XIV and Daniel VII,” NTS 23 (1977): 82-90; W. Horbury, “The Messianic Associations of ‘The Son of Man’,” JTS 36 (1985): 34-55; B. Lindars, “Re-enter the Apocalyptic Son of Man,” NTS 22 (1975): 52-72; G. Vermes, Jesus the Jew (New York: Macmillan, 1974), 160-91; idem, “The Present State of the ‘Son of Man’ Debate,” JJS 29 (1978): 123-34. See also extensive bibliography on Chap. 7 in J. Goldingay, Daniel, 137-142. For a discussion of the term “Son of Man” and its development in post-biblical (Early) Judaism see S. Mowinckel, He That Cometh (tr. G. W. Anderson; Nashville: Abingdon, 1954), 346-450. 323

The basis of this conjecture is Job 15:7-8: “Are you the firstborn of the human race? Were you brought forth before the hills? Have you listened in the council of God?” For a discussion of the Urmensch, see D. J. A. Clines, Job 1-20 (WBC 17; Waco: Word, 1989), 34950 with bibliography. 324

This is a common view of Early Jewish (b. Sanh 98a) and Christian tradition (e.g., Jerome’s commentary on Dan 7:13-14). 325

The idea of Corporate Personality (an individual represents a group and vice versa) already appears in the HB, especially in legal matters where families suffer for the sins of a single person. The phenomenon of pseudonymity may flow out of this thinking: a later writer believes himself to share the identity of an earlier writer. In Dan 7 the “holy ones” may be the corporate body of their leader Bar Enash. See the discussion in H. W. Robinson, Corporate Personality in Ancient Israel (rev. ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980); A. R. Johnson, The One and the Many in the Israelite Conception of God (Cardiff: Univ. of Wales Press, 1961). On pseudonymity see D. S. Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1964), esp. 127-39. 326

Lacocque, Book of Daniel, 125-26.

327

M. Black, “The Throne-Theophany Prophetic Commission and the ‘Son of Man’: A Study in Tradition-History,” in Jews, Greeks and Christians (Religious Cultures in Late Antiquity) (FS: W. D. Davies; ed. R. Hamerton-Kelly & R. Scroggs; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976), 57-73, esp. 62. 328

Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, 81-85. Collins notes elsewhere that in the Qumran War Scroll (1QM 17:6-8) the Angel Michael is the eschatological redeemer and in 11QMelch 13-15 he is identified with cherubim who stand in the divine council (“The Son of Man and the Saints of the Most High in the Book of Daniel,” JBL 93 [1974] 63-66).

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of the Most High” (vv. 18, 22, 27).329 Because of the switch from Bar Enash to the holy ones, many scholars think he is thus a representative of the whole nation Israel. After v. 14 Bar Enash is not mentioned again. In view of the limited scope of this paper, it is not necessary here to arrive at a particular identification. In studying throne visions, we have detected an ongoing interest in Israel’s earthly leadership, as well as God’s position as king. After the fall of Jerusalem and the Exile, questions about the future of the Davidic dynasty were common. Both Jeremiah and Ezekiel prophesied that a “David” would once again rule as God’s prince (e.g. Jer 30:9; Ezek 34:23-24; 37:24-25). The question arises whether the book of Daniel, which revived the divine council imagery, contains any Davidic notions. Is it possible to distinguish any Davidic dimensions of Bar Enash? Before attempting to locate such dimensions, it is important to review certain aspects of “Davidic theology.”330 For example, the central subject of Psalm 89 is the covenant love that God exhibits toward David and his sons (vv. 1-4).331 Because of his faithfulness YHVH is praised in “the assembly of the holy ones” (v. 5), by the beings around him in the council (v. 7). His throne is supported not by cherubim but by “righteousness and justice,” and he is protected not by seraphim but by “steadfast love and faithfulness” (v. 14).

329 Collins argues that the “holy ones” are angels and that Bar Enash is Michael, their leader. Collins does not exclude the possibility that the holy ones are also persecuted Jews (“saints” in RSV). At Qumran, he points out, the term “holy ones” refers to both human and suprahuman beings. The objection that Dan 7:21 and 25 speak of the little horn waging war on the holy ones and must therefore refer to Israelites is met with the observation that Dan 10-12 explicitly describes battle between angelic forces, and that such wars commonly show up in ANE literature (Apocalyptic Imagination, 83-85). “In modern thinking we assume the priority of human experience and see the mythological world of the gods as a projection. In the ancient world, in contrast, the priority of the world of the gods is assumed, and earthly affairs are regarded as reflections of the greater reality” (p. 84). Goldingay renders the phrase as “holy ones on high” (i.e., angels), instead of “holy ones of the Most High.” See discussion in his Daniel, 176-78; idem, “‘Holy Ones on High’ in Daniel 7:18,” JBL 107 (1988): 495-97. 330

For discussions of the elements of Davidic theology, see P. K. McCarter, II Samuel (AB 9; Garden City: Doubleday, 1984), 190-231; G. von Rad, Theology, 1.308-24; J. D. Levenson, Sinai and Zion: An Entry into the Jewish Bible (Minneapolis: Winston Press, 1985), 97-101. On the subject of God’s covenant love (ãÎñÎç) toward David and his dynasty, see N. Glueck, Hesed in the Bible (tr. A. Gottschalk; New York: Ktav, 1975), 75-79. Cf. also H-J. Zobel, “ãñç,” TDOT 5.44-64; K. D. Sakenfeld, The Meaning of Hesed in the Hebrew Bible: A New Inquiry (HSM 17; Missoula: Scholars Press, 1978). 331

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This Lord of the divine council is David’s Father (vv. 26-27). As such, he guarantees that his son’s throne will stand “as long as the heavens endure . . . like the sun [and] moon” (vv. 29, 36, 37). Thus David’s dominion on earth is a reflection of God’s cosmic supremacy. “The king does on earth what God does in heaven. One is almost tempted to speak of the king as ‘the image and likeness of God’ on earth.”332 The Davidic throne, in other words, has the support of YHVH and his heavenly hosts in administering God’s kingdom [úÎëÎìÙîÌî] on earth (v. 9). Psalm 91:11-12 appears to depict celestial beings guarding and carrying David’s throne, just as they did YHVH’s throne.333 Bar Enash receives his throne and dominion as co-regent in the midst of this heavenly council and its King. And as previous Davids, he is subordinate to the Most High. The kingdom is given to him, it is not by nature already his own.334 Other elements of Davidic theology are echoed in God’s transfer of dominion to Bar Enash. The “Royal Psalms” often describe David and his sons as co-rulers with YHVH.335 For example, Psalm 80 implores the “God of hosts,” who is “enthroned on the cherubim,” to grant help to “the man at Your right hand, the one You have taken as Your own” (v. 18, NJV). Elsewhere, the king and his people are pictured by a single metaphor: “the stem” (ˆBe, lit. son [Heb v. 16]). This stem (“stock” NRSV) is God’s nationvine whose “branches reached the sea, its shoots, the river” (v. 12, NJV). Under Solomon, Davidic influence reached its zenith, and did extend from the Euphrates River to the Mediterranean coast and down to the border of Egypt (1 Kgs 4:21). But in other Royal Psalms, their promised inheritance is said to include the whole earth. For example, in Psalm 2, God promises his “son” David : “I will make the nations your heritage, and the ends of the earth your possession” (v. 8).

332

T. Mettinger, King and Messiah: The Civil and Sacral Legitimation of the Israelite Kings (Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1976), 263. 333

Note that Daniel has angelic protection in the lion’s den (Dan 6:21-22).

334

“Chap. 7 invites us to focus on the humanlike figure’s role rather than its identity,” Goldingay, ibid., 172. 335

See K. Crim, The Royal Psalms (Richmond: John Knox, 1962), 29-39, and J. H. Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms (2d ed.; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1986). 1 Chr 29:23 emphasizes that “Solomon sat on the throne of YHVH”—it was not his own throne.

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Similarly, Psalm 110 describes David sitting beside YHVH as his coregent, while God subdues his enemies “over the wide earth” (v. 6). All this is in contrast, of course, to what actually happened; the House of David never encompassed all the kingdoms of earth. In Daniel 7:14, the ancient unfulfilled promise is renewed in visionary reality. Bar Enash and the holy ones of the Most High—as representatives of David and Israel—shall be given “the kingship and dominion and the greatness of the kingdoms under the whole heaven” (7:26). Therefore, even though the identity of Daniel’s corporate world-monarch is concealed within a sphere of ambiguous, apocalyptic symbols, Bar Enash’s Davidic ties should not be overlooked.336 In the (vv. 13-14), the symbolic form of this being is “like a son of man.” This contrasts with those kings whose forms are “like” lions, bears, leopards, and completely monstrous beasts (vv. 4-7). The form of Bar Enash also contrasts with the description of the angel in chapter 3 whose appearance is “like Bar Elahin [ïéÏäËìÛàÐøÌa]” or “a son of the gods” (RSV, v. 25). This suggests that Bar Enash is not an angelic being. Witness The prophet Daniel is presented as a Judean noble of the “royal family” (1:3, 6) who is “versed in every branch of wisdom, endowed with knowledge and insight, and competent to serve [ãÝîÚòÌì, lit., to stand] in the king’s palace” (1:4). Especially important to the theme of the book is Daniel’s God-given “insight into all visions and dreams” (1:17). Debates about whether he was a “prophet” are old. The book of Daniel nowhere states that he was. In Jewish writings prior to the 5th century CE, he was classed among the prophets of Israel, and the book bearing his name was always included in the prophetic corpus.337 With the publication of the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds,

336

Much has been made of the radical discontinuity between prophetic and apocalyptic writings. What was historical among the former became cosmic and symbolic in the latter. We have seen, however, that the apocalyptic writer Daniel reached back into sacred history to repolish old promises in anticipation of their future use. It is inconceivable that the visionary would jettison the “eternal” Davidic promises in favor of having Angel Michael rule over all humans on earth (contra Collins). Such an apocalyptic restructuring would so radically alter the biblical hope as to demolish it. The prayer of repentance in Chap. 9 and the admonitions in Chap. 11 for the people of God to remain loyal to the Covenant strongly suggest that the canonical reading of the book is not destructive of Israel’s past.

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the book of Daniel was placed in the Ketuvim or Writings portion of the Hebrew Bible.338 The statement in Dan 9:24—”Seventy weeks of years are decreed for your people and your holy city . . . to seal both vision [ïÇæÌç] and prophet [àéÏáËð]”—may refer to the whole book or to this particular vision and “Daniel” its author. Elsewhere, Daniel is told to “seal up the vision” (8:26) and “shut up the words, and seal the book, until the end of time” (12:4).339 We do know that the Daniel of chapters 1-6 was a reputable dream interpreter and possessor of the divine spirit (1:17; 4:8-9; 5:11-12), while the one in chapters 7-12 saw visions of heavenly reality. Both kinds of gifts would legitimately place both of them among the prophetic class in Israel.340

Actions of the Council In the council room “thrones were set in place,” presumably for the Ancient One’s associate judges or for Bar Enash (v. 9).341 The chamber also contains God’s special throne of fire with its fiery wheels, suggesting a seat of judgment. Once God takes his seat, the “court sat in judgment” (v. 10c), apparently to review the crimes of the four great beasts just described (vv. 28). Members of the tribunal open “the books,” which apparently record the 337

Daniel is classed as prophet in the following: all mss. of LXX; Qumran 4Q174 (= 4QFlor, “Midrash on the Last Days,” or “Florilegium”); Josephus, Ant. 10.11.7 §266-268; Matt 24:15; Barn. 4.4. 338

For a discussion, see K. Koch, “Is Daniel Also Among the Prophets?” Interpretation 39 (1985): 117-30, rpt. in Interpreting the Prophets (ed. J. L. Mays & P. J. Achtemeier; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 249-60. 339 Goldingay believes Jeremiah, not Daniel, is the nabi’ of chapter 9 (cf. v. 2: “I, Daniel, perceived in the books . . . according to the word of YHVH to Jeremiah the prophet”) (Daniel, 259-60). 340

Describing the Final Era, 4Q174 says: “This is the time of which it is written in the book of Daniel, the prophet” (II.3); G. Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls in English (3d ed.; London: Penguin, 1987), 294. 341

Cf. Ps 122:5: “For there [Jerusalem] the thrones of judgment were set up, the thrones of the house of David.” Rabbi Aqiba taught that the “thrones” in Dan 7:9 were for God and Messiah (b. Hag 14a, Sanh 38b), a view censored by Rabbi Eleazar b. Azariah, possibly because it gave support to the “Minim,” Jewish followers of Jesus. See the discussion in A. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven (Early Reports About Christianity and Gnosticism) (Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity; ed. J. Neusner; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977), 148-55.

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misdeeds of the beast-kingdoms.342 A decision is reached. The last “terrifying and dreadful” beast is put to death and its body incinerated (v. 11a). The other three are spared the death penalty, but their dominion is taken away (v. 11b).343 The “clouds” then escort Bar Enash into the royal hall and present him to God. In the place of the beasts, the human-like figure is given dominion over all peoples and a kingship “that shall never be destroyed” (v. 14). Purposes of the Throne Vision The theme central to Daniel, as in no other book in the Hebrew Bible, is the kingdom of God. Repeatedly, readers are reminded: He . . . deposes kings and sets up kings. (2:21a) The Most High is sovereign over the kingdom of mortals; he gives it to whom he will and sets over it the lowliest of human beings. (4:17; cf. 4:25, 26, 32; 5:21) Even “the heathen ruler receives his kingly power from God and is responsible to act as his viceregent in his world.”344 If he does not act according to the will of YHVH, he is judged and removed.345 For Jews living in either Babylon or Judah, this theme of the triumphant kingdom would ring a note of joy. During the Exile, with the loss of the Temple and kingship burning in their consciences, the Judeans were under considerable spiritual stress. The old world of Zion was gone, and the reality of God’s presence was in question. The feelings of many Jews is likely summed up in Darius’ question to Daniel: “O Daniel, servant of the living God, has your God whom

342

J. A. Montgomery, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Daniel (ICC; New York: Scribner’s, 1927), 299. Cf. 1 En 81:2 where the tablets of heaven contain “all the deeds of humanity” (OTP 1.59). 343 Some scholars believe the use of symbolic beasts for men is a sign of late, apocalyptical features in Daniel B. But in the 8th cent. Isaiah used animals for symbols of predatory nations: 5:29, 11:6; cf. 65:25 and Ps 80:13. 344 345

Goldingay, Daniel, 330.

Similarly Ps 82 portrays God standing in the divine council to hold judgment over the elohim in charge of his world. When they fail to rule righteously, he sweeps them away.

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you faithfully serve been able to deliver you from the lions?” (6:20). Confident Daniel replies, “God has sent his angel” (v. 21, emphasis added). The Babylonian court stories demonstrated that God was with those who were loyal to him. Loyalty in spite of circumstances brought his protection and escape. In chapter 7, the persecutions and martyrdoms of the “holy ones” under the fourth beast will eventually end and he will be executed. But their harsh trial ends not because of their prowess or warrior abilities, but by the sovereign intervention of the Ancient One and his court (one of whom is Gabriel) the Warrior of God. Certainly, their faithfulness to God is enjoined elsewhere (e.g. 11:32-35), but it alone does not turn the tide. The throne vision, therefore, reaffirms the ultimate kingship of God in the face of the arrogant power of ferocious kings who trampled and swallowed and wore out the people of God. God stands in the divine council and condemns them all. Their evil deeds do not miss God’s surveying eyes, nor do they escape being recorded in his memory-books. In God’s mind, their end has been determined: evil is dethroned. In the book of Daniel the word “secret” or “mystery” [Ara. æÌø] occurs nine times, mostly in chapter 2.346 The word “interpretation” [Ara.øÌÖÙt] occurs some 31 times, mostly in chapters 2, 4, and 5; but only once in chapter 7, where Daniel asks the angel for an interpretation of the throne vision.347 Although the Bible is at times ambivalent about the place of dreams as a means of divine communication, Daniel assumes their validity. Couched in all the dream symbolism are heavenly mysteries requiring interpretation. If chapters 7-12 are an expanded explanation of chapter 2, as discussed above, perhaps they are meant to be a øÌÖÙt on the æÌø concealed in Daniel’s interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar’s vision. Chapter 7 itself, however, contains its own zr’ needing angelic interpretation, as Daniel’s inquiry shows (v. 16). Thus the throne vision is itself both a øÌÖÙt and a æÌø. The vision opens the heavenly horizons of chapter 2 only when the human seer is told that it is doing so. What it reveals is God’s plan that the persecuting Gentiles will give way to God’s kingdom and co-regent. The throne vision also serves as a vehicle to visualize the arrival and

346

Cf. Dan 2:18, 19, 27, 28, 29, 30, 47, 47; 4:6 (Eng 9).

347

Russell, Method and Message, 117.

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coronation of Elyon’s co-regent. In Zechariah 3, God’s chosen leader symbolically stood in the council and received his commission to rule over the temple. Other Jewish works after Zechariah followed the same pattern.348 It seems to have been an important way to dramatize God’s influence in the choice of a national leader. In Daniel 7 the dramatization is heightened when its throne scene is viewed next to the throne scene in chapter 2. If chapter 7 is an interpretive commentary on chapter 2, the throne vision involving Bar Enash may also have some relationship to the narrative involving Daniel’s entry into Nebuchadnezzar’s throneroom. A brief outline of the two chapters reveals several interesting comparisons and contrasts. Chapter 2 begins with Nebuchadnezzar’s night dream about a statue of four metals representing four kingdoms (v. 1); chapter 7 opens with Daniel having a night vision of four beast-kingdoms rising from the sea (v. 1). In chapter 2, Nebuchadnezzar sits enthroned as “king of kings” (v. 37), while in chapter 7 “the Ancient One” (vv. 9, 13, 22) or “Most High” (vv. 18, 22, 25, 27) takes the throne. Nebuchadnezzar, as pictured in the dream statue, is “the head of gold” (2:38), while chapter 7 says “the hair of [God’s] head [is] like pure wool” (v. 9). Nebuchadnezzar is surrounded in his court by “the magicians, the enchanters, the sorcerers, and the Chaldeans” (2:2); in God’s court “a thousand thousands served him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood attending him” (7:10). Both groups of servants stand before their monarch. Chapter 7 thus contrasts the heavenly King and earthly monarch and their counsellors. As the narrative in chapter 2 unfolds, Nebuchadnezzar sends his chief executioner to bring in the dream-interpreter Daniel: “Arioch quickly brought Daniel before the king” (2:25). Similarly, in chapter 7 the vision witness sees “one like a human being coming with the clouds of heaven” (v.13). If the clouds are not emblems of heavenly beings, someone escorts Bar Enash into the council, as the passive verb makes clear: “[he] was presented.” Thus Bar Enash is both compared and contrasted with Daniel. One enters a pagan earthly court, the other the holy and heavenly. (It may also be that Daniel’s three friends parallel the “holy ones” of chap. 7.) In Daniel A, God himself gave Nebuchadnezzar “the kingdom, the 348

See chap. 5 below for other similar texts.

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power, the might, and the glory,” over all human beings, animals of the field, and birds of the air (2:37-38). Ironically, as a reward for explaining his dream, Nebuchadnezzar promoted Daniel and “gave him many great gifts, and made him ruler over the whole province of Babylon and chief prefect over all the wise men of Babylon” (v. 48). In chapter 7 God takes dominion away from the three beast-kings (vv. 11-12) and awards it to Bar Enash: To him was given dominion and glory and kingship, that all peoples, nations, and languages should serve him. (v. 14a) Similarly, Nebuchadnezzar’s image is worshiped by “all peoples, nations, languages” (3:4, 7) and Darius sends letters to “all peoples, nations, and languages that dwell in all the earth” (6:25a). The writer of 7:14 apparently intends to say that the regime once held by these gentile monarchs has been transferred to God’s own king. In reality, their dominion belonged to God all along, as Nebuchanezzar attests: it “is an everlasting sovereignty [ïËèÙìËÖ] and his kingdom endures from generation to generation” (4:31 [Eng 34]). Similarly, the dominion given Bar Enash “is an everlasting dominion [ïËèÙìËÖ] that shall not pass away, and his kingship is one that shall never be destroyed” (7:14b). Here then chapter 7 contrasts the vice-regents of God. Throughout the court stories of chapters 1-6 the gentiles control the world, but do so by the will of the Most High. His chosen servant Daniel gets a cabinet appointment in the realm, just as Joseph did in Egypt. Unlike Daniel, however, who enters gentile throne-rooms with limited earthly privileges, Bar Enash enters God’s heavenly throneroom and is literally given the world. These comparisons and contrasts, particularly between Daniel and Bar Enash, suggest that the throne vision in chapter 7 is offering a future hope visualized on a heavenly plane. It is saying that though the people of God suffer humiliation and disenfranchisement; though they have no power in the world, except what is given (by God’s hand) through gentile rulers; though they have no king and no share in an earthly kingdom—they will not be ultimately disappointed. The dominion of the gentiles has already ended (in the mind of the council); the people of God will share in the administration of God’s kingdom. They will have a king whose authority has God’s blessing and whose dominion will never end. What is clear in both chapters is that the people of God are powerless, and in the end it is not

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by their strength that the kingdom comes. Interestingly, in chapter 2 the stone from God’s mountain (kingdom) crushes the statue (vv. 44-45); but in chapter 7 the mysterious Bar Enash plays no obvious role in the defeat of his enemies. He does not slay the mythic beasts in cosmic combat: the dominion is given to him by Heaven. The sovereignty and power of the divine council is the only place the holy ones on earth should put their hopes. B. S. Childs provides an excellent summary to this section on Daniel: The apocalyptic visions of Daniel offer a witness distinct from the classic prophets of the Old Testament. This theological tension remains regardless of whether or not the book is assigned a position in the canon among the Prophets or the Writings. Daniel’s radical stance calls into question all human endeavors of ‘bringing in the kingdom’ or of ‘humanizing the structures of society.’ Rather, this biblical witness challenges the faithful to be awake and ready for the unexpected intervention of God in wrapping up all of human history. The stories of Daniel and his friends picture men who bear eloquent testimony in both word and deed to an unswerving hope in God’s rule. As a consequence, they were made free to hang loosely on the world because they knew their hope rested elsewhere.349

349

Ibid., Introduction to the O.T. as Scripture, 622.

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Summaries of Throne Visions As we saw in Chapter 1, gaining an audience with a deity was possible in many ANE cultures—granted that the person had proper credentials and that the appropriate divining procedures were observed. Usually only a priest or king could see the supreme gods, although some prophets experienced visions of lesser deities. Visions typically took place at a cult site. What the deities most frequently revealed was divine assurance for the earthly kings. In contrast, the Hebrew kings did not have throne visions; only the prophets did. Frequently the divine word actually opposed the human monarch. Many prophets were also priests in the Jerusalem temple. Divination procedures of any kind were outlawed by the Torah. Simple worship and prayer appear to be the only avenues of establishing communion with God. But apparently, God decided how and when to appear to the human witnesses; he could not be conjured. The throne visions were specifically appropriate for the people and the circumstances. To summarize chapters 3 and 4: Divine Names. The divine names used in the throne visions relate to YHVH’s historical revelation to the people of Israel. íéÏäÝìÛà is not merely the cosmic “God,” but the Creator God of Israel and true God among false ones around Israel. Elohim’s personal name—äåäé— describes the covenantloyal one who is present and helping his nation. He is _ÎìÎî both in the heavens and the earth—especially on Mount Zion. As úÇàËáÙöÐäåäé his lordship over creation and his ties to the Jerusalem Temple are both emphasized. He is the ïéÏîÇé ÷éÏzÌò, or Age-abiding One, the God of the ancient Hebrew fathers. In his name ïÇéìÎòÐìÍà we perceive connections with ancient Canaan and his supremacy over pagan deities, now made members of his holy assembly.

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Council Members. The throne visions reveal a variety of expressions for those who attend YHVH’s court. All the heavenly beings stand in God’s presence, subservient and ready for orders. As the King of kings, God expresses his nature using beings who symbolize subjugated foreign deities (seraphim, cherubim) and executes his will through heavenly armies (hosts, spirits), or anthropomorphic beings (living creatures, fiery men). All these innumerable beings are mere “children” to God, not his equals or rivals. They obey without question (and even volunteer to do) the will of YHVH. Even if their actions are destructive (haSatan and Job), God set boundaries on them, and in the end assumes responsibility himself for all that happens in his world. These millions of servants around his throne reinforce the theology that YHVH is not powerless, but has a vast array of “arms,” capable extensions of his authority. Vision Witnesses. Other than the elders who accompanied Moses, only individual men witnessed God sitting on his throne. The witnesses were all classified as prophets or accompanied a prophet (Exod). Four of the men also actually functioned as, or may have been, priests (Moses, Isaiah, Ezekiel, Zechariah), and were associated with the Temple either by being a Levite or a prophet. In either office, they would be in the best position to envision YHVH as King in this throneroom. Actions of the Council. God and the council gather in order to affect change in international, national, and individual status. In the council sessions, a city and two evil kings are rejected (Jerusalem, Ahab, Fourth Beast-King). Two prophets, a priest, and a messianic ruler are commissioned (Isaiah, Ezekiel, Joshua, Son of Man), while seventy-four elders are “confirmed” (Exod). In every session, God makes the decisions, while divine servants execute them. In a few cases, human servants share

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in the work. Dates. The historical contexts in which throne visions are set range from the 13th century (Exod), 9th century (1 Kgs), 8th century (Isaiah), 6th century (Ezek, Dan), and 5th century (Zech). The dates of composition, though far less sure, also have a broad range: 10th century (Exod, if J), 8th century (Isa), down to the 2d century (Dan). Thus the visions appear in historical and literary materials spanning six to eight hundred years. Provenance. The visions are given mostly to Judeans or Levites, except for Micaiah, whose lineage is not given. The visions occur in the Northern Kingdom Israel (1 Kgs), in Jerusalem (Isa, Zech, Dan) and in foreign lands (Exod, Ezek). Historical Realities. On the occasions when the throne visions were given, the people of Israel were in need of new leadership, either because they were just starting out as a nation (Exod), or because their kings were dead (Isa) or about to die (1 Kgs, Ezek), or because God was about to provide new leaders of his choice (Zech, Dan). God’s appearance on the throne as King assured his watchfulness over these accompanying changes (good or ill).

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Chapter 5

Conclusions and Trajectories Conclusions This paper has documented the existence and importance of the divine council in the Hebrew Bible. It has done so by analyzing terminology and imagery that depict God as an enthroned King surrounded by powerful supernatural creatures. Study of actual council sessions, or throne visions, focused on specific features such as YHVH’s status and authority, the decision-making processes of heaven, the nature of the heavenly attendants, and the identity of those who witnessed the sessions. The fact that council terminology and imagery occur throughout the Bible verifies its enduring place within Israel’s faith. There is no doubt she believed in the reality of God’s assembly. Indeed, she probably viewed it as representing an even higher order of reality than its mere material existence. The chair upon which God sat was secondary to the kingship he exercised from it. Chapter 1 demonstrated that the ancient world believed in a heavenly cosmic government, and that the gods communicated with select priests, prophets, and kings. Against this backdrop, Israel’s concept of a divine assembly is not unique. Its uniqueness lay in her perception of its constituency and its spirit toward humankind. Chapter 2 analyzed the terminology and imagery of the biblical divine council. It concluded that the concept of a heavenly assembly expressed Israel’s understanding of God’s various relationships to mankind and how he administered his creation through a large contingent of semi-divine beings. YHVH’s throneroom housed a monarchy, not a pantheon. Only one true God was present. The numerous designations for God’s servants suggest that the beings did not have only one form or function, but became what they needed to become in order to fulfill his purposes. They might be warriors or bailiffs or spies or witnesses or temple choirs or throne-bearers or winds or clouds or fire or even the spirit of false prophecy. But they were not mere metaphors for the forces of nature or for invisible inner human processes. They had personality and will and devotion to their Creator. They were the powers or representatives of the divine government, the world of Elohim. Chapters 3 and 4 analyzed six biblical throne visions. The data indicate

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that the names of God and the descriptions and names of the angels were specifically, theologically appropriate to the historical circumstances during which the visions were granted to the human witnesses. Of enormous significance was that God admitted certain people into his throneroom. Though these men entered via visions, rather than physical ascent, they were certain that they had actually seen and heard the council and counsel of YHVH. After auditing the court sessions they returned to their human community as messengers of God. The expression “Thus says YHVH” signified that the prophet had heard the message in God’s throneroom. Beyond being couriers, they had authority, during the proceedings, to affect the actions of the assembly. Their wishes (prayers?) had influence. Thus the world of Elohim was not closed. The gap between the Creator and creation was bridged from both sides: council members descended to earth and prophets ascended in spirit to heaven. The door, however, was not open to everyone. No one could self-induce ecstasy and enter the council uninvited or sneak window-peaks unobserved. The door was opened when and to whom God willed. In some throne visions, individual leaders appeared before God to receive their investiture or commission. The significance of their presence lay in the fact that God chose them as leaders. He was not indifferent to what transpired among his people, but influenced the course of human history as he planned it.

Trajectories To project beyond this paper, the question arises: If the concept and imagery of YHVH’s council were so important to biblical Jews and if throne visions were so powerful a method of conveying theological truth, were they also vital to later generations in Israel? This final chapter will suggest a tentative affirmative answer to this question. It must be “tentative” because a complete study of the materials is not possible here. What does follow is an annotated listing of several works that contain related imagery showing development of the biblical materials analyzed in this paper. Jewish literature is often apocalyptic in nature in the post-biblical period.350 Visions and heavenly journeys and complex symbolic universes 350

I am aware that 1 En 1-36 and 91-108 probably antedate the final form of Daniel, thus overlapping the “biblical” and “post-biblical” eras.

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frequently appear in works from the 3d century BCE down to the end of the 1st century CE.351 Interestingly, however, allusions to the divine council or interest in throne visions and similar “apocalyptic” subjects occur rarely in the Apocrypha. As discussed in chapter 4, one feature of apocalyptic writing is its tendency to bring back old theology and language in order to reestablish ties to the ancient faith. Apocalyptic language is primarily the expressive symbolic language of poetry used to articulate a sense or feeling about the world. Especially in times of crumbling worlds, the language affirmed the consoling reality of “a transcendent world” of divine mysteries above the earthly chaos.352 Secondly, the language sought to exhort, persuade, and “commission” people to pursue a “revolution in the imagination.” It challenged them to view the present world in radically different ways and to live with the knowledge that this deficient world was not the end, that another world (from God) was the final inheritance of the righteous.353 One of the ancient symbols revived by the apocalypticists was that of the divine council, and one prophetic “convention” they brought back to convey theological messages was the throne vision. The council and armies of God testified to his powerful presence in the world. The throne visions proved that human destinies were being discussed by their heavenly Lord. Such visions also frequently contained honored figures from Israel’s past, standing before God as models of righteousness.354 The visions of Ezekiel, Zechariah and Daniel were influential on many Jewish writings, for identical terminology and imagery can be seen in later works. Some of the 351

The Apocrypha, however, shows little interest in apocalyptic subjects and has only a few allusions to the divine council. In its one apocalyptic book, 4 Ezra (or 2 Esdras), the “transcendent world” descends to Ezra in the form of the angelic guide Uriel. Ezra prays to God, whose throne is “beyond measure” and is surrounded by “hosts of angels” (8:20-22), but Ezra gets no direct vision of the throneroom himself; he assumes its existence. 352

J. J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to the Jewish Matrix of Christianity (New York: Crossroad, 1987), 214. 353

Ibid., 215. But see L. L. Grabbe, who argues that apocalyptic works are not necessarily the product of crisis-times, “The Social Setting of Early Jewish Apocalypticism,” JSP 4 (1989): 27-47. 354

See a discussion in S. Niditch, “The Visionary,” in Ideal Figures in Ancient Judaism (ed. G. W. E. Nickelsburg and J. J. Collins; Missoula: Scholars Press), 153-79.

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documents apparently seek to identify Bar Enash, who was left unnamed in Daniel 7. (For example, 1 Enoch 48:10 says the “Son of man” as the Messiah.) Following are brief discussions of several representative works showing developed angelology and/or throne visions or heavenly ascents. 355

Apocalyptic Works: 3d—1st centuries BCE 356 The Book of the Watchers portion of 1 Enoch (chaps. 1-36) is now dated to the 3d century, and is (along with The Astronomical Book [1 En 72-82]) the oldest extra-biblical Jewish religious literature.357 It contains a report of the patriarch Enoch’s ascent into heaven, where he is commissioned by God to indict and intercede for the fallen angels (“watchers”).358 Following his vision of the Great Glory and the chariot-throne (chaps. 14-16), Enoch is taken on several angel-guided tours of the cosmos. The work contains much biblical council imagery, but it provides more detail about the architecture of

355 For survey articles, see B. Otzen, “Heavenly Visions in Early Judaism: Origin and Function,” in In the Shelter of Elyon (Essays on Ancient Palestinian Life and Literature) (FS: G. W. Ahlström; ed., W. B. Barrick and J. R. Spencer; JSOT Sup 31; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984), 199-215, and C. Rowland, “The Visions of God in Apocalyptic Literature,” JSJ 10 (1979): 137-54. 356 Lists of various Jewish apocalyptic works are found in: J. H. Charlesworth, The New Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha (ATLA Bibliography Series 17; Metuchen, NJ; London: American Theological Library and Scarecrow Press, 1987), 21; J. J. Collins, “The Jewish Apocalypses,” in Apocalypse: The Morphology of a Genre, Semeia 14 (1979): 28; M. E. Stone, “Apocalyptic Literature,” in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period (CRINT 2,II; ed. M. E. Stone; Assen: Van Gorcum; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984), 394-427. For background discussions of specific documents, see J. H. Charlesworth, The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research, With Supplement [hereafter: Pseudepigrapha] (Septuagint and Cognate Studies 7; No city: Scholars Press, 1981); G. W. E. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the Mishnah [hereafter: Jewish Literature] (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981); M. E. Stone, ed., Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period [hereafter: Jewish Writings]. 357

M. E. Stone, “The Book of Enoch and Judaism in the Third Century B.C.E.,” CBQ 40 (1978): 479-92, esp. 484. For English texts of 1 Enoch 1-36, see M. Black, The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch (SVTP 7; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1985); R. H. Charles, ed., The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, orig. 1913, rpt. 1964) [hereafter: APOT] , 2.188-208; J. H. Charlesworth, ed. Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (2 vols.; Garden City: Doubleday, 1983, 1985) [hereafter: OTP], 1.13-29. For discussions of 1 En 1-36, see Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha, 98-103; Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 48-55; Stone, Jewish Writings, 90-95, 395-406. 358

On the role of Enoch as intercessor, see J. P. Sisson, “Intercession and the Denial of Peace in 1 Enoch 12-16,” Hebrew Annual Review 11 (1987): 371- 86.

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heaven than is found in the HB.359 It also introduces hitherto unknown names of several archangels. For example, in addition to Michael and Gabriel, it refers to Semyaz and his band of fallen watchers, as well as to holy angels such as Surafel, Asuryal, Raphael, Uriel, Suru’el, Raguel, Ura’el, and Rufael. The frequently used title “Lord of Spirits” apparently is equivalent to the HB “Lord of hosts.”360 As in biblical throne visions, the actual entry of Enoch into God’s presence seems to be important for validating his authority as a messenger and for verifying the worth of the mysteries he unfolds. Such is also the case in the 3d century drama called Exagoge, written by a Jewish poet named Ezekiel, probably from Alexandria. 361 This work, based on the biblical exodus from Egypt, is distinguished for several reasons. Not only is it the earliest extant Jewish play in history, it contains one of the earliest post-biblical merkavah or chariot visions as well as “the earliest instance of the idea of a viceregent or plenipotentiary of God.”362 In the play, Moses has a vision in which he sees an enormous throne occupied by “a certain noble man,” presumably God. The Man hands his scepter and “royal diadem” to Moses and beckons him to ascend. As Moses complies, the Man descends from the throne. A “multitude of heavenly bodies” then gathers

359

Whereas the HB emphasizes the theological aspects of heavenly cosmology (structure and dynamics depicted in the divine council), 1 En 1-36 and other pseudepigraphal works tend to focus on physical cosmology, the actual structures of God’s world. But see C. A. Newsom, “The Development of 1 Enoch 6-19: Cosmology and Judgment,” CBQ 42 (1980): 310-29, and A. J. McNicol, “The Heavenly Sanctuary in Judaism: A Model for Tracing the Origin of an Apocalypse,” JRS 13 (1987): 66-94. The inner “palaces” of the divine House became a favorite topic of mystics. Scholars believe that 1 Enoch was the fountain-head of this kind of speculative mysticism. The Book of 3 Enoch (OTP 1.223-315) indicates how far some mystics took their speculations. 3 En is referred to in Jewish literature as Sefer Heikhalot, or the Book of the Palaces (see OTP 1.224). On the development of the subject, see P. Schäfer, “Tradition and Redaction in Hekhalot Literature,” JSJ 14 (1983): 172-81; G. Scholem, under art. “Kabbalah,” EncJud 10.500-06; idem, Kabbalah (Jerusalem: Keter, 1974), 14-21. 360 J. Gray, The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of God (Ebinburgh: T&T Clark, 1979), 271. Cf. 2 Macc 3:24. 361

For texts see C. R. Holladay, ed., Fragments From Hellenistic Jewish Authors, (Vol. 2: Poets; SBL Texts and Translations 30; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989), 363-65, and P. W. van der Horst, “Moses’ Throne Vision in Ezekiel the Dramatist,” JJS 34 (1983): 21-29. For a discussion, see Stone, Jewish Writings, 125-30. 362

van der Horst, ibid., 22.

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before Moses and bows to him. Whether the imagery intends to set forth the divine kingship of Moses is debatable. There is, however, no doubt that he is in the place of God. For Moses to be symbolically enthroned this way was theologically powerful, but in the Alexandrian milieu, such exaltation of Moses was not uncommon. For example, Philo describes Moses as “god and king of the whole nation,” as one “who entered into the unseen, invisible, incorporeal and archetypal essence of existing things.”363 The throne vision in the Testament of Levi vindicates Levi as a priest and son of God.364 Following the genre of testamentary literature, this 2d century work portrays the third son of Jacob as telling his gathered children how the heavens opened and an angel beckoned him to enter (2:4-7). As Levi ascends through two lower heavens, he sees angelic spirits waiting to punish mankind and the evil spirits of Beliar (3:1-3). In the third and highest heaven dwells the Great Glory or the Holy Most High with all his archangels, messengers, thrones and authorities (3:4-8; 5:1). In a second vision, Levi undergoes a symbolic clothing change and investiture ceremony at the hands of seven men in white (8:1-10), very much on the model of Zechariah’s vision of Joshua the high priest (Zech 3). Qumran. In the extant Qumran scrolls, throne visions are not narrated, but interest in the divine council is profound. References to angelic beings are so numerous they cannot be fairly cited.365 Most of their

363

On the Life of Moses I.158 (Loeb Classical Library; tr. F. H. Colson; London: Heinemann; Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, orig. 1935, rpt. 1959), 6.357-58. See also E. R. Goodenough, By Light, Light: The Mystic Gospel of Hellenistic Judaism (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1935), 289-91; W. A. Meeks, “Moses as God and King,” in Religions in Antiquity (FS: E. R. Goodenough; Studies in the History of Religions 14; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968), 354-71. In the Wisdom of Solomon, an Alexandrian work from the mid-1st century BCE, the personified figure Wisdom, who is a pre-existent emanation of God (7:25), sits next to God on his throne (9:4). In the book of Sirach (Ecclesiastes), a Palestinian work from 180 BCE, Wisdom is said to occupy a throne in “in the assembly [e)kklhsi&a] of the Most High” which is in “the highest heavens” (24:2, 4). 364

For texts of TLevi see: APOT 2.304-15; OTP 1.788-95. For discussions, see Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha , 211-20; Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 231-41; Stone, Jewish Writings, 331-44. 365

Texts especially rich in angelic references include the Manual of Discipline (1QS), the War Scroll (1QM), and the Hymn Scroll (1QH). On Qumran angelology, see T.

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titles are biblical: elim or elohim (gods), sons of heaven, mighty ones, holy angels, holy ones, spirits, hosts, glorious ones, princes, and so on. Unlike the HB, the scrolls provide great detail on angelic ranking. The heavenly army observes a strict chain of command. One of God’s archangels, Michael, is especially popular in the scrolls. He is the Prince of Light or Angel/Spirit of Truth. Against him is arrayed Belial (or Mastema), the Prince of Darkness and his armies. In biblical fashion, God’s angels act as his heavenly retinue: praising him in the assembly, delivering his messages to men, interceding and interpreting on behalf of mankind, and fighting in the final eschatological war against evil spirits and humans. In the fragmentary Targum of Job from Cave 11, the angels are even the instruments of creation (“by them He makes. . .”), and administrators for God: “He has put them in charge of all He has created.”366 This attribution of cosmic responsibility is significant. In the so-called Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (mid-1st cent. BCE), the main source of inspiration is Ezekiel’s throne-chariot and his depiction of the heavenly temple (chaps. 40-48).367 These thirteen liturgical compositions command angelic praise of God, describe a seven-fold division of angelpriests of the inner sanctum, and outline the worship to be performed on successive sabbaths in the heavenly sanctuary. Elaborate reports of the temple design and its furniture occur throughout. On the 7th Sabbath (the central song), the cherubim, ophanim (“wheels”), and even the holy chariots H. Gaster, The Dead Sea Scriptures (3d ed.; New York: Doubleday Anchor Press, 1976), 56467; M. Mansoor, The Thanksgiving Hymns (Studies on Texts of the Desert of Judah 3; Leiden: E. J. Brill; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1961), 77-84; H. Ringgren, The Faith of Qumran: Theology of the Dead Sea Scrolls (tr. E. T. Sander; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1963), 81-93; A. E. Sekki, The Meaning of Ruah at Qumran (SBL Dissertation Series 110; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989; Y. Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light Against the Sons of Darkness (tr. B. & C. Rabin; Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1962), 229-42. For complete lists of the published DSS and secondary literature, see J. A. Fitzmyer’s recent The Dead Sea Scrolls: Major Publications and Tools for Study (SBL Resources for Biblical Study 20; rev. ed.; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990), 121-26. 366

For the text and notes, see W. H. Brownlee, “The Cosmic Role of Angels in the 11Q Targum of Job,” JSJ 8 (1977): 83-84. 367

For the editio princeps of the entire cycle of Songs, see C. Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical Edition (HSS 27; Atlanta: Scholars Press 1985). One of the songs was early published by J. Strugnell, “The Angelic Liturgy at Qumran—4Q Serek Sirot Olat Hassabbat,” in Congress Volume 7 (VTSup; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960), 318-45. For translations and notes on the “Angelic Liturgy,” see Gaster, Dead Sea Scriptures, 289-91; G. Vermes, Dead Sea Scrolls, 210-12.

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(plural) “give praise together . . . and bless wondrously” the King of glory.368 Oddly enough, no visionary image of God himself is ever depicted. The closest the Songs come is to say: “The image of the chariot throne do they bless.”369 The Songs unswervingly focus on the spirits and the glorious surroundings in the temple of the King.370 While these texts are manifestly visionary or mystical, they are not ascribed to a prophet who entered heaven. They do not explain how the writer knows what goes on there. Because of the preoccupation with the chariot and the angelic songs, scholars believe that this document and Qumran itself are the well-spring of Merkavah Mysticism.371 Ascensions to heaven involving the Chariot-Throne were the goal of Jewish mystics in later centuries. So pervasive was the obsession with the Merkavah that the rabbis of the Mishnah (c. 200 CE) forbade speculations about it and even restricted the private reading of Ezekiel’s chariot vision.372 A final work from Qumran shows how biblical council imagery was employed in an eschatological text about God’s co-regent. The Melchizedek Pesher (11QMelch) is a chain of biblical passages concerning the Tenth or Final Jubilee, an event of liberation.373 When the pesher quotes Isaiah 61:2,

368

4Q403 1 ii; Newsom, ibid. 229.

369

4Q405 20-21-22, 8; Newsom, 306. On the development of such songs in later Jewish mystical literature, see I. Gruenwald, “Song, Angelic,” EncJud 15.144. 370

The “bricks” of the heavenly temple appear to be related to the throne platform mentioned in Exod 24:10. See M. S. Smith, “Biblical and Canaanite Notes to the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice from Qumran,” RevQ 12 (1987): 585-88. 371 Cf. J. M. Baumgarten, “The Qumran Sabbath Shirot and Rabbinic Merkabah Traditions,” RevQ 13 (1988): 199-213; C. Newsom, “Merkabah Exegesis in the Qumran Sabbath Shirot,” JJS 38 (1987): 11-30; L. H. Schiffman, “Merkavah Speculation at Qumran: The 4Q Serekh Shirot Olat ha-Shabbat,” in Mystics, Philosophers, and Politicians (FS: A. Altmann; ed. J. Reinharz and D. Swetschinski; Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1982), 15-47. 372

B. Hagigah 11b (re: M. Hag. 2:1) forbids expounding on “the Chariot in the presence of one, unless he is a sage and understands of his own knowledge.” 373

This work dates to the mid-1st cent. BCE. For the text and notes on 11QMelch, see J. A. Fitzmyer, “Further Light on Melchizedek from Qumran Cave 11,” in Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament (Sources for Biblical Study 5; n.p.: Scholars Press, 1974), 245-67, and M. de Jonge and A. S. van der Woude, “11Q Melchizedek and the New Testament,” NTS 12 (1966): 301-26. See also D. Flusser, “Melchizedek and the Son of Man,” in Judaism and the Origins of Christianity (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1988), 186-92,

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mentioning the agent who brings in the expected “favorable year of the Lord,” it makes a startling change in the MT. In place of “favorable year of YHVH,” the pesher reads: “the acceptable year of Melchizedek . . . and the holy ones of God” (l. 9). The substitution of “Melchizedek” for the divine name is unmistakable in the Hebrew text. To further amplify its idea, the pesher then quotes Psalm 82:1: “Elohim has taken his stand in the assembly of El.” The juxtaposition of Isaiah 61:2 with this verse from Psalm 82 strongly suggests that the writer was implicitly substituting “Elohim” with “Melchizedek,” the one who will “exact the vengeance of the judgements of God,” with the help of “all the gods . . . all the sons of might” (ll. 13-14). The biblical imagery of YHVH standing in his assembly has been transferred to his eschatological agent of judgment, the mysterious priest without genealogy.

Apocalyptic Works: 1st century CE The Roman occupation of Israel, the life, death and resurrection of Jesus, the Jewish Revolt of 66-73, and the Fall of Jerusalem were major events of this century that made profound impacts on Jews. Evidently because of the chaos and the sense of anticipation and promise, several works attempted to exhort faithfulness to God and console during tribulation. The use of divine council imagery and throne visions increased. In 4 Maccabees (c. 20-54 CE), for example, the narrator tells a retrospective story of a devout Jewish woman whose seven sons were martyred one-by-one by Antiochus IV. After the last son perishes, she jumps into the fire to join them. Whereupon the narrator bursts into a panegyric on the mother. He says that she and they “now stand before the divine throne and live through blessed eternity” (17:18). To be in the throneroom and obtain a “divine inheritance” is their reward (18:3). The Parables or Similitudes of Enoch (1 Enoch 37-71) is one the most significant works of the era.374 References to throne visions and to God’s coand M. P. Miller, “The Function of Isa 61:1-2 in 11Q Melchizedek,” JBL 88 (1969): 467-69. For full bibliography see Stone, Jewish Writings, 521-22. 374

The dating of the Parables has occupied scholars for decades. This portion of the Enochean corpus was not included in the mss. found at Qumran, so some scholars interpreted this to mean that the Parables were composed after the destruction of the

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regent abound, even though it apparently shows no “Christian influence.”375 Like the Book of the Watchers (1 En 1-36), the Parables focus on Enoch, the traveller to heavenly realms. In chapters 46-49, 60-62, and 71, Enoch ascends to the divine throne where he sees the white-haired “Head of days” or “Antecedent of Time” or “Lord of the Spirits” sitting on his throne of glory surrounded by angels. He also sees “another individual” in the throneroom, known variously as God’s Elect (61:5), the Messiah (48:10), the Chosen (48:6), and the Son of Man (46:3; 48:2; 62:7; etc.). The Son of Man sits enthroned beside God (46:1) as the spirit-filled eschatological judge of evil angels and mankind (46:4-5; 61:8). However, he is not always at center stage. For example, at the end of time, God will have praise from “all the forces of the heavens, and all the holy ones above, and the forces of the Lord—the cherubim, seraphim, ophanim, all the angels of governance, the Elect One, and the other forces on earth (and) over the water” (61:10-11). In chapters 7071, Enoch ascends again to “the heaven of heavens,” to a throneroom in a crystal cathedral filled with all the divine council members (71:7-9). There sits the “Antecedent of Time” who dispatches an angel to tell Enoch that he will inherit everlasting peace with the “Son of Man” (71:17).376 Some have suggested that this passage hints at Enoch’s exaltation to become that Son of Man, but the text is not so explicit.377 In the book of 2 Enoch, Enoch’s exaltation to heavenly status is clearly described. Shortly after the fall of Jerusalem in 70, a Jewish writer (perhaps in Alexandria) wrote an apocalypse in testamentary form. Like most portions of 1 Enoch, this lengthy work also features the Antediluvian’s ascents into heaven.378 In this document, Enoch sees God on his high throne settlement in 70 CE. Others said that the Qumran community simply was not aware of this portion. The tentative view today affixes composition prior to 70 CE. E.g., Collins says: “The Similitudes . . . should be dated to the early or mid first century C.E.” (Apocalyptic Imagination, 143). For further discussion, see Stone, Jewish Writings, 395-403. 375

For texts of 1 En 37-71, see APOT 2.208-37; OTP 1.29-50. For discussions, see Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha, 98-103, 278-83; Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 214-23. 376

For a discussion of the “Son of Man,” see Black, 1 Enoch, 188-93.

377

See a discussion in Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, 147-53.

378

For texts of 2 En, see APOT 2.425-69; OTP 1.102-213. For discussions, see Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha, 103-06; Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 185-88; Stone, Jewish Writings, 406-08.

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in the tenth heaven, where he is surrounded by phoenixes, cherubim, sixwinged beings, fiery armies of the incorporeal ones, archangels, (mere) angels, and shining otanim stations, all assembled according to rank (19:620:3, Res. A). The throne vision in chapter 22 reveals that God’s appearance is less than amicable: “His face was strong and very glorious and terrible” (v. 1, A). He exudes a spirit of judgment among his “many-eyed ones” (spies?). At God’s command, Enoch himself is lifted up to the throne, where his earthly clothes are exchanged for “clothes of glory,” and he is anointed with sun-bright “delightful oil” (22:8-9, A). Enoch gazes at himself and exclaims: “I had become like one of the glorious ones, and there was no observable difference” (v. 10). Once Enoch belongs to the heavenly company, the archangel Vereveil tutors him in heavenly secrets from “the books” for a month. Enoch records his lessons in 360 books (23:6, A), which he later uses to instruct humans after descending back to earth (chaps. 35-68). Significantly, he is not called a “prophet,” although he had visited the divine council. He is more an interpreter of the books of heaven, perhaps as Daniel “B” interpreted the books of the prophets before him. The Testament of Abraham (c. 75 CE) contains no throne vision of God, but during a chariot tour of heaven Abraham sees primeval Adam sitting on a golden throne (11:4a).379 The great Father’s appearance “was terrifying, like the Master’s” (v. 4b). When the “first-formed Adam” watches countless sinners passing through “the broad gate” of destruction, he falls off the throne, crying and wailing (v. 11). Next Abraham sees “a wondrous man, bright as the sun, like unto a son of God” sitting on a terrifying crystal throne (12:4-5). Using a nine-foot-thick book, this man judges the souls of men (vv. 7, 11). Upon inquiry, Abraham learns that this “all-wondrous judge” is none other than Adam’s son, Abel (13:1-2). It is not clear if the text views Abel as the righteous successor to his father, who vacated the chair of authority when his “sins” passed before him. In any case, Abel will “judge the entire creation” until God’s “great and glorious Parousia” (v. 4). In The Life of Adam and Eve, Adam is taken to heaven on a chariot of

379

For a text of TAbr, see OTP 1.882-902. For discussions, see Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha, 70-72; Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 248-53; Stone, Jewish Writings, 6064, 420-21.

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wind and fire.380 In paradise, he sees thousands of angels around the holy chariot of the Lord. As in 2 Enoch 22, God’s appearance radiates “unbearable fire” (25:3), i. e. it is full of judgment. Indeed, God strongly rebukes Adam for listening to Eve and condemns him to die (26:1-2). Though Adam repents and pleads for grace (chaps. 27-28), Michael ejects him from heaven and escorts him home (chap. 29). Before dying, Adam tells his story to his children in testamentary fashion. Embedded in the book of the Life of Adam and Eve is a separate but related document giving Eve’s side of the story of the Fall. It is called the Apocalypse of Moses. While no throne visions are reported, it does refer to God’s “chariot of cherubim” (22:3) and a “chariot of light” drawn by four radiant eagles (33:2). Other beings also transport people to the heavenly realms. For example, six-winged seraphim “came and carried Adam off to the Lake of Acheron and washed him three times in the presence of God” (37:3). (In Isaiah 6, seraphim sing God’s praise and purify the prophet with an altar coal.) God then picks him up and hands him to Michael, who takes Adam away to die (37:5-6). In the Apocalypse of Abraham, the ancient patriarch rehearses his lifestory.381 At his initial call while still in Ur, God speaks to him “from the heavens in a stream of fire” (8:1) and promises to reveal secrets of creation and the future (9:9-10). Abraham sees the fabulous angel Yaoel [i.e. Yahweh + El], whose body was like sapphire [cf. Exod 24:10], a face like chrysolite, and hair like snow [cf. Dan 7:9].382 His headdress or turban was like a rainbow, his clothing of purple, and in his right hand a golden staff (11:1-3). Yaoel leads Abraham on a 40-day wilderness trek to Horeb (Sinai), where he offers sacrifice in the presence of angels (chap. 12). Later Abraham ascends to heaven on the right wing of a pigeon (chap. 15). There, he sees a throne 380 For texts of LAE, see APOT 2.123-54; OTP 2.258-95. For discussions see, Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha, 74-75; Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 256-57; Stone, Jewish Writings, 113-18. 381

For a text of ApAbr, see OTP 1.689-705. For discussions, see Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha, 68-69; Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature 294-99; Stone, Jewish Writings, 41518. 382

Compare the angel who appears to Aseneth: “His face was like lightning, and his eyes like sunshine, and the hairs of his head like a flame of fire of a burning torch, and hands and feet like iron shining forth from a fire, and sparks shot forth from his hands and feet” (Joseph and Aseneth 14:9, OTP 2.225). For date and discussion of JosAsen, see R. D. Chesnutt, “The Social Setting and Purpose of Joseph and Aseneth,” JSP 2 (1988): 21-48.

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similar to Ezekiel’s chariot-throne, but never describes an image of God (chap. 18-19). Summary. Heavenly ascents in or to the presence of the Chariot were a dominant feature of several 1st century works. Given the circumstances of the times, this is not surprising. For, according to Samson Levey, the whole purpose of Merkavah Mysticism was to provide “a surrogate for the demolished sanctuary,” in just the way that Ezekiel’s chariot vision had delivered “the Jewish people from total oblivion” by stressing that the throne of YHVH was beyond the reach of Babylonian might—i. e. in heaven.383 One of the first post-70 works to reflect this chariot emphasis was the Targum of Ezekiel. Levey credits Johanan ben Zakkai, a leader at Yavneh, with the first redaction of the targum. In it, ben Zakkai sought to protect his followers from further despair by suppressing messianic aspirations and substituting merkavah mysticism for messianic activism. Evidently thinking it was no longer a viable doctrine, ben Zakkai ignores the subject of the Messiah.384 Ironically, within another century, the Mishnaic rabbis had to suppress these chariot speculations, as being spiritually (and socially?) dangerous. At the same time, they followed ben Zakkai and downplayed messianic speculation. As time went on, rabbinic Judaism continued to drive mystical movements and apocalyptic writings underground. Generally, prophets and throne visions were replaced by scholars and rational expositions of the Torah.385 Below the surface, however, interest in God’s throneroom continued. Even the Talmud reports that four renowned 2d century rabbis had ascended to heaven,386 and another rabbi reportedly witnessed the

383

S. H. Levey, The Targum of Ezekiel (Aramaic Bible 13; Wilmington: Michael Glazier, 1987), 3. 384

Ibid., 4.

385

On the Mishnaic suppression of the Messianic idea, see J. Neusner, “Mishnah and Messiah,” in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (ed. J. Neusner, W. S. Green; E. Frerichs; Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1987), 265-82. 386

The four Palestinian rabbis were Ben Zoma, Ben Azzai, Aqiba, Elisha B. Abuya (b. Hag 14b; t. Hag 2:1-6; y. Hag 2, 77a). The most extensive single text in classical rabbinics on the Merkavah is b. Hagigah 11b-16a. Cited by Alexander, OTP 1.230.

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enthronement of King David (Messiah) in the heavenlies.387

The New Testament Several passages in the New Testament—which of course belongs to the category of “Jewish Literature”—suggest a deep and widespread awareness of the Hebrew divine council. Though the apocalyptic book of Revelation (not surprisingly) contains many of these texts, divine council imagery is also common in the gospels and letters. Pertinent examples are grouped below in categories corresponding to the terminology and imagery of the Hebrew Bible. Throneroom Imagery. What is immediately evident in the NT are the echoes of the Davidic theological image of two kings—God and David—seated together on one throne. For example: To the one seated on the throne and to the Lamb be blessing and honor and glory. (Rev 5:13) Salvation belongs to our God who is seated on the throne, and to the Lamb. (Rev 7:10) I saw no temple in the city, for its temple is the Lord God the Almighty and the Lamb. (Rev 21:22) Many verbal parallels exist between the coronation of Solomon and the throne scenes in Revelation.388 Frequent use is made of imagery from Psalm 110, especially to express Jesus’ post-resurrection status at God’s right hand as Lord and Messiah (Acts 2:34-36; Matt 22:41-45; 1 Cor 15:23-28; Eph 1:20). Other passages employ the same psalm to depict Jesus’ role as heavenly High Priest and Mediator-Intercessor (Rom 8:33-34; Heb 1:3-4; 7:1525; 9:24; 1 Jn 2:1).389

387 This was Rabbi Ishmael, as reported in the Hekhalot text Merkavah Rabbah. Cf. D. Flusser, “Messianic Blessings,” in Judaism and the Origins of Christianity, 295-99. 388

Cf. 1 Chr 29:10-13 with Rev 4:11a and 5:12, 14; and 1 Chr 29:22 with Rev 19:9 and Exod 24:11. 389

For a thorough study on Ps 110 in the NT, see D. M. Hay, Glory at the Right Hand: Psalm 110 in Early Christianity (SBL Monographs 18; Nashville: Abingdon, 1973). Hay says the psalm was popular because its imagery “affirmed supreme exaltation without calling into question the glory and sovereignty of God the Father. Jesus’ unique elevation

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In John 10, Jesus discusses with the Jewish authorities their charge that he calls himself “God” (a false accusation, since he calls himself “Son of God”). Quoting Psalm 82:6—”I said, you are gods [elohim]”—he points out that “those to whom the word of God came were called ‘gods’ (Jn 10:35).” The parallel line in Psalm 82:6b equates the “gods” with “the children [or sons] of the Most High.” Therefore it would not be illegitimate for him to say “I am God’s Son” (v. 36). Jewish midrashic interpretations identify these “gods/sons,” not as angels, but as judges or the people of Israel standing below Sinai.390 While Jesus may have accepted popular views of the passage, he may also have intended to point to the more literal meanings of the term elohim, and suggest to his audience that he could be called “Son of God” (ben elohim) because he was (before his descent) a member of that council.391 The Johannine writings seem to depict an interplay between two courts: the earthly Sanhedrin and the heavenly divine council. The words and works of Jesus are being scrutinized by both, and Jesus knows it. He frequently cites his heavenly Witness in defense of what he is doing and who he is: There is another who testifies on my behalf, and I know that his testimony is true. (John 5:32) Jesus answered, “Even if I testify on my own behalf, my testimony is valid because I know where I have come from and where I am going. . . . I testify on my own behalf, and the Father who sent me testifies on my behalf. (John 8:14, 18) Which of you convicts me of sin? If I tell the truth, why do you not believe me? (John 8:46) 392

was thereby defined in terms of unique proximity to God, and Father and Son were carefully distinguished. . . . [T]his image intrinsically affirmed a continuing relationship between the exalted Christ and God, precluding any possibility of conceiving Christ as a new deity dethroning an older one” (159-60). 390

Cf. J. H. Neyrey, “I Said ‘You Are Gods’: Psalm 82:6 and John 10,” JBL 108 (1989): 647-63; S. L. Homcy, “‘You Are Gods’? Spirituality and a Difficult Text,” JETS 32 (1989): 485-91. 391

Hebrews 1-2, however, argues strenuously that Jesus was not merely an angel, one of the elohim, but unique son of God. Cf. “only one” in John 1:14, 18; 3:16. 392

Cf. 1 John 5:9: “If we receive human testimony the testimony of God is greater; for this is the testimony of God, that he has testified to his Son.”

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Heavenly council texts in the HB normally depict God enthroned among his servants, but with Daniel 7 the pattern becomes three: God, Co-regent, and Angels. A similar pattern emerges in the NT. Paul urges Timothy to action by invoking the heavenly throneroom: “In the presence of God and of Christ Jesus and of the elect angels I charge you to keep these rules” (1 Tim 5:21; cf. 1 Tim 6:13; 2 Tim 4:1). The exalted Jesus himself promises the faithful follower: “I will confess your name before my Father and before his angels” (Rev 3:5). On the other hand, unbelievers will be denied “before the angels of God” (Luke 12:9); “they shall be tormented with fire and sulphur in the presence of holy angels and in the presence of the Lamb” (Rev 14:10).393 Although it is not an actual throne vision, the writer of Hebrews creates in the mind of his readers a vision of the true Mount Zion, “the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem”. Employing a similar triadic pattern, he tells them that they will draw near to “innumerable angels in festal gathering . . . to God the judge of all . . . and to Jesus, the mediator of a new covenant” (Heb 12:22-24). Throne Liturgy. Several of the “Royal Psalms” from the HB are quoted by NT writers. Originally, these psalms gave honor to the Davidic king. Psalm 110 is actually the most frequently quoted HB passage in the NT. It depicts YHVH as giving to the ïÇãËà at his right hand victory over his earthly enemies. Psalm 2 is also popular (Matt 3:17; 17:5; par.), but especially in the

393

NT “binitarian” imagery (i.e. God and Messiah) is the subject of L. W. Hurtado’s One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion and Ancient Jewish Monotheism (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988). The text of 1 Cor 8:6 reflects the early NT binitarian view: “For us there is one God, the Father . . . and one Lord, Jesus Christ.” Some late mss. add “and one Holy Spirit.” On rabbinic evidence that the early Jewish followers of Jesus taught a “binitarian theology,” see A. F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven: Early Rabbinic Reports About Christianity and Gnosticism (Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977); idem, Rebecca’s Children (Judaism and Christianity in the Roman World) (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1986), 151-58. Trinitarian imagery is the subject of a study by Jane Schaberg, The Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit: The Triadic Phrase in Matthew 28:19b (SBL Dissertations 61; Chico: Scholars Press, 1982). Schaberg thinks the Matthean triad of Father, Son, and Spirit is a midrashic interpretation of Daniel’s Ancient One, Son of Man, and Angels (chap. 7). That the “Spirit” of God can represent the “Spirits” of God, or vice versa, is suggested in John’s salutation in Rev 1:4: “Grace to you and peace from him who is and who was and who is to come, and from the seven spirits who are before his throne, and from Jesus Christ.” The “seven spirits” are elsewhere mentioned in Rev. 3:1, 4:5, and 5:6; in 8:2 they are called “seven angels who stand before God.” The “Holy Spirit” is never included in NT descriptions of the heavenly council.

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book of Revelation.394 The “Enthronement Psalms” (Pss 47, 93, 96-99), which originally praised YHVH as king, are also repeatedly used in Revelation.395 From the throne vision in Isaiah 6 the famous Kedushah is sung by the living creatures in the throne vision in Revelation 4: “Holy, holy, holy is the Lord God the Almighty, who was and is and is to come” (v. 8). The use of such temple-related materials suggests that Revelation, in this case, is seeking to establish theological links with the HB. Throne Visions. The NT contains two throne visions. The first is in the historical book of Acts. There Stephen is being tried by the Sanhedrin for preaching about Jesus in Jerusalem. Knowing he is about to be executed by the court, Stephen has a vision of God’s throneroom: “He gazed into heaven and saw the glory of God and Jesus standing at the right hand of God. ‘Look,’ he said, ‘I see the heavens opened and the Son of Man standing at the right hand of God’” (Acts 7:55-56). 396 Though he mentions no angelic beings, Stephen’s vision echoes Daniel 7: he sees YHVH and his Co-regent, God and the Son of Man. The second vision comprises two chapters in Revelation (i.e. 4-5).397 In typical apocalyptical language, John is invited to “Come up here” (4:1), where he enters heaven “in the spirit” (v. 2). Immediately, he sees “One seated on a throne” (v. 2). In a traditional Hebrew mindset, John is reluctant to say more about God, but quickly focuses on the creatures surrounding his throne. These include “familiar” council members. Main attention,

394

Compare: Ps 2:1—Rev 11:18; Ps 2:2—Rev 11:15; Ps 2:6—Rev 14:1; Ps 2:8—Rev 12:5; Ps 2:9—Rev 12:5, 19:15a; Ps 2:10-11—Rev 14:7. Interestingly, Revelation never quotes Ps 110. 395 Compare: Ps 47:8—Rev 4:2; Ps 47:9—Rev 4:10; Ps 93:1, 97:1, 99:1—Rev 19:6; Ps 96:1, 98:1—Rev 5:9, 14:3; Ps 96:13, 98:9—Rev 19:11. 396

On Stephen’s throne vision, see F. F. Bruce, The Book of the Acts (rev. ed.; NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989), 154-57. 397

On this throne vision, see L. W. Hurtado, “Revelation 4-5 in the Light of Jewish Apocalyptic Analogies,” JSNT 25 (1985): 105-24; R. H. Charles, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Revelation of St. John (ICC; 2 vols.; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, orig. 1920, rpt. 1985), 1.102-53; R. H. Mounce, The Book of Revelation (NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1977), 131-50. D. Halperin treats the book of Revelation “as Jewish” and analyzes chaps. 4-5 in light of Merkavah Mysticism (The Faces of the Chariot, 87-96. Cf. C. Rowland, “The Vision of the Risen Christ in Rev. i. 13ff: The Debt of an Early Christology to an Aspect of Jewish Angelology,” JTS 31 (1980): 1-11.

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however, eventually turns to the exalted Jesus, symbolized by a lion and a lamb (5:5-6). Together with his Father, the Lamb receives praise and worship from other council members gathered near the throne (5:11-14). By the end of the book, Jesus sits beside God on one throne (22:1, 3).398 Visionary Experiences. At Jesus’ baptism, “the heavens were opened to him” and “a voice from heaven said. . . .” (Matt 3:16; cf. Mark 1:10-11; Luke 3:21-22). The rending of the heavens and the revelation of a word from God were typical motifs in Jewish apocalyptic literature.399 Elsewhere in the gospels Jesus is portrayed as the one who descended from heaven, then ascended after his resurrection, and who will descend again one last time (Jn 3:13 [cf. Eph 4:9-10]; Jn 20:17; Acts 1:11; 1 Thess 4:16).400 Similarly, Paul ascends into the “third heaven” or is “caught up into Paradise” where he “heard things that are not to be told, and no mortal is permitted to repeat (2 Cor 12:2-4).401 In Acts 8:39, Peter is snatched away and transported to another locale by “the Spirit of the Lord” (cf. Elijah [1 Kgs 18:12; 2 Kgs 1:3, 2:16] and Ezekiel [Ezek 3:14; 8:3]). 398 It is significant that John never refers to a chariot in the throneroom. He clearly knows about Ezekiel’s vision, for he quotes from it. Does this omission suggest that John saw no need for a portable throne carried by heavenly beings, since the Messiah had sat down beside God, having ended the need for persecuted saints to know that the Throne was safe? Or is it possible that John was aware of the efforts of his contemporary Johanan ben Zakkai to substitute Merkavah speculation for the Messiah? Was John indirectly trying to affirm that the Lamb of God was the true comfort for Israel, that “Messianism” was very much alive? Ironically, John throughout portrays Jesus as primarily a victorious lamb, not revolutionary lion, and discourages the saints from military actions by encouraging them to “wait” (Rev 6:10-11). Ben Zakkai also advocated patient endurance. M. Barker notes: “Those who see Jesus achieve what others had achieved only by the vision of the throne, the vision of God: they are transformed by the experience and become angelic” (The Lost Prophet: The Book of Enoch and its Influence on Christianity [Nashville: Abingdon, 1988] 57). 399

Cf. J. H. Charlesworth, “The Jewish Roots of Christianity: The Discovery of the Hypostatic Voice,” SJT 39 (1986): 19-41. 400

Ascension in Early Judaism quite often implied martyrdom. See A. F. Segal, “Heavenly Ascent in Hellenistic Judaism, Early Christianity and their Environment,” ANRW 2.23.2 (1980), esp. 1369-77. 401

Cf. J. W. Bowker, “‘Merkabah’ Visions and the Visions of Paul,” JSS 16 (1971): 157-73; P. Schäfer, “New Testament and Hekhalot Literature: The Journey into Heaven in Paul and in Merkavah Mysticism,” JJS 35 (1984): 18-35; J. D. Tabor, Things Unutterable: Paul’s Ascent in Paradise (Lanham: Univ. Press of America, 1986), 57-111. For bibliography on ascents, see Segal (previous footnote) and J. D. Tabor, “Returning to the Divinity,” JBL 108 (1989): 225-26 n. 2.

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Heavenly Powers. In his letters, Paul often alludes to angels, heavenly authorities, cosmic rulers, dominions, families, powers, rulers, and thrones. Significantly, nowhere does he ever suggest that these powers are “gods” or “sons of God” on par with Jesus the Son of God. Nor Paul he recognize them as patron angels over human kingdoms. With the exaltation of Jesus as the universal Lord, all dominion and protection flows from him. What these heavenly authorities actually are responsible for is unclear.402 Throughout the NT is the thought that the Divine Warrior Jesus has defeated haSatan and his enemy cosmic forces (e.g., John 12:31, 16:11; 1 John 3:8b). 1 Peter 3 states that when Jesus is at the right hand of God, all the angels, authorities and powers are subject to him (v. 22; cf. Rev 3:1).403 Divine Warrior. In the book of Revelation, the term “Almighty” (pantokra&twr) is a common designation for God. It is the Greek equivalent to úÇàËáÙöÐäåäé, “YHVH of hosts.”404 In the HB this was God’s special temple name, conveying the imagery and theology of the Divine Warrior who protected his city Jerusalem with his divine armies.405 Much of this imagery is also applied to Jesus, who is also depicted as a conquering divine warrior. For example, he will “descend from heaven” with “a cry of command, with

402

Paul mentions the heavenly powers in: Rom 8:38; 1 Cor 15:24; Eph 1:21, 3:10, 15, 6:12; Col 1:16, 2:10, 15; cf. 1 Pet 3:22, 2 Pet 2:10, Jude 8. On the subject of the heavenly powers in Paul, see W. Carr, Angels and Principalities (The Background, Meaning and Development of the Pauline Phrase hai archai kai hai exousiai) (SNTS Monographs 42; Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1981). See also M. Barth, “Principalities, Powers, and all Things,” in Ephesians I (AB 34, Garden City: Doubleday, 1974), 170-83, 413-14; J. D. G. Dunn, Romans 1-8 (WBC 38A; Waco: Word, 1988), 498-99; E. Lohse, Colossians and Philemon (Hermeneia; tr. W. R. Poehlman & R. J. Karris; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971), 46-58; P. T. O’Brien, Colossians, Philemon (WBC 44; Waco: Word, 1982) bibliography, 31-32, 42-53. 403

On Satan in the NT, see D. P. Fuller, “Satan,” ISBE 4.341-44; W. Foerster, “satana~j,” TDNT7.151-63. Cf. N. Forsyth, The Old Enemy: Satan and The Combat Myth (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1987), 107-23. 404

The word pantokra&twr occurs in Rev 1:8; 4:8; 11:17; 15:3; 16:7, 14; 19:6, 15; 21:22; and 2 Cor 6:18. Cf. TDNT 3.914-15. 405

Elements of HB “Zion Theology” are echoed in the book of Revelation (IDBSup 985). Its main features are: (1) God’s Holy Mountain, (2) River of Paradise, (3) Conquest of Chaos, (4) Defeat of Gentile Nations, (5) Pilgrimage of Nations to Zion. All five points may be seen: (1) Rev 22:10, (2) 22:1, (3) 20:2, (4) 19:15, 20:89, (5) 21:24. This suggests that John interpreted Jesus as a Davidic Messiah, not merely cosmic Lord.

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the archangel’s call and with the sound of God’s trumpet” and destroy his enemy, Satan, “with the breath of his mouth, annihilating him by the manifestation of his coming” (1 Thess 5:16; 2 Thess 2:8; cf. Isa 11:4). As the terrible rider on the white horse, Jesus “judges and makes war” on his enemies. At that time, “his eyes are like a flame of fire, and on his head are many diadems. . . . he is clothed in a robe dipped in blood. . . . And the armies of heaven, wearing fine linen, white and pure, were following him on white horses” (Rev 19:11-14; cf. Isa 63:1-6).406 Eschatological Judge. The NT term “Son of Man” is frequently associated with eschatological passages depicting Jesus as the heavenly warrior and co-regent of God returning in the glory of his Father and the angels. Such imagery clearly draws from Daniel 7:13-14.407 Also apparently drawn from Daniel 7 is the close tie of the exalted “son of man” with the loyal ones of Israel (in Dan 7 = “holy ones”). Truly I tell you, at the renewal of all things, when the Son of Man is seated on the throne of his glory, you who have followed me will also sit on twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel. (Matt 19:28) 408

Summary. What all these images and verbal allusions suggest is that Jesus and the New Testament writers conceived of the universe in categories deeply rooted in Hebrew ideology. From that Hebraic world, the NT conveys its understanding of who Jesus was. It particularly concentrates on the symbolism of Bar Enash in Daniel 7. The imagery of God, his Messiah, and a congregation of angelic beings appears frequently as a representation of the heavenly throneroom. However, the earthly e)kklhsi&a of righteous believers in some ways replaces the angelic host as the extension of “messianic government.”409 By the end of the NT canon, no essential change 406 Cf. B. A. Stevens, “Jesus as the Divine Warrior,” ExpTim 94 (1983): 326-29; R. J. Bauckham, “The Book of Revelation as a Christian War Scroll,” Neotestamentica 22 (1988): 17-40 with bibliography. 407

Texts mentioning the Son of Man coming with or on the clouds in judgment include: Matt 16:27 (= Mark 8:38; Luke 9:26); Matt 24:30 (= Mark 13:26; Luke 21:27); 25:31 (no par.); Matt 26:64 (= Mark 14:62; Luke 22:69). 408

Cf. Rev 3:21: “To the one who conquers I will give a place with me on my throne, just as I myself conquered and sat down with my Father on his throne.”

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in the biblical symbolism occurs. Describing Jesus at the right hand of God appears to be an important feature of NT theology.410 The NT does not become “Christocentric” in the sense that God, the Father of Jesus, is eclipsed by his Son and Lord. Even with its “exalted christology,” Revelation does not depict Jesus as a Son of God who usurps the throne of his Father (contrast El and Baal).411 Evidently, the council images were important for conveying Jesus’ exalted position and his authority as God’s eschatological Agent of redemption. They also provided highly expressive, powerful language to encourage those suffering disciples who could barely envision any evidence for the “throne” of God and his Messiah in the world. Much more research can be done on all these areas of post-biblical Jewish literature. Viewing the literature with knowledge of the Hebrew divine council allows us to notice one more colorful thread in the great tapestry of Israel’s faith.

409 Cf. Eph 3:10: “. . . so that through the e)kklhsi&a the wisdom of God in its rich variety might now be made known to the rulers and authorities in the heavenly places.” 410 411

Cf. D. M. Hay, Glory at the Right Hand, 155-62.

“A survey of the full data for the christology of the Apocalypse shows clearly that the writer does not confuse the person of Christ with the person of God. There are passages in which the element of subordination occurs. . . ,” D. Guthrie, The Relevance of John’s Apocalypse (Devon, UK: Paternoster Press/Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987), 55. On Revelation’s christology, see R. H. Charles, Revelation, 1.cx-xiv; R. H. Mounce, “The Christology of the Apocalypse,” Foundations 11 (1968): 42-51. See also R. Bauckham, “The Worship of Jesus in Apocalyptic Literature,” NTS 27 (1981): 322-41; M. Eugene Boring, “The Theology of Revelation: ‘The Lord Our God the Almighty Reigns’,” Int 49 (1986): 257-69.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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REFERENCE WORKS Alt, A., O. Eissfeldt, P. Kahle, and R. Kittel, ed. Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. 2d ed. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1984. Beyerlin, Walter, ed. Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament. Trans. John Bowden. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1978. Botterweck, G. Johannes and Helmer Ringgren, ed. Trans. John T. Willis and David E. Green. Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. 6 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1977-89. Bromiley, Geoffrey W., gen. ed. The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia. Rev. ed. 4 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1979-88. Brown, Francis, S. R. Driver, and Charles A. Briggs. A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968. Buttrick, George A. and Keith Crim, ed. The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, With Supplement. 4 vols. Orig. 1962, 1976. Nashville: Abingdon Press, rpt. 1985-6. Charles, R. H., ed. The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament. 2 vols. Orig. 1913. Oxford: Clarendon Press, rpt.1964. Charlesworth, James H., ed. The New Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha: A Guide to Publications, with exercises on Apocalypses. ATLA Bibliography Series 17. Metuchen, NJ: American Theological Library Association and Scarecrow Press, 1987. ________ , ed. The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. 2 vols. Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1983, 1985. ________ . The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research with a Supplement. Septuagint and Cognate Studies 7. n. p.: Scholars Press, 1981. Fitzmyer, Joseph A. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Major Publications and Tools for Study. Rev. ed. Society of Biblical Literature Resources for Biblical Study 20. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990. Kautzsch, E., and A. E. Cowley, ed. Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar. 2d ed. Orig. 1910. Oxford: Clarendon Press, rpt. 1985. Kittel, Gerhard and Gerhard Friedrich, ed. Trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley. 10 vols. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964-1976.

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Koehler, Ludwig and Walter Baumgartner, ed. Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1958. Lichtheim, Miriam. Ancient Egyptian Literature. 3 vols. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973-80. May, Herbert and Bruce M. Metzger. The New Oxford Annotated Bible with the Apocrypha (Revised Standard Version). Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1977. New Revised Standard Version. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1989. Pritchard, James B., ed. The Ancient Near East: An Anthology of Texts and Pictures . London: Oxford University Press, for Princeton University Press, 1958. ________ . Ancient Near Eastern Texts (Relating to the Old Testament). 3d ed. with Supplement. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969. Roth, Cecil, ed. Encyclopaedia Judaica. 16 vols. Jerusalem: Keter Publishing, 1978. Tanakh (A New Translation of the Holy Scriptures According to the Traditional Hebrew Text). Abbr. New Jewish Version [NJV]. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1985. COMMENTARIES Black, Matthew. The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch. Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha 7. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1985. Charles, R. H. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Revelation of St. John. International Critical Commentary. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, orig. 1920, rpt. 1985. ________ . The Book of Daniel. New York: Henry Frowde; Edinburgh: T. C. & E. C. Jack, 1929. Childs, Brevard S. The Book of Exodus: A Critical and Theological Commentary. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1974. Clements, Ronald E. Isaiah 1-39. New Century Bible Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982. Clines, David J. A. Job 1-20. Word Biblical Commentary 17. Waco: Word

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Books, 1989. Collins, John J. Daniel; with an Introduction to Apocalyptic Literature. Forms of Old Testament Literature 20. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1984. Craigie, Peter C. The Book of Deuteronomy. New International Commentary on the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987. ________ . Psalms 1-50. Word Biblical Commentary 19. Waco: Word Books. 1983. Davies, Philip R. Daniel. Old Testament Guides. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1988. Delitzsch, Franz. New Commentary on Genesis. 2 vols. Trans. Sophia Taylor. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1888. Etheridge, J.W. The Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan ben Uzziel on the Pentateuch, with Fragments of the Jerusalem Targum. Orig. 1862. New York: Ktav, rpt. 1968. Gerstenberger, Erhard S. Psalms, Part I; with an Introduction to Cultic Poetry. Forms of Old Testament Literature 14. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988. Goldingay, John E. Daniel. Word Biblical Commentary 30. Waco: Word Books, 1989. Gowan, Donald. From Eden to Babel (A Commentary on the Book of Genesis 1-11). International Theological Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988. Greenberg, Moshe. Ezekiel 1-20. Anchor Bible 22. Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1983. Hals, Ronald M. Ezekiel. Forms of Old Testament Literature 19. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989. Hamilton, Victor P. Genesis: Chapters 1-17. New International Commentary on the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990. Hartley, John E. The Book of Job. New International Commentary on the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988. Hartman, Louis F. and Alexander A. Di Lella. The Book of Daniel. Anchor Bible 23. Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1978. Hayes, John H. and Stuart A. Irvine. Isaiah: The Eighth-century Prophet.

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His Times and His Preaching. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1987. Hillers, Delbert. Micah. Hermeneia. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984. Kaiser, Otto. Isaiah 1-12. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1983. Kraus, Hans-Joachim. Psalms 1-59, Psalms 60-150. Trans. H. C. Oswald. Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1988, 1989. Lacocque, André. The Book of Daniel. Trans. David Pellauer. Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1979. McCarter, P. Kyle. II Samuel. Anchor Bible 9. Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1984. Meyers, Carol L. and Meyers, Eric M. Haggai, Zechariah 1-8. Anchor Bible 25B. Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1987. Montgomery, J. A. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Daniel. International Critical Commentary. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1927. Mounce, Robert H. The Book of Revelation. New International Commentary on the New Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1977. Nelson, Richard D. First and Second Kings. Interpretation. Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1987. Noth, Martin. Exodus: A Commentary. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1962. Petersen, David L. Haggai and Zechariah 1-8: A Commentary. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1984. Pope, Marvin H. Job. Anchor Bible 15. Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1965. Rowley, H. H. The Book of Job. New Century Bible Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980. Stuhlmueller, Carroll. Rebuilding with Hope. A Commentary on the Books of Haggai and Zechariah. International Theological Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988. Towner, W. S. Daniel. Interpretation. Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1984. Tur-Sinai, N. H. The Book of Job (A New Commentary). Rev. ed. Jerusalem: Kiryath Sepher, 1967.

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Watts, John D. W. Isaiah 1-33. Word Biblical Commentary 24. Waco: Word Books, 1985. Weiser, Artur. The Psalms. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1962. Wenham, Gordon J. Genesis 1-15. Word Biblical Commentary 1. Waco: Word Books 1987. Westermann, Claus. Genesis 1-11. Trans. J. Scullion. Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984. Wevers, John W. Ezekiel. New Century Bible Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982. Willis, John T. Isaiah. Living Word Commentary. Austin: Sweet, 1980. Whybray, R. N. Isaiah 40-66. New Century Bible Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1981. Zimmerli, Walther. Ezekiel I, Ezekiel II. Hermeneia. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979 & 1983. BOOKS Abrahams, Israel. “Hagigah.” In Babylonian Talmud. London: Soncino Press, rpt. 1984.

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Ackroyd, Peter R. Exile and Restoration (A Study of Hebrew Thought of the Sixth Century B.C.). Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1968. Albright, William Foxwell. Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (A Historical Analysis of Two Contrasting Faiths). Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1968. Anderson, B.W. The Eighth Century Prophets (Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, Micah). Proclamation Series. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985. ________ . Understanding the Old Testament. 4th ed. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1986. Blenkinsopp, Joseph. A History of Prophecy in Israel (From the Settlement in the Land to the Hellenistic Period). Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1983. Bright, John. A History of Israel. 3d ed. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1981.

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Childs, Brevard S. Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979. ________ . Myth and Reality in the Old Testament. Studies in Biblical Theology 17. 2d ed. London: SCM Press, 1962. ________ . Old Testament Theology in a Canonical Context. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986. Coggins, Richard, Anthony Phillips, and Michael Knibb, ed. Israel’s Prophetic Tradition: Essays in Honour of Peter R. Ackroyd . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Collins, John J., ed. Apocalypse: The Morphology of a Genre. Semeia 14 (1979). ________ . The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to the Jewish Matrix of Christianity . New York: Crossroad, 1987. Craigie, Peter C. The Problem of War in the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978. Crenshaw, James L. Prophetic Conflict: Its Effect Upon Israelite Religion. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1971. Crim, Keith R. The Royal Psalms. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1962. Cross, Frank Moore. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Essays in the History of the Religion of Israel). Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973. ________ , W. E. Lemke, and Paul D. Miller, ed. Magnalia Dei: The Mighty Acts of God (Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Memory of G. Ernest Wright). Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1976. Davidson, A. B. The Theology of the Old Testament. International Theological Library. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1904. Day, P. L. An Adversary in Heaven. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988. Eaton, J.H. Kingship and the Psalms. 2d ed. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Biblical Seminar. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1986. ________ . Vision in Worship (The Relation of Prophecy and Liturgy in the Old Testament ). London: SPCK, 1981. Eichrodt, Walther. Theology of the Old Testament. 2 vols. Old Testament Library. Trans. J. A. Baker. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1961, 1967.

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Eissfeldt, Otto. The Old Testament: An Introduction. Trans. Peter R. Ackroyd. Oxford: Basil Blackwell and New York: Harper & Row, 1965. Fretheim, Terrence. Deuteronomic History. Interpreting Biblical Texts. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1983. Gray, John. The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of God. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1979. Hanson, Paul D. The Dawn of Apocalyptic. Rev. ed. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979. ________ . Old Testament Apocalyptic. Interpreting Biblical Texts. Nashville: Abingdon Press Press, 1987. ________ , ed. Visionaries and Their Apocalypses. Issues in Religion and Theology 2. London: SPCK and Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1983. Harrington, Daniel J. The Maccabean Revolt: Anatomy of a Biblical Revolution. Old Testament Studies. Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1988. Hay, David M. Glory at the Right Hand: Psalm 110 in Early Christianity. Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series 18. Nashville: Abingdon Press Press, 1973. Hayes, John H. Amos, the Eighth Century Prophet. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1988. ________ and Stuart A. Irvine. Isaiah The Eighth-century Prophet: His Times and His Preaching. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1987. ________ and J. Maxwell Miller. Israelite and Judean History. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1977. Hengel, Martin. Judaism and Hellenism. 2 vols. in 1. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981. Hillers, Delbert R. Covenant: The History of a Biblical Idea. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 1969. ________ . Micah. Hermeneia. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984. Hornung, Erik. Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt (The One and the Many). Trans. John Baines. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982. Hurtado, Larry W. One God, One Lord (Early Christian Devotion and Ancient Jewish Monotheism). Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988.

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Jacobsen, Thorkild. Toward the Image of Tammuz and Other Essays on Mesopotamian History and Culture. Ed. William L. Moran. Harvard Semitic Series 21. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970. ________ . The Treasures of Darkness: A History of Mesopotamian Religion. New Haven; London: Yale University Press, 1976. Johnson, Aubrey R. The Cultic Prophet in Ancient Israel. 2d ed. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1962. ________ . The One and the Many in the Israelite Conception of God. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1961. ________ . Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1955. Keel, Othmar. The Symbolism of the Biblical World (Ancient Near Eastern Iconography and the Book of Psalms). Trans. Timothy J. Hallett. New York: Seabury Press, 1977. ________ . Jahwe-Visionen und Siegelkunst . SBS 84/85. Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1977. Kraft, Robert A. and George W. E. Nickelsburg, ed. Early Judaism and Its Modern Interpreters. The Bible and Its Modern Interpreters. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986. Kraus, Hans-Joachim. Psalms 1-59. Psalm 60-150. Trans. Hilton C. Oswald. Minneapolis: Augsburg Press, 1988, 1989. ________ . Theology of the Psalms. Trans. Keith Crim. Minneapolis: Augsburg 1986. Lacocque, André. Daniel in His Time. Studies on Personalities of the Old Testament. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988. Levey, Samson H. The Targum of Ezekiel. Aramaic Bible 13. Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1987. L’Orange, H. P. Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World. Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kulturforskning. Oslo: H. Aschehoug and Co., 1953. Mays, James Luther, and Paul J. Achtemeier, ed. Interpreting the Prophets. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987. Meier, Samuel A. The Messenger in the Ancient Semitic World. Harvard Semitic Monographs 45. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988.

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Mettinger, Tryggve N. D. The Dethronement of Sabaoth (Studies in the Shem and Kabod Theologies). Trans. Frederick H. Cryer. Coniectanea Biblica, OT Series 18. Lund, Sweden: CWK Gleerup, 1982. ________ . In Search of God (The Meaning and Message of the Everlasting Names). Trans. Frederick H. Cryer. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988. ________ . King and Messiah: The Civil and Sacral Legitimation of the Israelite Kings). Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1976. Metzger, Martin. Königsthron und Gottesthron. 2 vols. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 15/1-2. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchen and Verlag, 1985. Meyers, Carol L. and Murphy O’Connor, ed. The Word of the Lord Shall Go Forth (Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of His Sixtieth Birthday). ASOR Special Volume Series 1. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1983. Miller, J. Maxwell, and John H. Hayes. A History of Ancient Israel and Judah. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1986. Miller, Patrick D., Paul D. Hanson, and S. Dean McBride, ed. Ancient Israel Religion (Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross). Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987. ________ . The Divine Warrior in Early Israel. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973. ________ . Genesis 1-11 (Studies in Structure & Theme). Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement 8. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1978. Mowinckel, Sigmund. He That Cometh. Trans. G. W. Anderson. New York and Nashville: Abingdon Press Press, 1954. Mullen, E. Thedore, Jr. The Assembly of the Gods: The Divine Council in Canaanite and Early Hebrew Literature. Harvard Semitic Monographs 24. Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1986. Neusner, J., William S. Green, and Ernest Frerichs, ed. Judaisms and Their Messiahs at the Turn of the Christian Era. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. Newsom, Carol. Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical Edition. Harvard Semitic Studies 27. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985. Nickelsburg, George W. E. and Michael E. Stone. Jewish Literature

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Between the Bible and the Mishnah: A Historical and Literary Introduction . Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981. Niditch, Susan. The Symbolic Vision in Biblical Tradition. Harvard Semitic Monographs 30. Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1983. Oesterley, W. O. E. The Psalms. 2 vols. London: SPCK, 1939. Oldenburg, Ulf. The Conflict Between El and Baal in Canaanite Religion. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1969. Petersen, David L., ed., Prophecy in Israel. Issues in Religion and Theology 10. London: SPCK and Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987. ________ . The Roles of Israel’s Prophets. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement 17. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1981. Rad, Gerhard von. Old Testament Theology. 2 vols. Trans. D. M. G. Stalker. Edinburgh/London: Oliver and Boyd, 1965. Robinson, H. Wheeler. Corporate Personality in Ancient Israel. Rev. ed. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1980. Rowland, Christopher. The Open Heaven: A Study of Apocalyptic in Judaism and Early Christianity. New York: Crossroad, 1982. Rowley, H. H. The Relevance of Apocalyptic (A Study of Jewish and Christian Apocalypses from Daniel to the Revelation). 2d ed. London: Lutterworth Press, 1961. Russell, D. S. From Early Judaism to Early Church. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986. ________ . The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1964. Schaberg, Jane. The Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit (The Triadic Phrase in Matthew 28:19b). Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series 61. Chico,CA: Scholars Press, 1982. Scholem, Gershom G. Kabbalah. Jerusalem: Keter Publishing, 1974. ________ . Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism. 3d ed. New York: Schocken Books, 1961. Schürer, Emil. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ. Rev. & ed. Geza Vermes and Fergus Millar. 4 vols. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1973-87.

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Segal, Alan. Two Powers in Heaven (Early Reports About Christianity and Gnosticism). Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977. Smith, Mark S. The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1990. Spector, Sheila A. Jewish Mysticism (An Annotated Bibliography on the Kabbalah in English). New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1984. Stone, Michael E., ed. Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period (Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran, Philo, Josephus). Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum 2.II. Assen: Van Gorcum; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984. ________ . Scriptures, Sects and Visions. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1980. Vaux, Roland de. The Early History of Israel. Trans. David Smith. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1978. Vermes, Geza. The Dead Sea Scrolls in English. 3d ed. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin Books, 1987. ________ . The Dead Sea Scrolls: Qumran in Perspective. Cleveland: Collins and World, 1978. ________ . Jesus the Jew. New York: Macmillan, 1974. Vries, Simon J. de. Prophet Against Prophet: The Role of the Micaiah Narrative (1 Kings 22) in the Development of Early Prophetic Tradition. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978. Vriezen, Th. C. An Outline of Old Testament Theology. 2d ed. Newton, MA: Charles T. Branford, 1970. Walton, John H. Ancient Israelite Literature in its Cultural Context (A Survey of Parallels Between Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Texts). Library of Biblical Interpretation. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1989. Whybray, Roger Norman. The Heavenly Counsellor in Isaiah xl 13-14 (A Study of the Sources of the Theology of Deutero-Isaiah). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971. Wicks, Henry J. The Doctrine of God (In the Jewish Apocryphal and Apocalyptic Literature). Orig. 1915. New York: Ktav, rpt. 1971. Wright, G. Ernest. The Old Testament Against Its Environment. Chicago:

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The Henry Regnery Co., 1950. Yadin, Yigael. The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light Against the Sons of Darkness. Trans. Batya and Chaim Rabin. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962. Zimmerli, Walther. I am Yahweh. Trans. D. W. Stott. Atlanta: John Knox, 1982. JOURNAL AND BOOK ARTICLES Alexander, P. S., trans. Introduction to “3 (Hebrew Apocalypse of) Enoch.” Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Vol. 1, 223-53. Anderson, B. W. “Hosts, Hosts of Heaven.” In Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible. Vol. 2, 654-56. Barr, James. “Theophany and Anthropomorphism in the Old Testament.” Congress Volume Oxford 1959. Supplements to Vetus Testamentum. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960, 31-38. Bauckham, Richard J. “The Book of Revelation as a Christian War Scroll.” Neotestamentica 22 (1988): 17-40. ________ . “The Worship of Jesus in Apocalyptic Literature.” New Testament Studies 27 (1981): 322-41. Black, Matthew. “The Throne Theophany Prophetic Commission and the ‘Son of Man’: A Study in Tradition-History.” Pages 57-73 in Jews, Greeks and Christians: Religious Cultures in Late Antiquity (Essays in Honor of William David Davies). Ed. R. Hamerton-Kelly and R. Scroggs. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976. Brownlee, William H. “The Cosmic Role of Angels in the 11Q Targum of Job.” Journal for the Study of Judaism 8 (1977): 83-84. Charlesworth, James H. “The Jewish Roots of Christianity: The Discovery of the Hypostatic Voice.” Scottish Journal of Theology 39 (1986): 19-41. Collins, John J. “The Jewish Apocalypses.” In Apocalypse: The Morphology of a Genre. Semeia 14 (1979): 21-59. ________ . “The Place of Apocalypticism in the Religion of Israel.” Pages 539-58 in Ancient Israelite Religion (Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross). Ed. Patrick D. Miller, Paul D. Hanson, and S. Dean McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987. ________ . “The Son of Man and the Saints of the Most High in the Book of Daniel.” Journal of Biblical Literature 93 (1974): 63-66.

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Cooke, Gerald. “The Sons of (the) God(s).” Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 76 (1964): 22-47. Cross, Frank Moore. “The Council of Yahweh in Second Isaiah.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 12 (1953): 274-77. Donner, Herbert. “The Separate States of Israel and Judah.” Pages 381-434 in Israelite and Judean History. Ed. John H. Hayes and J. Maxwell Miller. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1977. Eaton, John. “The Isaiah Tradition.” Pages 58-76 in Israel’s Prophetic Tradition (Essays in Honour of Peter Ackroyd). Ed. Richard Coggins, Anthony Phillips, and Michael Knibb. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Eissfeldt, Otto. “ïÇãËà.” Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. Vol. 1 (1977): 59-72. Fitzmyer, Joseph A. “Further Light on Melchizedek from Qumran Cave 11.” In Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament. Sources for Biblical Study 5. n. p.: Scholars Press, rpt. 1974. Flusser, David. “Apocalypse.” Encyclopedia Judaica. Vol. 3, 179-81. ________ . “Melchizedek and the Son of Man.” Pages 186-92 in Judaism and the Origins of Christianity. Ed. Brad Young. Jerusalem: Magnes Press. Gowan, Donald E. “Isaiah 6:1-8.” Interpretation 45 (1991): 172-76. Handy, Lowell K. “Dissenting Deities or Obedient Angels: Divine Hierarchies in Ugarit and the Bible.” Biblical Research 35 (1990): 18-35. Hanson, Paul D. “Apocalyptic Literature.” Pages 465-88 in The Hebrew Bible and Its Modern Interpreters. The Bible and Its Modern Interpreters. Ed. Douglas A. Knight and Gene M. Tucker. Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1985. ________ . “Apocalypticism.” In Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible, Supplementary Volume, 30-31. Hillers, Delbert. “Demons, Demonology.” Encyclopaedia Judaica. Vol. 5, 1521-25. Horbury, W. “The Messianic Associations of the ‘Son of Man’.” Journal of Theological Studies 36 (1985): 34-55.

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Hurtado, Larry W. “Revelation 4-5 in the Light of Jewish Apocalyptic Literature.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 25 (1985): 10524. Jacobsen, Thorkild. “The Eridu Genesis.” Journal of Biblical Literature 100 (1981): 513-29. ________ . “Mesopotamian Gods and Pantheons.” Pages 16-38 in Toward the Image of Tammuz and Other Essays on Mesopotamian History and Culture. Ed. William L. Moran. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970. _____. “Primitive Democracy in Ancient Mesopotamia.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 2 (1943): 159-72. Reprinted in Toward the Image of Tammuz and Other Essays on Mesopotamian History and Culture. Ed. William L. Moran. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970. Jonge, M. and A. S. van der Woude. “11Q Melchizedek and the New Testament.” New Testament Studies 12 (1966): 301-26. Kingsbury, Edwin C. “The Prophets and the Council of Yahweh.” Journal of Biblical Literature 83 (1964): 279-86. Koch, Klaus. “Is Daniel Also Among the Prophets?” Interpretation 39 (1985): 117-30. Reprinted in Interpreting the Prophets. Ed. James L. Mays and Paul J. Achtemeier. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987, 249-60. Malamat, Abraham. “A Forerunner of Biblical Prophecy: The Mari Documents.” Pages 33-52 in Ancient Israelite Religion (Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross). Ed. Patrick D. Miller, Paul D. Hanson, and S. Dean McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987. ________ . “Kingship and Council in Israel and Sumer: A Parallel.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 22 (1963): 247-53. May, Herbert Gordon. “A Key to the Interpretaton of Zechariah’s Visions.” Journal of Biblical Literature 57 (1938): 173-84. Marrs, Rick R. “The Sons of God (Genesis 6:1-4).” Restoration Quarterly 23 (1980): 218-24. McNicol, Allan J. “The Heavenly Sanctuary in Judaism: A Model for Tracing the Origin of an Apocalypse.” Journal of Religious Studies 13 (1987): 66-94. Mettinger, Tryggve N. D. “YHWH Sabaoth—The Heavenly King on the Cherubim Throne.” Pages 109-38 in Studies in The Period of David and Solomon and Other Essays. Ed. Tomoo Ishida. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1982.

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Miller, Patrick D. “Aspects of the Religion of Ugarit.” Pages 53-66 in Ancient Israelite Religion (Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross). Ed. Patrick D. Miller, Paul D. Hanson, and S. Dean McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987. ________ . “Cosmology and World Order in the Old Testament: The Divine Council as Cosmic-Political Symbol.” Horizons in Biblical Theology 9 (1987): 53-78. ________ . “The Divine Council and the Prophetic Call to War.” Vetus Testamentum 18 (1968): 100-07. ________ . “El the Warrior.” Harvard Theological Review 60 (1967): 411-31. ________ . “God the Warrior.” Interpretation 19 (1965): 39-46. ________ . “The Sovereignty of God.” Pages 129-44 in The Hermeneutical Quest. Festschrift for James Luther Mays. Ed. Donald G. Miller. Allison Park, PA: Pickwick Publishing, 1986. Neiman, D. “Council, Heavenly.” In Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible, Supplementary Volume, 187-88. Nichol, George G. “Isaiah’s Vision and the Visions of Daniel.” Vetus Testamentum 29 (1979): 501-05. Nicholson, E. W. “The Antiquity of the Tradition in Exodus XXIV 9-11.” Vetus Testamentum 25 (1975): 69-79. ________ . “The Origin of the Tradition in Exodus XXIV 9-11.” Vetus Testamentum 26 (1976): 148-60. Otzen, Benedikt. “Heavenly Visions in Early Judaism: Origin and Function.” Pages 199-215 in In the Shelter of Elyon: Essays on Ancient Palestinian Life and Literature in Honor of G. W. Ahlström. Ed. W. Boyd Barrick and John R. Spencer. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement 31. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984. Parunak, H. van Dyke. “The Literary Architecture of Ezekiel’s Mar’ot Elohim.” Journal of Biblical Literature 99 (1980): 61-74. Petersen, David L. “Zechariah’s Visions: A Theological Perspective.” Vetus Testamentum 34 (1984): 195-206. Polley, Max E. “Hebrew Prophecy Within the Council of Yahweh, Examined in its Ancient Near Eastern Setting.” Pages 141-56 in Scripture in Context (Essays on the Comparative Method). Ed. Carl D. Evans, William W. Hallo, John B. White. Pittsburgh Theological

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Monographs 34. Pittsburgh: Pickwick Press, 1980. Roberts, J. J. M. “El.” In Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible, Supplementary Volume, 255-58. ________ . “In Defense of the Monarchy: The Contribution of Israelite Kingship to Biblical Theology.” Pages 377-96 in Ancient Israelite Religion (Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross). Ed. Patrick D. Miller, Paul. D. Hanson, and S. Dean McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987. ________ . “Isaiah in Old Testament Theology.” Pages 62-74 in Interpreting the Prophets. Ed. James L. Mays and Paul J. Achtemeier. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 198 . ________ . “Zion in the Theology of the Davidic-Solomonic Empire.” Pages 93-108 in Studies in the Period of David and Solomon and Other Essays. Ed. Tomoo Ishida. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1982. ________ . “Zion Tradition.” Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible, Supplementary Volume, 985-87. Robinson, H. Wheeler. “The Council of Yahweh.” Journal of Theological Studies 45 (1944): 151-57. Ross, James R. “The Prophet as Yahweh’s Messenger.” Pages 114-18 in Prophecy in Israel: Search for Identity. Ed. David L. Petersen. Issues in Religion and Theology 10. London: SPCK and Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987. Rowland, Christopher. “The Visions of God in Apocalyptic Literature.” Journal for the Study of Judaism 10 (1979): 137-54. Segal, Alan F. “Heavenly Ascent in Hellenistic Judaism, Early Christianity and their Environment.” Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römishen Welt. 2.23.2. Ed. W. Haase. Berlin: Walther de Gruyter, 1980, 1334-94. Seitz, Christopher R. “The Divine Council: Temporal Transition and New Prophecy in the Book of Isaiah.” Journal of Biblical Literature 109 (1990): 229-47. Smith, G. V. “Prophet.” International Standard Bible Encyclopedia. Vol. 3, 989-92. Stevens, Bruce A. “Jesus as the Divine Warrior.” Expository Times 94 (1983): 326-29. Stone, Michael E. “Apocalyptic Literature.” In Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period. Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum

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Testamentum 2, II. Ed. Michael E. Stone. Assen: Van Gorcum and Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984. ________ . “The Book of Enoch and Judaism in the Third Century B. C. E.” Catholic Biblcal Quarterly 40 (1978): 479-92. Tabor, James D. “‘Returning to the Divinity’: Josephus’ Portrayal of the Disappearances of Enoch, Elijah, and Moses.” Journal of Biblical Literature 108 (1989): 225-38. Tidwell, N. L. A. “Wa’omar (Zech 3:5) and the Genre of Zechariah’s Fourth Vision.” Journal of Biblical Literature 94 (1975): 343-55. Tigay, J. H. “Israelite Religion: The Onomastic and Epigraphic Evidence.” Pages 157-94 in Ancient Israelite Religion (Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross). Ed. Patrick D. Miller, Paul D. Hanson, S. Dean McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987. Tsevat, M. “God and the Gods in Assembly. An Interpretation of Psalm 82.” Hebrew Union College Annual 40 (1969): 123-37. Ulrich, Eugene. “Daniel Manuscripts from Qumran. Part 1: A Preliminary Edition of 4QDana.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 268 (Nov. 1987): 17-37. ________ . “Daniel Manuscripts from Qumran. Part 2: Preliminary Editions of 4QDanb and 4QDanc.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 274 (May 1989): 3-26. Vermes, Geza. “The Present State of the ‘Son of Man’ Debate.” Journal of Jewish Studies 29 (1978): 123-34. Vriezen, Th. “The Exegesis of Exod 24:9-11.” Oudtestamentische Studiën 17 (1972): 100-33. Webb, Robert L. “‘Apocalyptic’: Observations on a Slippery Term.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 49 (1990): 115-26. Willis, Timothy M. “Yahweh’s Elders (Isa 24, 23): Senior Officials of the Divine Court.” Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 103 (1991): 375-85. Wilson, Robert R. “Prophecy in Crisis: The Call of Ezekiel.” Pages 157-69 in Interpreting the Prophets. Ed. James L. Mays and Paul J. Achtemeier. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987. Wright, G. Ernest. “The Faith of Israel.” Interpreters Bible. Vol. 1, 349-89. York, Anthony D. “Ezekiel I: Inaugural and Restoration Visions?” Vetus

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Testamentum 27 (1977): 82-98.

Electronic Version of this Thesis Available at: hebrew-streams.org

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