Virtual culture: identity and communication in cybersociety

For Jodi—the greatest IRL and everywb V I R T U A L CULTURE Identity and Communication in Cybersociety Edited by STEVE...

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For Jodi—the greatest IRL and everywb

V I R T U A L CULTURE Identity and Communication in Cybersociety

Edited by STEVEN G . JONES

SAGE Publications L o n d o n * T h o u s a n d Oaks

8

N e w Delhi

E d i t o r i a l selection a n d matter, Introduction, C h a p t e r 1 © Steven G . Jones Chapter 2 © Jan Femback 1997 Chapter 3 ©

Ananda Mitra 1997

Chapter 4 © Joseph Schmitz 1997 Chapter 5 ©

Nessim W a t s o n 1 9 9 7

Chapter 6 ©

David F. Shaw 1997

Chapter 7 ©

Margaret L . McLaughlin, Kerry K . Osborne, and

Contents

Nicole B. Ellison 1997 Chapter 8 © D a w n Dietrich 1997 Chapter 9 ©

Susan Z i c k m u n d 1997

Chapter 10 ©

Richard C . MacKinnon 1997

C h a p t e r 11 ©

Harris Breslow 1997

Notes on contributors

vu

Preface

'

Introduction Steven G . Jones

1

x

First published 1997 Reprinted 1998, 2 0 0 2 A l l rights reserved. N o part o f this publication m a y be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted o r utilized i n a n y form o r by any m e a n s , electronic, m e c h a n i c a l , photocopying, recording or otherwise, w i t h o u t permission i n w r i t i n g from the Publishers.

1

Permission to reproduce s o n g lyrics from " T r a n s m i s s i o n " , performed a n d recorded by J o y D i v i s i o n , granted by Fractured M u s i c / F a c t o r y Comm. Ltd.

The Internet and its Social Landscape Steven

2 S A G E Publications L t d

7

C. Jones

The Individual w i t h i n the Collective: Virtual Ideology and the Realization of Collective

6 B o n h i l l Street

Principles

London E C 2 A 4 P U

Jan

S A G E Publications I n c .

36

Fernback

2 4 5 5 Teller R o a d Thousand O a k s , California 91320

3

Internet

S A G E Publications I n d i a Pvt L t d 32, M-Biodc Market

Ananda

Greater Kailash - I N e w Delhi 110 048

Virtual Commonality: Looking for India on the

4

Mitra

Structural Relations, Electronic Media, and Social

B r i t i s h L i b r a r y C a t a l o g u i n g m Publication d a t a

Change: The Public Electronic Network and the

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British L i b r a r y

Homeless

ISBN 0 7619 5525 9

Joseph

8

0

Schmitz

I S B N 0 7 6 1 9 5526 7 (pbk) L i b r a r y of C o n g r e s s catalog record available

5

W h y W e Argue A b o u t Virtual Community: A Case Study of the Phish.Net Fan Community Nessim

6 T y p e s e t by M a y h e w Typesetting, R h a y a d e r , P o w y s , Primed i n Grcal Britain by T h e Cromwell Press L i d . Trowbridge

102

Watson

Gay M e n and Computer Communication: A Discourse of Sex and Identity in Cyberspace D a v i d F. Shaw

133

VI

Virtual

7

Virtual Community in a Telepresence Environment Margaret L McLaughlin, Kerry K. Osborne, and Nicole B. Ellison

8

( R e f a s h i o n i n g the Techno-Erotic

Culture

146

Woman:

Gender and Textuality in the Cybercultural Matrix Dawn Dietrich 9

10

11

Index

169

Approaching the Radical Other: The Discursive Culture of Cyberhate Susan Zickmund Punishing the Persona: Correctional Strategies for the Virtual Offender Richard C. MacKinnon Civil Society, Political Economy, and the Internet Harris Breslow

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Notes on contributors Harris Breslow ([email protected]) received his doctorate from the Institute o f Communications Research at the University of Illinois. He currently teaches philosophy and cultural history in the Mass Communications Programme at Y o r k University, Toronto, Canada. He is completing a manuscript on the relationship between architectural and economic spaces. D a w n Dietrich ([email protected]) is Assistant Professor of English at Western Washington University. She has published articles on postmodern performance and electronic culture and is currently at w o r k on a book-length manuscript about theater practitioner Robert Wilson and the politics of the postmodern stage. Nicole B. Ellison is a doctoral student at the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Southern California, focusing on the social aspects of computer-mediated communication. Before attending graduate school, she worked at the Voyager Co. and other software development companies m Los Angeles, California. Jan Fcrnback ([email protected]) is a doctoral candidate at the Center for Mass Media Research, School of Journalism and Mass Communication, University of Colorado. She is currently writing a dissertation on computermediated social relations which problematizes the concept of community as manifested in cyberspace. Her research interests include utopianism and new media technologies and the anthropology of cyberculture. Steven G , Jones ([email protected]) is Professor and Chair of the Faculty of Communication at the University of Tulsa. A social historian of communication technology, his book GyberSoctety: Computer-Mediated Communication and Community was published m 1995 and earned him critical acclaim. Jones has made presentations to scholarly and business groups about the Internet and social change and about the Internefs social and commercial uses. He also pursues research into popular music, youth culture, and communication. His first book, Rock Formation: Technology, Music and Mass Communication, was nominated for the BMI/Rolling Stone Gleason A w a r d and the Association for Recorded Sound Collections Excellence in Historical Recorded Sound Research A w a r d . Richard C. M a c K i n n o n (http://www.actlab.utexas.edu/~spartan/) after spending several years in Silicon Valley is a political scientist in the Government Department and the Advanced Communication Technologies Laboratory (ACTLAB) at the University of Texas at Austin. As a former police officer, he is able to draw on his law enforcement background to inform his theories for addressing computermediated crime and virtual offenders. His research interests are m the political anthropology, cultural study, and governance of virtual environments. He spends most of his online time dwelling in a community called Cybermmd.

vüi

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Culture

Margaret L . McLaughlin ([email protected]) is Professor of Communication, Annenberg School for Communication, University of Southern California and a member of the Faculty o f the Integrated Media Systems Center. She is CoEditor o f the Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication and serves on the Editorial Boards of Text, Communication Research, and Progress m Communication Science. She has written, edited, and co-edited several books, including Conversation: How Talk is Organized; The Psychology of Tactical Communication and Netivork and Net-Play: Virtual Groups on the Internet {1996) Her interests include discourse analysis, group communication, and computermediated communication. Ananda M i t r a ([email protected]) is an assistant professor of communication at Wake Forest University in Winston-Salem, N C . H e has published m the areas of critical studies, popular culture, and technology, particularly about the conditions in South East Asia and about South East Asian immigrants. His interest in the internet stems from his personal use of the Net and m teaching courses m communication, technology, and culture. Kerry K, Osborne ([email protected]) is a doctoral candidate in the Annenberg School of Communication, University of Southern California, Los Angeles. She has coauthored a number of articles on electronic communities and is currently researching Internet participation among the elderly. Additional interests include pragmatics of computer-mediated conversation and impression management on the W o r l d Wide Web. Joseph Schmitz ([email protected]) received his PhD from the Annenberg School of Communication at the University of Southern California m 1990 and presently teaches at the University o f Tulsa. His research interests include the uses and social consequences of new communication technology and the study of these technologies within organizations. David F. Shaw ([email protected]) is a doctoral candidate at the Center for Mass Media Research, m the School o f Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Colorado at Boulder, where he is writing his dissertation on the AIDS M e m o r i a l Quilt. H e has received fellowships from the Swedish Institute Stockholm, and the international Media Centre at the University of Salford' England, where he studied Swedish, European, and international media responses to AIDS. Nessim Watson ([email protected]) is an adjunct professor m the Communication Department of Westüeld State College. His interests in modern communication, cultural studies, and the functioning of mass media systems are paired w i t h a desire to infuse media literacy into secondary school systems and to provide students w i t h an awareness of how culture influences our thoughts, beliefs, and actions. His current research involves how C M C technologies can be used to democratize both the cultural and political spheres of American society. Susan Z i c k m u n d is Assistant Professor of Speech Communication at Augustana College. H e r research on American fascism appears in The Shepherd of the Discontented: Religion, Radicalism, and Rhetoric m the Discourse of Father Charles Coughhn and in contributions to Religion and the Social Sciences, She has ongoing collaborations w i t h the Universität Bielefeld, Germany.

Preface

Since w r i t i n g a n d editing CyberSoctety: Computer-Mediated Communication and Community little time has passed according t o the clock and calendar. O n the Internet, t h o u g h , ages have gone b y . W h e n CyberSoctety was i n press the W o r l d W i d e W e b was merely a cool a p p l i c a t i o n , a n interesting w a y to use the n e t w o r k . N o w i t has become a f u l l - b l o w n m e d i u m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n g a m i n g widespread use, one o n w h i c h w e p i n hopes, dreams, fortunes, and fantasies. Still, CyberSoctety is m u c h m o r e t h a n a history o f the Internet. I w o u l d like t o believe its c e n t r a l themes and its e x a m i n a t i o n s o f social relationships o n l i n e a n d their r e l a t i o n s h i p , i n t u r n , to ones offline remain relevant, and h o p e f u l l y w i l l c o n t i n u e t o be so as l o n g as w e are interested in figuring o u t , as m y colleague J o l i Jensen m i g h t p u t i t , w h a t i t means to live a valuable life. Virtual Culture: Identity and Communication in Cybersoctety is b y n o means a n update or revision to CyberSoctety, and t h o u g h i t shares some o f the concerns a n d methods o f the earlier b o o k , its focus is quite a b i t different, a n d I hope as relevant. Whereas CyberSoctety concentrated o n the nature o f online c o m m u n i t i e s and social f o r m a t i o n s , Virtual Culture converges o n the nature o f social a n d civic life o n l i n e , and asks (fairly begs) the question: w h a t is i t a b o u t life offline that makes us so intent o n l i v i n g online? I n b o t h the o n l i n e and offline realms i a m grateful t o a n u m b e r o f people w h o have enriched n o t o n l y this w o r k b u t m y t h i n k i n g . I n p a r t i c u l a r James Carey, C l i f f o r d Christians, J o l i Jensen, a n d T e d Peterson are a n i n s p i r a t i o n . Sophy Craze a n d K i r e n Shoman p r o v i d e d guidance, g o o d care, a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i l e i w r o t e and edited the b o o k , and I a m g r a t e f u l t o t h e m , as I a m to M a r g a r e t Seawell and others at Sage, f o r , w i t h o u t their help, y o u w o u l d n o t be reading i t . Peggy Bowers at St L o u i s U n i v e r s i t y , t o o , was very h e l p f u l as I sought to understand Charles Taylor's w o r k . I p a r t i c u l a r l y w i s h t o t h a n k colleagues o n the Faculty o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n at the U n i v e r s i t y o f T u l s a , a n d must single o u t Jan Reynolds f o r her s u p p o r t a n d h a r d w o r k o n behalf o f the entire f a c u l t y . I also o w e a special thanks t o L e w i s D u n c a n , T o m H o m e , and Lars Engie. Joe Schmitz is a l l one c o u l d hope f o r i n a f r i e n d a n d colleague, and I a m fortunate to share an a p p o i n t m e n t i n the same department as he. F r a n k C h n s t e l , Barbara Geffen, Reed D a v i s , the staff i n C o m p u t i n g and I n f o r m a t i o n Resources,

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students a t the university, a n d other faculty a n d staff there t o o numerous and have also p r o v i d e d serious f u n . A l S o l t o w continues t o p r o v i d e w i s d o m and P - d a n c e ^ n e x t Lemie's is o n me. T o m , y C h r i s , a n d A b b y W h i t e p r o v i d e d unsenous f u n , as d i d R i c k H o l z g r a f Î A r t h u r V a n d e l a y , the U t z f a m i l y , A l a n Smithee, a n d M i l l y a n d 111 A

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Introduction Steven C. jones

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continues t o bear w i t h me a n d l i f t Steven G . Jones T u l s a , O k l a h o m a , USA September

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A l t h o u g h the s t o r y o f c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) a n d the i n t e r n e t is still being w r i t t e n , w e already k n o w t h a t there are (at least) t w o sides t o i t . T h e side w e m o s t c o m m o n l y hear a b o u t is o f their development and i m p l e m e n t a t i o n , a n d this has been historically w h a t w e have heard most. W e also hear m u c h a b o u t Internet engineering, its business a n d c o m m e r c i a l applications, its p o t e n t i a l f o r entertainment. The side w e hear less a b o u t (sometimes w e hear n o t h i n g at all) is o f the consequences o f t h a t development a n d i m p l e m e n t a t i o n , o f the uses to w h i c h w e mean to p u t the t e c h n o l o g y , a n d the social outcomes w e desire, and hence this b o o k , Virtual Culture: Identity and Communication in Cybersociety. B u t daily w e become m o r e savvy a b o u t technology. For instance, i t seems quite c o m m o n p l a c e t o us t h a t every technology has t w o sides t o its consequences; o n the one h a n d f o r every technology w e develop i n an a t t e m p t t o i m p r o v e life, w e believe w e also w i l l , o n the other h a n d , f i n d life i m p o v e r i s h e d i n some w a y . Such has been o u r experience w i t h a variety o f technologies, f r o m nuclear p o w e r , w i t h its capacity f o r genera t i n g electricity a n d f o r destruction, t o the w r i t t e n w o r d , w i t h its capacity for preservation a n d dissemination o f i n f o r m a t i o n and f o r its o r i g i n a t i o n o f silent readers. O n c e w e are accustomed t o a new technology w e accept b o t h sides, p r e f e r r i n g , one suspects, t o assume that as the technology is refined its negative consequences w i l l also be better engineered. B u t o u r impatience shows t h r o u g h w h i l e w e w a i t f o r those refinements, as this excerpt f r o m a 1929 magazine article demonstrates: The average human being of to-day is not impressed by miracles. . , He reads in a newspaper that plans are being made to connect New York with Tokio \sic] by telephone. " I doubt that it's practical," he may remark. But the next day he discovers that the thing has actually been accomplished. The day after that he himself calls up Tokio and, if there happens to be a few minutes'' delay in putting the call through, he complains bitterly about the service. (Sherwood, 1929, p. 1) I t is l i k e l y t h a t m o s t people have h a d similar experiences. Once w e see t h a t s o m e t h i n g f u n c t i o n s as i t s h o u l d , w e believe i t s h o u l d f u n c t i o n even And

better.

w o e be i f i t does n o t f u n c t i o n p r o p e r l y , as w h e n a videocassette

recorder mys terio us ly does n o t record a p r o g r a m f o r w h i c h w e have set its timer, w h e n w e lose a connection w h i l e t a l k i n g o n o u r cellular telephone,

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Virtual Culture

o r w h e n o u r c o m p u t e r freezes and crashes. O u r attention at t h a t instant is absolutely riveted o n the technology t h a t has done the unexpected, t h a t has t h w a r t e d o u r attempts t o blend i t w i t h o u r activities, a n d o u r attention is d r a w n t o w a r d the object a n d a w a y f r o m ourselves and o u r o w n expectations. W e are, s i m p l y , m o r e l i k e l y t o restart the computer t h a n to t h i n k o f alternatives to i t , o r o f h o w i t shapes and defines the activities we like to believe w e solely define, o r o f h o w we (and n o t its designers) t h i n k i t should w o r k . M a n y o f o u r everyday activities are dependent o n the s m o o t h f u n c t i o n i n g o f o u r c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies (encompassing those f r o m w r i t i n g to satellite transmission), and interdependent o n our a b i l i t y t o understand t h e m , to be " l i t e r a t e " m their languages, be they ones w i t h few letters and w o r d s a n d little syntax (a television remote c o n t r o l , perhaps) o r ones w i t h c o m p l e x rule sets a n d g r a m m a r s (a computer language). Irrespective o f their c o m p l e x i t y we are still required to learn a b o u t them o r be left b e h i n d . W h a t m o d e r n busmessperson, f o r instance, does n o t have need or use o f a business c a r d , fax, e-mail, etc., n o w standard business tools? B u t we are i m p a t i e n t i n this instance, t o o . As these tools develop we seek still other tools to better integrate t h e m and manage t h e m . i t c o u l d be claimed t h a t o u r impatience w i t h technology stems f r o m o u r anxiety t o w a r d i t , i n w h i c h case one c o u l d t r o t o u t any number o f a n t i technoîogy n e o - L u d d i t e p l a t f o r m s . A n d there is some t r u t h to t h a t c l a i m , for there are those w h o are a p p r o p r i a t e l y skeptical and w o r r i e d of o u r n e w technologies and their i m p a c t o n o u r lives and social relationships. T h e late Joy D i v i s i o n singer I a n Curtis (1980) sang, " W e c o u l d go o n as t h o u g h n o t h i n g was w r o n g / A n d hide f r o m the days to remain a l l alone/ Staying m the same place, staring all the ame/Touching f r o m a distance, f u r t h e r a l l the t i m e , " w o r d s t h a t have a sharp edge t o them m this age o f the Internet; b u t a key w o r d to note is " c o u l d , " f o r i t denotes t h a t its opposite, c o u l d not, is also possible: again, t w o sides to every story. I f we were t r u l y able to trace the roots o f o u r impatience w h e n i t comes to technology, I believe we w o u l d find t h a t i t has arisen n o t f r o m anxiety, but rather f r o m the expectation t h a t technology w i l l , almost n a t u r a l l y ! become better, f o r , i n the m a i n , we believe t h a t i t has done so. I n somew h a t crass terms, one consequence o f this expectation is consumer nearparalysis i n the face o f o n g o i n g developments a n d inventions. Should w e w a i t t o buy a new computer because a newer, faster, bigger one is almost on the m a r k e t , o r do we buy one immediately and risk its obsolescence? (Little r i s k , really, as obsolescence is unavoidable eventually.) O r do we w a i t u n t i l the m o m e n t o f the n e w one's i n t r o d u c t i o n and purchase this one at a discount? D o we b u y t h a t vidéocassette recorder i n V H S or Beta formats? A n d w h a t is this n e w " D V D " t h i n g t h a t is supposed t o come to m a r k e t soon? W e k n o w t h a t whatever we use today w i l l be replaced by something better t o m o r r o w . I n the case o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies our expectations are focused p r i m a r i l y o n three areas: t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , c o m m u n i c a t i o n , and storage.

Introduction Each o f these plays a central role i n the development o f C M C and the Internet, t o o , a n d i t is c o m m o n to find the Internet considered a transp o r t a t i o n device (witness M i c r o s o f t ' s " w h e r e d o y o u w a n t to go t o d a y ? " advertising c a m p a i g n ) , a c o m m u n i c a t i o n device (e-mail, the " I - p h o n e , " etc.), a n d a storage device (a f o r m o f n e t w o r k e d encyclopedia). M o s t all o f our c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies have, at one time or another, been vested w i t h s i m i l a r ( t h o u g h generally less "sophisticated") abilities. W h a t has been the outcome o f these investments? I n regard to transp o r t a t i o n , i t is possible t o m o v e m o r e i n f o r m a t i o n m o r e q u i c k l y t h a n before, i n d i f f e r e n t media. As Carey (1989) has p o i n t e d o u t , c o m m u n i cation a n d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n are inextricably l i n k e d : 1

It is not an infrequent experience to be driving along an interstate highway and to become aware that the highway is paralleled by a river, a canal, a railroad track, or telegraph and telephone wires, (p. 203) T h e g r i d system o f streets and h i g h w a y s that gives N o r t h America its distinctively d i f f e r e n t (and, some say, homogeneous) l o o k w h e n c o m p a r e d to cities i n other nations extends to grids o f other k i n d s , to p o w e r and electrical g r i d s , a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n n e t w o r k s . T h o u g h Carey claims t h a t the telegraph b r o k e the connection between c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d transp o r t a t i o n , f o r i t enabled messages " t o move independently o f and faster t h a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n " (p. 2 0 4 ) , that connection is still w i t h us i n some sense. A n d i t threatens to expand as the Internet's p a r t i c u l a r l y A m e r i c a n qualities (the use o f English, its technical development, its users' values) structure its use a r o u n d the w o r l d . W i t h the i n v e n t i o n o f r a d i o one m i g h t have t h o u g h t t h a t wireiess c o m m u n i c a t i o n w o u l d make the separation o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n clear and the g r i d obsolete, b u t n o t so. O u r existing grids are used f o r new purposes, b u t ones related to c o m m u n i c a t i o n and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n nevertheless; telephone lines b r i n g us n o t only voice b u t data (and thus s o u n d a n d p i c t u r e s — a n d the Internet), cable television lines do the same, p o w e r lines w i l l l i k e l y d o so as w e l l , and these lines f o l l o w o u r roads, as those have structured the l o c a t i o n o f o u r buildings. Satellite c o m m u n i c a t i o n has made u s a little less dependent o n these grids, b u t n o t sufficiently so t h a t we m a y do a w a y w i t h t h e m altogether, and given the size of our investment ( b o t h material and h u m a n ) i n their c o n s t r u c t i o n , is that a surprise? A n d is i t thus a surprise t h a t we consider the Internet an i n f o r m a t i o n " h i g h w a y " ? T h e g r i d is still w i t h us, r e m i n d i n g us t h a t W i l l i a m Gibson's " M a t r i x " is i n the here a n d n o w ( t h o u g h maybe n o t perceptible i n the ways he envisions i t w i l l be). W h a t has the g r i d done f o r us, w h a t has been the r e t u r n o n our investment i n it? J o h n B r m c k e r h o f f Jackson (1980) asks us t o l o o k at i t n o t o n l y i n terms o f t h a t w h i c h has been b u i l t (the roads, the wires, etc.), its content, so t o speak, b u t i n terms o f the landscape, its context. Jackson finds t h a t the h i g h w a y "is merely a symbol o f h o w we have learned to organize space a n d m o v e m e n t " (p. 124), a n d t h a t the spatial organization

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Culture

i t engenders is o f greatest i m p o r t a n c e . H i s m o s t telling c o m m e n t is t h a t the c o n t e m p o r a r y d i v i s i o n o f space b r o u g h t a b o u t by highways is "seen as t e m p o r a r y , and c o m m u n i c a t i o n . , . essential; the d w e l l i n g favors the open p l a n " (p. 125). I m i g h t a d d t h a t the c o m p u t e r , its software and h a r d w a r e , are seen i n the same w a y , a n d perhaps w e consider m o d e r n life less m terms o f social m o b i l i t y and m o r e i n terms o f the " u p g r a d e . " T h e g r i d systems w e create, t h e n , are s t r u c t u r i n g but n o t permanenr, r i g i d b u t permeable; they flex. So i t is w i t h o u r attempts t o m a p a g r i d o f the Internet, the v i r t u a l , o n t o o u r existing g r i d o f the n o n - v i r t u a l . W e t r y to bend a n d t w i s t b o t h grids u n t i l they f i t one o n t o p o f the other, b u t they always snap back i n t o place and defy an easy i n t e r l o c k , perhaps like " s m a r t " metals a n d plastics t h a t regain their o r i g i n a l shape o n heating. Several essays i n this b o o k address the issue o f the boundaries between the real a n d the v i r t u a l , assessing the shape and porousness o f these grids, and w e find t h a t w i t h the a p p l i c a t i o n o f some intellectual heat they do n o t always s p r i n g back i n t o o l d shapes b u t assume entirely n e w ones. I n regard t o c o m m u n i c a t i o n , w e are, n o t surprisingly, also able t o m o v e m o r e i n f o r m a t i o n m o r e q u i c k l y t h a n before, i n different media (the l i n k between c o m m u n i c a t i o n and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n is yet t o be completely b r o k e n ) . Jackson (1985) is i l l u m i n a t i n g o n this p o i n t too, as he notes t h a t : Communication can be defined m several ways: i t means passage from one place to another, and it means the transmitting of a message. In terms of the highway it means an unending flow of traffic—perhaps much of it essentially aimless, a kind of search for some place or person to help reinforce our identity- i t also means the signs and billboards and lights and signals—a chorus of communication such as no generation has ever before seen. (p. 46) H i s description o f the h i g h w a y is as g o o d a one o f the Internet as I have f o u n d . T h e c o n t r i b u t o r s t o this v o l u m e examine the f l o w o f traffic, b u t n o t f o r its o w n sake. Rather they seek to discover and critique t h a t "search f o r some place o r p e r s o n " a b o u t w h i c h Jackson w r i t e s . T h e use o f C M C and the Internet is p a r t o f w h a t Jackson, e x t r a p o l a t i n g f r o m a study done m H o l l a n d , sees as " t h e need f o r sociability, the need to use one's o w n personal possessions . . . the need to collect experiences, and the need t o r u n dangers" (pp. 4 7 - 4 8 ) . There is another need, and i t is the t h i r d area o f o u r collective focus on c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies: storage. As w e collect experience we m u s t f i n d someplace t o p u t i t . I t seems n i g h o n impossible to c o n t i n u a l l y add objects, symbols, a n d processes t o o u r lives w i t h o u t letting others go, so w h a t w e t r y t o d o instead o f subtract is store t h e m . Whether the space is real o r v i r t u a l , o u r capacity to keep f i l l i n g i t is u n d i m i n i s h e d (such is the nature o f i m a g i n a t i o n ) , b u t o u r capacity t o encompass it, m the sense o f embracing i t , p u t t i n g o u r arms a r o u n d i t figuratively, to understand i t , does n o t g r o w a t the same pace. H a v i n g i n f o r m a t i o n and k n o w i n g w h a t i t means are entirely separate d o m a i n s . As Ebben Sc Kramarae (1993) noted m a slightly d i f f e r e n t context, w e m u s t set aside o u r " a s s u m p t i o n a b o u t education [as] r o o t e d m the n o t i o n t h a t k n o w l e d g e is an a c c u m u l a t i o n o f

S

introduction

m a t t e r " (p. 2 1 ) . W h a t w e sense is t h a t w e are constituted by information almost as m u c h as w e are constituted b y b l o o d , s k i n , and bone, and that, no m a t t e r the r e c o r d i n g m e t h o d w e m a y use t o externalize the memories and experiences w e store, w i t h o u t us they w o u l d n o t m a k e sense. Conversely, w i t h o u t those memories a n d experiences o u r lives w o u l d n o t m a k e sense cither. H a v i n g " c o n n e c t i o n s " does n o t s i m p l y mean h o o k i n g u p a w i r e (or r a d i o wave) f r o m one place t o another. I n the o l d Eastern European sense o f the t e r m , " h a v i n g connections" means h a v i n g a thread t h a t links us t o others'' t h o u g h t s , duties, rights, responsibilities, and o b l i g a t i o n s . I t is, i n t r u t h , neither " w h o one k n o w s " n o r " w h a t one k n o w s " b u t the t w o c o m b i n e d . I n its o w n w a y each essay i n this b o o k is concerned w i t h connecting i n t h a t latter sense, and o u r collective concern s h o u l d , by a l l means, focus there. T h e present development o f a g l o b a l i n f o r m a t i o n infrastructure by w a y o f the i n t e r n e t brings these three strands ( t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , c o m m u n i c a t i o n , storage) together i n interesting w a y s . B u t w h a t are the consequences f o r us as w e invest t h e m w i t h those capacities? T o invest m one area m u s t mean t h a t w e disinvest i n another. R i c h a r d H o g g a r t (1970) w r o t e t h a t a p a r t f r o m the "expedient answers" technology m a y p r o v i d e w e are " i n the area o f v a l u e - j u d g m e n t s , " f o r "every choice made opens that possibility to h u m a n beings or closes that one, makes that m o r e likely or that other less l i k e l y " (p. 112). W h a t do w e choose to leave behind as w e a d o p t and adapt t o n e w media technology? W h a t m i g h t w e gain- f r o m o u r n e w investments? These are the questions raised i n this b o o k . They come f r o m a v a r i e t y o f perspectives, engaging and j o i n i n g theoretical w o r k i n sociology, p o l i t i c a l science, economics, c o m m u n i c a t i o n , f e m i n i s m , a n d h i s t o r y w i t h observation and p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f the content a n d context o f C M C and the Internet. T h e authors have kept a w a t c h f u l eye o n the landscape t h a t w e are f o r m i n g w i t h these technologies; sometimes t h a t landscape is visible o n o u r c o m p u t e r screens, and sometimes i t is n o t . N o m a t t e r w h e r e i t m a y be visible i t behooves us a l l to keep i t m v i e w , for i t affects us a l l — a n d i t promises t o keep changing.

Note 1. M i c r o s o f t has in this advertising c a m p a i g n asked a question that sounds like ones asked by m y r i a d A m e r i c a n college students a n d members of " G e n c r a n o n X " w h o can engage i n a seemingly never-ending call-and-response

r o u n d - r o b i n based o n t w o questions: " W h a t do y o u

w a n t to do t o d a y ? " followed" by " I d o n ' t k n o w , w h a t do you w a n t to d o ? " T h e ennttt of these questions

dissipated

is similar to that of the W e b surfer w h o , faced with a n almost

limitless a r r a y of sites to visit, is o v e r w h e l m e d to b o r e d o m .

References C a r e y , J . W . ( 1 9 8 9 ) . Communication

as culture.

B o s t o n : U n w i n Sc H y m a n .

C u r t i s , I. ( 1 9 8 0 ) . T r a n s m i s s i o n . F r a c t u r e d M u s i c .

6

Virtual

Culture

The Internet and its Social Landscape Steven G. jones

W h e t h e r i t be film, television, r a d i o , the Internet, v i r t u a l l y any m e d i u m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h a t relies o n technology w i l l at one t i m e o r another find itself deemed t o be causing a " r e v o l u t i o n . " A n d just as q u i c k l y one w i l l f i n d some segments o f society i n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h a t r e v o l u t i o n . Such is n o w the case w i t h the e v o l u t i o n o f technologies f o r computermediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) , p a r t i c u l a r l y the development o f the Internet. Backlash t o w a r d these technologies has begun already a n d some decry the loss o f personality t h a t often accompanies the m e d i a t i o n o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n via computer; others lament the a m o u n t o f t i m e taken a w a y f r o m face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n b y technologies t h a t require expertise, u n d i v i d e d a t t e n t i o n , o r even appear addictive. C l i f f o r d Stoll (1995) summarized the backlash best w h e n he w r o t e , " b i t b y b i t , m y days d r i b b l e a w a y , t r i c k l i n g o u t m y m o d e m " ( p . 2). Stoll's sense o f life " d r i b b l i n g a w a y " is n o t surprising, f o r , t o use James Carey's (1989) d i s t i n c t i o n between the " t r a n s m i s s i o n " a n d " r i t u a l " views o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , transmission and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f o r m the frame o f reference f o r o u r t h i n k i n g a b o u t c o m m u n i c a t i o n . M o s t often we s i m p l y desire t o k n o w h o w m u c h w e can communicate, or "get across," m o s t efficiently, economically, a n d r a p i d l y . F r o m t h a t perspective Stoll's p r o b l e m is t h a t his life is b u t dribbling a w a y a n d n o t speeding along his modem's connection. B u t f r o m the p o i n t o f v i e w o f " r i t u a l , " a perspective t h a t claims c o m m u n i c a t i o n "is the sacred ceremony t h a t draws persons together i n f e l l o w s h i p and c o m m o n a l i t y " ( p . 18), Stoll's p r o b l e m is t h a t his days go by v i r t u a l l y w i t h o u t h i m , t i m e passes t h r o u g h his m o d e m w i t h o u t h i m n o t i c i n g i t . I n m a n y , m a n y w a y s , the transmission v i e w dominates n o t o n l y h o w the Western w o r l d t h i n k s a b o u t c o m m u n i c a t i o n b u t h o w i t t h i n k s a b o u t other aspects o f life, a n d this m a y be most evident i n the m o d e r n embrace o f " p r o g r e s s , " o r w h a t Carey characterized as "the mythos o f the electronic r e v o l u t i o n , " the hope and belief t h a t social ills w i l l be overcome by advances i n science a n d technology. I n CyberSoctety (Jones, 1995) Î sought to b r i n g Carey's w o r d s to bear o n o u r understanding o f the historical roots a n d m o t i v a t i o n s f o r w h a t h a d come t o be k n o w n as the " i n f o r m a t i o n s u p e r h i g h w a y , " the o n g o i n g p r o j e c t o f c o n s t r u c t i n g the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n infrastructure t o m a i n t a i n " p r o g r e s s " i n i n d u s t r y . I n this regard i t is i m p o r t a n t t h a t w e do understand

8

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Culture

the transmission v i e w o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . I t n o t o n l y permeates history, i n terms o f the development o f Western society, i t continues t o exert influence o n the socio-economic structure o f o u r c o m m u n i c a t i o n media. As J o h n B r i n c k e r h o f f Jackson w r o t e (1972) a b o u t the development o f the I l l i n o i s Central Railroad in America: railroad-designed towns . . . represented an important development in our whole landscape. They and the new farms surrounding them were not, even in theory, part of a pattern of independent social spaces: they were integrated from the beginning into a well-designed economic process, into a linear system vividly symbolized by the lines of track and their accompanying telegraph wires, (p. 68) T h e spread o f railroads had sweeping consequences f o r social life even i n areas t h a t were n o t bisected b y tracks. A n d n o w the Internet's develo p m e n t is s i m i l a r l y linear, t h o u g h n o t symbolized b y tracks and telegraph lines b u t b y the personal c o m p u t e r , k e y b o a r d , and mouse. T h e Internet does n o t create independent social spaces per se, as i t relies o n an existing c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e a n d is integrated i n t o c u r r e n t economic processes i n the telecommunications industries. Is i t any surprise t h a t m o s t people use the telephone system t o access the Internet via m o d e m , o r t h a t the promise o f high-speed Internet connections comes via existing cable television installations? L i k e the telegraph wires t h a t accompanied the r a i l r o a d tracks, and the roads t h a t f o l l o w e d the r a i l r o a d tracks, ad infinitum, the Internet is a " p i g g y - b a c k e d " m e d i u m , one t h a t f o l l o w s paths we already k n o w . F o r the present analysis, i t is most i m p o r t a n t to note t h a t there was n o t o n l y a n i n d u s t r i a l (and m i l i t a r y ) m o t i v a t i o n f o r the creation o f a c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e t h a t has, i n t u r n , led to the Internet's creation a n d g r o w t h , b u t a social one as w e l l . M a n y o f the technologies that are developed f o r business purposes are useful f o r social purposes (and vice versa), m u c h t o the c h a g r i n o f employers w h o find t h a t the technology t h a t was t o have increased their w o r k e r s ' p r o d u c t i v i t y has had the opposite effect a n d l o w e r e d i t , w h i l e c o n c o m i t a n t l y increasing their socializing at w o r k (Rice 6c L o v e , 1987; Schmitz &c F u i k , 1991). T h a t the a d o p t i o n o f technology can have a n effect opposite to the one intended s h o u l d n o t be surprising, f o r w e have become accustomed (perhaps f r o m the very first tune we m u s t deal w i t h the consequences o f a t h u n d e r s t o r m t h a t has cut p o w e r to our area and left us w i t h o u t refrigerat i o n , lights, air c o n d i t i o n i n g , television, etc.) t o the " t r a d e - o f f s " t h a t occur as w e develop a n d i m p l e m e n t technology. W e m a y n o t realize the m a g n i tude o f those trade-offs u n t i l we lose access to the technologies to w h i c h we have become h a b i t u a t e d . I raise these points n o t to argue t h a t those trade-offs s h o u l d necessarily prevent us f r o m a d o p t i n g technology, b u t rather to p o i n t o u t that, so l o n g as technology w o r k s , we take the tradeoffs f o r g r a n t e d . B u t w h e n we are unable to avail ourselves o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n technology we are struck by the sudden intensity o f the local, the immediate

The Internet

and

its Social

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9

apprehension t h a t w e are m the here, and n o w , and unable t o attend t o matters b e y o n d o u r physical reach. Space is at t h a t m o m e n t something we i n h a b i t rather t h a n something t h r o u g h w h i c h w e m o v e . T o p u t i t c o l l o q u i a l l y , we feel i t "close i n " a r o u n d us. A n d w h a t startles is t h a t very physical presence o f space, t h a t feeling o f something, or some absence, pressing against y o u w h e n the lights go o u t . O r d i n a r i l y , h o w e v e r , w e " f e e l " space as a fish likely "feels" water. I t is o u r o w n physical m e d i u m , a p a r t o f us t o such a n extent we d o n o t even notice i t , t h o u g h we move t h r o u g h i t a n d exist w i t h i n its presence. I t is p a r t and parcel o f o u r capacity f o r m o v e m e n t , so m u c h so t h a t the c o n j o i n i n g o f space a n d m o t i o n , the very dependence o f o u r sense o f space o n m o t i o n , has caused R i c h a r d Sennett (1978) to note t h a t m o b i l i t y is a sine qua non o f m o d e r n life: Today, we experience an ease of motion unknown to any prior urban civilization, and yet monon has become the most anxiety-laden of daily activines. The anxiety comes from the fact that we take unrestricted motion of the individual to be an absolute right, (p. 14) O n e m i g h t w e l l imagine, o f course, t h a t the t e r m " a u t o - m o b i l e " is derived f r o m t h a t sense t h a t we believe w e are granted the r i g h t o f a u t o - m o b i l i t y , irrespective o f whether the m e d i u m is a h i g h w a y o r i n f o r m a t i o n superh i g h w a y . - - o r social e n v i r o n m e n t . For Carey's connection o f the mythos o f the electronic r e v o l u t i o n to the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n connects n o t o n l y the m a t e r i a l aspects o f those (essentially m o d e r n ) stones, i t connects their social a n d m o r a l dimensions as w e l l .

The Internet and Community M y o w n i n i t i a l concerns a b o u t C M C , as I explained t h e m i n CyberSoctety (Jones, 1 9 9 5 ) , were focused o n issues o f c o m m u n i t y . The concerns I had were centered o n the question " W h o are we w h e n we are o n l i n e ? " and were oriented t o w a r d the c o m m u n a l , the social relationships we were seeking t o foster v i a the Internet a n d C M C . i n p a r t i c u l a r I w a n t e d t o examine emerging social f o r m a t i o n s online and determine whether they p r o v i d e some o f the things we desire o f f l i n e , things like friendship, c o m m u n i t y , i n t e r a c t i o n , a n d p u b l i c life, to determine whether the m o r a l ideals we seek a m o n g one another, i n c o m m u n i t y , are realized online. Part o f w h a t m o t i v a t e d m y interest a n d concern was t h a t m u c h was being made a b o u t the d u a l potentialities o f the Internet. First, i t could recreate c o m m u n i t y as we had once known f i , r e b u i l d f o r us the "great g o o d place" (Oldenberg, 1 9 9 1 ; R h e m g o l d , 1993) we once k n e w b u t abandoned f o r " b o w l i n g a l o n e " (Putnam, 1995). Second, i t w o u l d n o t merely "get us all together," i t w o u l d d o so w i t h o u t o u r h a v i n g to d o expend m u c h effort, since i t w o u l d overcome space and t i m e f o r us, and i t w o u l d also enable us t o c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h one another. As J. M a c G r e g o r Wise points o u t i n a f o r t h c o m i n g w o r k , we have developed the belief t h a t p o l i t i c a l , m o r a l , and

10

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Culture

social p r o b l e m s are the result o f a lack o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , and t h a t i f w e i m p r o v e c o m m u n i c a t i o n w e w i l l also solve the various problems t h a t plague m o d e r n iife. T h e internet w o u l d thus make c o m m u n i t y better. I t was t o result i n a c o m m u n i t y free o f the constraints o f space and t i m e , a n d so free us t o engage w i t h f e l l o w humans irrespective o f geographic p r o x i m i t y a n d the clock, a n d i t w o u l d construct t h a t c o m m u n i t y f r o m communication, rather t h a n inhabitance and being, w h i c h do n o t guarantee c o m m u n i c a t i o n . A s Douglas Schuler (1996) p u t i t : The old concept of community is obsolete in many ways and needs to be updated to meet today's challenges. The old or "traditional" community was often exclusive, inflexible, isolated, unchanging, monolithic, and homogeneous. A new community—one that is fundamentally devoted to democratic problemsolving—needs to be fashioned from the remnants of the old. (p. 9) Schuler goes o n to describe these new communities as h a v i n g "a high degree o f awareness , . , and principles and p u r p o s e " (p. 9), and focused a r o u n d a c t i o n , a r o u n d " d o i n g . " I n this conception, one g r o w i n g i n p o p u l a r i t y , c o m m u n i t i e s are n o t places to be, to engage m conversation ( f r o m the m u n d a n e to the m o m e n t o u s ) , they are groups o f people seeking t o achieve p a r t i c u l a r goals. T h i s description is p a r t o f an older thread m conversations a b o u t c o m p u t i n g . As L i c k l i d e r and T a y l o r w r o t e i n a 1968 essay t h a t presaged m u c h o f c o m p u t i n g ' s f u t u r e : life w i l l be happier for the on-line individual because the people w i t h whom one interacts most strongly will be selected more by commonality of interests and goals than by accidents of proximity . , communication will be more effective and productive, and therefore more enjoyable, (p. 31) L i c k l i d e r and T a y l o r , and f o r t h a t matter Schuler also, d o n o t address w h e t h e r c o m m u n i c a t i o n that is n o t goal-oriented can be enjoyable t o o . A n d w h a t happens t o those "selected" groups once their goals are achieved is open t o question. I n general, Schuler's call f o r n e w communities seems m o r e l i k e a call to f o r m committees, o r a t best teams, and democracy itself is defined as p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g and n o t as a w a y o f life. I t is conceived o f as a means to a m a t e r i a l end rather t h a n a set o f m o r a l values. A s i m i l a r call is made by H o w a r d R h e m g o l d ( 1 9 9 1 , p . 377), w h o envisions v i r t u a l reality p r o v i d i n g the " l e a r n i n g b y d o i n g " that, he claims, J o h n D e w e y espoused. B u t that characterization is a perversion o f Dewey's expectations f o r education, expectations g r o u n d e d i n hopes f o r social being a n d n o t s i m p l y the learning o f trade and s k i l l . As Jensen (1990} s u m m a r i z e d , " F o r D e w e y , education s h o u l d reflect the life o f the larger society, c u l t i v a t i n g students as f u l l social citizens, lively and responsive" (p. 146). F u r t h e r i n g his t w i s t on D e w e y , R h e m g o l d organized Electric M i n d s , Inc., a media c o m p a n y f o r m e d to create the Social W e b . Its goal, according to R h e m g o l d , "is to be the g l o b a l brand f o r c o m m u n i t y " (cited in M c C o y , 1996). Such rhetoric puts a different spin o n the m o d e r n nostalgia f o r c o m m u n i t y . Instead o f merely c r i t i c i z i n g the d e t e r i o r a t i o n of c o m m u n i t i e s i n

The Internet

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m o d e r n life, i t evokes a sense o f lost o p p o r t u n i t i e s t h a t need to be again made available, i f only w e w o u l d w o r k harder (or have m o r e money w i t h w h i c h t o buy Rheingold's " b r a n d " o f c o m m u n i t y ) . I t is therefore p a r t i c u l a r l y responsive to the f r a g m e n t a t i o n o f m o d e r n life a l o n g the lines o f space a n d tune, as i t seeks to r a l l y a n d reunite us i n action and a c t i v i t y . B u t w e s h o u l d n o t o v e r l o o k t h a t i t is w e w h o , i n o u r rush to overcome space a n d t i m e , mstead fragment t h e m , and thus cause the ruptures w e w a n t healed. A s Carey (1993) t r e n c h a n t l y points o u t i n the title o f an essay, " e v e r y t h i n g t h a t rises m u s t d i v e r g e . " B o t h space and t i m e are fragmented and divergent i n the face o f new technologies, made discontinuous b y the very elements o f c o n t r o l t h a t w e seek t o utilize to m a k e t h e m less so, to m a k e t h e m , i n fact, convergent. W h a t Carey had observed was t h a t : Divergence is not some random and unfortunate occurrence, a snake in our idyll of convergence, but a necessary consequence of the technological change we so eagerly support. We are living, engineering and hardware notwithstanding, in a period of enormous disarray in all our insututions and in much of our personal life as well. We exist in a "verge" in the sense Daniel Boorsttn gave that word: a moment between two different forms of social life in which technology has dislodged all human relations and nothing stable has as yet replaced them. Media may be converging. , . < Social convergence does not follow the technical convergence, however, (p. 173) A n d so i t is t h a t o u r hopes f o r convergence are d o m i n a t i n g o u r c o m m o n sense. T h e creation o f the convergence, a n d hence stability, w e seek requires t h a t w e cease t o a t t e m p t to "save" o r " o v e r c o m e " space and time t h r o u g h use o f technology. T h e y are n o t to be " o v e r c o m e , " we are, rather, to live i n t h e m . I t also requires t h a t w e m o v e b e y o n d s i m p l y observing whether things l o o k as i f they are converging t o understanding the outcomes o f o u r observations, or, t o p u t i t another w a y , understanding whether the perception o f difference and s i m i l a r i t y makes a difference. F o r example, t h o u g h i t m a y seem as i f convergence is o c c u r r i n g and societies a r o u n d the w o r l d share symbols, ideas, language, etc., a pervasive sense o f divergence remains. Z e l i n s k y (1992) noted t h a t a research study conducted i n 1967 " f a i l e d t o disclose any convergence, a n d indeed suggested the opposite trend": cultural distances seem to be shrinking; but modern man, torn loose from conventional bounds of place or social and biological descent, may well be feeling his way into a number of newly discovered dimensions. The opportunities for personal choice, more complete individuation, and the formation of new social and cultural entities may have been greatly enhanced. Thus although most places may have begun to look alike, m important ways not usually susceptible to casual visual observation they may have started down fundamentally different routes. In sharp contrast the communities of the premodern past may have displayed the greatest imaginable superficial differences, but the most striking isomorphisms are revealed to the persistent analyst, (pp. 87-88)

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I w o u l d l i k e n this to the present situation w i t h the Internet, w h i c h , I believe, we have a tendency t o understand m a i n l y i n spatial terms, observing i t as i f visually, t h r o u g h the use o f visual metaphors, as i f i t were indeed a h i g h w a y being constructed t h r o u g h o u r b a c k y a r d . (It t h a n k f u l l y lacks the mess, t r o u b l e , a n d some o f the d i s r u p t i o n o f r o a d w o r k , b u t i t still employs eminent d o m a i n as o u r p r o p e r t y is colonized.) W e m a r v e l at the sights a n d sounds b r o u g h t i n t o o u r homes and places o f w o r k and sometimes are dismayed at their i n t r u s i o n i n t o o u r lives, b u t we t h i n k less a b o u t the Internet's non-spatial features. W e t h i n k m o r e a b o u t its a b i l i t y to " t a k e us places" a n d less a b o u t its insertion i n t o the m u n d a n e practices o f o u r everyday life. F o r us t o change o u r t h i n k i n g a b o u t the Internet, to gain a m o r e critical awareness o f i t , we m i g h t t u r n t o w a r d H a r o l d Innis's w o r k concerning the social consequences o f the f r a g m e n t a t i o n o f m o d e r n society f r o m w h a t he termed the " b i a s " o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , the s t r u c t u r i n g o f space and t i m e by c o m m u n i c a t i o n . N o w , o f p a r t i c u l a r interest vis-à-vis the Internet is its bias t o w a r d t i m e , a n d not space, t h o u g h the Internet's p r i n c i p a l and p o p u l a r d e f i n i t i o n is as a "cyberspace." I believe the Internet does, i n its w a y , have a bias t o w a r d space, as d o other c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies. Y e t i t is a k i n d o f "laissez-faire" bias, n o t one t h a t structures space so m u c h as one t h a t entirely obliterates i t as a sense-able construct and so renders i t a b s u r d . A s P e r k o w i t z (1996) noted i n a review o f E . M . Forster's Howards End a n d " T h e M a c h i n e Stops";

Forster , . . realizes that the quality of personal connection depends on the quannty—often inversely. "The more people one knows the easier it becomes to replace them," Margaret sighs. "It's one of the curses of London." Too many connections, i n other words, devalues each one in a kind of emotional inflation (P- 87) I t is n o t t h a t distance is made meaningless, b u t once we are a l l connected i n cyberspace we are then infinitely distant f r o m one another w h e n w e are not communicating. T h e Internet's bias t o w a r d t i m e , o n the other h a n d , marks i t as the latest i n a series o f mechanical developments arising f r o m " t h e demands o f i n d u s t r y o n t i m e " (Innis, 1 9 5 1 , p . 74). I t is p a r t o f a process t h a t has i n t r u d e d i n t o everyday life, i n t o the social (see Lewis M u m f o r d ' s w r i t i n g f o r p o i g n a n t examples), t h a t demands efficiency and results i n fragmentat i o n and w h a t Innis termed an "obsession w i t h present-mindedness" ( p . 87} and w h a t Jeremy R i f k m (1987) calls " t h e new nanosecond c u l t u r e . " Perhaps its best description, and one t h a t l i n k s the Internet's bias t o w a r d t i m e t o c o m p u t i n g generally, is t h a t o f a software engineer w h o stated, " r e a i t i m e [is] n o longer c o m p e l l i n g " ( U l l m a n , 1995, p . 133). O f great value t o w a r d m a k i n g a connection between the Internet's time bias a n d its social consequences is Benedict Anderson's (1983) analysis o f the e v o l u t i o n o f " s i m u l t a n e i t y " :

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Our own conception of simultaneity has been a long time in the making, and its emergence is certainly connected , . with the development of the secular sciences. . . . What has come to take the place of the mediaeval conception of simultaneity-along-time is, to borrow again from Benjamin, an idea of "homogeneous, empty tune," in which simultaneity is, as it were, transverse, cross-time, marked not by prefiguring and fulfillment, but by temporal coincidence, and measured by clock and calendar, {p. 24) :

T i m e is e m p t y , according to A n d e r s o n , because we have less o f a sense o f its flow a n d a greater sense o f its d i s c o n t i n u i t y — t i m e is n o t a w h o l e , i t is a series o f fragments t h a t pass b y , one t o the other, i n a serial lock-step. I t is ours t o fill a n d t r y t o save rather t h a n t o experience and understand.

The Internet and Modern Life O u r sense o f h i s t o r y and o u r i m a g i n a t i o n are necessarily related to the m o d e r n conception o f t i m e , f o r w e see ourselves as m o v i n g t h r o u g h t i m e , and t o some extent outside o f i t , rather t h a n l i v i n g w i t h i n i t . I t is w e l l illustrated b y the h o l d o n our i m a g i n a t i o n o f e d i t i n g technologies, ones t h a t a l l o w us t o m a n i p u l a t e images a n d sounds, space and t i m e . As I stated i n an earlier essay (Jones, 1994) o n c y b e r p u n k , hypertext, and symbolic process, " T h e p o i n t is n o t t h a t a r t imitates life, life imitates art, and so o n , b u t t h a t life itself can be edited" (p. 86). T i m e is asynchronous, and nearly, perhaps o n l y t w e n t y minutes i n t o the f u t u r e , to b o r r o w f r o m M a x Headroom, w i t h i n our control. Consequently, the Internet's insertion i n t o m o d e r n life represents a further displacement, or divergence, between o u r sense o f " l i v e d " t i m e (the t i m e t h a t passes according t o o u r senses, the t i m e o f " b e i n g " ) and our sense o f " s o c i a l " o r " f u n c t i o n a l " t i m e (the t i m e t h a t we sense as a f o r m o f o b l i g a t i o n , o r as t i m e f o r " d o i n g , " f o r " c a p t u r i n g , " o r w h a t Stoll feels is being " d r i b b l e d a w a y " against his wishes). R i f k m (1987) notes t h a t : The computer is a form of communication like script, print, and the telephone, but it is also a time tool, like the clock on the wall. . . . As a timepiece, the computer . . - establishes a new set of accelerated temporal demands on human behavior. , , , The ability to intuit the proper sequences of behavior, knowing how long things should take . - - becomes difficult and strained (pp. 2 7 - 2 8 ) C o m p u t e r makers c o n t i n u a l l y speed u p their machines, b u t few people I k n o w find t h a t accelerated central processing units save t h e m m u c h t i m e , o r , better, m i n i m i z e then: tune f o r " d o i n g " t o w a r d tune f o r " b e i n g . " T h e Internet itself can, o f course, p r o v i d e some semblance o f a place f o r " b e i n g , " a n d l u r k i n g o n m a i l i n g lists, Usenet newsgroups, internet Relay C h a t , etc., is evidence o f at least t h a t m u c h . B u t these activities are biased t o w a r d a n isolated f o r m o f being, f o r i f one is l u r k i n g and n o t interacting, one is n o m o r e a p a r t o f the social t h a n is a w a l l f l o w e r . " B e i n g , " m this sense, connotes a near-stasis i n social terms. There is a remarkable parallel between l u r k i n g and reading (and, i n fact, the p r i m a r y activity of Internet use is r e a d i n g , whether l u r k i n g o r n o t ) . Reading, and p r i n t culture

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generally, have been criticized f o r the ways they isolate i n d i v i d u a l s (think o f the hapless airline passenger w h o opens a b o o k o r magazine to a v o i d s p e a k i n g w i t h the extra-gregarious f e l l o w traveler seated nearby), p r o m o t i n g a sense o f the i m a g i n e d , the "read a b o u t , " rather t h a n engagem e n t w i t h the w o r l d (see Eisenstein, 1983; G o o d y , 1975; O n g , 1 9 8 2 ) . A p a r t i c u l a r l y v i v i d description o f the social consequences o f reading comes f r o m R i c h a r d H o g g a r t ( 1 9 5 7 ) , w h o w r o t e a b o u t the " o l d men w h o fill the reading-rooms o f the branch p u b l i c libraries . . . eccentnc[s] absorbed i n the rituals o f . , , m o n o m a n i a . , . e x i s t i n g ] o n the periphery o f life, seeing each other d a i l y b u t w i t h no c o n t a c t " (pp. 6 0 - 6 1 ) . H o g g a r t ' s " o l d m e n " d i d n o t become estranged f r o m those a r o u n d t h e m because o f the r e a d i n g - r o o m , o r because o f reading. T h e y visit the r e a d i n g - r o o m because i t is their refuge, a place to be a m o n g others o f the same l o t . I t is, i n a w o r d , their c o n s o l a t i o n . B u t i t is a place to be among and n o t with, in terms o f i n t e r a c t i o n . W h a t they seek is c o m m u n i t y w i t h i n their e n v i r o n m e n t . T o again t u r n t o w a r d Innis (1951), the s o l u t i o n we seek, via the I n t e r n e t , t o the f r a g m e n t a t i o n o f life along the lines o f time is to c o m m u n e w i t h each other, or, as Innis w r o t e : " T h e general restiveness inherent i n an obsession w i t h t i m e has led to various attempts to restore concepts o f c o m m u n i t y such as have appeared i n earlier c i v i l i z a t i o n s " ( p . 88). B u t w h y restore c o m m u n i t y a n d the social? I believe the answer is related t o C W r i g h t M i l l s ' (1956) critique o f "mass m a n , " people " s u n k i n their r o u t i n e s , " w h o " d o n o t transcend, even b y discussion," their lives (p. 3 2 0 ) . T o remedy t h i s , M i l l s implies, is " t h e small-scale discussion . . , the chance f o r the reasonable and leisurely a n d h u m a n interchange o f o p i n i o n " (p. 314). A key w o r d i n M i l l s ' prescription is " l e i s u r e l y , " and i t serves a d u a l purpose. First, i t denotes the quickened pace o f life t h a t M i l l s (and other sociologists, like those at the Chicago School o f Sociology) i d e n t i f i e d . Second, a n d m o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , i t refers t o repose, intermission, w i t h o u t deliberate, purposive, action and activity, the time t h a t allows f o r r e s t o r a t i o n a n d r e j u v e n a t i o n . As Lewis M u m f o r d (1962) p o i n t e d l y illustrates, the development o f the clock a n d subsequent i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n o f life processes has meant t h a t even at moments w h e n we m a y feel we have " t i m e o n o u r h a n d s , " we find activities w i t h w h i c h t o use t h a t t i m e , o r w e feel g u i l t y f o r " w a s t i n g " i t . J o h n Perry B a r l o w (1996) noted t h a t n a t u r a l cycles p r o v i d e such intermissions (a rancher, f o r instance, must patiently w a i t f o r a c o w to give b i r t h t o a calf, o r a f a r m e r must w a i t f o r r a i n t o end before w o r k i n g i n the field) b u t those, t o o , are often filled w i t h w o r k . T h e f r a g m e n t a t i o n o f m o d e r n life is felt n o t as s i m p l y a " f i l l i n g u p " or a "speeding u p " o f t i m e , as R i f k m a n d others c l a i m has occurred, i t is felt as a loss o f t i m e w i t h others, a lack o f " b e i n g " w i t h t h e m . Instead o f t i m e as a c o n t i n u i t y , as a m o v e m e n t w i t h r e g u l a r i t y t h a t g r o w s f r o m a n d i n t u r n builds u p o u r sense o f i n t e r a c t i o n , t i m e is experienced as atomistic a n d discontinuous; t i m e is n o t spent with others, i t is spent on o r for others, or even f o r ourselves. Anderson's " h o m o g e n e o u s , e m p t y t i m e " needs to be filled, f o r its passage

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is precious a n d to waste i t is p r o f l i g a t e . B u t h o w do w e fill i t via o u r use o f the Internet? A n d , once filled, h o w d o we m a k e space f o r m o r e o f it? One w a y is t o a d o p t Schuier's recommendation and create some f o r m o f " w o r k g r o u p " a n d use o u r t i m e f o r action and activity. There is little d o u b t t h a t such activity can have positive practical rewards, b u t again, i t is often d i f f i c u l t t o distinguish f r o m frenzy a n d b u s y - w o r k — a n d w h a t happens w h e n one is done w i t h it? A r e we to s i m p l y move o n to another " p r o j e c t , " as i f life were simply a series o f them? T o d o so is to give i n t o the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n o f w h i c h M u m f o r d writes, and i t is a sure w a y to n a r r o w the o p t i o n s the Internet m a y b r i n g f o r social relations. T h o u g h action and activity m a y b r i n g their satisfactions, w h a t o f sustained, reflexive, personal intimacy? Internet users o u g h t t o shout this question loudly. A n o t h e r w a y to be " i n " time, and the Internet excels at this, is to create narratives t h a t d o n o t s i m p l y m a r k time b u t fill i t imaginatively. A n d e r s o n (1983) writes: A l l profound changes in consciousness, by their very nature, bring with them characteristic amnesias. Out of such oblivions, m specific historical circumstances, spring narratives. . - • The photograph, fine child of the age of mechanical reproduction, is only the most peremptory of a huge modern accumulanon of documentary evidence . . - which simultaneously records a certain apparent continuity and emphasizes its loss from memory. Out of this estrangement comes a conception of personhood, identity. These narratives, like . . . novels and newspapers . . . are set in homogeneous, empty time. Awareness of being imbedded in secular, serial time, with all its implications of continuity, yet of "forgetting" the experience of this continuity . . . engenders the need for a narrative of "identity." (pp. 2 0 4 - 2 0 5 ) T h e Internet, i f i t is a p p r o p r i a t e to call i t any k i n d o f space at a l l , is less some k i n d o f futuristic "cyberspace" a n d m o r e a discontinuous narrative space. B a r l o w described i t as a "silent w o r l d , [where] all conversation is t y p e d . T o enter i t , one forsakes b o t h body a n d place a n d becomes a t h i n g o f w o r d s a l o n e " (Rushkoff, 1994, p . 35). I n t h a t sense i t is an imagined and i m a g i n a r y space, and thus is a narrative b o t h because i t is an area o f discursive interaction and because i t contends, often very successfully, f o r o u r i m a g i n a t i o n . N a r r a t i v e s do n o t just occupy o u r time as we read, w r i t e , a n d imagine t h e m , they determine the passage o f t i m e ("first this happened, t h e n t h a t happened , . ,") and let us k n o w t h a t i n fact t i m e was n o t e m p t y , i t was a b u n d a n t w i t h activities and experiences we assigned to i t . Such assignation is a p r o f o u n d l y p o l i t i c a l act, f o r i t n o t o n l y establishes w h a t happened (according to the writer/thinker) b u t fixes an identity i n t i m e f o r those w h o are p a r t o f the narrative. N a r r a t i v e s are n o t , o f course, c o m m u n i t i e s , t h o u g h they m a y be artifacts o f c o m m u n i t y a n d m a y represent a g o o d p o r t i o n o f w h a t communities d o to m a i n t a i n a n d reproduce themselves over t i m e . Narratives m a y imagine c o m m u n i t i e s , a n d w e may imagine ourselves to be a p a r t o f a c o m m u n i t y based o n o u r reading o f a narrative, and i t is l i k e l y t h a t w h a t we consider

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as internet c o m m u n i t i e s are similar to the type o f assemblage A n d e r s o n believes was b r o u g h t a b o u t w i t h the advent o f the newspaper i n A m e r i c a : What were the characteristics of the first American newspapers, N o r t h or South? They began essentially as appendages of the market. Early gazettes contained— aside from news about the metropole—commercial news . . . as well as colonial polincal appointments, marriages of the wealthy, and so forth. I n other words, what brought together, on the same page, this marriage with that ship, this price w i t h that bishop, was the very structure of the colonial administration and market-system itself. I n this way the newspaper . , . quite naturally, and even apolitically, created an imagined community among a specific assemblage of fellow-readers, to whom these ships, brides, bishops and prices belonged, {p. 62) S i m i l a r l y those w h o frequent Usenet newsgroups provide evidence t h a t they feel the g r o u p a n d its messages " b e l o n g " to t h e m ( M c L a u g h l i n , Osborne, & S m i t h , 1995, p . 102), creating an inversion o f t r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y p o w e r and possession. N o longer do w e , as members o f the g r o u p , belong t o the c o m m u n i t y , r a t h e r the c o m m u n i t y belongs to us. O u r sense o f identity is n o t o n l y derived f r o m o u r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the g r o u p , i t is derived f r o m o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the g r o u p i d e n t i t y . I n this sense the i n t e r n e t continues a t r e n d t o w a r d m a r k e t i n g initiated by the development o f the p r i n t i n g press a n d sped f o r w a r d b y a d d i t i o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies, creating w h a t Beniger (1987) has called " p s e u d o - c o m m u n i t i e s , " the integration o f diverse g r o u p s b y means o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n and mass p r o d u c t i o n . I n conj u n c t i o n w i t h the development o f the conception o f "homogeneous, empty time," the fractured narratives p r o d u c e d b y the newspaper, and n o w the Internet, p r o v e a p o w e r f u l force f o r b r i n g i n g people together: This new synchronic novelty could arise historically only when substantial groups of people were in a position to think of themselves as living lives parallel to those of other substantial groups of people—if never meeting, yet certainly proceeding along the same trajectory. , . One could be fully aware of sharing a language and a religious faith . , , customs and traditions, without any great expectation of ever meeting one's partners. (Anderson, 1983, p. 188) T h o u g h t o some extent these narratives m a y feel l i k e c o m m u n i t y , they are its opposite, at least as far as w e have thus f a r k n o w n i t i n o u r h i s t o r y , f o r c o m m u n i t y relies o n w h a t I p r e v i o u s l y referred to as " i n h a b i t a n c e , " as being n o t just i n the same place at the same t i m e i n interaction w i t h others b u t as being a part of t h a t place, as i f one is a p a r t o f the landscape. B u t instead o f inhabitance there is r e c o g n i t i o n , the understanding t h a t , first, there are others like us, a n d , second, t h a t others k n o w w e exist. Consequently, i f w e are to create a sense o f c o m m u n i t y beyond mere r e c o g n i t i o n , w e require f a r m o r e t h a n its c o n s t r u c t i o n , physical or v i r t u a l — w e also require h u m a n occupancy, c o m m i t m e n t , i n t e r a c t i o n , and l i v i n g a m o n g and w i t h others. W e require a counterbalance t o the spectacle t h a t is created w h e n one t h i n g is juxtaposed a m o n g different others as in a newspaper o r d e p a r t m e n t store (Sennett, 1978, p . 144). G a r r i s o n K e i l l o r (1996) a c k n o w l edges, f o r instance, t h a t " i t isn't o p i n i o n s t h a t make people, it's g e o g r a p h y , "

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and even i f t h a t is n o t so, i t is i m p o r t a n t t o note the desire f o r c o m m u n i t y and s t a b i l i t y i t makes clear. B u t the sense o f c o m m u n i t y t h a t is created o n the Internet is i n large p a r t i n c i d e n t a l to a c t i v i t y t h a t takes place therein, o r , t o p u t a different spin o n a p o p u l a r phrase, o n the Internet c o m m u n i t y is w h a t happens w h e n one is m a k i n g other plans. W e are struck, as we use the Internet, by the sense t h a t there are others o u t there like us. T h a t sense is a m p l i f i e d b y the coincidental increase, b r o u g h t a b o u t by o u r c o n s u m p t i o n o f other media, o f the feeling t h a t the w o r l d " o u t t h e r e " is g r o w i n g ever stranger and is less l i k e l y t o resemble us as t i m e goes o n . T h e i n t e r n e t serend i p i t o u s l y brings t o us, i n o u r l i v i n g - r o o m s and offices, a sense o f connectedness, b u t i t is an aimless connectedness, a k i n d w h i c h reassures t h a t between " u s " a n d " t h e m " there m a y be some c o m m o n g r o u n d after a l l . A n d , once reassured, a n y t h i n g m o r e brings us t o o close t o h a v i n g to go " o u t there." T h a t aimless connectedness m a y m a k e Internet c o m m u n i t i e s n o better o r worse t h a n o f f l i n e ones, b u t i t does m a k e t h e m different. As A n d e r s o n (1983) n o t e d i n Imagined Communities, " C o m m u n i t i e s are t o be distinguished, n o t b y their falsity/genuineness, b u t b y the style i n w h i c h they are i m a g i n e d " ( p . 6). T h e Internet's communities are imagined i n t w o ways i n i m i c a l t o h u m a n c o m m u n i t i e s . First, they thrive o n the " m e a n w h i l e , " they are f o r g e d f r o m the sense t h a t they exist, b u t w e rarely directly apprehend t h e m , a n d w e see t h e m o n l y o u t o f the corner o f o u r eye. As m y colleague Joe Schmitz has p o i n t e d o u t , i n m a n y instances they can be o f great significance t o people. O f course the p o p u l a r press is f o n d o f p u b lishing reports o f people whose personal lives c r u m b l e as a consequence o f their life o n l i n e . N a t u r a l l y w e understand online life o n l y i n r e l a t i o n t o its offline c o u n t e r p a r t , a n d so o u r comparisons are s o m e w h a t l i m i t i n g , as is, therefore, o u r a b i l i t y t o measure "significance" i n these terms. W e t h i n k , and sometimes feel, w e belong to Internet c o m m u m t i e s , b u t w e are n o t sure quite h o w o r i n w h a t w a y s , o r whether belonging matters (beyond its capacity t o have a negative effect o n life offline). Second, they are imagined as p a r a l l e l , rather t h a n serial, groupings o f people, w h i c h is t o say t h a t they are n o t composed o f people w h o are necessarily connected, even b y interest, b u t are rather groupings o f people headed i n the same d i r e c t i o n , f o r a t i m e . T h e y m a y read the same things, occupy the same chat r o o m s f o r a t i m e , v i e w the same W o r l d W i d e W e b pages, i n fact have the same interests and imagine t h a t they are p a r t o f larger g r o u p s , " I n t e r n e t users" i n the m a i n a n d subgroups f r o m t h a t , b u t they are the " o l d men w h o fill the reading-rooms o f the b r a n c h p u b l i c l i b r a r i e s " i n H o g g a r t ' s description. As one Internet user p u t i t , being online "is a t i m e t o be alone a n d yet be w i t h o t h e r s " (Bennahum, 1994, p . 23). N o w , clearly, l i k e at least some, i f n o t they are l o o k i n g f o r any d o u b t o f t h a t

H o g g a r t s characters, there are those w h o are f i n d i n g a l l , o f the c o m m u n i t y interaction and belonging t h a t i n the interactions they experience o n l i n e . I f there is one need o n l y examine some o f the chapters i n

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CyberSocıety, o r some o f me chapters m this volume. A n d so i t s h o u l d be f o r H o g g a r t (1957) makes a s t r o n g case f o r "resilience" a n d warns against "a danger o f g r a d u a l l y becoming remote f r o m o u r everyday sense o f rhe endless variety and c o m p l e x i t y o f h u m a n n a t u r e " (p. 2 6 4 ) . The Internet does have its o w n " e v e r y d a y , " its customs, rituals, and manners, a n d those need t o be u n d e r s t o o d . W e need t o understand, as J o h n Pauly (1986) entreats, t h a t w e are situated between the private experiences of consumer culture and the public structures of multinational power, between the proximate communities of everyday life and the everywhere communities of popular culture, haunted by the echoes of our pre-industrial past, mesmerized by the images of our postindustrial future, (p. 103) T h o u g h I take his c o m m e n t s o m e w h a t o u t o f context, I believe there is m u c h t h a t can be gleaned f r o m i t . I t tasks us t o reflect n o t o n l y o n w h o w e are w h e n w e are online b u t , to further Anderson's line o f t h i n k i n g r e g a r d i n g imagined c o m m u n i t i e s , to ask: " W h o do w e t h i n k w e are w h e n we are o n l i n e , a n d w h o d o w e w a n t to be there?"

The Internet and Public Life I n m o d e r n c o m m u n i t i e s answers to these questions come n o t f r o m N a t u r e but f r o m the exercise o f p o w e r and order. T h e y are t y p i c a l l y established legislatively, b y p r o h i b i t i n g certain acts and encouraging others. A n o t h e r e f f o r t to establish order and exert p o w e r is j u r i d i c a l , c i r c u m s c r i b i n g the locations o f h u m a n activities (an endeavor made p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t by the media o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) . By the early 1990s i t appeared the online a c t i v i t y o f most immediate legislative concern regarding Internet c o m m u n i t i e s was p o r n o g r a p h y , and 1996 m a r k e d a signal event i n the h i s t o r y o f the Internet: passage o f the C o m m u n i c a t i o n s Decency A c t (CDA) i n t o l a w i n the U n i t e d States. I t is premature t o undertake a t h o r o u g h analysis o f the C D A as struggles over i t continue. Several analyses o f the C D A a n d its h i s t o r y are available i n the p o p u l a r press a n d I w i l l n o t belabor matters by t r y i n g to w r i t e another. I w i s h to p o i n t o u t t w o things. First, t h a t the legal struggle over the i m p a c t o f the C D A ' s obscenity clause o n the Internet was n o t o n l y a legal matter, b u t one that t o l d us " w h a t w e were and are and yet m i g h t be a g a i n " (Carey, 1 9 9 1 , p. 110) w h e n o n l i n e . Second, t h a t this legal battle was the first clash o f c o m p e t i n g narratives a b o u t w h e t h e r the Internet is i n fact a place, w i t h the o n l i n e w o r l d o n one side a n d the offline o n another. Is i t a " b o d i e d " place, or bodiless, and w h a t are the i m p l i c a t i o n s and consequences o f t h a t question's answers? R i c h a r d M a c K i n n o n addresses these issues i n greater detail elsewhere i n this v o l u m e , b u t suffice t o say that however w e m a y answer w e m u s t acknowledge t h a t w i t h o u t bodies there is no cyberspace, for w i t h o u t bodies there are n o t computer users and there are n o t , of course, m i n d s .

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T h e questions the challenge to the C D A ' s obscenity clause raised are most i m p o r t a n t . Is the Internet subject to rules and regulations a n d , i f so, w h a t is the d o m a i n o f j u r i s d i c t i o n vis-a-vts the Internet's lack o f geographic existence? I f i t is a c o m m u n i t y , o r a set of c o m m u n i t i e s , w h a t are its p o w e r structures a n d h o w are they articulated to ones offline? O r is it a c o m m u n i c a t i o n s m e d i u m , equally subject t o rules and regulations as other m e d i a o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n ? A p r e l i m i n a r y i n j u n c t i o n o f the C D A ' s indecency clauses t h a t was sought by the A m e r i c a n C i v i l Liberties U n i o n , a n d others was granted b y the courts, b u t their decision o n l y confused matters. I n one p a r a g r a p h o f the court's decision {American Library Association et al v . United States Department of Justice) the judges note t h a t : Once a provider posts its content on the Internet, it cannot prevent that content from entering any community. Unlike the newspaper, broadcast station, or cable system, Internet technology necessarily gives a speaker a potential worldwide audience. Because the Internet is a network of networks . . , any network connected to the Internet has the capacity to send and receive information to any other network. Hotwired Ventures, for example, cannot prevent its materials on mixology from entering communities that have no interest in that topic. H e r e the judges conflate Internet communities and offline c o m m u n i t i e s , and essentially must do so f o r consistency w i t h the decision they later w r i t e , as made clear b y Chief Judge Sloviter's (the C o u r t o f Appeals f o r the T h i r d US C i r c u i t ) observation t h a t : Finally, the viability of the defenses is intricately tied to the clarity of the CDA's scope. Because, like Judge Buckwalter, and for many of the reasons he gives, I believe that "indecent" and "patently offensive" are inherently vague, particu larly in light of the government's inability to identify the relevant community by whose standards the material will be judged, I am not persuaded by the government that the statutory defenses in §223(e) provide effeenve protection from the unconstitutional reach of the statute. D i s t r i c t Judge B u c k w a l t e r ' s decision t o enjoin the US g o v e r n m e n t f r o m a p p l y i n g the indecency p o r t i o n s o f the C D A also conflated online a n d o f f l i n e c o m m u n i t i e s , b u t n o t e d the d i f f i c u l t c o n j o i n i n g of those

com

munities: Are the contemporary community standards to be applied those of the vast w o r l d of cyberspace, in accordance with the Act's apparent intent to establish a uniform national standard of content regulation? The Government offered no evidence of any such nauonal standard or nationwide consensus as to what would he considered "patently offensive". . , . This understanding is consistent w i t h the case law, m which the Supreme Court has explained that the relevant community is the one where the information is accessed and where the local jury sits. , . The chilling effect on the Internet users' exercise of free speech is obvious. , , . This is precisely the vice of vagueness. B u t as t o h o w the intersection o f physical a n d v i r t u a l borders w i l l be adjudicated, the c o u r t is equally vague. N o w h e r e i n the court's decision

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is m e n t i o n made o f Internet users as a c o m m u n i t y . A t best i t is a c k n o w l edged t h a t Internet users are c o m m u n i t y members offline. T h e conception is, i t seems, t h a t the Internet a n d its users are p a r t o f a larger society t h a t is composed o f smaller c o m m u n i t i e s , defined and understood o n l y i n terms o f geography. T h a t c o n c e p t i o n reflects one o f the most c o m p e l l i n g debates m social t h e o r y , one t h a t arises f r o m w h a t Jensen (1990) terms "the c o m m u n i t y / society d i c h o t o m y . " T h o u g h w r i t i n g a b o u t A m e r i c a , Jensen's w o r d s are significant b e y o n d its shores, i n p a r t because they strike at the heart o f m o d e r n social theory t h r o u g h o u t the Western w o r l d , and i n larger p a r t because t h e y i l l u m i n a t e the hopes and desires o f Internet users to achieve c o m m u n i t y and connection: Communities are defined as shared, close and intimate, while societies are denned as separate, distanced, and anonymous. "Atomized" is the most common descriptor of relations m mass society—each individual operating separately connected loosely i f at all. ° r /, What at stake m this dichotomy . . . is the issue of connection—how we are to link up w i t h each other Do the ties of family, religion, ethnicity, or geography bind us . . , what does connect us? Can patriotism or civic life flourish in a mobile, multicultural society? What kind of self is cultivated in an impersonal society? What kinds of loyalties, morals and character can exist i f one is b o m without communal values and experiences? (pp. 71-72) 1 S

I n the court's decision regarding the C D A the intent appears t o protect the i n d i v i d u a l characteristics a n d tastes o f communities a n d also p r o v i d e t h e m means b y w h i c h they m a y resist the encroachment o f other c o m m u n i t i e s and/or society b y m a k i n g p o w e r " l o c a l " i n j u r i d i c a l sense. O n the one h a n d the c o u r t seems t o have come d o w n o n the side o f a t o m i s m i n w h a t Charles T a y l o r (1995) has called the " a t o m i s m - h o l i s m " debate between c o m m u m t a r i a n i s m a n d h'bertariamsm, a debate between advocacy f o r the i n d i v i d u a l (atomism) o r f o r the c o m m u n i t y ( h o l i s m ) . 1

B u t i t seems the c o u r t , w h e n i t granted an i n j u n c t i o n against the p o r t i o n o f the C D A concerned w i t h the Internet a n d obscenity, attempted t o set i n d i v i d u a l rights o f f against the c o m m u n i t y m a peculiar w a y , b y stressing t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l , t h o u g h m o b i l e physically, is nevertheless fixed (and s h o u l d be protected) w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r locale (such as their n e i g h b o r h o o d o r h o m e , f o r instance). I t is i m p o r t a n t to note t h a t the c o u r t d i d n o t consider c o m m u n i t i e s o f interest, b u t rather geographical c o m m u n i t i e s . A n d so again w e have some evidence o f a l o o k back t o w a r d o u r past f o r an understanding o f c o m m u n i t y , but i n this case i t is f o r a time w h e n p r i v a t e life and p u b l i c life were less permeable, w h e n the b o u n d a r y separating t h e m was clearer (you m a y recall m y comments a b o u t the g r i d system i n this book's i n t r o d u c t i o n , f o r an i l l u s t r a t i o n ) . R o b Shields (1996) claimed t h a t " t h e Internet creates a crtsts of boundaries between the real and v i r t u a l , between t i m e zones a n d between spaces, near and distant between o u r sense o f self a n d o u r sense o f o u r changing r o l e s " (p. 7). T h e desire to m a k e those boundaries m o r e stable is evident i n m u c h o f w h a t is

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said a n d w r i t t e n b y those c h a m p i o n i n g new technologies f o r an " i n f o r m a t i o n society." F o r example, note the i m p l i c i t need f o r t h a t b o u n d a r y i n the w r i t i n g o f D o r d i c k and W a n g (1993): " [ T h e ] concentration o f i n f o r m a t i o n services and devices seeks to recreate the separation o f f a m i l y life f r o m c i v i l life, a n d r e t u r n c o n t r o l t o the i n d i v i d u a l and the f a m i l y " (p. 4 ) . These are n o t c o n t r a d i c t o r y desires: belief m the machine runs s t r o n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n A m e r i c a where the " m y t h o s o f the electronic r e v o l u t i o n " maintains a firm g r i p o n the n a t i o n a l psyche. B u t the stronger t h a t g r i p , c o m b i n i n g f a i t h i n the f u t u r e w i t h nostalgia for the past, the m o r e tenuous the one o n the present. T h e C D A seeks less to circumscribe the f u t u r e o r t o resurrect the past t h a n t o establish boundaries o n the present intersection of new technologies w i t h society. For example, the C D A ' s goals are i n line w i t h ones proposed by President C l i n t o n a n d others w h o seek a " V - c h i p " m television sets to give parents the a b i l i t y t o filter o u t objectionable p r o g r a m m i n g and c o n t r o l w h a t their c h i l d r e n w i l l v i e w o n television. Indeed, the concept o f " f i l t e r i n g " seems to have g r o w n i n p r o p o r t i o n t o the increase i n complaints o f " i n f o r m a t i o n o v e r l o a d . " E - m a i l s o f t w a r e , V - c h i p s , etc., are i n their w a y evidence o f a desire t o m a i n t a i n t h a t b o u n d a r y between the public and private. T h i s is a very c o m m o n theme, o f course, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n A m e r i c a , b u t h a r d l y one t h a t began w i t h the advent o f the computer. As Sennett (1978) p o i n t e d o u t , these tendencies are evident early o n i n the development o f i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m . T h e need t o protect private life and circumscribe i t f r o m p u b l i c life is a m u s t because Out in public was where moral violation occurred and was tolerated; in public one could break the laws of respectability. If the private was a refuge from the terrors of society as a whole, a refuge created by idealizing the family, one could escape the burdens of this ideal by a special kind of experience, one passed among strangers, or, more importantly, among people determined to remain strangers to each other, (p. 23) I n p a r a l l e l t o Sennett's assertion, Detweiler (1996) argued t h a t the C D A ' s supporters were w o r r i e d because: The Internet is the latest and grossest violator of moral standards to appear. And it appears not on some sleazy back street, but right in the home of every American w i t h a phone line and a computer, (p. A40) T h e issue is w h e t h e r the Internet is, i n fact, a technology o f the h o m e , the w o r k p l a c e , o r o f the street, whether i t is private or p u b l i c . I n p u b l i c , t h a t b u r d e n o f respectability, the need t o act i n p a r t i c u l a r ways and c o n f o r m to p a r t i c u l a r rules and roles, is lightened, and as i t is lightened so are m o b i l i t y and p e r m e a b i l i t y , f o r we are n o longer structured and fixed w i t h i n those rules a n d roles. B u t have w e m o v e d the public inside, so to speak? O r is the C D A a response t o the dissolution o f the b o u n d a r y between public and private and the fears t h a t d i s s o l u t i o n brings? T o extend this line o f i n q u i r y requires t h a t we consider Jensen's argum e n t i n the r e a l m o f life online, and underscore a n d h i g h l i g h t the n o t i o n o f

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m o b i l i t y . W e s h o u l d p a y significantly m o r e a t t e n t i o n t o i t i n regard to the question " C a n . . . civic life f l o u r i s h i n a m o b i l e , m u l t i c u l t u r a l society?" Scholars f r o m d i f f e r i n g t r a d i t i o n s have been assessing the p h e n o m e n o n o f m o b i l i t y f r o m m a n y perspectives. Perhaps its most eloquent recent n a m i n g is as "liquescence," the dissolution o f the "once unquestioned markers o f s t a b i l i t y " (Critical A r t Ensemble, 1994, p . 11), b u t i t has also been characterized as a shift i n meaning, o r as the prevalence and p r i m a c y o f " f l o w , " o r " o b s c e n i t y , " a n era i n w h i c h "there is no longer any m e t a p h o r , rather m e t a m o r p h o s i s " ( B a u d r i l l a r d , 1987, p . 75), o r , i n M a r s h a l l Berman's (1988) p o i g n a n t reflections o n M a r x ' s phrase, a t i m e w h e n " a l l t h a t is solid melts i n t o a i r . " Irrespective o f its name, the very act o f n a m i n g i t p o i n t s t o its antecedent, a n d leads to assertions such as D a v i d Reisman's (1961) t h a t i n less industrialized societies "a person rises as a c o r k does i n water: i t is s i m p l y a matter o f time, and little m htm needs t o c h a n g e " (p. 39). Reisman's assertion stands m stark contrast t o an increase i n social m o b i l i t y after the i n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n , as Sennett explains i n his superb analysis o f the social psychology o f capitalism, w h e n the o p p o r t u n i t y to c o n t i n u a l l y r e i n v e n t oneself flourished. Such reinvention is p a r t and parcel o f m o b i l i t y , o f the easing o f the " b u r d e n o f respectability," and p a r t o f the e v o l u t i o n o f the concept o f t i m e as "homogeneous, empty t i m e . " Once t i m e is " e m p t y " i n this sense, i t is as i f society, as Carey (1989) notes, becomes " e x e m p t f r o m h i s t o r y " ( p . 119). T h o u g h I may be stretching his p o i n t , I believe Carey is correct at the i n d i v i d u a l as well as social level. Just as i m p o r t a n t , w h e n space is " f u l l , " i n the sense t h a t there are n o lands left t o be discovered, " w h e n , " as Reisman (1961) puts i t , "the basic physical p l a n t o f a society is felt to be b u i l t " (p. 46), the w o r k t h a t leads t o w a r d progress turns precisely t o w a r d personality. T o again b o r r o w f r o m Reisman, " t h e p r o d u c t n o w i n demand is neither a staple n o r a machine; i t is a p e r s o n a l i t y " (p. 46). Hence the great importance o f the I n t e r n e t ' i n c o n t e m p o r a r y Western society: the Internet constitutes a new f r o n t i e r , a n d since i t is a cyberspatial f r o n t i e r i t can be conceived as limidess. B u t i t also provides greater o p p o r t u n i t y f o r social m o b i l i t y , f o r i t is a p a r t i c u l a r l y " h u m a n c o n s t r u c t e d " f r o n t i e r , one t h a t " w a s created by its pioneers" ( M i l l e r , 1995, p . 51). T o p u t i t another w a y , cyberspace is p r o m o t e d as social^ space because i t is made by people, and thus as the " n e w p u b l i c space" i t conjoins t r a d i t i o n a l m y t h i c narratives o f progress w i t h the s t r o n g m o d e r n impulses t o w a r d self-fulfillment and personal development. There is an i l l u s o r y u n i f i c a t i o n o f the a t o m i s m - h o l i s m debate I have already m e n t i o n e d , b u t i t is n o t a resolution and i t is illusory because m either instance (as the c o m m u n a l c o l o n i z i n g o f a new f r o n t i e r or selfdevelopment) i t is self-centered and provides f o r n o strong bonds t o others. De Tocqueville (1835/1956), I believe, sensed something o f this sort very early o n m A m e r i c a n history w h e n he sought t o illustrate the consequences o f social m o b i l i t y and i n t r o d u c e d a f u n d a m e n t a l d i c h o t o m y between the social a n d the i n d i v i d u a l :

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Amongst aristocratic nations, the different classes are like vast enclosures, out of which it is impossible to get, into which it is impossible to enter. These classes have no communication with each other, but within them men necessarily live in daily contact. But when neither law nor custom professes to establish frequent and habitual relations between certain men, their intercourse originates in the accidental similarity of opinions and tastes; hence private society is infinitely varied. In democracies, where the members of the community never differ much from each other, and naturally stand so near that they may all at any time be confounded in one general mass, numerous artificial and arbitrary distinctions spring up, by means of which every man hopes to keep himself aloof, lest he should be carried away against his will in the crowd, (p. 248) De Tocqueville's description o f social relations o r i g i n a t i n g " i n the accidental s i m i l a r i t y o f o p i n i o n s and tastes" is a p a r t i c u l a r l y appropriate description o f m u c h activity online, i d e n t i f y i n g the feeling one gets u p o n serendipitously s t u m b l i n g across a c o m m u n i t y o f interest t h a t matches one's o w n tastes and o p i n i o n s . T h a t feeling is i m p o r t a n t , because i t helps allay o u r concerns a b o u t i n d i v i d u a l i s m , w h a t Charles T a y l o r (1992) has called one o f "three malaises" that, along w i t h instrumental reason, and the consequences o f i t and i n d i v i d u a l i s m f o r p o l i t i c a l life, occupy m u c h o f the t h i n k i n g a b o u t m o d e r n society. Placed against t h a t concern is one that de T o c q u e v i l l e identifies, losing oneself i n the c r o w d , becoming a n indistinguishable p a r t o f a mass audience, and thus the d i c h o t o m y : h o w d o we m a i n t a i n a balance between being ourselves, i n d i v i d u a l s , and satiate o u r need t o be social, like others, simultaneously? De Tocqueville (1835/ 1956) provides a clue: In aristocracies, men are separated from each other by lofty stanonary barriers; in democracies, they arc divided by many small and almost invisible threads, which are constantly broken or moved from place to place, (p. 248) Those " s m a l l and almost invisible threads" are n o t u n l i k e the links we create o n l i n e , connections t h a t a l l o w us t o interact, b u t are n o t sufficiently s t r o n g to keep us i n place, whether t h a t place be a physical location o r a social class. N o r w o u l d i t seem t h a t we w i s h t o be k e p t i n place, given the m o d e r n desire for m o b i l i t y . B u t these threads are a l l t h a t is left t o l i n k us to w h a t T a y l o r (1992) called o u r "place i n the chain o f b e i n g " (p. 3 ) . For an example o f w h a t occurs w i t h o u t those l i n k s , and i n a remarkable echo o f H o g g a r t ' s " o l d m e n " m the r e a d i n g - r o o m , T a y l o r cites "Nietzsche's 'last m e n ' . . . [ w h o ] have n o aspiration left i n life b u t to a 'pitiable c o m f o r t ' " (p. 4 ) . These characters suffer f r o m , a m o n g other things, a lack o f recogn i t i o n , and t h u s , as T a y l o r points o u t , a lack o f d i g n i t y . 2

The Internet and Civil Society T a y l o r ' s insight highlights the second issue t h a t I w i s h to emphasize f r o m Jensen's comments, one related to m o r a l values. H o w e v e r weak o r strong the " s m a l l and almost invisible threads" may be, i t is clear t h a t m o d e r n

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society is f i r m l y o f the belief t h a t c o m m u n i c a t i o n itself has the p o w e r to affect m o r a l life. Carey p r o p e r l y situates the m o d e r n espousal o f progress as h a v i n g " m u c h i n c o m m o n w i t h the o u t l o o k o f the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n . . . m o r a l as w e l l as m a t e r i a l " (p. 114), w e l l illustrated m the w o r k o f Emerson and W h i t m a n and i n A t y p a l passage of the era . . . from an address by Charles Fraser to the Mercantile Library Association of Charleston, South Carolina, [investing] mach inery w i t h metaphysical properties: " A n agent was at hand to bring everything into harmonious cooperation . . , triumphing over space and time . . . to subdue prejudice and to unite every part of our land in rapid and friendly communi cation; and that great motive agent was steam." (p. 120) lC

B o t h an ideal o f a c i v i l society a n d an idealized version o f i t are contained i n t h a t passage, and i t evinces a p r o f o u n d l y p o l i t i c a l m o r a l belief, f o r i t expresses the n o t i o n " t h a t , like M i c h e l a n g e l o c h i p p i n g a w a y at the block o f m a r b l e , new technologies w i l l make the w o r l d m o r e nearly w h a t i t was m e a n t to be a l l a l o n g " ( M a r v i n , 198S, p . 235). I t is a belief t h a t Internet users share, a n d the pages o f Wired, Mondo 2000, online discussions, Internet-related periodicals, are replete w i t h its expression. But h o w w i l l this belief be realized, and w h y via c o m m u n i c a t i o n ? I f i n d t h a t w e imagine i t w i l l happen because o f our belief t h a t c o m m u n i c a t i o n reconciles the inner voice, to w h i c h we are t o l d to be true (in search o f o u r " a u t h e n t i c " self, as T a y l o r has i t ) , and the outer voices t h a t b o t h enable us to live i n the w o r l d and p r o v i d e a mechanism by w h i c h w e understand o u r social r e l a t i o n s — a n d thus understand the social dimension o f the authentic self. T h i s , t o o , is the case w i t h o u r belief i n democracy. E l g i n (1991) claimed t h a t "the m o s t p o w e r f u l a n d direct w a y to revitalize o u r democracy is by i m p r o v i n g o u r a b i l i t y t o k n o w our o w n minds as a c o m m u n i t y o f citizens" (p. 2 8 ) . W e search as m u c h f o r o u r " a u t h e n t i c " collective self as f o r the i n d i v i d u a l one (and perhaps therefore pay such close a t t e n t i o n t o " p u b l i c o p i n i o n " ) . V i e w e d f r o m another angle, i t is as i f c o m m u m c a n o n place o f w h a t T a y l o r (1992) has called " h o n o u r " :

has taken

the

In . . . earlier societies, what we would now call a person's identity was largely fixed by his or her social position. That is, the background that made sense of what the person recognized as important was to a great extent determined by his or her place m society and whatever role or activities attached to this. The coming of a democratic society doesn't by itself do away with this, because people can still define themselves by their social roles. But what does decisively undermine this socially derived identification is the ideal of authenticity itself. By definition this cannot be socially derived but must be inwardly generated, (p. 4 7 ) This creates, o f course, a p a r a d o x . C o m m u n i c a t i o n at once fixes o u r identities b u t also provides us w i t h m u t a b i l i t y a n d m o b i l i t y . I t can do so because i t provides the means o f self-expression, means w h i c h n o t o n l y express b u t also articulate and circulate a n d , u l t i m a t e l y , transcend t h a t self. I n C M C (real-time o r n o t ) o u r w o r d s become o u r "seconds," alter¬ egos whose lives we f o l l o w as they move f r o m one message t h r e a d t o

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another, c o n t i n u a l l y q u o t e d (and thus alive) o r archived (at rest) o r f o r gotten (and thus dead). O u r selves, o n the other h a n d , l o g o n to see w h a t o u r w o r d s have w r o u g h t , w h a t other words/lives ( f r o m other selves) they m a y have generated. T o the extent t h a t cyberspace provides us w i t h some new f o r m o f p u b l i c space, i t is l i k e l y t h a t i t affords us a place f o r expression. W h a t we tend to forget is t h a t o u r actions and activities vis-à-vts self-expression have m u l t i p l e trajectories, effects m m o r e t h a n one sphere o f life, and sometimes c o n t r a d i c t o r y ones, o r , as the philosopher A l f r e d Schütz (1967) p u t i t , we live m " m u l t i p l e realities" t h a t we conceive " m o r e or less disconnectedly, and w h e n dealing w i t h one o f t h e m [we] forget f o r the t i m e being its relations t o the rest" ( p . 2 0 7 ) . T h e Internet provides a fertile m e d i u m f o r the g r o w t h o f m u l t i p l e realities a n d m u l t i p l e identities (see T u r k i c , 1984, 1995, f o r masterful accounts o f i d e n t i t y o n l i n e and i n interaction w i t h computers). O f course, the m u l t i p l i c i t y o f w h i c h I speak is n o t solely o f o u r o w n m a k i n g , as Schütz himself asserts, a n d i t is n o t solely o f o u r o w n apprehension. I t is a m u l t i p l i c i t y t h a t i n p a r t derives f r o m o u r o w n experience and f r o m the experience o f others, mediated via language and c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Its most visible m a n i f e s t a t i o n is m the "this-and-that"-ness o f m e d i a t i o n described by Benedict A n d e r s o n , and i t is n o w very visible o n the Internet, w i t h i n w h i c h the j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f W e b pages, newsgroups, m a i l i n g lists, is infinite and i m m e d i a t e , since there is n o space m w h i c h t o p u t things side by side. T h e Internet can thus be understood as another step m the e v o l u t i o n o f the m e d i a o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h , w i t h the advent o f the p r i n t i n g press a n d newspaper, first m i x e d together m u l t i p l e realities m immediate fashion, g i v i n g the impression t h a t m u l t i p l e realities are o f a single t i m e a n d space, sometimes i n pleasing j u x t a p o s i t i o n and sometimes w i t h t e r r i f y i n g randomness. A n d so i n its m u l t i p l i c i t y the Internet makes Anderson's "homogeneous, empty t i m e " still m o r e discontinuous by filling it w i t h a never-ending " v i v i d present," as Schütz calls i t . T h e Internet is another m a line o f m o d e r n technologies t h a t undermine the t r a d i t i o n a l notions o f c i v i l society t h a t require u n i t y and shun m u l t i p l i c i t y w h i l e g i v i n g the impression t h a t they i n fact re-create such a society. T h e Internet brings us together, b u t the best we can d o , o v e r w h e l m e d by the vastness o f a l l t h a t i t seems t o encompass, is to ask, as does Schüler b y focusing o n p u r p o s i v e a c t i o n , h o w to organize its content lest i t " d i s t u r b the f u n d a m e n t a l idea o f a single best c u l t u r a l o r d e r " ( M a r v i n , 1988, p . 192). Perhaps the single biggest d i f f i c u l t y facing the W o r l d W i d e W e b , and the Internet generally, at present is precisely the i n a b i l i t y t o organize a n d catalogue its contents, despite the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f "search engines" f o r i n d e x i n g W e b sites a n d Usenet newsgroups. W h a t is i m p o r t a n t , t h o u g h , is n o t so m u c h the failure or success o f any such project, but that i t is u n d e r t a k e n i n the first place, f o r i t provides evidence o f the d r i v e to organize c u l t u r a l experience (Fuller Sc Jenkins, 1995) i n t o the single order M a r v i n notes.

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It is also another i n a parallel trajectory o f technologies t h a t gave shape and force t o a new conceptualization o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n . T a y l o r (1995) r i g h t l y notes t h a t the present shape o f c i v i l society came a b o u t w i t h the " n e w n o t i o n o f o p i n i o n i n the eighteenth c e n t u r y " w h i c h defined "a quite different m o d e l o f p u b l i c space"; Through the circulation of newspapers, reviews and books among the educated classes, and scattered, small-scale personal exchanges m salons, coffeehouses and (m some cases) political assemblies, there emerges a sense of nation, or its literate segment, an opinion that deserves to be called "public." Public opinion . is not just the sum of our private individual opinions, even where we spontaneously agree. It is something that has been elaborated m debate and discussion and is recognized by everyone as something held in common. This element of common recognition is what makes it public. , . (p. 217) T a y l o r ' s e x p o s i t i o n o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n is also a g o o d description o f social f o r m a t i o n o n l i n e . Internet users are i n the m a i n the "educated classes," and the "scattered, small-scale personal exchanges" t h a t take place d o so o n a larger scale, are " m a d e mass," g i v i n g the illusion that they are n o w a f o r m o f p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy w h e n i n fact the exchanges are o n l y mediated on a larger scale t h a n before. I t m i g h t n o t be absurd t o c l a i m that, like some d i g i t a l philosopher's stone, the Internet seeks to t r a n s m o g r i f y p u b l i c o p i n i o n i n t o a social f o r m a t i o n . But, just as an alchemist c a n n o t make g o l d f r o m lead, the Internet cannot make a p o l i t y f r o m n a r r a t i v e because the o n g o i n g message threads d o little more t h a n s u m u p discussion, they do n o t p r o v i d e p a r t i c i p a t i o n , reflection, a n d critical debate, or i n Dewey's (1927) terms, "a responsible share according to capacity." N o w , just as w e are unable t o determine w h o the " p u b l i c " is m terms o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n , w e also are unable to determine the " w h e r e " o f the p u b l i c space t h i s — u n i d e n t i f i a b l e — p u b l i c occupies. This mdeterminance o u g h t to be at the r o o t o f o u r uneasiness a b o u t claims t h a t the Internet w i l l p r o v i d e us w i t h c o m m u n i t y , p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy, a society given to discourse and, u l t i m a t e l y , reason. W e are n o m o r e apt to actually t r y to encounter the others w h o make u p the " p u b l i c " t h a n w e were decades ago, p r i o r to the advent, n o t to m e n t i o n widespread use, o f the Internet, a n d so w e are n o m o r e likely to engage others i n conversation i n a p u b l i c space D e t w e i l e r (1996) claims t h a t "the Internet is the u l t i m a t e t o o l of democracy, m a k i n g speech and ideas freely a v a i l a b l e " ( p . A 4 0 ) . B u t the p u b l i c is n o t merely "speech and ideas," i t is people. W e have " p o r t e d o v e r , " t o b o r r o w f r o m the language o f c o m p u t e r p r o g r a m m i n g , another technological m o d e l , l i k e the a u t o m o b i l e and the television, t h a t lets us sit back a n d observe w h a t others d o , where they live, w h a t they have to say. I t is a m o r e advanced m o d e l , to be sure, a l l o w i n g f o r i n t e r a c t i o n at a perfect closeness yet an infinite remove, keeping us " i n " t o u c h b u t unable to t o u c h . T h e technology o f the Internet provides us w i t h the means to r e m a i n a n o n y m o u s i n o u r c o m m u n i c a t i o n , a n d the means t o break o f f i n t e r a c t i o n and observation w i t h the flick o f a s w i t c h o r click o f a mouse. T h e

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negating o f experience i n this fashion was once n o t possible (save f o r u p o n one's death), b u t is n o w the means by w h i c h w e cling to a technologically mediated b o u n d a r y between the p u b l i c and the p r i v a t e . T e c h n o l o g y secures o u r rights as i n d i v i d u a l s w h i l e p r o v i d i n g the c a p a b i l i t y t o circulate, via m e d i a t i o n , a m o n g others. W e transcend self-expression b y s i m u l t a neously fixing an identity a n d m a k i n g it m o b i l e , m u c h as a p h o t o g r a p h " c a p t u r e s " an image and makes i t transportable, o r as messages posted to Usenet groups take o n a life o f their o w n , simultaneously representing the poster b u t o u t o f the poster's c o n t r o l . I t w i l l be m o s t remarkable to v i e w the changes i n o u r conception o f b o t h the Internet a n d the p u b l i c t h a t w i l l be w r o u g h t by wholesale use o f "agents" a n d " b o t s " ( L e o n a r d , 1996) t h a t "are variously designed to carry on conversations, act as h u m a n surrogates, o r achieve specific tasks—such as seeking o u t a n d retrieving i n f o r m a t i o n " (p. 114). Even n o w i t can be d i f f i c u l t to k n o w w h e t h e r one is c o m m u n i c a t i n g w i t h a person o r a b o t on Internet Relay Chat. W e thus have expression made external n o t s i m p l y i n its r e l a t i o n t o c o m m u n i c a t i o n (between ourselves and others) b u t i n its m o b i l i t y and liquescence. T h i s makes f o r an interesting t w i s t o n w h a t T a y l o r noted a b o u t the d e f i n i t i o n o f ourselves v i a o u r social roles. A t present w e are, he stated, still defined b y o u r social roles, b u t w e are able to m o v e between roles, sometimes very q u i c k l y (and m u c h to o u r chagrin w h e n others d o so), as we strive t o w a r d w h a t w e believe to be the best possible m i x t h a t a l l o w s personal m o b i l i t y , even as w e desire social stability (Jones, 1 9 9 5 ) . H o w are we t o recapture and realize a nostalgic conception o f c o m m u n i t y , one predicated o n the convergence o f interests, goals, language, even reality? H a s such a convergence ever existed f o r a n y t h i n g b u t the most fleeting moments? W h e n w e go o n l i n e and discover t h a t w e exist w i t h i n m u l t i p l e c o m m u n i t i e s o f interest w e d o find such moments, b u t the f r i c t i o n between the c o n t e m p o r a r y conception o f the i n d i v i d u a l and the nostalgic conception o f c o m m u n i t y w e i g h heavily o n us here, t o o . W e have the o p p o r t u n i t y online n o t o n l y t o easily seek out c o m m u n i t i e s of interest convergent w i t h our o w n , b u t t o reshape ourselves, a d o p t different personae f o r different c o m m u n i t i e s a n d e n v i r o n m e n t s , and experience m o r e such fleeting m o m e n t s o f convergence. T h e y are, t h o u g h , still fleeting. I t is as i f a f a u l t line exists a n d t w o sides grate against each other; o n one side is social c o n v e n t i o n , the c o m m u n i t y , the force t h a t binds us together as social beings, a n d o n the other is i n d i v i d u a l i s m , the d i c t u m t h a t w e s h o u l d just be o u r "selves" ( p r o v i d e d w e can discover w h a t t h a t is) irrespective o f outside forces.

The Internet and Citizenship T h e Internet, o r m o r e precisely w h a t w e imagine the Internet to be and w h a t w e imagine i t w i l l become, is p a r t l y a result o f this f r i c t i o n and o f the

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changes i n p u b l i c life o f w h i c h i t is b o t h a p a r t and a cause. There is a loss o f a sense o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c i v i l life and a loss o f a sense o f life w i t h i n a unified w o r l d . T h e internet, via c o m m u n i c a t i o n , promises a single system by w h i c h we w i l l a l l connect and participate, hence the propensity to c l a i m i t as the u l t i m a t e f l o w e r i n g o f p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy. B u t i f there is a d d i t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i t is i n the guise o f o r g a n i z a t i o n , in the sense t h a t Lewis M u m f o r d (1962) meant w h e n he w r o t e : By isolating simple systems and simple causal sequences the sciences created confidence in the possibility of finding a similar type of order m every experience: it was, indeed, by the success of science in the realm of the inorganic that we have acquired whatever belief we may legmmatcly entertain m the possibility of achieving similar understanding and control in the vastly more complex domain of life. "(p. 327) T h i n k , f o r instance, o f the w o r d " j o i n . " I t has t w o i m p o r t a n t definitions for the present argument. One is to " p u t together," to combine, t o , basically, organize. A n o t h e r is t o "come together" i n the sense o f associa t i n g . The first leads to stasis, regardless of the number of connections made between disparate elements now organized. T h e second is d y n a m i c , a n d t o an extent relies o n the n o t i o n t h a t , m fact, relationships are out of control, t h a t associations are made, b r o k e n , remade, and sometimes, t h o u g h i n f r e q u e n t l y , permanent. T h e Internet furthers the h u m a n w i l l to organize t o w a r d s stasis. Its best example, the W o r l d W i d e W e b , exists as a set o f connections f r o m one t e x t to another, p r o v i d i n g f o r choice m n a v i g a t i o n f r o m t e x t t o text. T h e W e b is problematic, f o r i t at once provides c o n n e c t i o n , b u t i t does n o t p r o v i d e a r c h i v i n g . Scholars (such as ones c o n t r i b u t i n g t o this very b o o k ) are, f o r instance, g r a p p l i n g w i t h the difficulties o f a m e d i u m t h a t does n o t readily p r o v i d e them w i t h a means o f c i t a t i o n . H o w d o we m a i n t a i n the associations that a c i t a t i o n system provides? One scholar has said: Before now, we were relying on 600 years of the print record and its elaborate infrastructure to guide the citation of a printed work. A reader who wishes to locate a book can take a few pieces of information—the author's name and title—to a library or bookstore anywhere in the world and find out if it's available. You don't have that infrastructure m the electronic world fGuernsev 1996, p. A18) ' Y

T h e same person w e n t o n t o say that " T h e p r o b l e m is made m o r e c r i t i c a l . . . w h e n one considers t h a t challenges posed by online resources t h a t may move or disappear i n a s h o r t t i m e " ( A 1 8 ) . A W e b a u t h o r m a y p r o v i d e links to documents t h a t may themselves change location, and thus the ever-shifting dynamics o f the m e d i u m make i t m o r e clearly one t h a t is, m fact, o u t o f c o n t r o l . Still, its users are given choices, ones t h a t are m o s t l y static because they are pre-set a n d structured, determined f o r the user b y the text's a u t h o r . T h e y are choices, based o n f o r e t h o u g h t by a u t h o r s ' choices, given i n a n t i c i p a t i o n o f their results, and choices t h a t are essentially b i n a r y : either I

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w i l l connect t o this page or t o another, depending o n w h i c h one makes "sense." Such is also the w o r k o f classification and organization ( D a r n t o n , 1985), the choosing o f one f o r m o f order over another (or s i m p l y over chaos and randomness). T h a n k s to the Internet, Steinberg (1996) claims, "the l o n g m o r i b u n d fields o f k n o w l e d g e organization and i n f o r m a t i o n retrieval are, once again, s h o w i n g signs o f l i f e " (p. 109). I n social terms, such organizat i o n is o f t e n successful at p u t t i n g people together, enabling c o o p e r a t i o n , but i t does little t o foster association i n the sense o f i n t i m a c y and f e l l o w ship. T h e f o r m e r is an intellectual process and one o f action, the latter is an act o f h u m a n i t y and r e f l e c t i o n — a n d c o m m u n i t y . T h i s d i s t i n c t i o n is, I believe, o f c r i t i c a l importance, f o r i t gets t o the heart o f social relations as process, as r i t u a l (to b o r r o w again f r o m Carey) as opposed t o an understanding o f t h e m as solely g r o u n d e d i n a c t i o n . W h a t is l a c k i n g i n regard to citizenship and p u b l i c life n o t o n l y o n the Internet b u t i n m o d e r n society generally is an a b i l i t y to transcend a c t i o n , n o t o n l y t o p r o v i d e a response b u t to have responsibility. T a y i o r (1995) p o i n t e d o u t the closing o f f o f these o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n the eighteenth century w h e n the p u b l i c sphere, as he calls i t , emerged as a p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n : [In] the eighteenth-century public sphere . . . the members of society come together and pursue a common end; they form and understand themselves to form an association, which is nevertheless not constituted by a political structure. By contrast, in projecting a public sphere, our eighteenth century forbears [sic\ were placing themselves in an association, this common space of discussion, which owed nothing to political structures, but was seen as forming a society outside the state, (p. 266) I c a n n o t be certain whether o r n o t T a y l o r i n t e n t i o n a l l y used the t e r m " p r o j e c t i n g , " b u t i t is critical to understand t h a t the d i s t i n c t i o n T a y l o r makes encompasses n o t only the n o t i o n o f a post-eighteenth-century f o r m a t i o n o f a n e x t r a - p o l i t i c a l p o l i t y b u t one t h a t is, i n fact, projected, by w a y o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n a n d other mediated constructs as I have discussed earlier. T h e Internet, t o o , projects itself as a public sphere, and as one outside p o l i t i c a l structures, b u t o n l y vis-a-vts its users' (and structure's) blockage o f r e g u l a t i o n a n d n o t i n regard to its communities. W e r e i t otherwise a n d the Internet were n o t a p u b l i c space i t c o u l d n o t be h y p e d as a t o o l f o r democracy. A n d i t is a p o l i t i c a l enterprise, for as Sclove (1995) p u t i t , "technologies . . . q u a l i f y as social structures by v i r t u e o f being social creations . . . [and] shape and help constitute a society's f u n d a m e n t a l p o l i t i c a l relationships a n d processes" ( p . 89). B u t w h e t h e r p o l i t i c a l or n o t , the mere fact o f the Internet's claim to " f r e e d o m , " o r independence, does n o t guarantee i t an existence b e y o n d its users' activities. T h a t i t is a p r o j e c t i o n , a n d one outside the state, only lends t o the sense t h a t p a r t i c i p a t i o n , t h a t sense o f one's voice being heard, is d i m i n i s h e d , t h a t Dewey's (1927) call for each to have "a responsible s h a r e " goes unheeded. A s Carey (1991) claimed, " o n l y w h e n citizens can speak a n d act w i t h some promise t h a t their fellows w i l l see and hear a n d

30

Virtual

Culture

remember w i l l the passions g r o w w h i c h are true and l a s t i n g " ( p . 127). Perhaps i t is the case t h a t the Internet allows us to shout m o r e l o u d l y , but whether o u r fellows listen, beyond the few individuals w h o m a y reply, o r the occasional l u r k e r , is questionable, and whether our w o r d s w i l l m a k e a difference is even m o r e i n d o u b t . T h e sense o f c o m m u n i t y and citizenship fostered on the Internet and i n C M C is, then, r o o t e d i n its users' actions, b u t , other than the maintenance o f its deregulated structure (an activity t h a t uncannily links i t , via the n o t i o n o f a "free m a r k e t , " to the "marketplace of ideas"), there is n o t h i n g to transcend a n d surpass action, there is little to n o o p p o r t u n i t y f o r democracy i n D e w e y s (1927) sense o f i t as "a life of free a n d e n r i c h i n g c o m m u n i o n . " T o r e t u r n to T a y l o r ( 1 9 9 5 ) : " w h a t constitutes the society, w h a t makes the c o m m o n agency possible, transcends the c o m m o n actions w i t h i n i t . " W i t h o u t t h a t transcendence w e f i n d " a n agency g r o u n d e d p u r e l y i n its o w n c o m m o n actions" (p. 2 6 9 ) . !

T h e o l o g i a n Paui T i l i i c h (1959) spoke t o the issue of such transcendence as regards space i n a b o o k w r i t t e n at the height o f the C o l d W a r : The power of space is great, and it is always active both for creation and destruction. It is the basis of the desire of any group of human beings to have a place of their own, a place which gives them reality, present, power of living which feeds them, body and soul. This is the reason for the adoration of earth and soil, not of soil generally but of this special soil, and not of earth generally but of the divine powers connected with this special section of the earth. Space means more than a piece of soil. I t includes everything which has the character of "beside-each-otherness." Examples of spatial concepts are blood and race, clan, tribe, and family. , , . Human culture is rooted in these realities (1959, pp. 32-33) T i l l i c h ' s "beside-each-otherness" makes f o r an interesting w a y to understand the w e b o f connections fostered by the Internet, and f o r a p o w e r f u l w a y to c r i t i q u e o u r sense o f c o m m u n i t y . If we are to foster c o m m u n i t y , in T i l l i c h ' s sense, then we o u g h t to have t h a t sense o f being beside each other, w h e t h e r we are iogged o n or n o t , and t h a t provides one avenue t o w a r d the transcendence o f w h i c h T a y l o r spoke. Does the Internet have the capacity to p r o v i d e this f o r m o f t r a n scendence? I believe the answer is t h a t i t does, b u t n o t by itself. F o r one t h i n g , i f one can at any m o m e n t choose w h o m to be beside (and w h o m to cut o f f ) , then the connection h u m a n i t y has w i t h itself, and the t r a n scendence T i l i i c h seeks, w i l l n o t be attainable. W e o u g h t t o understand t h a t the Internet is n o t a social w o r l d u n t o itself, a cyberspace d i v o r c e d f r o m other spaces, b u t t h a t i t is p a r t and parcel o f a social w o r l d , such as one w h i c h , according to Schiitz (1967), transcends the reality of my everyday life. I was born into a preorgamzed social world which will survive me, a world shared from the outset with fellow-men who are organized in groups, a world which has its particular open horizons m time, m space, and also in what sociologists call social distance, (pp. 329-333)

The internet

and

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Landscape

31

I n this sense " d i s t a n c e " is meant n o t merely t o acknowledge spatial distance ( h o w far I live f r o m m y neighbor, f o r instance) b u t to denote the connections between people, their relative strength a n d weakness. B u t w i t h i n a w o r l d o f r a p i d social (and spatial and temporal) m o b i l i t y those connections have d i f f i c u l t y staying p u t , staying i n place. R a y m o n d W i l l i a m s (1989) spoke to this issue: Y o u may live m a shell of [a] kind in which you and your relanves, your lovers, your friends, your children . . . [are] the only really significant social ennty. It is not living m a cut-off way, not in a shell that is )ust stuck. It is a shell you can take w i t h you. . . . You can move all the time in the society, choosing the places you're going to. You take the shell with you. You're given this sense that is offered as a primary identity, as your real life. And most people underwrite i t as their real life, against which those big things, in whatever colour of politics they appear to come, are interpreted as mere generalities, mere abstractions, as at best rather boring interferences with this life and at worst destructive interventions in it. (p. 171) T h e Internet o n l y permits us to take the shell w i t h us, a n d , i n w h a t has so far been t o u t e d as a progressive social feature, i n some cases t o p a i n t the shell a d i f f e r e n t c o l o r , to disguise i t , either visually or t h r o u g h r o l e - p l a y i n g . B u t as Plant (1996) points o u t , "those w h o still cherish the p a t r i a r c h a l d r e a m see cyberspace as a n e w zone o f hope f o r a h u m a n i t y w h i c h w a n t s to be freed f r o m the n a t u r a l t r a p , escaping the b o d y and sliding i n t o an i n f i n i t e , transcendent, a n d perfect other w o r l d " (p. 182). A shell is just t h a t , an o u t w a r d representation, and the p o i n t should n o t be to s i m p l y m a i n t a i n i t , n o t so l o n g as i t impedes o u r understanding o f the w o r l d , so l o n g as i t acts to m i n i m i z e the entry o f w h a t W i l l i a m s calls "those big t h i n g s , " w h i c h are, i n fact, the elements that Schiitz, and T i l i i c h , identify a n d t h a t a l l o w us to transcend o u r actions a n d o u r everyday life. Those b i g things are, t o o , ones t h a t preoccupy us, and include our h i s t o r y . O u r h i s t o r y is discontinuous, n o matter h o w w e m a y struggle to organize i t and n o matter w h a t narrative shape i t may take. N o story goes o n f o r ever; Schutz's m u l t i p l e realities are m u l t i p l e stones t h a t overlap a n d sometimes begin and end w i t h i n each other. Jackson (1980) finds a use and a need f o r t h a t d i s c o n t i n u i t y : "there has to be an interval o f neglect" (p. 102). A t some p o i n t , t o b o r r o w f r o m novelist M i l a n K u n d e r a , we need laughter a n d f o r g e t t i n g , and neglect, before we can find ourselves restored. Perhaps the i n t e r n e t creates the opposite, storage instead o f restoration, f o r , as H a r r i s Breslow ( 1 9 9 6 ) , noted i t m a y be regarded n o t o n l y as a m e d i u m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n b u t as a w o r l d w i d e " h a r d disk d r i v e . " Clearly those engineers seeking t o create a " N e t c o m p u t e r " w i t h o u t a b u i l t - i n storage m e d i u m believe i t t o be so. A n d i t certainly appears the Internet is another m a series o f projects t o externalize m e m o r y , to p r o v i d e another m e d i u m t o w h i c h w e can o f f l o a d and store experience (Eisenstem, 1983; O n g , 1 9 8 2 ) . I t is therefore i m p o r t a n t to note the d i s t i n c t i o n between restoration and storage. T h o u g h w e may accumulate k n o w l e d g e a n d history, such accumul a t i o n , w h i l e valuable, can also w e i g h heavily o n us. Even the most robust

32 o f h a r d disk storage media need occasional erasing o f i n f o r m a t i o n .

Virtual

Culture

reformatting, a near-rituai

Restoration is w h a t I believe w e really seek f r o m new technologies o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . One telling instance o f this occurred w h e n Josh Grotstein, Prodigy's senior vice president f o r content, t o l d of the stereotypically A m e r i c a n " d o w n - h o m e " the A n d y G r i f f i t h - l i k e feeling Prodigy's online game players sought: " W e ' r e learning t h a t something as simple as checkers is m o r e t h a n checkers. . . . W h a t i t turns o u t to be is l i k e sitting o n the p o r c h t a l k i n g t o someone" (cited i n H a f n e r , 1996). Y e t this is an unsatisfying r e s t o r a t i o n because i t is entirely made by us. There m a y be a game o f checkers, there m a y be t a l k i n g , b u t there is no p o r c h , and thus there is n o h o r i z o n , n o landscape, n o setting, n o perspective. I n The Essential Landscape, a b o o k o f p h o t o g r a p h s and essays focusing o n N e w M e x i c o , Jackson (1985) p o i n t e d o u t t h a t w e used t o search f o r o u r i d e n t i t y w i t h i n o u r e n v i r o n m e n t , t h a t " W e used to believe t h a t a t r u l y h a r m o n i o u s r e l a t i o n s h i p w o u l d result w h e n m a n t o o k his i d e n t i t y f r o m his setting. . . . N o w w e have begun to search f o r identity i n other ways; and m o r e a n d m o r e w e are i n c l i n e d to m a n i p u l a t e the e n v i r o n m e n t , use i t as a t o o l f o r creating o u r i d e n t i t y " (p. 4 5 ) . O f course, the Internet is the u l t i m a t e such t o o l . I t does n o t even require the pre-existence o f a n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t , w e p r o v i d e i t w i t h one f r o m o u r imagination—hence cyberspace. If i t is the case t h a t w e are i n v e n t i n g landscapes f r o m w h o l e d o t h , and I believe i t to be, then w e are d o i n g b o t h o u r history a n d ourselves a disservice. W e are n o t "redeeming w h a t has been neglected," as Jackson ( 1 9 8 0 , p . 102) claims is best. R e d e m p t i o n , i n this sense, comes n o t f r o m merely i n c o r p o r a t i n g h i s t o r y a n d its structures i n t o the present, b u t f r o m h a v i n g a love f o r " w h a t happened i n this p a r t i c u l a r place and m i g h t happen yet a g a i n " (Carey, 1 9 9 1 , p. 109). W e are instead c o n t i n u i n g o u r neglect o f T i l l i c h ' s "beside-each-otherness" t h a t matters to us as h u m a n beings, a n d t h a t neglect leads t o an "against-each-otherness" t h a t T i l l i c h called injustice, f o r i t separates us f r o m o u r sense o f tune a n d , thus, o u r sense o f the w a y w e affect each other. As Sherry T u r k l e (1995) n o t e d , " w h a t matters n o w is the a b i l i t y to a d a p t a n d change—to new jobs, new career directions, new gender roles, new technologies" (p. 2 5 5 ) . This w i l l likely c o n t i n u e to matter, b u t w e s h o u l d k n o w b y n o w t h a t the Internet has n o t by itself b r o u g h t a b o u t the c o n t e m p o r a r y s i t u a t i o n T u r k l e describes. Instead, i t is a technological response t o the existence o f Schütz's " m u l t i p l e realities," a technological version o f w h a t T u r k l e calls the " p r o t e a n " self. T h i s is where o u r greatest d i f f i c u l t y r e c o n c i l i n g the Internet a n d the social m a y be. Schütz (1967) b o l d l y states, " I find myself i n m y everyday life w i t h i n a w o r l d n o t o f m y o w n m a k i n g " (p. 329), a n d so i t really is n o t the " m a k i n g " t h a t need be our p r i m a r y concern. W i t h i n the m u l t i p l e realities o f everyday life some are made by us, and others are n o t , some seem m o r e real o r n a t u r a l and some seem as dreams. Reality is m essence o u t o f c o n t r o l , n o t i n the sense

The

Internet

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33

landscape

t h a t i t is p u r e l y chaotic b u t m the sense t h a t i t is u n c o n t r o l l a b l e . Such is life, a n d such is o u r use o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n technology i n the apprehension o f those realities and i n the practice o f life. L i f e itself is never either just simple or c o m p l e x , t h o u g h w e m a y w i s h i t were simpler. I t is a c o m b i n a t i o n o f those, perhaps w e m a y call i t a complex o f simplicities, and any technologies, n o t just the Internet, w h i c h promise to reduce that c o m p l e x to a s i n g u l a r i t y , o r at least a u n i t y , w i l l o n l y deepen o u r sense o f loss a n d estrangement f r o m life and f r o m others.

Notes 1. It w o u l d be interesting to reframc this debate in terms or bits, as opposed to atoms, along

the lines of N i c h o l a s Negroponte's ( 1 9 9 5 ) discussion of life m the age

of

digital

technologies, though such reframmg w o u l d , I believe, not alter T a y l o r ' s persuasive use of the debate as a n illustration of the d i c h o t o m y between the individual a n d society. 2.

I a m indebted to my colleague Joe Schmitz ( 1 9 9 6 ) for pointing out the importance of

w o r k - r e l a t e d " c h a i n s of b e i n g " that exist in modern life, and that " o u r

organizations—and

increasingly both for m e n a n d w o m e n — p r o v i d e lasting structures, goals a n d 'persons" to 'play w i t h / ' Perhaps this leads to a chronic and dysfunctional dependence o n the w o r k p l a c e . " T h i s is a

particularly

i m p o r t a n t observation

given the incorporation

oriented technology, the c o m p u t e r , into the

of a traditionally

work-

home.

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The Individual

2 The Individual within the Collective: Virtual Ideology and the Realization of Collective Principles )an Fernback

M u c h has been w r i t t e n a b o u t the nature and social practices o f o n l i n e c o m m u n i t i e s , f r o m the W E L L t o Usenet. W i t h this research has come inevitable comparisons o f " r e a l " life to life i n cyberspace, b o t h o f w h i c h are replete w i t h possibilities, l i m i t a t i o n s , social hierarchies, lawlessness, p o w e r relations, ideology, and genuine h u m a n experience. A n d , like o u r existence i n the physical w o r l d , our analogous existence m cyberspace is p a r t i a l l y characterized by the tensions t h a t emerge between the i n d i v i d u a l and the collective i n post-industrial society. H o w is collectivity i n cyberspace j u x t a p o s e d against i n d i v i d u a l i t y ? H o w is cyberspace used as a p u b l i c space a n d w h a t does this mean f o r the collectivity? H o w are anarchy and dissent dealt w i t h a m o n g the collectivity o f computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) users? T h i s chapter examines these questions w i t h the hope o f a r r i v i n g at a greater understanding o f h o w the lessons we learn as a society i n the m i d s t o f homesteading a new f r o n t i e r m i g h t i n f o r m some o f o u r c u r r e n t l y held assumptions regarding o u r n o n - v i r t u a l existence.

The Boundaries of Cyberspace U r r y (1985) argues t h a t space a n d , f o r t h a t matter, time are social constructs whose very existence depends o n the interactivity between presence a n d absence; space is n o t matter, b u t a set of c u l t u r a l l y b o u n d relations as w e l l as a n empirical c o n s t r u c t i o n . A n d , w h i l e M c L u h a n (1964) a n d M e y r o w i t z (1985) have claimed t h a t the development o f electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies has abrogated space and time such t h a t we live i n a boundless " g l o b a l v i l l a g e " w i t h " n o sense o f place," the increasingly widespread use o f C M C technologies has p r o m p t e d us t o re-examine o u r concept o f space. Cyberspace is t a n t a m o u n t to physical space according to Benedikt (1991), w h o claims t h a t any space guarantees us the freedom to move; indeed, cyberspace has dimensionality, c o n t i n u i t y , curvature, density, and limits:

within

the

Collective

Cyberspace has a geography, a physics, a nature, and a rule of human Jaw. cyberspace, the common man and the information worker—cowboy infocrat—can search, manipulate, create or control information directly; can be entertained or trained, seek solitude or company, w i n or lose power . indeed, can "live" or "die" as he w i l l . (p. 123)

37 In or he .«

V i r t u a l space is socially constructed a n d re-constructed space, a n d as Jones (1995) contends: C M C . . . not only structures social relations, it is the space within which the relations occur and the tool that individuals use to enter that space. It is more than the context within which social relations occur (although i t is that, too) for it is commented on and imaginatively constructed by symbolic processes initiated and maintained by individuals and groups, (p. 16) M o r e o v e r , cyberspace is a repository f o r collective c u l t u r a l m e m o r y — i t is p o p u l a r c u l t u r e , i t is narratives created by its inhabitants t h a t r e m i n d us w h o we are, i t is life as lived and reproduced i n pixels and v i r t u a l texts. I t is sacred a n d profane, i t is workspace a n d leisure space, i t is a b a t t l e g r o u n d a n d a n i r v a n a , i t is real and i t is v i r t u a l , i t is o n t o l o g i c a l a n d p h e n o m enological. Cyberspace is an arena o f p o w e r ; C M C users act every day o n the a s s u m p t i o n t h a t the t y r a n n y o f geography can be overcome w i t h i n cyberspace. I t is smaller, m o r e i n t i m a t e , a n d almost m o r e imaginable t h a n " t h e p u b l i c , " w h i c h , Peters (1995) n o t e d , can no longer f i t i n t o a s t a d i u m (or be conceived o f as such). Cyberspace is essentially a reconceived public sphere f o r social, p o l i t i c a l , economic, and c u l t u r a l interaction. I n l i g h t o f these claims, several scholars, most notably Sennett (1977) and Carey ( 1 9 9 5 ) , have documented w h a t they perceive as the decline of p u b l i c life. B o t h authors note that, w i t h i n A m e r i c a n culture, social life has become so large i n scale t h a t we cannot f u n c t i o n as a " p u b l i c " i n any real sense, o n l y i n a symbolic, rhetorical sense. T h e n o t i o n o f the p u b l i c as an aggregate o f citizens has less salience and meaning i n a m u l t i c u l t u r a l , diverse c o n g l o m e r a t i o n o f factions and identity politics. I n large measure, o u r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c life has been reduced t o o u r media consumpt i o n ; we m a i n t a i n an ersatz sense of p o l i t i c a l activeness based chiefly o n our a b s o r p t i o n o f televised discourse we find m news p r o g r a m m i n g and d a y t i m e talk shows. Cyberspace has become a new arena f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n public life, however. W i t h i n its boundaries, users can act as media audiences by cruising t h r o u g h Usenet o r the W o r l d W i d e W e b , yet users are aiso a u t h o r s , p u b l i c rhetoricians, statesmen, p u n d i t s . Sennett has noted elsewhere (Whatever became, 1990, p . 52) t h a t " t h e public realm is a silent r e a l m " i n t h a t , despite the value we give t o the m y t h o s o f the t o w n meeting, o u r p u b l i c lives have become d e v o i d o f sociability. W h a t to the Greeks was an arena f o r p o l i t i c a l education has become a p a t h w a y for us to stray f r o m o n l y w h e n we shop and consume. B u t the public arena o f cyberspace allows us to break o u r public silence. For m a n y users, i t is a space o f v i t a l i t y and belonging where there is less to fear as public figures a n d where r e c r i m i n a t i o n s seem gentler w h e n the lack o f physical presence

38

Virtual

Culture

creates a safety net. i n cyberspace, we tend to be bolder, riskier, sometimes m o r e r u d e , sometimes m o r e k i n d , b u t the silence is b r o k e n nevertheless. W e m i g h t be alone a t o u r computers as w e type, b u t w e are p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n some f o r m o f p u b l i c life; the f o r m o f p u b l i c life that comes a b o u t after the m i s t r u s t o f o u r neighbors a n d o u r intense desires f o r p r i v a c y force us to re-examine o u r atomized lives. The exciting sense o f possibility permeates cyberspace. W a í z e r (1986) has argued t h a t p u b l i c space can be " o p e n - m i n d e d , " w h e n i t is designed f o r m u l t i p l e , even unforeseen purposes, and w h e n its users are prepared t o tolerate the b r o a d u t i l i t y o f the space. O p e n m i n d e d space is a "breeding g r o u n d f o r m u t u a l respect, p o l i t i c a l s o l i d a r i t y , civil discourse" (p. 4 7 2 ) . Cyberspace has this " o p e n - m i n d e d " q u a l i t y ; users o f a l l stripes f l o c k there, w i t h o n l y the rules o f social p r o p r i e t y a n d " n e t i q u e r t e " t o guide t h e m , and engage w i t h one another. F l a m i n g a n d v i r t u a l harassm e n t i n cyberspace, l i k e the Spanish I n q u i s i t i o n ' s atito-da-fé ceremony o f p u b l i c t o r t u r e , illustrate the d a r k character o f C M C ' s p u b l i c arena, but this darkness is often the price exacted f o r the tolerance required t o realize a n d m a i n t a i n t r u l y o p e n - m i n d e d space. W h e n H a b e r m a s (1962/1989) conceived o f the public sphere as a r e a l m i n w h i c h r a t i o n a l p u b l i c debate helps to shape p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy, he noted t h a t the nature and limits o f p u b l i c space were p a r t i a l l y determined by the c o n c o m i t a n t social configurations o f the day. Thus, cyberspace m a y serve as a p u b l i c sphere o f sorts, comparable to the seventeenth-century coffee houses o f B r i t a i n and salons o f Pans o r to the eighteenth-century press o f E n g l a n d and the U n i t e d States. I R C chat r o o m s , Usenet groups, listserves, a n d other subscriber-supported bulletin boards serve as i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d f o r u m s f o r p u b l i c exchange and debate on an assortment o f issues. Despite Habermas's idealized e x p o s i t i o n o f the public sphere and its overemphasis o n the value o f Enlightenment r a t i o n a l i t y , his n o t i o n o f the p u b l i c sphere remains a useful construct f o r e x a m i n i n g the spatial nature o f C M C technology. H a b e r m a s argues t h a t the r a t i o n a l f o r m a t i o n o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n and p u b l i c p o l i c y is based o n a debate w i t h i n a public sphere o f c o m p e t i n g ideas. H o w e v e r , H a b e r m a s critic Fraser (1990) contends t h a t his concept o f the p u b l i c sphere f u n c t i o n e d n o t as a true realm f o r p u b l i c debate, b u t as a refuge f o r p r o p e r t i e d , bourgeois men to practice their o w n skills o f governance. W o m e n a n d n o n - p r o p e r t i e d classes were banned f r o m this elitist p u b l i c space, thereby d i m i n i s h i n g the potential f o r the debaters o f the eighteenth- or nineteenth-century collectivity to engage i n c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l discourse. I n c o n t e m p o r a r y A m e r i c a , Fraser asserts that coexisting p u b l i c spheres o f counterpublics—such as gays, feminists, labor organizers, anarchists, and a variety o f other factions—tend to f o r m i n response to their exclusion f r o m the d o m i n a n t sphere o f p u b l i c debate. T h u s , a m u l t i p l i c i t y o f p u b l i c spheres based o n collective identities and interests has emerged w i t h i n the U n i t e d States, where an authentic p u b l i c realm t h a t considers the interests o f a l l citizens i n a democracy has, f o r a i l intents and

The Individual

within

the

Collective

39

purposes, never existed. T h i s m u l t i p l i c i t y o f p u b l i c spheres is represented i n cyberspace, w h e r e dissonance is welcome, a p l u r a l i t y o f constituent voices enriches p u b l i c space, a n d tolerance o f f l a m i n g a n d hostile behaviors is exhibited.

From the Virtual Town Meeting to the Online Handshake W h a t e v e r occurs m the space itself, C M C users can assert v i c t o r y i n h u m a n i t y ' s ancient struggle w i t h nature b y o v e r c o m i n g the constraints o f geographical boundaries a n d f o r m reimagined social configurations. Cyberspace is public space; at the same t i m e , cyberspace is private space w h e r e , v i a e-mail, t w o users can argue polincs or f a l l i n love, or several users o n a p r i v a t e listserver can strategize a meeting o r discuss the finer p o i n t s o f a classroom lecture. A s Jones (1995) argues: Computer-mediated communicanon w i l l , it is said, lead us toward a new community: global, local, and everything m between. But the presence of chaos inexorably draws us away from that ideal as the need for control becomes greater and greater, (p. 13) Nevertheless, n e w and reproduced patterns o f social relations are evident i n cyberspace as the desire t o c o n t r o l v i r t u a l space results i n the f o r m a t i o n o f so-called " c y b e r c o m m u n i t i e s . " T h e character, boundaries, practical manifestations, p o w e r relations, artifacts, a n d even the very existence o f v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s have been e x p l o r e d i n great detail (see p a r t i c u l a r l y Jones, 1 9 9 5 ) . H o w e v e r , c o m m u n i t y is a t e r m w h i c h seems readily definable t o the general p u b l i c b u t is infinitely complex and a m o r p h o u s i n academic discourse. I t has descriptive, n o r m a t i v e , a n d i d e o l o g i c a l c o n n o t a t i o n s . A c o m m u n i t y is a b o u n d e d t e r r i t o r y o f sorts (whether physical o r ideological), b u t i t can also refer to a sense o f c o m m o n character, i d e n t i t y , o r interests as w i t h the "gay c o m m u n i t y " o r " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y . " T h u s , the t e r m " c o m m u n i t y " encompasses b o t h m a t e r i a l and symbolic dimensions; f o r example, the European C o m m u n i t y was created to foster the economic interests o f its constituent nations, w h i l e the N e w Age c o m m u n i t y of Santa Fe, N e w M e x i c o , exists a r o u n d a core of s y m b o l i c , quasi-religious interests. M a n y scholars have debated the c o n s t i t u t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y a n d its i m p o r t a n c e w i t h i n o u r p u b l i c c u l t u r e . As w e l l , social commentators f r o m H o w a r d R h e i n g o l d and J o h n Perry B a r l o w t o R i c h a r d Sennett have v i l i f i e d the perceived decline o f " c o m m u n i t y " m post-industrial America. The popularization of C M C has led t o its being heralded as a means t o w a r d realizing the dreams o f the c o m m u n i t a r i a n m o v e m e n t m the U n i t e d States. W e tend t o t h i n k of c o m m u n i t i e s i n the s o m e w h a t r o m a n t i c i z e d terms laid o u t by Ferdinand Tonnies a n d G e o r g Simrnel d u r i n g the late nineteenth century—as places w h e r e social i n t e r a c t i o n , shared value systems, and shared s y m b o l systems governed the sense o f c o m m u n i t y characterized by an organic n o t i o n o f f e l l o w s h i p , c u s t o m , u n d e r s t a n d i n g , and consensus. M o r e c o n t e m p o r a r y

40

Virtual

Culture

theorists argue t h a t c o m m u n i t y encompasses the social, economic, p o l i t i c a l , a n d c u l t u r a l — s o l i d a r i t y and social interaction, the p r o d u c t i o n and c o n s u m p t i o n o f goods, the collective f o r m a t i o n of goals and i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f p o l i c y , and the shared experiences and symbolic constructions t h a t b i n d us c u l t u r a l l y . These conceptions indicate t h a t the n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y is d y n a m i c a n d evolves as society evolves, and t h a t i t is p a r t i c u l a r l y p e r t i n e n t i n l i g h t o f the emergence o f C M C technology. Perhaps the pre-eminent p o p u l a r theorist a b o u t c o m m u n i t y i n cyberspace, H o w a r d R h e i n g o l d ( 1 9 9 3 ) , has advanced his n o t i o n o f " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y " as "social aggregations t h a t emerge f r o m the [Internet] w h e n enough people c a r r y o n those p u b l i c discussions long enough, w i t h sufficient h u m a n feeling, t o f o r m webs o f personal relationships i n cyberspace" (p. 5). R h e i n g o l d has argued, i n the face o f c r i t i c i s m o f this n o t i o n o f "placeless" c o m m u n i t y , t h a t v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y is real, t h a t i t speaks to vast numbers o f disenfranchised people w h o yearn f o r a m o r e organic type o f c o m m u n i t y a m i d the c o n f u s i o n and chaos o f postm d u s t r i a l society. People need contact w i t h one another, he says, w h e t h e r i t be i n cyberspace o r m a coffee shop. R h e i n g o l d sees v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s as places w h e r e people gather f o r conviviality—these are the places where c o m m u n i t y is b u i l t a n d sustained. For R h e i n g o l d , then, v i r t u a l c o m munities h a r k e n back i n nature to the f e l l o w s h i p , f o l k t r a d i t i o n s , and c u l t u r a l homogeneity o f T o n m e s ' (1887/1957) t r a d i t i o n a l Gememschaft or even t o Dewey's (1927) v i s i o n o f the Great C o m m u n i t y as a r e a l m m w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l action fuels the collective g o o d . V i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , according t o R h e i n g o l d , p e r f o r m the functions of t r a d i t i o n a l , GemetnschaftAike c o m m u n i t y . H i s v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y is a folksy place where anyone can d r o p i n , have a f r i e n d l y chat, receive some advice a b o u t a p r o b l e m , argue p o l i t i c s , and interact w i t h other people w h o m i g h t otherwise r e m a i n strangers.

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individual

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p r o m o t e a c t i o n — t h a t is, v i r t u a l cornmunities m a y manifest themselves i n real p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n , such as educational or p o l i t i c a l caucuses. H o w e v e r , c o m m u n i t i e s o f interest are closed places—they can become self-seeking, a t o m i z e d , even solipsisoc communities t h a t lack a social role i n the larger c o l l e c t i v i t y . M e m b e r s d o n ' t necessarily have a sense o f b e l o n g i n g t o a n y t h i n g larger t h a n the c o m m u n i t y itself, w h i c h adheres to an agenda shaped by the content o f a discussion g r o u p . Roots i n a v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y are s h a l l o w at best; w i t h a small investment o f time and frequency of " v i r t u a l " i n t e r a c t i o n , members can establish themselves f o r c e f u l l y w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y . Just as easily, t h o u g h , they can disassociate themselves w i t h the c o m m u n i t y by refusing t o l o g o n , thereby leaving the c o m m u n i t y w i t h m u c h less t r a u m a t h a n w h a t m i g h t accompany leaving a physical c o m m u n i t y . M o r e o v e r , the w o r d " c o m m u n i t y " is seldom used i n a pejorative sense; rather, c o m m u n i t y is a feeling o f belonging and s o l i d a r i t y t h a t w e all p u r p o r t e d l y seek, whether online o r m a physical sense. B o t h M a r s h a l l Berman (1988) and R i c h a r d Sennett (1977) t a l k , h o w e v e r , o f the d i s f u n c t i o n a l i t y o f c o m m u n i t y — i t s oppressive a n d stifling n a t u r e . I n All That is Solid Melts Into Air, Berman uses a section f r o m Goethe's Faust to illustrate the oppressiveness o f c o m m u n i t y . Faust's lover, Gretchen, is scorned by the q u a i n t , s m a l l - t o w n v i r t u o u s c o m m u n i t y i n w h i c h she lives w h e n i t becomes p u b l i c k n o w l e d g e t h a t she is no longer p u r e . A s a series o f tragedies befall her (leading u l t i m a t e l y to her death) she becomes the e m b o d i m e n t o f the h u m a n f o u n d a t i o n t h a t m u s t w a v e r and finally give w a y t o the c o n f i n i n g , overbearing Gememschaft. Berman (1988) argues t h a t the onset o f m o d e r n i t y frees us all f r o m the confinement o f this n o w archaic f o r m o f social existence, c l a i m i n g : Our century has been prolific in constructing idealized fantasies of life in tradition-bound small towns. The most popular and influential of these fantasies is elaborated m Ferdinand Tdnnies Gememschaft und Gesellschaft. . , . Goethe's Gretchen tragedy gives us what must be the most devastating portrait in all literature of a Gememschaft. His portrait should etch in our minds forever the cruelty and brutality of so many of the forms of life that modernizanon has wiped out. So long as we remember Gretchen's fate, we will be immune to nostalgic yearning for the worlds we have lost. (p. 60) 1

B u t w h a t is the real interest d r i v i n g a v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y ? Does a g r o u p o f l i k e - m i n d e d i n d i v i d u a l s constitute a true collectivity? I f so, w h a t is t h a t collectivity's f o u n d a t i o n ? W h a t is its charter? R h e i n g o l d wants us to believe t h a t o u r need f o r h u m a n association and a sense o f b e l o n g i n g is so strong t h a t w e w i l l seek to b u i l d communities o f interest i n cyberspace because w e m i g h t n o t be able t o b u i l d t h e m elsewhere. I t m a y be t h a t the symbolic value o f v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y is enough to sustain us in an era w h e n physical c o m m u n i t y b u i l d i n g is hampered by distrust or fear of (or, worse, insouciance f o r ) o u r neighbors. O r , these v i r t u a l communities m a y serve as models f o r f u t u r e efforts at physical c o m m u n i t y b u i l d i n g . Ideologically, c o m m u n i t y w i t h i n cyberspace appears to emphasize a shared belief i n the principles o f free speech, i n d i v i d u a l i s m , equality, and open access—the same symbolic interests t h a t define the character o f A m e r i c a n democracy. E x p e n e n t i a l l y , c o m m u n i t y w i t h i n cyberspace emphasizes a c o m m u n i t y o f interests t h a t m a y lead t o a c o m m u n a l spirit and apparent social b o n d i n g . These c o m m u n i t i e s can be purely instrumental i n n a t u r e — t h a t is, they m a y never extend beyond t a l k i n g to one another; or, they m a y

S i m i l a r l y , Sennett (1977) argues i n The Fall of Public Man t h a t c o m m u n i t y has become enmeshed i n the c u l t o f p e r s o n a l i t y — t h a t w e seek to understand social intercourse i n terms o f personal feelings rather t h a n i n r a t i o n a l o r objective terms. As p u b l i c culture declined w i t h the rise o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , u r b a n i z a t i o n , and mass society, Sennett claims t h a t people began e x h i b i t i n g a nostalgic desire f o r a r o m a n t i c i z e d n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y as " l i k e - m i n d e d i n d i v i d u a l s . " H e calls this f o r m o f c o m m u n i t y "destructive gememschaft," w h e r e e m o t i o n a l relations between people take precedence over collective a c t i o n . T h u s , he argues, " c o m m u n i t y i n society became a k i n t o a n engine w h i c h runs o n l y i n n e u t r a l gear" ( p . 2 3 9 ) . This "destructive gememschaft" has a moralistic tone a b o u t i t ; w h e n c o n t r o versy arises w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y , emotions are s t i r r e d , moralistic rhetoric

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is e m p l o y e d , the collective personality is asserted, and the controversy revolves no longer a r o u n d an issue per se, b u t a r o u n d the i n t e g r i t y and character o f the collectivity itself. M e m b e r s o f a c o m m u n i t y must believe i n themselves, their collective personality, by d o w n g r a d i n g their enemies a n d asserting w h o " t h e y " are. Sennett's thoughts apply i n c o n t e m p o r a r y A m e r i c a b y i l l u s t r a t i n g the regressive nature o f identity p o l i t i c s ; the r h e t o r i c is universal, b u t the c o m m u n i t y interests are specialized. U l t i m a t e l y , then, Sennett echoes Berman's sentiments: Far from destroying fraternal community, 19th Century cosmopolitan culture made community seem too valuable. Cities appear in present-day clichés as the ultimate in empty personality. I n fact, the lack of a strong, impersonal culture in the modern city instead has aroused a passion for fantasized intimate disclosure between people. Myths of an absence of community, like those of the soulless or vicious crowd, serve the function of goading men to seek out community in terms of a created common self. The more the myth of empty impersonality, m popular forms, becomes the common sense of a society, the more will that populace feel morally justified in destroying the essence of urbanity, which is that men can act together, without the compulsion to be the same. (p. 255) W h a t ' s missing i n v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , then, is the sense o f i n d i v i d u a l i t y t h a t can operate w i t h i n the collectivity. A c c o r d i n g to D e w e y , the i n d i vidual's f u l l p o t e n t i a l c a n n o t be realized w i t h o u t the context o f the c o m m u n i t y t o guide i t . T h a t c o m m u n i t y is constituted by true democracy; a democracy w h i c h m a y o r m a y n o t exist w i t h i n v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s . Simmel (1950) argued t h a t i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y is based i n p a r t o n social existence, therefore the i n d i v i d u a l c a n n o t be " a c t u a l i z e d " w i t h o u t a sense o f c o n t r i b u t i n g to the greater collectivity. T o w h a t extent do most v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s p r o v i d e i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h o p p o r t u n i t i e s to c o n t r i b u t e to the greater collectivity? E t z i o n i (1991) and Bellah, M a d s e n , Sullivan, Swidler, 6c T i p t o n (1985) echo these ideas, c l a i m i n g t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s can subvert h y p e r - i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , selfish tendencies m f a v o r o f realizing the benefits o f acting responsibly w i t h i n a moralistic, transcendent social o r d e r . D o these benefits exist i n v i r t u a l communities o f interest? As Jones (1995) has stated w i t h regard to these n o t i o n s : The manner m which we seek to find community, empowerment, and political action all embedded in our ability to use C M C is thereby troubling. N o one medium, no one technology, has been able to provide those elements in combinanon, and often we have been unable to find them in any media, (p. 33) I t m a y be, t h e n , t h a t Dewey's true democracy a n d Simmel's actualized i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y are f o u n d m cyberspace n o t so m u c h w i t h i n the content o f v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , but w i t h i n the actual structure o f social relations t h a t constitute the use o f C M C . W h e t h e r w e l o o k f o r active c o m m u n i t y i n cyberspace o r whether w e seek refuge rather t h a n r a t i o n a l o r c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l discourse, the structure o f social relations m the v i r t u a l r e a l m a n d the nature o f v i r t u a l space itself have notable implications f o r the collectivity o f C M C users.

The i n d i v i d u a l within

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The C M C Collectivity W i t h the rise o f i n d u s t r i a l society, the nature o f social relations was transfigured f r o m a homogeneous social order of mechanical s o l i d a r i t y (based o n the s i m i l a r i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l s , prevalent i n p r e - m d u s t n a i societies) t o w a r d a n organic s o l i d a r i t y (based o n heterogeneity o f i n d i v i d u a l s t h a t arises w i t h a w e l l - a r t i c u l a t e d d i v i s i o n o f labor i n i n d u s t r i a l nations). A n d , as p o s t m o d e r n theorists argue, a similar c u l t u r a l shift has transpired w i t h the rise o f p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society; the c u l t u r a l salience o f local k n o w l edge and meaning has supplanted t h a t o f the a u t h o r i t a r i a n metanarrative. Certain religious and c u l t u r a l interests have retreated t o t r i b a l i s m i n the w a k e o f m u l t i c u i t u r a K s m , diversity, and i d e n t i t y politics. A n almost x e n o p h o b i c m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f these ideals is evident i n w a l l e d neighb o r h o o d s t h a t o f f e r "security and p r o t e c t i o n " f r o m outsiders, w h i l e renewed interest is p r o l i f e r a t i n g i n self-sustaining communities such as the A m i s h , w h o offer models o f c o m m u n i t a r i a n social existence. Clearly, the " i d e a l i z e d " n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y is o c c u p y i n g the A m e r i c a n p u b l i c psyche at present. T h e ideas o f c o m m u n i t y espoused by the n e w c o m m u n i t a r i a n movement p r o p o n e n t s , such as E t z i o m a n d Bellah, illustrate this preoccupation as they focus o n a shift a w a y f r o m t r u l y collectivist notions o f c o m m u n i t y . T h e c o m m u n i t a r i a n f o r m o f c o m m u n i t y w o u l d be characterized by selfreliance i n concert w i t h a social y e a r n i n g f o r the meaning f o u n d m a c o m m u n i t y . B u t nostalgic c o m m u n i t y r h e t o r i c is n o t l i m i t e d to social experience. Indeed, business and economic institutions i n the U n i t e d States are i n c o r p o r a t i n g expanded notions o f c o m m u n i t y i n t o their c o m m e r c i a l and business practices. C o m m u n i t y is marketed m the service sector t h r o u g h the c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n o f the symbolic aspects o f religious c o m m u n i t y , f o r example. Purchasing crystals, books o n Eastern s p i r i t u a l i t y , a n d h o m e o p a t h i c remedies allows one t o possess the products t h a t designate s y m b o l i c membership i n the N e w Age c o m m u n i t y . S i m i l a r l y , one can c l a i m membership i n the gay c o m m u n i t y by purchasing r a i n b o w flag p a r a p h e r n a l i a . T h e service sector also markets c o m m u n i t y i n advertising campaigns w i t h evocations o f the r o m a n t i c iegacy left by close-knit c o m m u n i t i e s o f a bygone era. T e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , Inc. is n o w p o s i t i o n i n g itself as a n arbiter o f this f o r m o f c o m m u n i t y i n its advertising c a m p a i g n t h a t highlights the cable industry's unique a b i l i t y to b r i n g online c o m m u n i t y i n t o households. I n the r e a l m o f economics, m u l t i n a t i o n a l trade partnerships (such as N A F T A ) m a y transcend n a t i o n a l boundaries, yet they are m o v e d t h r o u g h legislatures w i t h the help o f c o m m u n i t y oriented r h e t o r i c t h a t emphasizes m u t u a l g a m and f e l l o w s h i p . Nevertheless, a tension between i n d i v i d u a l i t y and collectivity all concepts o f c o m m u n i t y . T h e m y t h o s o f A m e r i c a n democratic emphasizes the p r i m a c y o f the i n d i v i d u a l i n social relations, A m e r i c a n c o l l e c t i v i t y is defined as an inclusive sphere o f diverse I n The Social Contract, Rousseau observed t h a t tensions exist

underlies ideology yet the interests. between

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h u m a n i t y ' s n a t u r a l state o f independence a n d the i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f social existence. T h e p r o b l e m , as Rousseau saw i t and as i t exists i n c o n t e m p o r a r y A m e r i c a , is reconciling the g o o d o f the collectivity w i t h the free w i l l o f the i n d i v i d u a l . T h e social contract we m a k e is to relinquish some o f o u r n a t u r a l f r e e d o m to l i v e i n a collectivity where universal p r o t e c t i o n , civil l i b e r t y , and the collective g o o d are emphasized. Rousseau noted that, w h e n w e forget the c o m m o n g o o d and majorities galvanize a r o u n d special o r p r i v a t e interests, we degenerate as a society i n t o factions where w e have fewer c i v i l liberties. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the c o m p l e x i t y o f i n d u s t r i a l a n d p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l eras m a k e the c o n d i t i o n s f o r Rousseau's contract anachronistic. Regardless o f the ideological significance Americans as a n a t i o n place o n the n o t i o n o f p u b l i c life and u n i m p e d e d p u b l i c discourse, the concept o f a true integ r a t e d collectivity is anathema to the principies o f freedom, equality, i n d i v i d u a l i t y . Establishing solidarity a m o n g a n a t i o n of a u t o n o m o u s social beings obfuscates the nature o f citizenship and o f collective i d e n t i t y . A g a i n , Dewey's {1927) social p h i l o s o p h y does n o t forsake the i n d i v i d u a l for the collective; he argues t h a t true self-knowledge is gained o n l y t h r o u g h the experience o f c o m m u n i t y life and t h a t democracy as a w a y o f life requires i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the creation o f collective life. T h u s , he tended to romanticize the n o t i o n t h a t the Great Society c o u l d become the Great C o m m u n i t y — t h a t a "scattered, m o b i l e and m a n i f o l d " p u b l i c c o u l d define itself as an authentic democracy. Dewey's vision o f the Great C o m m u n i t y is one i n w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l a c t i v i t y fuels a sense o f collective " g o o d " t h a t is shared and relished by a l l i n the c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h i n t u r n fuels the " l i b e r a t i o n o f p o t e n t i a l i t i e s " o f c o m m u n i t y members; Dewey's G r e a t C o m m u n i t y is s y n o n y m o u s w i t h his n o t i o n o f democracy as a w a y o f life. D e w e y argued t h a t the ideas o f f r a t e r n i t y , liberty, and equality were "hopeless abstractions" i f they were separated f r o m c o m m u n i t y existence. E q u a l i t y w i t h o u t c o m m u n i t y becomes a mechanized f o r m o f i d e n t i t y t h a t c a n n o t be realized; f r a t e r n i t y w i t h o u t c o m m u n i t y becomes meaningless; a n d l i b e r t y w i t h o u t c o m m u n i t y becomes isolationism f r o m social l i n k s t h a t decays i n t o anarchy. Dewey's great strength, then, is his insistence o n i n d i v i d u a l g r o w t h a n d association w i t h i n p u b l i c life. H i s p h i l o s o p h y separates h i m f r o m classical l i b e r a l theorists w h o argue t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s are islands o f reason, liberated f r o m external constraints. O u r h u m a n i t y rests o n o u r a b i l i t y t o f u n c t i o n as i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n a c o m m u n i t y , according to D e w e y . S i m i l a r l y , E t z i o n i (1991) espouses the n o t i o n o f a "responsive c o m m u n i t y " i n w h i c h members can a f f i r m their values i n a non-coercive e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t "appeals t o the 'nobler p a r t o f the s e l f " (p. 147). T h i s entails a symbiotic relationship between i n d i v i d u a l s and the c o m m u n i t y t h a t seeks to revive values, i n s t i t u t i o n s , social bonds, and responsibilities m a m a n n e r t h a t recognizes the i n d i v i d u a l b u t does n o t retreat i n t o m o r a l i s m or a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m . Etzioni's c o m m u n i t a r i a n agenda seems to address the 5

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concerns o f Tonnies a n d Simmel; its charter is to regroup m o r a l f o u n d a t i o n s m Western society. E t z i o n i laments the loss o f these m o r a l f o u n d a t i o n s t h a t seemed clear, yet p u r i t a n i c a l and a u t h o r i t a r i a n m the 1950s. C o m m u n i t a r i a n s d o n o t advocate a r e t u r n t o the m o r a l i t y o f 1950s A m e r i c a , b u t rather a r e v i t a l i z i n g o f the values o f citizenship t h a t have remained so a m o r p h o u s since " t r a d i t i o n a l " m o r a l i t y was u n d e r m i n e d i n 1960s A m e r i c a . T h e late stages o f Enlightenment t h i n k i n g that embraced r a d i c a l i n d i v i d u a l i s m led t o m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , special interests, a n d i d e n n t y politics so t h a t the n o t i o n o f a shared p u b l i c interest or c o m m u n i t y has w i t h e r e d a w a y , according t o E t z i o n i ( 1 9 9 3 ) , w h o argues: When the term community is used, the first notion that typically comes to mind is a place in which people know and care for one another—the kind of place in which people do not merely ask, " H o w are you?" as a formality but care about the answer. This we-ness (which cynics have belittled as a " w a r m , fuzzy" sense of community) is indeed part of its essence. Our focus here, though, is on another element of community, crucial for the issues at hand: communities speak to us in moral voices. They lay claims on their members. Indeed, they are the most important sustaining source of moral voices other than the inner self, (p. 31) T h i s " m o r a l v o i c e " o f c o m m u n i t i e s provides the social cement t h a t holds together the m o r a l order b u t does n o t supersede the values o f society o r even o f h u m a n i t y i n general (such as " d o u n t o others"). E t z i o n i (1993) argues t h a t this m o r a l i t y is merely suasive, n o t coercive, and can be reinforced i n social institutions such as schools, since r e l i g i o n , f a m i l y , and n e i g h b o r h o o d s have been f a i l i n g to p r o v i d e a m o r a l infrastructure w i t h i n communities. Bellah et a i . (1985) echo some o f Etzioni's ideas, b u t they argue t h a t h y p e r - i n d i v i d u a l i s m , rather t h a n u r b a n i z a t i o n o r a lack o f m o r a l i t y , has obscured the idea o f c o m m u n i t y i n c o n t e m p o r a r y society. They posit t h a t the r h e t o r i c o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m has become the p r i m a r y language i n the U n i t e d States, whereas the language of t r a d i t i o n a l communities has become secondary t o o u r c u l t u r e , and is used o n l y w h e n the first seems inadequate. T h e language o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m urges us t o break f r o m the past and reinvent ourselves, t o " p u l l ourselves u p by o u r o w n b o o t s t r a p s " — Bellah et a i . (1985) c l a i m t h a t this leads to life "somewhere between the e m p t y a n d constituted s e l f " (p. 154). L i k e E t z i o n i a n d D e w e y , Bellah et a l . examine the conflict between i n d i v i d u a l i s m and the need f o r c o m m u n i t y , b u t they c l a i m t h a t c o m m u n i t y c a n n o t be u n d e r s t o o d as an arrangement that merely serves t o f u l f i l l i n d i v i d u a l needs. So-called " c o m m u n i t i e s o f interest," they argue, are simply aggregations o f self-interested, self-seeking i n d i v i d u a l s w h o j o i n together t o augment i n d i v i d u a l g o o d . These communities o f interest are places w h e r e " h i s t o r y a n d hope are f o r g o t t e n and c o m m u n i t y means o n l y the g a t h e r i n g o f the s i m i l a r , [ a n d ] c o m m u n i t y degenerates i n t o lifestyle enclave" (Bellah et a l , 1985, p . 154). Real c o m m u n i t y , however, is a " c o n t e x t w i t h i n w h i c h personal i d e n t i t y is f o r m e d , a place where fluent

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self-awareness f o l l o w s the currents o f c o m m u n a l conversation a n d c o n t r i butes to t h e m " (p, 135). T h i s argument resembles Simmel's n o t i o n t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l is n o t w h o l l y constituted by virtue o f his o r her role as an i n d i v i d u a l per se o r as a social being per se. I t is o u r c o m m u n a l context, o u r social existence, t h a t shapes o u r i n d i v i d u a l i t y . Bellah et a l . see the desire f o r self-reliance i n concert w i t h a social yearning f o r the m e a n i n g f o u n d i n c o m m u n i t y t o be a true p a r a d o x o f c o n t e m p o r a r y Western culture.

Virtual Community as Collectivity H o w then, can w e conceive o f v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y as collectivity i n the U n i t e d States? H o w are the tensions between the ideals o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d the nature o f collective life manifested i n v i r t u a l communities? A l t h o u g h v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s o f interest have been f o r m e d w i t h a demonstrated sense o f s o l i d a r i t y , have they nonetheless c o n t r i b u t e d to the fragmented c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l landscape o f the United States t h a t is replete w i t h i d e n t i t y politics and the u n f u l f i l l e d promise o f a renewed p u b l i c life? I argue instead t h a t there is a collectivity o f C M C users. T h i s c o l l e c t i v i t y is d r i v e n by the principles o f democracy and egalitananism i n its use o f C M C , n o t necessarily i n terms o f the content o f postings i n cyberspace. T h e C M C collectivity is thus concerned w i t h censorship and other types o f restrictive regulations i n cyberspace, a n d i t is these concerns, these f o r m a l issues, w h i c h b i n d the collectivity. I n Rousseau's terms, the C M C c o l l e c t i v i t y seems to be concerned w i t h a " c o m m o n g o o d " ; i t tolerates the r h e t o r i c o f f a c t i o n a l i s m and t r i b a l i s m i n order to m a i n t a i n w h a t i t sees as the universal desire f o r a c y b e r c o m m u n i t y t h a t can be accessed by a l l w h o w a n t t o enter a n d t h a t is free o f overtly c o m mercialized private interests. There is a " v i r t u a l i d e o l o g y " i n cyberspace w h i c h is collectivist m o r i e n t a t i o n . There is a s t r o n g sense a m o n g users that, despite the tolerance needed f o r the space to be o p e n - m i n d e d a n d despite the potential f o r oppressiveness, v i r t u a l i n t e r a c t i o n gives users back some o f t h e i r h u m a n i t y — a h u m a n i t y w h i c h is authentically expressed a m o n g its c o n stituents v i a a mass m e d i u m whose content is n o t w h o l l y determined by corporate executives, i t is an ideology t h a t characterizes collectivist r h e t o r i c as something positive, n o t something a n t i - A m e r i c a n or a n t i democratic. M a r k Slouka (1995) has observed t h a t the c u l t u r a l fascination w i t h cyberspace is p a r t i a l l y the result o f a deep need i n humans to regain c o n t r o l i n an alternative w o r l d since the " r e a l " one has been " p a v e d over, mailed o v e r " ( p . 37) and has become devoid of c o m m u n i t y spirit. Further, t h e " c o m m u n i t y " o f C M C users adhere to certain p r e d e t e r m i n e d behavioral n o r m s w h i c h advance the interests o f the collectivity, such as netiquette a n d F A Q (Frequently A s k e d Question) files o n Usenet and i n M U D s ( M u l t i - U s e r D o m a i n s ) . M a c K i n n o n (1995) has argued t h a t these

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devices serve as H o b b e s ' Leviathan—that is, w e need g o v e r n m e n t a l interference t o protect h u m a n k i n d f r o m o u r o w n evil natures, thus moderated groups m Usenet a n d netiquette serve as o u r "social c o n t r a c t " i n cyberspace. K a p o r ( 1 9 9 3 ) supports the concept of a v i r t u a l ideology that is collectivist i n n a t u r e : Life m cyberspace is often conducted m primitive, frontier conditions, but it is a life which, at its best, is more egalitarian than elitist, and more decentralized than hierarchical. I t serves individuals and communities, not mass audiences. . . . In fact, cyberspace seems to be shaping up exactly like Thomas Jefferson would have wanted: founded on the primacy of individual liberty and a commitment to pluralism, diversity, and community, (p. 53) A l t h o u g h he acknowledges the o p t i m i s m o f this statement, K a p o r claims t h a t cyberspace will m a i n t a i n some qualities o f this Jeffersonian ideal i f the g o v e r n m e n t intervenes only b y asserting its a u t h o r i t y t o redress the shortcomings o f private enterprise i n cyberspace. Indeed, K a p o r s t h i n k i n g is consistent w i t h Vice-President Gore's vision f o r the N a t i o n a l I n f o r m a t i o n I n f r a s t r u c t u r e , w h i c h includes C M C . W i n n e r (1984), however, argues t h a t this t y p e o f o p t i m i s m needs t o be checked: 1

Where . . is any motion toward increased democratizaron and social equality or the dawn of a cultural renaissance? Current developments in the informatton age suggest an increase m power by those who already have a great deal of power, an enhanced centralization of control by those already prepared for control and an augmentanon of wealth by the already wealthy. Far from demonstrating a revolution in patterns of social and political influence, empirical studies of computers and social change . . . usually show powerful groups adapting computerized methods to retain control, (p. 92) W h a t K a p o r sees, according t o W i n n e r , is naive since social equality, p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy, a n d decentralized c o n t r o l w i l l n o t be realized i n a society h a m p e r e d b y its refusal t o address C M C p o l i c y - m a k i n g f r o m an i n f o r m e d vantage. Questions o f access t o C M C technology b y those other t h a n the technological elite as w e l l as questions o f censorship, libel, copyr i g h t i n f r i n g e m e n t , a n d other legal quandaries still plague the development o f cyberspace. Nonetheless, the ideals o f openness, freedom, and tolerance pervade the collective consciousness o f the c o m m u n i t y o f C M C users.

Dissent within the Online Collectivity Collectivist r h e t o r i c has permeated the online c o m m u n i t y to a great degree since the passage o f the C o m m u n i c a t i o n s Decency A c t ( C D A ) i n February 1996 made i t a c r i m e t o post "indecent, obscene, l e w d , lascivious, filthy" m a t e r i a l o n the I n t e r n e t i n a n a t t e m p t t o protect m i n o r s f r o m accessing i t . W h i l e private o n l i n e service p r o v i d e r s , such as CompuServe, A m e r i c a O n l i n e , a n d P r o d i g y have enforced s i m i l a r l y established p u b l i c - p o s t i n g

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guidelines f o r years, the C D A represents the first attempt to o v e r t l y censor m a t e r i a l over the decentralized internet. A l l three o f these c o m m e r c i a l service providers have been embroiled i n legal disputes regarding freedom o f expression i n p u b l i c f o r u m s . I n 1990, Prodigy attempted to exercise c o n t r o l over the content o f messages posted by subscribers o n Prodigy's moderated public b u l l e t i n boards. A f t e r deciding to place l i m i t s o n the number o f messages subscribers c o u l d send each m o n t h , Prodigy was overwhelmed w i t h messages f r o m a n g r y customers, some o f w h i c h i m p l o r e d subscribers to b o y c o t t products and services advertised o n P r o d i g y . Some o f these messages were posted to the b u l l e t i n boards w h i l e others were quashed. W h e n the protesting subscribers sent p r i v a t e e-mail messages t o other members u r g i n g action against Prodigy, the service p r o v i d e r responded by r e v o k i n g the senders' subscriptions. T h e incident led to cries o f censorship f r o m those asserting t h a t the service is a c o m m o n carrier, like the telephone wires, a n d t h a t messages carried o n those lines m a y n o t be interfered w i t h . Others asserted, however, t h a t Prodigy, as a commercial, private service p r o v i d e r , can act as a newspaper a n d p u b l i s h whichever "letters t o the e d i t o r " i t deems f i t o r as a broadcast outlet t h a t is regulated based o n the n o t i o n t h a t spectrum scarcity necessitates access and c o n t r o l o f content. T h e case raises free speech issues t h a t have yet to be resolved i n the halls o f cyberspace. T h e Internet is still a public f o r u m and thus has been regarded as a c o m m o n carrier. B u t private service providers w h o act as publishers m u s t take care to equitably decide w h i c h messages are posted a n d w h i c h are n o t . Stene (1995) suggests t h a t the development o f First A m e n d m e n t l a w as applied i n cyberspace is m u c h more precarious t h a n i m a g i n e d . F o r example, Stene claims t h a t the scope o f the l a w changes w h e n publishers, attorneys, and scholars n o longer h o l d sole d o m a i n over First A m e n d m e n t issues: As each person logs on to the Net, another publisher is born to this world, capable of libeling another individual to tens of thousands of people w i t h a simple "send" command. . , . fTjhe First Amendment must now be understood to be that which the majority of the people on the Net believe it to be, not as how it has historically been determined by the Court, {p. 3) T h e legal morass created by this issue is illustrated i n another Prodigy case. I n 1991 the service p r o v i d e r a l l o w e d anti-Semitic messages w h i c h suggested t h a t the H o l o c a u s t was a m y t h t o be posted o n its moderated b u l l e t i n boards. W h e n the A n t i - D e f a m a t i o n League o f B'nai B ' r i t h protested, P r o d i g y claimed t h a t i t had agreed to ban material t h a t is "grossly r e p u g n a n t to c o m m u n i t y standards" (Feder, 1 9 9 1 , p . 2 1 ) . Nonetheless, i t c o n t i n u e d t o a l l o w postings questioning the t r u t h of the H o l o c a u s t . I n a s i m i l a r case, Cubby v . CompuServe, a N e w Y o r k federal district c o u r t r u l e d t h a t CompuServe was n o t liable i n a l i b e l suit filed against the service p r o v i d e r regarding content i t d i s t r i b u t e d v i a a newsletter. T h u s , p r i v a t e service providers are n o t responsible f o r content disseminated m

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publications over their n e t w o r k s ; rather they are merely d i s t r i b u t o r s l i k e libraries or bookstores. B u t f o r the Internet ( n o w regarded as a c o m m o n carrier), companies can be sued i n other countries f o r d i s t r i b u t i n g defamatory m a t e r i a l v i a the W o r l d W i d e W e b . For example, a c o m p a n y t h a t posts m a t e r i a l critical o f the g o v e r n m e n t i n Singapore can be held liable f o r d e f a m a t i o n i n Singapore (Edupage, 1996). These types o f measures w i l l become a l l t o o c o m m o n i f the C D A is deemed enforceable. Presently, members o f the C M C collectivity w h o w a n t to u p h o l d democratic ideals m cyberspace are c l a i m i n g t h a t the enforcement o f the C D A w i l l have a " c h i l l i n g effect" o n the f u t u r e o f electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Evidence o f this c h i l l i n g effect already abounds. CompuServe has eradicated 2 0 0 sexually oriented newsgroups f r o m its service, c i t i n g "pressure" f r o m G e r m a n authorities, w h i c h claimed t h a t the " i n d e c e n t " content breached its laws. Because CompuServe c o u l d n o t d r o p the newsgroups o n l y i n G e r m a n y , a l l users lost access. The groups t h a t were d r o p p e d included a l l o f the alt.gay and aÎt.homosexuaî newsgroups, w h i c h a m o u n t e d to 9 0 percent o f homosexual Usenet content. Despite later assurances f r o m G e r m a n authorities that they disapprove of Internet r e g u l a t i o n and t h a t the "pressure" h a d been exerted by a lone bureaucrat, CompuServe has n o t reinstated the lost newsgroups (Telecom Post # 2 2 , 1 9 9 6 ) . S i m i l a r l y , a b i l l has passed i n the N e w Y o r k State legislature t h a t grants l i a b i l i t y t o Internet Service Providers for content disseminated o n their n e t w o r k s . T h e b i l l p r o h i b i t s the k n o w i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n o f content t h a t depicts " a c t u a l o r simulated n u d i t y , [ o r ] sexual c o n d u c t " t h a t is "deemed h a r m f u l to m i n o r s . " T h e b i l l makes no d i s t i n c t i o n between p u b l i c f o r u m s and p r i v a t e e-mail, m a k i n g this f o r m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n illegal o n discussion groups, e-mail, a n d W e b pages (Telecom Post # 2 2 , 1 9 9 6 ) . G o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y regarding p r i v a c y , free speech, and other c i v i l liberties m cyberspace has lagged b e h i n d the developments o f C M C technology, as these examples illustrate. Y e t there exists w i t h m the C M C collectivity the p r o f o u n d adherence t o the n o t i o n t h a t freedom o f expression is essential to i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y and free w i l l . W h i l e these issues tend to stir the embers o f the mdividualist/collectivist tensions, c i v i c - m i n d e d N e t citizens seem t o constitute the C M C collectivity. M o s t members o f the collective accept m o d e r a t e d newsgroups n o t as censorship or p r i o r restraint, b u t as a concession they are w i l l i n g to m a k e to ensure the c o m m o n g o o d o f the collectivity. T h i s accepted v i r t u a l ideology, i n concert w i t h the lack of i n f o r m e d g o v e r n m e n t a l p o l i c y regarding freedom o f expression m cyberspace, has led to the creation o f several groups, most n o t a b l y the Electronic F r o n t i e r F o u n d a t i o n (EFF) and the C o m p u t e r Professionals f o r Social Responsibility (CPSR), to pursue c i v i l liberties i n cyberspace. T h e Electronic F r o n t i e r F o u n d a t i o n , f o u n d e d by M i t c h e l l K a p o r a n d J o h n Perry B a r l o w , encourages policy-makers to a d o p t a n open agenda f o r telecommunications; provides s u p p o r t f o r legal perspectives o n the developing C M C f r o n t i e r ; and supports p u b l i c interest l i t i g a t i o n (such as a n t i - C D A measures) t o preserve First A m e n d m e n t guarantees i n cyberspace (Cisler, 1 9 9 0 ) . T h e EFF a n d

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CPSR recognize chat lines separating p u b l i c and private i n cyberspace are all b u t clear. F o r example, a l t h o u g h p r i v a t e e-mail is protected f r o m u n a u t h o r i z e d g o v e r n m e n t a l interception b y the 1986 Electronic C o m m u nications Privacy A c t , p r i v a t e companies m a y choose to m o n i t o r their employees' e-mail exchanges. B u t insofar as cyberspace is considered p u b l i c space, these agencies seem to have the s u p p o r t o f the C M C collectivity to u p h o l d the tenets o f v i r t u a l ideology. K a p o r (1991) has argued that C M C discussion groups serve as one o f the most p o t e n t uses o f First A m e n d m e n t freedoms o f association a n d expression. H e has also observed t h a t C M C is a h y b r i d o f sorts and thus does n o t f o l l o w one r e g u l a t o r y media m o d e l . C M C contains elements o f p u b l i s h i n g , telephone calls, and even broadcasting. Cyberspace is b o t h p u b l i c and p r i v a t e , the c o m m u n i c a t i o n is one-to-one, one-to-many, a n d m a n y - t o - m a n y . A n d , because cyberspace is open-minded space, its users w i l l develop i t i n n e w ways regardless o f w h a t restrictions c o m m e r c i a l service p r o v i d e r s a t t e m p t t o impose o n i t . K a p o r (1991) supports regul a t o r y p o l i c y commensurate w i t h these contentions: We know that electronic freedom of speech, whether m public or private systems, cannot be absolute. In face-to-face conversanon and printed matter today, it is commonly agreed that freedom of speech does not cover the communications inherent in criminal conspiracy, fraud, libel, indictment to lawless action and copyright infringement, (pp. 162, 164) T h e collectivist v i r t u a l ideology does n o t expect t h a t freedom i n cyberspace w i l l be absolute. M e m b e r s o f the C M C collectivity k n o w t h a t p o w e r is exercised quite d i f f e r e n t l y i n cyberspace t h a n i n t r a d i t i o n a l mediated environments l i m i t e d by space o r spectrum allocation. F o r example, free speech principles go o n l y so far, according to Wiener ( 1 9 9 4 ) , w h e n u n m o d e r a t e d n e w s g r o u p discussions degrade i n t o flame wars, propaganda, o r just utter nonsense. Garbage posts often result m censorship. A n d , w i t h the expansion o f the Internet i n its c u r r e n t anarchic state (governed o n l y by threats o f the C D A , netiquette, a n d moderators), a few sociopaths can r u i n the C M C e n v i r o n m e n t f o r a l l . B u t the sense o f c o m m o n g o o d t h a t drives the c o l l e c t i v i t y o f C M C users tolerates the boundaries d r a w n b y the desire t o m a i n t a i n the whole i n the face o f its p o t e n t i a l l y drastic r e s t r u c t u r i n g a m i d r e g u l a t o r y constraints. Wiener (1994) argues t h a t m o d e r a t i o n is n o t necessarily censorship because newsgroups operate like a letters-ro-the-editor c o l u m n where l u c i d postings are f o r w a r d e d and clearly irrelevant o r malicious posts are squelched. M o r e o v e r , sanctions against errant posters to moderated newsgroups are p a r t o f the social c o n t r a c t , w h i c h states t h a t absolute i n d i v i d u a l freedom m u s t be given u p i n order to preserve c i v i l liberty and t o guarantee the r i g h t s to speak w i t h i n the C M C e n v i r o n m e n t . Free speech has a price according to established l a w ; i t also has a price in cyberspace. T r u e dissenters i n cyberspace are those w h o d o n ' t p u t f a i t h m the collectivist r h e t o r i c o f the C M C c o m m u n i t y . Nonetheless, the groups t h a t w o u l d

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appear to be the harshest dissenters—hackers, n e o - N a z i propagandists, anarchists—are the ones w h o tend to benefit most f r o m the First A m e n d ment guarantees i n cyberspace. T h e i r speech is staunchly protected under the First A m e n d m e n t u n t i l such t i m e as the C D A s h o u l d take effect. A n d , a l t h o u g h c r i m i n a l hackers have been targeted b y federal l a w enforcement groups as p o t e n t i a l threats to c o m m e r c i a l security, racist propaganda, recipes f o r illegal synthetic drugs and bombs, and p o r n o g r a p h y freely circulate i n b o t h the p u b l i c and private reaches o f cyberspace. S t i l l , there exists a general fear and misunderstanding s u r r o u n d i n g the limits o f cyberspace. T h e p u b l i c seems frightened by the possibility that terrorists o r d r u g cartels c o u l d organize via c o m p u t e r and execute c r i m i n a l acts over the phone lines. Popular movies such as War Games and Hackers fuel p u b l i c perceptions t h a t c o m p u t e r hackers can, w i t h a few keystrokes, jeopardize n a t i o n a l security or i n t e r n a t i o n a l commerce or that cyber-pedophiles w i l l cause irreparable h a r m to o u r c h i l d r e n . I n p a r t , this public fear inspired policy-makers t o a d o p t the C D A . A l t h o u g h children have easily been able t o acquire p o r n o g r a p h y f o r decades, the t h o u g h t o f t h e m receiving i t v i a the mysterious tangle o f telephone wires and the black hole t h a t is cyberspace seems m o r e insidious t o a p u b l i c t h a t has been b o m b a r d e d w i t h t o o m a n y p o p u l a r depictions o f a d a r k , technocratic, i n h u m a n e f u t u r e . As dissenters w i t h i n the collective, hackers have an unusual status. Some hackers, such as K e v i n M i t n i c k , and groups o f hackers, such as the Legion o f D o o m and the L o r d s o f Chaos, have been convicted o f c o m p u t e r crimes r a n g i n g f r o m d i v e r t i n g m o n e y f r o m corporate to personal accounts to stealing credit card numbers [Sterling, 1992). Indeed, hackers have been declared "enemies o f the state" m p a r t , as Ross (1991) claims, t o legitimize the n o t i o n t h a t hackers threaten free a n d open i n f o r m a t i o n exchange. H a c k e r s have an ideology all their o w n , however. T h e hacker ethic is generally one t h a t is against the p r i v a t i z a t i o n o f the C M C collective a n d for the d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n o f cyberspace. H a c k i n g is a c o u n t e r c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y , one t h a t rejects the L u d d i t e character o f past c o u n t e r c u l t u r a l movements, so t h a t , Ross (1991) contends, there has been a shift m the relation of countercultural activity to technology, a shift in which a software-based technoculture, organized around outlawed libertarian principles about free access to informaflon and communication, has come to replace a dissenting culture organized around the demonizing of abject hardware structures, (p. 120) H a c k i n g is a counterculture i n the broader sense, b u t n o t necessarily w i t h regard to the collective C M C c u l t u r e . W i t h so m a n y Usenet newsgroups and W e b pages devoted t o the a r t o f h a c k i n g , such as alt.hackers, alt.2600, alt.2600.hackerz, alt.2600.moderated, alt.hackers.discuss, alt.hackers.malicious, a n d the hackers"' Jargon File at U n i f o r m Resource L o c a t o r ( U R L ) http://fount.journalism.wisc.edu/jargon/jarg-intro.html, i t is a small investment o f t i m e f o r the novice to become a professional steeped

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m the requisite expert k n o w l e d g e . T h e h a c k i n g cyber-subculture is disaffected f r o m the larger cyberculture i n p a r t , b u t i t is still associated w i t h legitimate high-tech i n d u s t r i a l needs since the hacker expertise can be used m business to safeguard against invasions by foreign hackers. So hackers o c c u p y a u n i q u e p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the C M C collective culture as a subculture o f rebels and as protectors o f civil liberties and the democratic r i g h t t o openness a n d f r e e d o m (Ross, 1991). T h e targets o f hacker efforts, Ross observes, are usually " o f f i c i a l " c o m p u t e r systems—defense and intelligence agencies, police, a n d the armed forces—attacked i n defense of c i v i l liberties i m p e r i l e d by centralized bureaucracy o f the m i l i t a r y - i n d u s t r i a l c o m p l e x . There is n o t h i n g to prevent hackers f r o m p a r t i a l l y disabling the C M C e n v i r o n m e n t itself t h r o u g h the i n t r o d u c t i o n of c r i p p l i n g viruses, instead, they seem to embrace the Jeffersoman ideals t h a t K a p o r (1993) advocates. A n d , o f t e n times, hackers are n o t true criminals b u t j o y r i d i n g kids w h o w a n t t o taste the f o r b i d d e n f r u i t o f trespassing i n cyberspace. T h u s , dissent w i t h i n the C M C collectivity can be seen as a c h a m p i o n i n g o f the ideals o f e g a l i t a n a n i s m , openness, and freedom o f expression i n terms o f content. Calls f o r p u b l i c activism are r a m p a n t i n cyberspace— protests against g o v e r n m e n t r e g u l a t i o n o f the Internet, against other proposed g o v e r n m e n t a l legislation, and even against corporate e n v i r o n m e n t a l policies can be m o n i t o r e d and debated via listservers a n d Usenet g r o u p s such as alt.activism and misc.progressive. But i n f o r m a l terms, dissent w i t h i n the C M C collectivity takes o n this character as w e l l ; hackers r e v o l t against principles and practices t h a t tend to violate the coilectivist v i r t u a l ideology r a t h e r t h a n u n d e r m i n e i t , a n d widespread c i v i l disobedience o n the Internet, i n the f o r m o f intentional v i o l a t i o n o f the restrictions imposed by the C D A , is likely i n the event t h a t the C D A is eventually u p h e l d .

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some o f the ideology o f v i r t u a l existence i n t o o u r

collective

A m e r i c a n psyche. There is n o question t h a t v i r t u a l existence can be observed t h r o u g h t r a d i t i o n a l ethnographic means—by e x a m i n i n g events, artifacts, and social relations. B u t a m o r e complete picture o f cyberspace considers v i r t u a l ideology, the place o f the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h i n the collective, and the p o w e r struggle t h a t u n f o l d s as boundaries are renegotiated, b r o k e n , and f o r m e d anew. T h e o n l i n e collectivity does indeed reproduce existing structures, b u t it also undermines t h e m a n d raises new possibilities f o r resistance from the collective a n d against the culture w r i t large. T h e content o f discourse w i t h i n the C M C collective is so diverse t h a t the nature o f dissent i n cyberspace seems to indicate an embrace o f p o s t m o d e r n notions o f m u l t m a r r a t i v e discourse w i t h i n a decentralized, fragmented p u b l i c sphere that k n o w s n o definitive n a t i o n a l boundaries, b u t rather i n s t i t u t i o n a l and socially constructed ones. Dissonance w i t h i n the online collective m p a r t focuses o n the f o r m a t i o n o f the collective itself. People yearning f o r some n e w type o f c o m m u n a l b o n d i n g , a new f o r m o f experiencing h u m a n contact, o r a n e w f o r m o f social existence w i t h i n an essentially lawless f r o n t i e r themselves constitute a dissenting voice o n the landscape o f c u l t u r a l experience. For some, their experiential lives i n cyberspace, their embrace o f the coilectivist v i r t u a l ideology, and their willingness to f o l l o w the n o r m s a n d social expectations t h a t comprise the v i r t u a l social contract constitute a rejection o f the overly i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c character o f contemp o r a r y A m e r i c a n social existence. For these members o f the collective ( i n c l u d i n g hackers, c i v i l libertarians, and anarchists), cyberculture and v i r t u a l ideology are real constructs f r o m w h i c h meaning is derived.

References Virtual Agora, Underground Newspaper, or Cybercornmunity? I f w e regard C M C to be n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a n e w m o d e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , an u n d e r g r o u n d newspaper o f sorts, the implications o f the issues raised i n this chapter are n o t p a r t i c u l a r l y far-reaching. T h e ideas o f c o m m u n i t y , coilectivist v i r t u a l ideology, freedom o f expression and dissent w i t h i n the pages o f a v i r t u a l newspaper are i m p o r t a n t , but the readers o f a newspaper d o n o t have the personal investment a n d c o m m i t m e n t to a w a y o f life t h a t participants i n a c o m m u n i t y d o . I f w e t h i n k o f the C M C e n v i r o n m e n t as a v i r t u a l agora, a place where people reside m a bodiless f o r m , where social structure and m e a n i n g exist, and where action can s p r i n g f o r t h , these ideas become m o r e significant. C M C w i l l n o t likely transcend the c o n t e m p o r a r y manifestation o f democracy i n the U n i t e d States i f i t is regarded as n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a c o u n t e r p a r t o f current c o m m u n i c a t i o n technology. B u t , treated as a place where the v i r t u a l collectivity is socially constructed, C M C has the potential to help us

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T h e n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y has become a central construct i n t h i n k i n g a b o u t the w a y humans organize their lives. I n the electronic age, part i c u l a r l y i n the age o f the Internet, this o r g a n i z a t i o n of h u m a n activities has become m o r e c o m p l e x w i t h the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f fast, efficient, a n d p o w e r f u l means o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h a t can have a significant i m p a c t o n the w a y w e organize the c o m m u n i t i e s w e live i n a n d interact w i t h . M o r e over, t h a t effect need n o t be restricted to specific geographic spaces b u t can be w i d e s p r e a d as the tentacles o f computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) reach across the globe. I t is thus i m p o r t a n t t o reconceptualize the " c o m m u n i t y " as a construct t h a t helps us understand the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f h u m a n activities. T o a certain degree a general a n d abstract concept o f c o m m u n i t i e s can be f o u n d i n the w o r k o f Benedict A n d e r s o n (1983), w h o suggested t h a t c o m m u n i t i e s a n d nations c o u l d be i m a g i n e d a r o u n d shared c u l t u r a l practices. T h i s made i t possible to t h i n k o f t h e m i n a structural w a y , g o i n g b e y o n d a h i s t o r i c a l a n d geographic c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n . T h e " i m a g i n e d c o m m u n i t y " a r g u m e n t proposed b y A n d e r s o n rested o n the premise that shared practices p r o v i d e d a focus a r o u n d w h i c h c o m m u n i t i e s c o u l d be i m a g i n e d . T h e n o t i o n o f " i m a g i n a t i o n " a n d " i m a g i n g " were closely tied t o each other i n this c o n s t r u c t i o n . I n this chapter, the terms " i m a g i n g " and " i m a g i n a t i o n " are used precisely i n this m a n n e r — t o indicate the ways i n w h i c h a c o m m u n i t y , albeit electronic, can textually produce itself, thus imagine itself—as w e l l as present itself t o the outside w o r l d , a n d thus p r o d u c e a n image. W i t h i n this f r a m e w o r k , the development o f language, and later the p r i n t e d w o r d , offered the centers a r o u n d w h i c h c o m m u n i t i e s and nations c o u l d be i m a g e d , p r o v i d i n g the f o u n d a t i o n t o t h i n k o f c o m m u n i t i e s a n d n a t i o n s b u i l t a r o u n d residual a n d emergent c u l t u r a l f o r m a t i o n s a n d practices. 1

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2

Acknowledgement T h a n k s to Brad T h o m p s o n , m y c o a u t h o r o n a manuscript f r o m w h i c h several themes i n this chapter have been d e r i v e d .

I n a m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l sense, however, the n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y has been tied t o physical p r o x i m i t y . I n a c r i t i q u e o f the discussions o f v i r t u a l c o m munities, one c o m m e n t a t o r said, A community

is m o r e t h a n a b u n c h o f p e o p l e d i s t r i b u t e d i n a l l 2 4

time

zones,

s i t t i n g i n their d e n s a n d p o u n d i n g a w a y o n k e y b o a r d s a b o u t the latest n e w s in

56

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ait.music.indigo-giris. That's not a community; it's a fan club. Newsgroups, mailing lists, chat rooms—call them what you will—the Internet's virtual communities are not communities in almost any sense of the word. A community is people who have greater things in common than a fascination with a narrowly defined topic. (Snyder, 1996, p. 92) I t is such critiques t h a t make the question o f the Internet c o m m u n i t y so troublesome. W h i l e A n d e r s o n c o u l d have argued f o r the Internet t o be a f o r u m f o r the p r o d u c t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y , m a n y others w o u l d be h a r d pressed t o agree, since b y the very nature o f the technology, the use o f a c o m p u t e r m o n i t o r a n d a k e y b o a r d , p a r t i c i p a t i o n t h r o u g h the Internet becomes a n i n d i v i d u a l i z e d a c t i v i t y w h e r e the " h u m a n t o u c h " is o f t e n l a c k i n g . Indeed i t can be argued t h a t such h u m a n i z a t i o n w o u l d detract f r o m the n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y because i t is antithetical to the w a y we have been naturalized to t h i n k o f c o m m u n i t i e s . These arguments are central t o technophobes w h o have argued t h a t technology is d e h u m a n i z i n g and consequently the a p p l i c a t i o n o f technology w o u l d t r a n s f o r m the culture a n d everyday life o f people (see, e.g., the arguments o f N e i l Postman, 1 9 9 3 ) . H o w e v e r , i t is also true t h a t every technological i n v e n t i o n and a d a p t a t i o n , f r o m fire to the Internet, has transformed the w a y i n w h i c h h u m a n s relate to each other and f o r m communities. Consequently, i t is relatively d i f f i c u l t (and perhaps fruitless) t o arrive at a definitive descript i o n o f c o m m u n i t y because t h a t itself is a p r o v i s i o n a l construct changing m m e a n i n g as n e w technologies o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n evolve. This chapter is an a t t e m p t to r e t h i n k the n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y i n the face o f the use o f the Internet. W h a t remains constant, however, is the n o t i o n t h a t c o m m u n i t i e s require interaction and involve people. W i t h the emergence o f media technologies, nations and communities c o u l d be imagined a r o u n d other central p o p u l a r c u l t u r a l f o r m a t i o n s , f o r instance those o f broadcast media and film. O f t e n nations are p r o d u c e d a n d represented by media and there emerge specific media f o r m a t i o n s w h i c h can be called " n a t i o n a l m e d i a " because they represent the p r i n c i p a l c u l t u r a l practices o f the n a t i o n (see, e.g. Elsaesser, 1989; H a y , 1987; T u r n e r , 1 9 8 8 ) . I t can thus be argued t h a t particular c o m m u n i t i e s and nations are symbolically a n d representation ally produced a r o u n d specific p o p u l a r c u l t u r a l practices like those o f language and media. W i t h the g r o w t h o f C M C , p a r t i c u l a r l y f r o m use of the Internet, a new set o f possibilities f o r c o m m u n i t y a n d n a t i o n f o r m a t i o n have emerged. U n l i k e the d i s t r i b u t e d system o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n , w i t h a central agency p r o d u c i n g the media messages, the computer system c o u l d be used as a m o r e " d e m o c r a t i c " apparatus where access is broadly d i s t r i b u t e d and brings w i t h i t the o p t i o n o f interaction, o f f e r i n g new possibilities o f c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n . For instance, Jones (1995) and B a y m (1995) have argued t h a t the new C M C technologies have produced the o p p o r t u n i t y a n d the possibility f o r the creation o f electronic communities where a set o f shared practices help to produce the conditions t h a t are similar to t r a d i t i o n a l communities outside o f the realm o f computers a n d v i r t u a l

Virtual

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spaces defined b y the " b i t " - b a s e d technology o f computers (see, e.g., the w o r k of Negroponte, 1995). T o t h i n k o f c o m m u n i t y i n the electronic age, the construct o f c o m m o n ality becomes central because the technology has n o w p r o v i d e d the a b i l i t y to c o m m u n i c a t e across the boundaries and l i m i t a n o n s t h a t the t r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y i m p o s e d . Carey (1989) pointed o u t a f u n d a m e n t a l perspective that addresses the issue: " C o m m u n i c a t i o n under a r i t u a l v i e w is the sacred ceremony t h a t d r a w s persons together i n f e l l o w s h i p a n d c o m m o n a l i t y " (p. 7). I t is precisely this question o f c o m m o n a l i t y a n d f e l l o w s h i p t h a t becomes the c r i t i c a l issue i n the context o f this analysis. Indeed, w h a t produces c o m m u n i t y i n the era o f the Internet are the shared systems o f c u l t u r e , language, and beliefs t h a t are spread across large distances a n d consequently the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n vis-à-vis the Internet have broadened m scope and possibilities. T h i s b r o a d e n i n g o f the horizons has happened i n the last couple o f decades, w h i c h have seen significant steps i n the development o f C M C i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f interpersonal and g r o u p relationships; this p e r i o d has also witnessed the emergence o f new social blocs whose c o m m u n a l , t r i b a l , and n a t i o n a l roots have been disrupted by v o l u n t a r y and i n v o l u n t a r y m i g r a t i o n a n d i m m i g r a t i o n , w i t h the consequent p r o d u c t i o n o f atomized individuals w h o find themselves spatially removed f r o m the people w i t h w h o m they have been historically affiliated. T h e m o v e m e n t o f people across geographic borders and the emergence o f diasponc i m m i g r a n t c o m m u n i t i e s across the globe, p a r t i c u l a r l y m Western Europe a n d A m e r i c a , have n o w p r o d u c e d a large g r o u p o f people whose places o f o r i g i n are far r e m o v e d f r o m their c u r r e n t l o c a t i o n . Instances o f such groups a b o u n d as Census i n A m e r i c a reports the increasing presence o f i m m i g r a n t s and permanent residents. These are people w h o are also p l a y i n g a p i v o t a l role i n the culture, politics, and economics o f the West. A l o n g w i t h this development has come increasing tension about the presence o f such i m m i g r a n t s , as evidenced i n the enactment o f laws t h a t curb the f r e e d o m o f i m m i g r a n t s , exemplified i n the 1994 passage o f P r o p o s i t i o n 1 8 7 b i n C a l i f o r n i a , w h i c h denies access to public service f o r specific classes o f i m m i g r a n t s . 3

I m m i g r a n t s are usually n o t geographically close t o each other ( b a r r i n g the instances o f " K o r e a - t o w n s , " " l i t t l e - I n d i a s , " and other groupings o f sociologically a n d ethnically s i m i l a r people i n large u r b a n areas o f the W e s t ) . U n l i k e the earlier i m m i g r a n t s w h o set u p home i n the boroughs o f N e w Y o r k a n d n e i g h b o r h o o d s o f Chicago, p r o d u c i n g I t a l i a n , Polish, a n d other ethnic enclaves i n m e t r o p o l i t a n areas, w i t h a shared language and often shared c o m m o n w o r k - a r e a s , the new i m m i g r a n t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the well-educated, professional Asian i m m i g r a n t s , d o n o t share the same geographic spaces. T h e y are often scattered across the Western h e m i sphere, w o r k i n g i n s i m i l a r professions b u t spatially distanced f r o m each other. T h i s has p r o d u c e d an increasing need f o r alternative means o f c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n , a n d I believe t h a t one of the m a n y ways m w h i c h

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such groups are being f o r m e d is w i t h the use o f electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems. T h i s is m o r e a n d m o r e evident i n the g r o w t h o f electronic " n e w s g r o u p s " w h i c h are earmarked f o r specific nationalities and c o m munities w i t h i n nations. I w i l l elaborate later, but suffice to say these diasponc people, geographically displaced and d i s t r i b u t e d across large areas, are g a i n i n g access to C M C technologies and are increasingly using these technologies to re-create a sense o f v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h a rediscovery o f their c o m m o n a l i t y . T h r o u g h this process, new images o f c o m m u n i t y a n d n a t i o n are emerging by the discursive a c t i v i t y o f creating a n d exchanging messages o n electronic bulletin b o a r d s . 5

T h e c o n d i t i o n s o f existence o f the diasponc individuals a n d their need to f o r m c o m m u n i t y cannot be u n d e r s t o o d i n t r a d i t i o n a l terms w h e r e spatial p r o x i m i t y was a necessity. I t is o n l y w h e n one can move the discussion o f c o m m u n i t y to the m o r e abstract level o f shared practices and experiences such as those o f language and media t h a t i t is possible to begin to u n d e r s t a n d h o w a shared system o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n such as C M C , w i t h its shared language a n d systems o f meaning, can be used to p r o d u c e c o m m u n i t i e s t h a t d o n o t need geographic closeness. This is precisely w h y the construct o f the " i m a g i n e d " c o m m u n i t y becomes p o w e r f u l i n t h i n k i n g o f the c o m m u n i t i e s being f o r m e d m the electronic f o r u m . The electronic c o m m u n i t i e s p r o d u c e d by the diasponc people are indeed imagined connections t h a t are articulated over the m e d i u m o f the Internet, w h e r e the o n l y tangible connection w i t h the c o m m u n i t y is t h r o u g h the c o m p u t e r , a t o o l to image a n d imagine the g r o u p a f f i l i a t i o n .

Internet Communities: Towards Finding Defining Characteristics The c o m p u t e r - a i d e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n system t h a t is n o w w i d e l y available has been labeled several different ways. H o w e v e r , as an emergent c u l t u r a l f o r m a t i o n , i t has n o t been described i n any detailed a n d standardized manner. " I n t e r n e t " is a t e r m t h a t has been used as an u m b r e l l a f o r the various f o r m s o f this technology (see, e.g., Badgett & Sandier 1993B r a u n , 1994; Glistner, 1993; K r o l , 1992; L a Q u e y , 1993; see also the w o r k o f Jones, 1995; R h e m g o l d , 1993). The t e r m " I n t e r n e t " has become a generic label t h a t refers to the electronic system and space where m a n y people can present their ideas t o produce a n e w c o m p u t e r " r e a l i t y " w h i c h is the s u m o f the various o p i n i o n s , ideas, practices, and ideologies represented by the texts t h a t make u p the b u l k o f bulletin b o a r d " p o s t i n g s . " A s suggested by the t e r m " p o s t i n g , " Internet i n f o r m a t i o n is p r i m a r i l y t e x t u a l , a l t h o u g h increasingly there is a m o v e m e n t t o w a r d s the use o f images and sound to supplement text-based i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e user o f the interactive c o m p o n e n t o f the Internet is consequently immersed i n a discursive space and is b o m b a r d e d w i t h a barrage o f texts t h a t are constantly being p r o d u c e d by thousands o f other users. Since the Internet user e m p o w e r e d to play an active role m the p r o d u c t i o n o f the discursive 6

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c o m m u n i t y , i d e n t i t y and c o m m u n i t y are f o r m e d a r o u n d the discourses t h a t are shared b y members i n h a b i t i n g the cross-national v i r t u a l space o f the computer and Internet. T h e texts exchanged o n the Internet are the artifacts w h i c h h o l d the Internet communities together as w e l l as mdicators of the d i r e c t i o n i n w h i c h the c o m m u n i t y is headed. Identities w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y are p r o d u c e d p r i m a r i l y by the w a y i n w h i c h the participants insert themselves i n t o the discourse. Consequently the textual nature of the Internet c o m m u n i t i e s is its first distinctiveness. T h i s t e x t u a l i t y o f C M C has also attracted a large a m o u n t o f research a t t e n t i o n . H o w e v e r , m o s t o f the concerns have been w i t h the w a y i n w h i c h the t e x t is used t o produce messages, such as the use o f " e m o t i c o n s , " " f l a m i n g , " " s p a m m i n g , " and other characteristics o f the discourse specific to the electronic m e d i u m . Part o f the reason f o r the involvement w i t h the characteristics o f the text has arisen o u t o f the focus o n the " i n t e r p e r s o n a l " aspects o f C M C . T h e e f f o r t has been t o w a r d s understanding h o w dyadic c o m m u n i c a t i o n proceeds i n the scenario of the c o m p u t e r , b u t w h e n considered as a discursive arena w i t h m u l t i p l e voices, i t is i m p o r t a n t to move b e y o n d the question o f the d y a d or the small g r o u p and tackle the question o f the c o m m u n i t y as a large collection o f users o f the Internet. O n the other h a n d , the arguments a b o u t " p s e u d o - c o m m u n i t y " t h a t have been proposed b y Bemger (1987) and Peck (1987) question the authenticity o f the c o m m u n i t y being p r o d u c e d solely b y electronic texts. T h e question o f a u t h e n t i c i t y is connected w i t h the interpersonal/impersonal debate i n w h i c h the t e x t u a l f o r m o f the Internet is criticized f o r l a c k i n g the " t o u c h " t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s w o u l d share. H o w e v e r , this argument presupposes a f u n d a m e n t a l p r o x i m i t y o f space t h a t R h e i n g o l d (1993) denies, insisting t h a t " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s " are free of the constraints o f place and space a n d are able to emerge as g l o b a l communities separated only by t i m e zones. T h e r e are thus a variety o f ways o f t h i n k i n g o f the significance o f t e x t u a l i t y . H o w e v e r , w h a t remains true is the o v e r w h e l m i n g t e x t u a l dependence o f the Internet. A n o t h e r d e f i n i n g characteristic o f the m e d i u m is its ephemerality. I t is a constantly s h i f t i n g space where specific texts r e m a i n available f o r a l i m i t e d p e r i o d o f t i m e . Consequently the image that is produced by these texts is n o n - p e r m a n e n t . Therefore, to become a member o f the c o m m u n i t y one has t o m a i n t a i n a n element o f c o n t i n u i t y , and access the boards a n d newsgroups o n a regular basis to f o l l o w the discourse. Rhemgold's (1993) discussion of the W E L L also presupposes this c o n t i n u i t y because o n l y i n t h a t c o n t i n u i t y does the c o m m u n i t y develop. W h i l e i t is possible to preserve the c o n t i n u i t y i n a digital fashion, and i t is also possible f o r a n e w entrant to a n e w s g r o u p to call up t h a t stored i n f o r m a t i o n , t h a t is a rare occurrence a n d can be c o m p a r e d t o the nearly impossible task of a t t e m p t i n g t o learn the h i s t o r y o f a geographical n e i g h b o r h o o d b y t r y i n g t o access a l l the conversations the neighbors m i g h t have had since the n e i g h b o r h o o d was f o r m e d . Consequently the images o f the c o m m u n i t y are p r o d u c e d t h r o u g h the o n g o i n g interaction t h a t is possible o n the Internet. 7

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T h e image p r o d u c e d by the texts exchanged i n the electronic c o m m u n i t y is thus unstable and predicated u p o n p r i o r knowledge. Since messages are categorized b y theme, the arguments proposed i n the messages become relatively incomplete unless the user is able to d r a w u p o n the m e m o r y o f earlier texts t h a t shape any p a r t i c u l a r t o p i c a l discussion. T h i s is a f u n d a m e n t a l characteristic o f any dialogic process, where o n l y i n the exchange o f texts does an a r g u m e n t o r a n image evolve. This can be constructed i n terms o f B a k h t m (1981) a n d V o l o s m o v ' s (1973) a r g u m e n t t h a t the dialogic nature o f text can either be open or closed, i n the c o n t e x t o f the Internet the discourse is indeed open a n d , as argued by Bakhtm/ V o l o s i n o v , dialogue is generative a n d c o n t i n u o u s as the t e x t u a l utterances on the I n t e r n e t necessarily anticipate other utterances, a n d i t is i n the exchange t h a t specific images a n d positions appear. N e x t , the question o f agency and i n t e n t i o n a l i t y becomes m o r e p r o b lematic here t h a n , f o r instance, i n the case o f television. Even t h o u g h there have been changes i n the w a y the audience o f media c o u l d be studied (see, e.g., the 1980 w o r k o f H a l l o n encoding a n d decoding o f media texts, and the 1988 article by A l l o r o n r e t h i n k i n g the site of the audience), the I n t e r n e t poses a different s i t u a t i o n because there is no Internet audience w h o is also n o t e m p o w e r e d to become a n agent to m o l d the space as he o r she wishes. I n this case the n o t i o n o f " u s i n g " a text becomes p a r t i c u l a r l y p o w e r f u l because the audience can indeed take any t e x t o n the p u b l i c sphere o f the Internet a n d " r e s p o n d " to i t o r " r e w r i t e " i t m a n e w w a y where the n e w t e x t immediately becomes a p a r t o f the discursive space accessible to everyone. Consequently I prefer to use the t e r m "useraudience" to capture the dual r o l e o f the Internet p a r t i c i p a n t (see de Certeau, 1984, f o r a discussion o f "use" o f texts). T h i s a b i l i t y t o p r o d u c e texts and become a p a r t o f the discourse has often been referred to as the " i n t e r a c t i v e " nature o f the Internet. A d d i t i o n a l l y , the issue o f i n t e r a c t i v i t y has been used to construct the similarities between the Internet a n d t r a d i t i o n a l face-to-face modes o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Some authors have questioned the need to find the congruences between face-to-face situations and the electronic contexts, a r g u i n g t h a t the face-to-face c o n d i t i o n need n o t be considered p r i m a r y o r s t a n d a r d . T h i s is p a r t i c u l a r l y true i n the context o f the construction o f n a t i o n a l images since t r a d i t i o n a l face-to-face c o m m u n i t y - b u i l d i n g s i m p l y d i d n o t p r o v i d e the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r the level' o f discourse and the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f texts necessary to produce a n a t i o n a l image t h a t the spatially displaced electronic c o m m u n i t y provides. I therefore believe t h a t i n the context o f n a t i o n a l image p r o d u c t i o n the electronic c o m m u n i t y needs to be c o m p a r e d w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l media o f mass c o m m u n i c a d o n . Indeed the Internet's textbased system provides the " h i g h t o u c h " t h a t is l a c k i n g m the massmediated s i t u a t i o n , as w e l l as developing the Gemeinscbaft associated w i t h the face-to-face s i t u a t i o n . T o me the key is the e m p o w e r m e n t t h a t the Internet provides across a m u c h larger f o r u m than the face-to-face situation can p r o v i d e . The user-audience can m u c h m o r e decisively

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determine h o w specific images w i l l be produced at any m o m e n t either b y posting responses o r b y p o s t i n g o r i g i n a l texts t o p r o d u c e new images.

The internet Communities and Nations The collective t h i n k i n g t h a t is possible o n the Internet happens i n a v i r t u a l space t h a t is accessible to anyone w i t h a computer, a m o d e m , and an " a c c o u n t " o n a c o m p u t e r system t h a t is n e t w o r k e d . There are m i n i m a l technological barriers t o using this entire u n l i m i t e d v i r t u a l space to send a message. H o w e v e r , the user-audiences o f this space have attempted to c o n t a i n the p o t e n t i a l anarchy o f u n l i m i t e d postings by artificially subd i v i d i n g the space i n t o m a n y spaces w h i c h , i n the Internet v o c a b u l a r y , are called " s u b g r o u p s . " F o r the purpose o f this analysis I focus o n the subdivisions w i t h i n the " s o c . c u l t u r e " Usenet g r o u p . There are numerous subgroups w i t h i n the hierarchy o f " s o c . c u l t u r e . " These represent nations, c o m m u n i t i e s , tribes, cultures, a n d w a y s o f life f r o m A f g h a n i s t a n t o Z i m b a b w e . T h e n a t i o n a l i t y o f a s u b g r o u p is indicated by a t h i r d element to the name. There are thus groups such as soc.culture.indian, soc.culture.korean, etc. For the purpose o f this analysis, the I n d i a n subgroups are selected f o r c r i t i c a l review. H o w e v e r , the analysis considers other subgroups that also play a r o l e i n p r o d u c i n g the n a t i o n a l image. C u r r e n t l y there are a large n u m b e r o f subgroups across w h i c h cross-posting occurs t o p r o d u c e images o f I n d i a and the s u b c o n t i n e n t . These are subcategories o f the general I n d i a n subg r o u p s , b u t this analysis w i l l also make reference to other g r o u p s , p a r t i c u l a r l y soc.culture.bengali, soc.culture.pakistam, and soc.culture.bangladesh, since the image is the p r o d u c t o f discourses t h a t occur across a l l these groups.

Looking for India on the Internet For t h e purpose o f this study a listing o f all the postings o n M a r c h 25, 1995 was obtained f r o m the soc.culture.indian Isci) g r o u p . A t o t a l of 1,287 postings were i d e n t i f i e d . Subsequently the newsgroups were observed o n a r a n d o m basis t o explore emergent issues t h a t appear i n the v i r t u a l space. T h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f the large n u m b e r o f postings o n a specific day w o r k s as a "freeze f r a m e " o f the thousands o f postings t h a t appear o n the b u l l e t i n b o a r d a n d disappear as they are read and responded t o , w h i l e the regular visits represent the w a y i n w h i c h the c o m m u n i t y g r o w s o r deals w i t h the issues t h a t are i m p o r t a n t to their members. These postings represented members o f the c o m m u n i t y w h o are actively p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n p r o d u c i n g discourse b y reading and responding t o the texts t h a t appear o n the Internet space. H o w e v e r , there is a larger g r o u p o f users w h o are o n l y reading the posts and n o t necessarily a d d i n g

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to t h e m , b u t are nevertheless an audience f o r the discussions c o n t i n u i n g on the n e t w o r k (these people are often called "Jurkers"). The p e r i o d covered i n the analysis includes the postings t h a t appeared in the weeks preceding M a r c h 25, 1995. As a s t a r t i n g p o i n t i t is possible to explore the nomenclature o f the postings t o p u t a f r a m e w o r k a r o u n d the specific text being observed. The changing nature o f the c o m m u n i t y and the images that are p r o d u c e d can be i l l u s t r a t e d b y the w a y i n w h i c h the postings are n a m e d . Each message contains a u t h o r i n f o r m a t i o n and a subject line t h a t summarizes the theme o f the p o s t i n g . Based o n these i t is possible to identify h o w the discussions proceed t h r o u g h a discursive process i n w h i c h authors interact w i t h each other, c o n t r i b u t i n g o p i n i o n s a b o u t issues, and collectively p r o d u c i n g a p o r t r a i t o f the v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y . T h e sub¡ect line helps t o i d e n t i f y the themes o f the discussions a n d , based o n these, i t is possible to classify the messages i n t o a set o f categories. I t is i m p o r t a n t , t o o , to note a characteristic o f the Internet called "cross-posting," w h i c h is an increasingly p o p u l a r practice o f n e w s g r o u p posters, a n d t o note that w h e n reading the postings, i t is possible to i n s t r u c t the newsreader software to s o r t these a c c o r d i n g to specific themes based o n the subject o f the post. I n the c o n t e x t o f b u i l d i n g n a t i o n a l and t r i b a l communities the issue o f " c r o s s - p o s t i n g " takes o n a p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t role. Given the open n a t u r e o f the m e d i u m i t is possible f o r a user t o post a message to m u l t i p l e b u l l e t i n boards o r parts o f the Internet at the same time. I t is thus possible to send a message to appear i n the I n d i a n newsgroup as w e l l as the H a w a i i g r o u p , the Pakistani g r o u p , a n d the g r o u p represennng Bangladesh. Cross-posting is p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t i n the current c o n t e x t since this is p a r t l y h o w the n a t i o n a l image is p r o d u c e d . W h e n postings are restricted to a p a r t i c u l a r g r o u p , there is little o p p o r t u n i t y o f exposure to members f r o m other c o m m u n i t i e s . Given the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the Internet space, and the conventions t h a t have evolved over t i m e , there is little evidence to suggest t h a t members w h o are regular readers o f soc.culture.mdian spend m u c h t i m e i n reading soc.culture.hawaii (see, e.g., M c L a u g h l i n , Osborne, &C S m i t h , 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e space is almost always organized like ethnic neighb o r h o o d s i n large m e t r o p o l i t a n areas where outsiders often are u n w e l c o m e and feel u n c o m f o r t a b l e . H o w e v e r , since the organization o f the seamless space o f the i n t e r n e t is artificial and v i r t u a l , the process o f cross-posting makes i t m u c h easier t o violate the conventions o f " n e i g h b o r h o o d s , " a n d users can, w i t h great ease, cross i n t o areas w h e r e they s i m p l y d o n o t belong. W h i l e i n t r a d i t i o n a l spatially organized c o m m u n i t y there were places t h a t were physically " o f f - l i m i t s " (for instance, consider the effects o f racial segregation), i n the electronic c o m m u n i t y there are n o technological barriers to p o s t i n g a note to any n e w s g r o u p one desires. There are n o " I n t e r n e t p o l i c e " w h o determine w h o can go where and w h a t can be said where. Indeed this is a limitless space where the poster has free access t o all the different communities and often uses t h a t p o w e r . M o r e o v e r , i t is this p o w e r t h a t makes it i m p o r t a n t to begin t o understand h o w individuals

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can p r o d u c e images o f people and places t h r o u g h the use o f the Internet. Thus the image o f I n d i a p r o d u c e d solely w i t h i n the I n d i a n newsgroup w o u l d be o f little consequence since t h a t image is available o n l y to the p r e d o m i n a n t l y I n d i a n users w h o w o u l d i n h a b i t t h a t p a r t i c u l a r space. B u t , w h e n the postings are d i s t r i b u t e d across a large n u m b e r o f g r o u p s , the image is p r o d u c e d across a m u c h larger audience. Cross-posting takes o n p a r t i c u l a r significance i n the I n d i a n subgroups because o f the divisive forces i n the subcontinent a n d the w a y i n w h i c h m u l t i p l e subgroups have appeared representing secessionist tendencies and r e m a i n i n g i n constant conflict w i t h each other w i t h r a m p a n t cross-posting. A n a l y z i n g the postings, a set o f categories o f messages can be identified. T h e first and m o s t c o m m o n category can be called the general postings, w h i c h are p r i m a r i l y i n f o r m a t i o n a l . A m a j o r i t y o f these are " i n t r o d u c t i o n " o r " l o o k i n g f o r " messages i n w h i c h a user announces his o r her presence o n the n e t w o r k , o r uses the n e t w o r k to t r y to find someone w h o they expect is also a member o f the c o m m u n i t y . A l t h o u g h these messages d o n o t address specific issues, they a f f i r m the c o m m u n a l assumptions t h a t i m p l i c a t e the w a y i n w h i c h sci has evolved. There is a presupposition t h a t m o s t members o f the I n d i a n c o m m u n i t y w o u l d access the n e t w o r k a n d w o u l d chance u p o n these general messages and thus re-establish contacts w i t h people they m i g h t have k n o w n before. T h i s signifies t h a t the c o m m u n i t y p r o d u c e d by, a n d a r o u n d , sci is a representation o f the allegiances that existed before the diasporic experience occurred. For instance, w h e n one encounters a message t h a t refers back to a college i n I n d i a there is an e f f o r t to find, i n the v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y , f a m i l i a r relationships t h a t have been severed by the process o f geographic m o v e m e n t b u t can n o w be reestablished i n the v i r t u a l space o f the Internet. This p a r t i c u l a r use o f the n e t w o r k is a c o m m o n practice across a large n u m b e r o f groups. B a y m (1995) p o i n t s to this i n calling i t the " e x t e r n a l contexts" t h a t influence the w a y i n w h i c h C M C proceeds. These are the past identities t h a t are b r o u g h t to the n e t w o r k w h i c h help the users find their n e t w o r k i d e n t i t y b y seeking the congruences t h a t existed p r i o r t o entry i n t o the v i r t u a l space. H o w e v e r , the identity t h a t emerges o n the n e t w o r k is a synthesis o f the p r i o r a f f i l i a t i o n s and allegiances and the n e w one t h a t is f o u n d i n the new space. T h i s synthesis actually runs against the g r a m of m a n y of the " i m p e r s o n a l " arguments a b o u t C M C t h a t have been proposed (e.g., the w o r k o f B a r o n , 1984; Kiesler, Siegel, & M c G m r e , 1984; Rice, 1 9 8 4 ; S p r o u l &c Kiesler, 1 9 9 1 ; W a l t h e r & B u r g o o n , 1 9 9 2 ) . W h a t these postings indicate is t h a t there is a s t r o n g tendency a m o n g the subcontinental users to t r y t o find " s i m i l a r " people w h o share the histories and practices t h a t p r o d u c e the c o m m u n a l i d e n t i t y of the users as they exist outside of the network. Such postings also become an i n d i c a t o r o f the c o m m u n i t y o f people w h o are active a n d passive users o f the n e t w o r k . A m a j o r i t y o f these users are in the U n i t e d States, w i t h a h a n d f u l i n Western Europe and still fewer i n I n d i a . These are people w h o have chosen o r been forced t o move t o a n e w

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geographic space where they are a t t e m p t i n g to negotiate their d u a l i d e n t i t y as a n i m m i g r a n t a n d as a member o f a place o f o r i g i n , an a m a l g a m w h i c h n o w becomes discursively p r o d u c e d i n their postings. These users enter i n t o an exchange o f ideas and opinions w h i c h collectively represent their n e w identities i n the W e s t w h i l e also p r o d u c i n g their o w n images o f the West and India. These images are p r o d u c e d w i t h i n a second thematic area t h a t can be called national critical discourse. These are postings t h a t address the issue o f r e l i g i o n , and the tensions a r o u n d the practices o f r e l i g i o n t h a t p r o d u c e the c o n t e m p o r a r y n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y o f I n d i a and its r e l a t i o n w i t h other nations o f the w o r l d . Postings w i t h subject headings such as " B U R N K O R A N IF B O Y D I E S " and " S T O P B A S H I N G O U R PRIESTS" attempt to p r o d u c e an image o f I n d i a r o o t e d i n a rediscovered allegiance to the H i n d u r e l i g i o n . T h e theme is developed t h r o u g h a process o f exchange. T h e themes also m u t a t e as n e w postings appear, so w h a t c o u l d start as a discussion a b o u t r e l i g i o n c o u l d easily t r a n s f o r m into a discussion a b o u t p o l i t i c s , c u l t u r e , and language. For instance, the f o l l o w i n g exchange responded to recent regional polls a n d the v i c t o r y o f a self-professed H i n d u p a r t y i n a Western state o f I n d i a ( M a h a r a s h t r a ) :

On March 25, 1995 "kulbir" wrote: The new premier of Maharashtra, a Western Hindustani province belongs to Shiv Sena whose head is Mr. Bal Thakre. Mr. Thakre is a controversial charismatic right wing leader of Hindus. He is on record saying that if he becomes the PM of Hindustan he will give Muslims 48 hours to leave India. To this, "Dr. }ai Maharaj" responded on March 26, 1995 with the following: Is it possible for you to substantiate your claim above with a reference to a published source? O n the same day "Rohan Oberoi" quoted both the above posters and wrote: I can give reference for this one. The interview was published in TIME, January 25, 1993. Asked "But Muslims are beginning to flee Bombay," Thakre replied "If they are going, let them go. If they are not going, kick them out." Told that "Muslims are beginning to feel like Jews in Nazi Germany," he replied, "Have they behaved like the jews in Nazi Germany? If so, there is nothing wrong if they are treated as Jews were m Nazi Germany." This is from memory, so I may have the wording wrong here and there, but you're welcome to look up the interview. This exchange illustrates several aspects o f the w a y i n w h i c h opinions are developed a n d disseminated o n sci as claims are made, refuted, and substantiated b y members o f the n e t w o r k . Interestingly, the i n i t i a l c l a i m made by " k u l b i r " is later substantiated n o t by the same person b u t by a different member o f the c o m m u n i t y w h o offers the c i t a t i o n f r o m the p o p u l a r news magazine. I n a d d i t i o n , the entire exchange produces a p o l a r i z a t i o n i n the c o m m u n i t y as there are cleariy t w o schools o f t h o u g h t concerning this p o l i t i c i a n a n d consequently the w a y i n w h i c h I n d i a can be i m a g i n e d o n the n e t w o r k . M o r e o v e r , a l l three o f the posters are outside o f I n d i a a n d are using the sci space n o t f o r any specific political activism but

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o n l y as a f o r u m w h e r e c o n f l i c t i n g opinions can be aired, a n d t h r o u g h such discourse a n a t i o n a l image can be p r o d u c e d . This exchange also highlights the t e x t u a l i t y o f the Internet, its constandy shifting f o c i o f discussions, and the e m p o w e r m e n t o f the user-audiences, a l l o f w h i c h are the u n i q u e characteristics o f the n e t w o r k . O t h e r subject headings also produce similar polarizations and n a t i o n a l images. W h i l e the above exchange was g o i n g o n , members o f the sci g r o u p were also p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n discussions o f another t o p i c area o f critical n a t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e . Given the early 1995 v i c t o r y o f the p a r t y led by the p o l i t i c i a n referred to above, the other theme also dealt w i t h the issue o f r e l i g i o n , c u l t u r e , and politics. The connection between themes, w o r l d v i e w s , and authors become apparent i n the f o l l o w i n g exchange between "Jai M a h a r a j " a n d a set o f other participants. The theme o f this exchange is the debate t h a t has erupted i n I n d i a over the r e n a m i n g o f the c o m m e r c i a l center o f B o m b a y (the capital city o f the state o f M a h a r a s h t r a ) to its preB r i t i s h name o f M u m b a i . T h e f o l l o w i n g exchange lays o u t the connections t h a t are being d r a w n between this event and other themes t h a t are p o p u l a r o n sci: On March 25, 1995 "Krishanan" posted fhe following: 1 realize that the Shiv Sena is changing the name because it the name BOMBAY was christened by foreigners. But the implications are too expensive. All the airlines have to change the name from Bombay to Mumbai. . - And all of this for what, it is not going to benefit anybody for changing the name, bcoz the British do not feel slighted by this act, except it might just elicit a lew laughs at this jingoistic and brash act. /n response "Dr. Jai Maharaj" wrote: Send the bill to London. Aiso, enclose a demand lor the return of the Koh-i-noor diamond, all other stolen riches, and just compensation to all victims and their descendants for the British atrocities on the people of Bharat and south Asia. The piece is signed off with the Hindu greeting "Om Shanti," which translates to "Hail Peace." T h i s exchange demonstrates the w a y i n w h i c h particular posters align themselves w i t h specific images o f I n d i a . M a h a r a j claims t h a t I n d i a is better called " B h a r a t , " the ancient H i n d u name f o r the geographic space, w h i l e the other poster offers a m o r e pragmatic analysis o f the consequences o f the change o f name. Connected w i t h this p o l a r i z a t i o n is the w a y i n w h i c h the I n d i a n n a t i o n a l image is juxtaposed w i t h its relationship to Pakistan. Given the strong H i n d u - c e n t r i c tendencies seen i n the newsgroup, and the cross-posting t h a t continues constantly, exchanges such as the f o l l o w i n g become c o m m o n place a n d reproduce the a n t a g o n i s m between the nations: On April 3, 1995 A member of the Pakistani newsgroups responded with the following to an earlier cross-post: You damned Sikhs/Hindus you are right, you do not level up to Pakistanis. So do not bother comparing your lowly selves to us.

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W e will f * the Hindus in Kashmir and use the Sikh bastereds |s/c] in Punjab to f*** the Hindus even more. Get out of soc.culture.pakistan you Indian trash and by the way do not threaten us with violence we are fully aware of our physical superiority. Most of which is evident in our Cricket, Squash, and Hockey players who represent the best m the world. So F*** Sikhs and F*** Hindus and most of all F*** India To this a member of the Indian newsgroup responded as follows: and I suppose you were going to use Cricket bats and Hockey sticks to defend Lahore when Indian army was about to reach their )s/c] during the last war!:-) Try Hans Raj Mahajan hockey stick, they are excellent!:) T h i s exchange illustrates the a n i m o s i t y t h a t exists between the members, as demonstrated m the intensity o f the first post and the ridicule employed i n response. Such exchanges have become commonplace o n this shared space, w h e r e the arguments begin to lose any r a t i o n a l basis and the debate is often reduced to a series o f harangues a n d name-calling t h a t express deep antagonisms. M o r e i m p o r t a n t , such exchanges often cross the n a t i o n a l n e w s g r o u p boundaries a n d . enter i n t o areas t h a t have little i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h the issues, leading t o even more t e x t u a l l y v i o l e n t reactions a n d the exposure o f deeply felt images a n d beliefs a b o u t the subcontinent. T h e f o l l o w i n g post o n sci o n A p r i l 5, 1995 f r o m an a n o n y m o u s member o f a n o n s u b - c o n t i n e n t a l n e w s g r o u p helps to illustrate the p o i n t a n d expose the consequences o f r a m p a n t cross-posting: YOU ARE ALL THE SAME SHIT. AS FAR AS I A M CONCERNED, YOU ALL PEOPLE(SUBCONTINENT) ARE FILTHY A N D "SEWAGE RATES" jsicl WHY D O WE CARE YOUR F***ING CENTURIES OLD ANIMOSITY BETWEEN YOU? PAKISTANIS, INDIANS, SIKHS ARE ALL THE SAME. STOP CROSS_POSTING A N D KEEP Y O U |sicl BIGOTRY INTO |sic] YOURSELVES. MR. HOT SHOT, YOU AIN'T SHIT BUT A PIECE OF SCUM YOURSELF. CLEAN YOURSELF O U T BEFORE BAD-MOUTHING SOME Isici ELSE. HAVE YOU EVER HEAR Isic! "CHARITY STARTS AT H O M E " TAKE CARE OF YOURSELF FIRST..B1TCH'H A N D TELL YOUR PAKISTANIS )stci BROTHERS TO STOP CROSS-POSTING OUR NEWS [sicl GROUPS. WE'RE SICK OF Y O U MOTHERF'** 7

T h e expletives expose n o t o n l y the possible consequences o f cross-posting b u t also the image t h a t is c i r c u l a t i n g i n the n e t w o r k a b o u t I n d i a , Pakistan, a n d other parts o f the subcontinent. The intensity o f the feeling is f u r t h e r a m p l i f i e d by the use o f all-caps i n the post, w h i c h is the equivalent o f s h o u t i n g over the Internet. Needless to say, this also exposes the ease w i t h w h i c h o p i n i o n a t e d bigots are able to utilize the resources o f the Internet to p r o d u c e a n d circulate weak arguments based o n crude rhetoric. Y e t another theme t h a t recurs m these discussions is the w a y i n w h i c h the image o f India a n d the i d e n t i t y as Indians m the West is constantly negotiated by entering i n t o dialogues a b o u t the role that India a n d I n d i a n s p l a y i n the culture, society, a n d politics o f the W e s t — p a r t i c u l a r l y m A m e r i c a . These exchanges w o r k to b r i n g the c o m m u n i t y together just

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w h e n the discussions a b o u t I n d i a tend t o split the g r o u p apart. These also become indicators o f the w a y i n w h i c h the new i m m i g r a n t i d e n t i t y is being negotiated i n the Internet space. A m o n g the messages collected f o r this study, several different t o p i c areas addressed the issue o f identity i n the West, i n c l u d i n g discussions a b o u t the m e r i t o f the I n d i a n movie maker Satyajit R a y over the Japanese film maker K u r o s a w a . A m o n g the various discussions o n this t o p i c an a n o n y m o u s poster w r o t e o n A p r i l 5, 1995: I think the Americans are more interested in Japanese culture for purely political, financial and historical reasons. Being popular m America does not mean much though in terms of one's artistic talents. T h i s s h o r t statement becomes a c o m m e n t a r y o n the w a y the diasponc people see their p o s i t i o n i n the West, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms o f other nations w h i c h have c o n t r i b u t e d t o the i m m i g r a n t groups i n A m e r i c a . If K u r o s a w a can be considered a Japanese i c o n , then Ray is certainly an I n d i a n one, and the A m e r i c a n preference o f one icon over another, a n d the discussion o f t h a t o n the Internet space, becomes a r e a f f i r m a t i o n o f the identity crisis t h a t the I n d i a n s negotiate i n their everyday life i n the new l a n d . T h i s is f u r t h e r illustrated m other discussions t h a t were g o i n g o n at the same time, such as the one titled " W h y n o Oscars a w a r d f o r I n d i a n m o v i e s . " I n some instances the precarious nature o f one's i m m i g r a n t i d e n t i t y a n d status also becomes the focus o f discussion, as demonstrated i n themes that deait w i t h the p r o p o s i t i o n in C a l i f o r n i a to deny p u b l i c services to illegal i m m i g r a n t s , the p o r t r a y a l o f a n I n d i a n rapist i n the p o p u l a r television s h o w NYPD Blue, a n d the discussions a b o u t the w a y i n w h i c h C h r i s t i a n channels o n television t a l k a b o u t the " p a g a n " H i n d u r e l i g i o n . A l l o f these discussions a t t e m p t t o negotiate the d i a s p o n c identity a n d often h o l d the c o m m u n i t y together w h i l e the discussions a b o u t India tend to split the c o m m u n i t y . T h e debate is made m o r e p o w e r f u l by the constant cross-posting t h a t attempts to tease o u t the m o s t f l a m m a b l e remarks f r o m members o f other groups w h o w o u l d be p a r t i c u l a r l y offended by a posting. T h i s is a deliberate process o f i n c i t i n g conflict o n the Internet where the members o f specific groups often w a n t the other c o m m u n i t y members to react to their postings i n order t o create a lively a n d often heated discourse. Y e t , i t is this discourse t h a t produces images a n d often points o u t the representations t h a t are available o n the Internet. As illustrated i n the earlier p o s t i n g , the w a y i n w h i c h a series o f posts appeared m several different newsgroups led to responses a n d comments t h a t ultimately produced a p a r t i c u l a r image o f the subcontinent. T h i s image has several components. First, the n a t i o n appears to be divisive a n d r i d d e n w i t h i n t e r n a l contradictions t h a t concern questions o f r e l i g i o n , gender, a n d p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n . T h e sentiments r u n s t r o n g where members o f the n e t w o r k w a n t t o produce a specific religion-centric image o f I n d i a a r o u n d the t r a p p i n g s o f an ancient H i n d u base, w h i l e others w o u l d argue t h a t such a f u n d a m e n t a l i s t a p p r o a c h t o w a r d s n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g

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is flawed and u n p r o d u c t i v e . Connected w i t h the H i n d u base are associated concerns a b o u t the role o f w o m e n i n I n d i a n society, where, t o o , there is c o n t i n u i n g debate over the a p p r o p r i a t e " p l a c e " f o r w o m e n i n I n d i a and their specific insertion i n the social fabric. Also connected w i t h this religious and nationalistic image is the strong a n t a g o n i s m t h a t is expressed t o w a r d s Pakistan and Bangladesh. Indeed, i t w o u l d appear t h a t m a n y members o f the g r o u p w o u l d just as w e l l " n u k e " Pakistan a n d remove i t f r o m the face o f the earth. "When such messages are cross-posted i n the Pakistani newsgroups there is certainly a g r o u n d s w e l l o f reactions a n d the v i r t u a l c o n f l i c t becomes even more p r o n o u n c e d . This image o f the struggle is manifest i n a variety o f contexts t h a t deal w i t h the issues i n K a s h m i r , t e r r o r i s m i n Punjab, the general H i n d u r e v i v a l , and a n t i Islamic feelings i n I n d i a . Connected w i t h this image is a picture o f i n t e r n a l dissent t h a t is n o t o n l y manifest i n the debates a b o u t politics i n I n d i a b u t is also represented i n the n u m b e r o f subgroups t h a t have emerged o u t o f the sci parent g r o u p . T h e fact t h a t there are separate groups f o r T a m i l s , Bengalis, and Punjabis becomes a representation o f the irreconcilable differences t h a t exist between the " t r i b e s " w i t h i n I n d i a . The n o t i o n o f a " t r i b e " o n the Internet has been suggested by R h e m g o l d ( 1 9 9 3 ) , w h o considers the various parts o f the W E L L as tribes, w h i l e as a post-national f o r m a t i o n the concept o f the ethnic tribes has been suggested by A p p a d u r a i (1993), w h o argues t h a t there is an increasing emergence o f the t r o p e o f the tribe as media, such as the Internet, are being m o b i l i z e d by the diasporic communities to rediscover their f u n d a m e n t a l affiliations and allegiances. I t is this tendency t h a t is represented o n the N e t as w e l l , b u t n o w a large n u m b e r o f people can o b t a i n this image by f o l l o w i n g the discourses on the N e t . Finally, the n e t w o r k image o f I n d i a is p r o d u c e d by the discourses o f a l i m i t e d set o f people w h o have taken the i n i t i a t i v e to w i e l d their electronic strength, and i t is these voices t h a t are heard over and over again as they a t t e m p t t o establish a p a r t i c u l a r d o m i n a n t image o f I n d i a . There has been a certain degree o f debate a b o u t the i d e n t i t y o f these users as w e l l . As illustrated i n the earlier examples, i n the p e r i o d considered here, perhaps one o f the most vocal members o f sci has been the character called " D r j a i M a h a r a j . " This user had been cross-posting i n a variety o f newsgroups and m a i n t a i n s a s t r o n g H i n d u / I n d i a n stance t h a t supports the creation o f a H i n d u state and the resurrection o f " B h a r a t , " a historical name associated w i t h a r e - i m a g i n g o f the subcontinent a r o u n d its H i n d u o r i e n t a t i o n . H i s posts have also included arguments a b o u t the need f o r vegetarianism and the connection between vegetarianism and H i n d u i s m . H e became k n o w n p r i m a r i l y because o f his r a m p a n t cross-posting, w h i c h angered members o f newsgroups w h o felt t h a t their spaces were being violated by a person w i t h w h o m they f e l t n o need t o c o m m u n i c a t e . T h i s process has led to a large degree o f a n i m o s i t y t o w a r d s the poster a n d a consequent curiosity a b o u t his or her o r i g i n s . T h e name w o u l d suggest an I n d i a n o f H i n d u o r i g i n b u t t h a t itself is debatable, as the f o l l o w i n g exchanges w o u l d s h o w : 1 0

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In response (o the question: "Who is jai Maharaj?" a user wrote the following on March 20, 1995: You have asked the $64,000 question. I have watched and sometimes posted m ACH (alt.culture.hawaiil for about 2 months. Jai has never responded to any questions regarding his background. The closest information comes from the ACH Lynch Mob. From what I can gather the Lynch Mob was a bunch of people who were becoming iirateat Isicj Jai"s constant cross posting of articles into unrelated newsgroups Ispamming]. When these people became vocal, he called them a Lynch Mob. Weil maybe you will succeed where many have failed in answering the question "What is Jai Maharaj?" Good Luck" Ken T h i s note shows h o w one user can generate c o n f u s i o n and interest and create specific images o f the people he represents. This is the w a y i n w h i c h images o n the i n t e r n e t begin to f o r m and emerge. Needless to say, w i t h t i m e , sci users recognized t h a t the poster was unreliable and often abusive. H o w e v e r , an outsider entering sci and encountering the postings o f M a h a r a j m i g h t perceive a specific image o f I n d i a . Based o n these postings i t is possible t o c l a i m t h a t the image o f I n d i a t h a t emerges o n the Internet t h r o u g h the various postings and crosspostings arises f r o m issues t h a t are p r e d o m i n a n t l y negative and produce a p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s m a l p i c t u r e o f divisions and differences, ones t h a t are n o w being translated t o the v i r t u a l space o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l electronic n e t w o r k s . Needless t o say, some o f the discourse can be ignored as t r i v i a l d n v e l between people w h o are engaging i n u n p r o d u c t i v e and abusive arguments. Yet, i t is t h r o u g h this discourse t h a t the diasporic c o m m u n i t y is r e i m a g m i n g itself as w e l l as presenting an outside " f a c e . " Clearly these examples, and c o n t i n u i n g responses to cross-posting, s h o w t h a t the I n d i a n "face" t h a t is being presented is being despised b y m a n y o f the users o f the N e t . Yet the ones w h o are disgusted w i t h the d i v i s i o n a r y image o f I n d i a are n o t necessarily the ones w h o can offer an alternative voice o f u n i t y or sobriety. T h e o n l y a r g u m e n t has appeared i n the f o r m o f f u r t h e r i n f l a m m a t o r y r e m a r k s , as illustrated earlier where the members o f other f o r u m s are being equally bigoted i n " s c r e a m i n g " o u t at the Indians a n d asking t h e m t o keep their troubles t o themselves w i t h o u t " p o l l u t i n g " various newsg r o u p s . T h i s is a m a t t e r o f concern because this can ultimately h u r t the w a y the I n d i a n c o m m u n i t i e s m the West w a n t to create a collective m e m o r y o f themselves i n the space o f the Internet.

Significance of the Image G r o u p s such as sci emerge as electronic communities where m a n y of the t r a d i t i o n a l aspects o f c o m m u n i t y are reproduced i n a textual f o r m a t . T h u s

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w h e n a user posts a b o u t his o r her college a f f i l i a t i o n and attempts t o find an o l d acquaintance o n the Internet the fundamental c o m m u n a l assump tions o f a c o m m o n f r a t e r n i t y are m o b i l i z e d . M o r e o v e r , w h e n such a poster gets a response f r o m a member o f the g r o u p new connections a n d n e t w o r k s are p r o d u c e d . T h e n a t i o n a l newsgroups become p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t i n this respect since the electronic c o m m u n i t y is p r o d u c e d i n the same w a y t h a t Anderson's imagined c o m m u n i t y becomes a n a t i o n . T h e " i m a g i n a t i o n " t h a t binds the members o f the electronic g r o u p is the c o m m o n m e m o r y o f the same putative place o f o r i g i n f r o m w h i c h m o s t o f the posters came. T h e sense o f c o m m u n i t y is based on an o r i g i n a l home w h e r e everyone belonged, as w e l l as a sense o f a new space where the question o f b e l o n g i n g is always problematized. Since the o r i g i n a l h o m e is n o w inaccessible, the Internet space is coopted t o find the same c o m p a n i o n s h i p t h a t was available i n t h a t o r i g i n a l place of residence. H o w e v e r , i f the postings were restricted to the space o f sci alone some o f this purpose w o u l d be lost. T h e electronic system offers the o p p o r t u n i t y to cast a large " N e t " a n d this is done t h r o u g h the process o f cross-posting. Y e t i t is this mechanism t h a t also allows f o r the construction o f an electronic n a t i o n a l image t h a t is available w i d e l y and easily. Consequently, irresponsible postings, a n d postings t h a t are often sent to incite attack, n o t o n l y f u e l debate b u t also lead t o the p r o d u c t i o n o f the n a t i o n a l image. H e r e the m e t o n y m y between the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the Internet space a n d the w a y ethnicity is spatially organized becomes remarkable. T h e fact t h a t the d i a s p o n c Indians n o w occupy a n e w space—in America and Western E u r o p e — d e m a n d s the p r o d u c t i o n o f a specific "face." T h i s is the p r o d u c t o f a v a r i e t y o f everyday practices f r o m the performance o f religious rituals t o the Independence D a y parades i n N e w Y o r k . Increasingly, as the Internet becomes a p a r t o f these practices, the w a y i n w h i c h posters send messages t o the c o m m o n a n d shared spaces o f the Internet w i l l determine w h a t "electronic face" t h a t c o m m u n i t y produces f o r themselves a n d f o r their c o u n t r y o f o r i g i n . T h e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f space and the dissolution o f boundaries is one o f the m o r e i m p o r t a n t elements o f the v i r t u a l c o m m u n a l i t y t h a t the news g r o u p produces. W i t h the increasing i m m i g r a t i o n and e m i g r a t i o n o f people, w h o once shared a sense o f t r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y w i t h spatial c o m m o n a l i t y m colleges, workplaces and t o w n s and cities i n I n d i a , the rediscovery o f the c o m m o n a l i t y o n the seamless and v i r t u a l space o f the Internet becomes an i m p o r t a n t aspect. Indeed the lack o f the " h u m a n t o u c h " t h a t has been argued t o be one o f the drawbacks o f the electronic c o m m u n i t y is restored t h r o u g h the Internet f o r the i m m i g r a n t s whose spatial o r i e n t a t i o n has been disrupted. As a m a t t e r o f fact, f o r this v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y , the electronic space is the o n l y c o m m o n space t h a t they can occupy. Consequently, the traffic o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n on the newsgroup (as i n other n a t i o n a l newsgroups) is often far larger t h a n i n other groups, w h i c h often operate as f a n clubs, as Snyder (1996) suggests. T h u s negoti ated here is the lost space o f a n a t i o n , c o m m u n i t y , o r tribe w h i c h is being

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re-created a n d reinvented o n the other Internet space. Therefore, f o r the u n r m g r a n t newsgroups the question o f space is c r i t i c a l a n d the loss of geographic p r o x i m i t y is the raison d'être f o r the m o b i l i z a t i o n o f the İnternet space. A n o t h e r u n i q u e feature is d r a w n f r o m this p a r t i c u l a r face t h a t is p r o d u c e d b y a n electronic c o m m u n i t y such as sci. Here the texts a n d discourses t h a t m a k e u p the substance o f the c o m m u n i t y become rep resentations o f a range o f deep s t r u c t u r a l contradictions t h a t become a defining characteristic o f the c o u n t r y being imaged. T h e image o f a c o u n t r y can be t h o u g h t o f i n t w o w a y s . One is the public image t h a t is p r o d u c e d b y organized sources such as n a t i o n a l m e d i a , i n t e r n a t i o n a l news f l o w , a n d other mediated f o r u m s w h e r e a m o n o l i t h i c image is constructed f o r specific p o l i t i c a l and ideological purposes. O n the other h a n d , there are the n o n - n a t u r a l i z e d images t h a t are shared by the people most i n v o l v e d w i t h the consequences o f the image. These are the i m m i g r a n t s w h o have to constantly negotiate their existence based o n the p u b l i c m e m o r y o f the c o u n t r y they come f r o m . T h e electronic m e d i u m n o w offers an o p p o r t u n i t y t o develop discourses t h a t p r o v i d e this i n t e r n a l l y c o n t r a d i c t o r y democratically p r o d u c e d image t h a t is open f o r debate a n d r e i m a g m g as n e w debates emerge o n the Internet. This becomes p a r t i c u l a r l y true f o r I n d i a a n d the sci g r o u p , w h i c h is constantly concerned w i t h the c o n t r a dictions t h a t m a r k c o n t e m p o r a r y I n d i a . Consequendy, the large range o f discussions a b o u t the merits o f H i n d u i s m , the problems w i t h Pakistan, and the s u p p o r t o r c r i t i c i s m o f the n e w l y emerging H i n d u p a r t y m India a l l become manifestations a n d concretizations o f the f u n d a m e n t a l c o n t r a dictions between the different social, c u l t u r a l , a n d p o l i t i c a l blocs t h a t m a k e u p post-Independence I n d i a . T h i s post-colonial n a t i o n a l f o r m a t i o n is the p r o d u c t o f the people w h o m a k e u p the electronic c o m m u n i t y , and given the w i d e range o f o p i n i o n s a n d w o r l d v i e w s proposed o n the Internet, the image o f I n d i a t h a t is p r o d u c e d o n sci f o r its users is replete w i t h the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s t h a t are a mainstay o f everyday life m the South Asian c o u n t r y . W h i l e the c o m m u n i t y here does n o t have any geographic connections w i t h the n a t i o n a l space, a i l the c u l t u r a l , religious, and p o l i t i c a l baggage carried b y the members o f the electronic c o m m u n i t y become evident i n the discussions o n the Internet space w h i c h provides a relatively " s a f e r " e n v i r o n m e n t f o r the debates and arguments t h a n the n o t - t o r n streets o f B o m b a y . T h e struggle t h a t is commonplace i n I n d i a n o w becomes a struggle over m e a n i n g i n the space o f the Internet, albeit i n languages a n d styles t h a t are o f t e n bigoted, suggestive o f violence and sometimes l o w - l e v e l harangues. F i n a l l y , n o p a r t i c u l a r l y new directions o f t h i n k i n g t h a t w o u l d p r o v i d e alternatives t o the t r a d i t i o n a l s t r u c t u r a l contradictions are emerging o n the Internet space. F o r instance, i n the exchange cited earlier, Jai M a h a r a j w a n t s the B o m b a y name-change p r o p o s i t i o n to be sent t o L o n d o n . This is yet another t h r o w b a c k t o the c o l o n i a l past a n d the c o n t i n u i n g struggles over i d e n t i t y i n a p o s t - c o l o n i a l era. I n this manner, a n d t h r o u g h similar

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such exchanges, sci is b e c o m i n g a site f o r the r e p r o d u c t i o n o f the convent i o n a l struggles, issues, a n d contradictions t h a t have been a n a t u r a l p a r t o f India f o r t o o l o n g . A l l other mediated images o f India have also r e p r o duced the o p p o s i t i o n between the H i n d u s and M u s l i m s , the higher and l o w e r castes, and people o f different languages as the p r i m a r y defining characteristics o f the c o u n t r y and the Internet space has to a large degree circulated the same image. This becomes a r e c o n f i r m a t i o n o f the fact t h a t the users o f the Internet are indeed products o f an ideological system where they have been subjected to accepting certain aspects o f I n d i a as f u n d a m e n t a l and " n a t u r a l " w i t h o u t h a v i n g the ideological o p t i o n o f q u e s t i o n i n g o r challenging their assumptions. Consequently, a user w h o once m a d e a n a r g u m e n t a b o u t the precariousness o f the I n d i a n Republic as a u n i o n o f various states was quieted q u i c k l y as that p o s i t i o n was f o u n d to be far t o o " u n n a t u r a l " a n d p o t e n t i a l l y d i s r u p t i v e . T h i s tendency t o w a r d segmentation is balanced o n l y by the precariousness o f the i m m i g r a n t i d e n t i t y , i n as m u c h as most members o f the c o m m u n i t y need t o negotiate their existence i n a society where they feel m a r g i n a l i z e d . T h i s p a r a d o x i c a l p h e n o m e n o n is evident i n the postings t h a t tend t o b i n d the c o m m u n i t y together a r o u n d a sense o f n a t i o n a l pride and a challenging o f the m a i n s t r e a m Western w a y o f depicting I n d i a . Conseq u e n t l y , w h e n users question headline stories and the practices o f the media i n d u s t r y , n o t o n l y does an image o f their o r i g i n a l c o u n t r y emerge b u t their user i d e n t i t y as i m m i g r a n t s is also being exposed and discussed. These discussions often serve as the glue t h a t holds the c o m m u n i t y together m the electronic space as the members continue to discuss the issues t h a t divide t h e m a r o u n d their differential images o f I n d i a .

Conclusion T h e r e are t w o forces at w o r k t h a t implicate the dynamics o f the w a y a n a t i o n can be imaged m Internet space. O n the one h a n d there are the centralizing tendencies t h r o u g h w h i c h members o f the v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y use the electronic space t o develop a certain f r a t e r n i t y a r o u n d the place o f o r i g i n a n d t h e i r identities m the N e w W o r l d . Because the Internet space is d i v i d e d as i t is, any c o m m u n i t y can feel cohesive by the fact t h a t they are distinct f r o m other electronic groups. Consequently the sci g r o u p members can feel a sense o f c o m m u n i t y i n k n o w i n g t h a t they all have a c o m m o n place o f o r i g i n i n I n d i a , and thus their legitimacy and c l a i m to the sci g r o u p . A l o n g w i t h t h a t legitimacy comes the feeling o f distinctiveness f r o m other groups such as soc.culture.pakistan o r any o f the various other n a t i o n a l discussion groups o n the Internet. W h i l e cross-posting is c o m m o n , i t is recognized as an aberrant p h e n o m e n o n , and the fact t h a t i t invites w r a t h and flaming is a f u r t h e r underscoring o f the fact t h a t the members o f the groups d o indeed feel a centralizing a n d " p a r o c h i a l " force where the intrusions o f cross-posting are accepted b u t u n l o v e d .

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O n the other h a n d there is a strong segmenting force t h a t constantly tests the glue t h a t holds the c o m m u n i t y together—its place o f o r i g i n . T h e c e n t r i f u g a l forces generated b y the variety o f discourses t h a t image I n d i a always expose the differences between the members of the c o m m u n i t y a n d can o f t e n lead t o the d i s r u p t i o n o f the c o m m u n i t y . T h i s is most evident i n the w a y i n w h i c h the space is constandy carved u p i n t o smaller slices as specific " t r i b e s " d e m a n d their o w n space and f o r u m . T h u s the creation o f groups w h i c h have an a d d i t i o n a l defining characteristic such as I n d i a n A m e r i c a n , I n d i a n - B e n g a l i , and so f o r t h . H o w e v e r , such segmentation does n o t u n d e r m i n e the f u n d a m e n t a l centralizing forces, because very often the users o f these subgroups w o u l d also pay attention to the " p a r e n t " g r o u p ( a l t h o u g h there is no technical hierarchical o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the groups). T h i s a t t e n t i o n is manifest i n reading the articles o n sci and posting articles to sci as w e l l as the s u b g r o u p t h a t they feel closer t o . U l t i m a t e l y w h a t the centralizing a n d the segmenting forces accomplish is the p r o d u c t i o n o f a large set o f debates a n d discussions t h a t n o t only help to create the image o f I n d i a b u t also question a n d reflect o n the segmentation t h a t continues f o r the I n d i a n n e t w o r k g r o u p s . Such dialogue is possible because the space c a n n o t be coopted by any p a r t i c u l a r p o i n t o f v i e w . T h e p o w e r and the uniqueness o f the dynamics o f the electronic c o m m u n i t y lie precisely i n the absence o f restrictions and c o n t r o l s o n anyone's voice. T h i s is indeed a f o r u m where everyone w h o is able t o access the space is also able t o speak w i t h i n the space. Everyone has a " v o i c e " i n this space. T h i s has far-reaching consequences, p a r t i c u larly i n the w a y the space can be utilized t o produce n a t i o n a l images. I n other k i n d s o f t r a d i t i o n a l p u b l i c spaces, such as those created b y broadcast media o r film, the question o f e m p o w e r m e n t becomes m u c h m o r e diffuse t h a n m the case o f the Internet. T h e arguments o f hegemony and the existence o f a d o m i n a n t ideology t h a t serves the needs o f the leading social bloc become p a r t i c u l a r l y generative i n t h i n k i n g o f the ways i n w h i c h mediated n a t i o n a l images are p r o d u c e d , because very often the centralizing tendencies o f media texts ignore the segmenting tendencies o f an increasingly diversified audience. For instance, i t has been argued that television has played a focal and centripetal role i n the resurgence o f H i n d u f u n d a m e n t a l i s m i n I n d i a ( M i t r a , 1 9 9 3 ) , b u t i t becomes m u c h m o r e d i f f i c u l t t o propose the same a r g u m e n t i n the case o f the Internet since i t is m u c h m o r e d i f f i c u l t to locate the d o m i n a n t i n the v i r t u a l space. T h e Internet space is indeed a cacophony of voices, a l l o f w h o m feel e m p o w e r e d , a n d the t r a d i t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n o f dominance becomes nearly inapplicable t o this c o m m u n i t y . Gramsci's f u n d a m e n t a l p r o p o s i t i o n t h a t hegemony is p r o d u c e d b y g a i n i n g consent o f the masses o f t e n provides the backbone f o r the arguments a b o u t media dominance (see, f o r instance, the vast literature o n media and critical/cultural studies). H o w e v e r , using the same n o t i o n o f hegemony, i t becomes clear that the question of g a m i n g consent becomes u n i m p o r t a n t i n the electronic space because the t r a d i tional centers disappear o n the Internet. H e r e p o w e r o f any nature, be i t

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coercive o r non-coercive, is o n l y manifest i n the texts t h a t are p r o d u c e d b y its u s e r s . T h i s is a space where p o w e r is manifest i n discursive c a p i t a l , a n d , given the varieties o f ideological positions that find voice o n the electronic space, there is n o single d o m i n a n t ideology that can be identified. 11

T h i s , t o o , is the p r i m a r y strength o f the Internet space, because i t provides a f o r u m w h e r e there is n o ideological closure, w h i c h accompanies most centralizing forces. As evidenced i n the case o f the debate over the n a m i n g o f B o m b a y , o r the fate o f the M u s l i m s i n I n d i a , the debate never ends because n o single a r g u m e n t appears t o be c o n v i n c i n g and persuasive e n o u g h t o attract consent f r o m a l l members o f the N e t . A n d this m u l t i p l i c i t y o f voices is o n l y possible because o f the w a y the Internet space is organized, w i t h m i n o r checks a n d balances, and w i t h n o tangible " c o n t r o l " o n h o w the space is u t i l i z e d . W h i l e i n some respects this c o u l d have negative outcomes, m the case o f i m a g i n g a n a t i o n this " f r e e d o m " certainly provides f o r o n g o i n g and necessary debate. N o g r a n d narratives a b o u t I n d i a emerge o n the Internet space. U n l i k e broadcast media, n o one is m " c o n t r o l " o f the space a n d the images o f the n a t i o n t h a t evolve are constantly m e t a m o r p h o s i n g . T h e n o t i o n o f permanence o f image is subverted b y the o n g o i n g discourses o n the space and n a t i o n h o o d and n a t i o n a l i s m become constantly contested and discursively p r o d u c e d . M o r e o v e r , m m o s t p u b l i c discourse there is a need t o find closure because, as i n movies, television, and other f o r m s o f mass media, there is always a p o i n t o f v i e w t h a t is preferred and is m o r e " n a t u r a l " Given the fact t h a t such mass media are p r o d u c e d b y groups w i t h specific interests, there is some ideological w o r k to be done and the hegemonic tendency is to p r o d u c e one p a r t i c u l a r closure over others. As m y w o r k o n I n d i a n television ( M i t r a , 1993) has demonstrated, the I n d i a n state-owned tele vision system h a d a p a r t i c u l a r H i n d u image t h a t i t was t r y i n g t o p o r t r a y t h r o u g h a n a r r a y o f texts. I n a s i m i l a r fashion i t is possible to i d e n t i f y a specific coionial/orientaL/neo-coloniai image t h a t has been p r o d u c e d i n l i t e r a r y texts a n d movies o f the West (see, e.g., M i t r a , 1996; Said, 1993). H o w e v e r , these are organized sources a n d far different m character f r o m the discourses o n the Internet, where the nature o f the texts does n o t require closure. N a r r a t i v e analysis o f literature, m o v i e , and television pre supposes the n o t i o n o f narrative closure, w h i c h is tied t o , and i m p l i c a t e d by, ideological closure, b u t the o n g o i n g heteroglossic discourse o f the Internet neither requires n o r produces such closure because i t is an o n g o i n g process. 1 2

M y a p p r o a c h t o the Internet emphasizes the texruality o f the system o f messages t h a t are exchanged. These are texts produced by the users, w h o are constantly accentuating the texts w i t h their ideologies and w o r i d v i e w s . T h i s calls f o r a theoretical f o u n d a t i o n t h a t sees the process o f language as non-singular a n d n o n - m o n o l i t h i c . Bakhtin/Volosmov p r o v i d e this a r g u m e n t a n d also go o n t o suggest t h a t language is indeed ideological. Consequently the w a y the image o f the n a t i o n a n d the i d e n t i t y scripts are p r o d u c e d by these texts needs t o be examined i n terms o f their ideological

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i m p l i c a t i o n s . W h i l e this analysis is a step i n t h a t d i r e c t i o n , plenty o f research still needs t o be done w i t h these texts t o arrive at c o n v i n c i n g images o f nations t h a t are o b t a i n e d f r o m t h e m . F o u c a u l t argues the same i n saying t h a t the " s o c i a l " is p r o d u c e d i n the n e t w o r k o f discourses a n d discursive practices, and the Internet messages become an example o f the p h e n o m e n o n w h e r e heteroglossic language constantly produces the Internet version o f the s o c i a l H o w e v e r , Foucault becomes p r o b l e m a t i c i n r e l a t i o n t o the Internet, since i t is d i f f i c u l t t o m a k e the connections between p o w e r and discourse t h a t he w o u l d w a n t t o d r a w . Indeed, as exposed i n this analysis, the very nature o f the Internet pre cludes any discussion o f p o w e r since there is n o specific repressive p o w e r t h a t sets boundaries, or p r o d u c t i v e p o w e r t h a t produces any g r a n d n a r r a t i v e o r preferred discourse. T h e o n l y f o r m o f c o n t r o l lies m the boundaries t h a t are p r o d u c e d b y the discourse a n d the members w h o produce the discourse. I n F o u c a u f f s t h i n k i n g these can be considered to be the o n l y f o r m o f c o n t r o l o f discourse, as m his w o r d s : There ıs a raefication, [sic] this time, of the speaking subjects; none shall enter the order of discourse if he does not satisfy certain requirements or if he is not, from the outset, qualified to do so. T o be more precise: not ail regions of discourse are equally open and penetrable; some of them are largely forbidden (they are differentiated and differentiating), while others seems to be almost open to all winds and put at the disposal of every speaking subject, without prior restrictions. (Foucault, 1989, p. 221) T h i s t o a large degree captures the s i t u a t i o n w i t h the Internet, where the forces o f i n c l u s i o n constantly struggle w i t h the forces w h i c h t h r o w open the v i r t u a l discursive space to "every speaking subject w i t h o u t p r i o r r e s t r i c t i o n s , " except i n the f o r m o f creation o f subspaces. Y e t because o f the lack o f restrictions and the p a r t i c u l a r l y " f l u i d " nature o f the system there arise t w o a d d i t i o n a l concerns. First, the image o f a n a t i o n t h a t is p r o d u c e d is indeed transient and e p h e m e r a l T r u e t o its p o s t m o d e r n f o r m , the discourses constantly regress and no center emerges t h a t is constant a n d permanent. W h i l e permanence o f an image is a strongly debated issue w i t h i n p o s t m o d e r n scholarship, the Internet poses a new c o n d i t i o n since every single posting changes the image t o some degree and this change is a c o n t i n u i n g process since the postings never stop. Even as this chapter is being w r i t t e n , and w h e n u l t i m a t e l y i t is read, the I n d i a n image o n the Internet w i l l have changed somewhat. H o w e v e r , the emphasis is really o n the " s o m e w h a t , " because just as p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l changes do n o t occur r a p i d l y , the general image o n the Internet does n o t change very q u i c k l y . W h a t does alter r a p i d l y is the nature o f the discourse o n w h i c h the image is based. N e w a n d fresh voices appear m u c h m o r e easily and expediently t h a n i n any other f o r m o f mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h i s , t o o , sets the system a p a r t f r o m other f o r m s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h i s uniqueness is certainly connected w i t h the e m p o w e r m e n t t h a t the Internet provides, a n d the users can perhaps feel t h a t their single c o n t r i b u t i o n , w h i l e n o t " s i n g u l a r , " is a significant p a r t o f the m e t a m o r p h o s i n g image.

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T h e second issue connected w i t h the process o f metamorphosis is the p r o b l e m a t i z a t i o n o f the research o f the Internet text. W h e n approached f r o m the perspective o f content a n d theme, as i n this case, i t is customary i n other f o r m s o f media research t h a t an " e n d " o f the t e x t is clearly defined ( b a r r i n g the case o f soap operas, this is true f o r most television p r o g r a m episodes a n d c e r t a i n l y true f o r cinema). T h i s closure provides an anchor f o r the analysis. A d d i t i o n a l l y , a reading o f the closure provides insights i n t o the i d e o l o g i c a l , c u l t u r a l , a n d p o l i t i c a l arguments i m p l i c a t i n g a particular n a r r a t i v e . M o r e o v e r , the closure m the text provides a certain degree o f finality to the analysis as w e l l . Consequently, independent o f the fact o f h o w a text is analyzed, i t is expected t h a t any p a r t i c u l a r analysis w i l l p r o v i d e a u n i q u e perspective o n the t e x t , w h i l e the t e x t remains static a n d u n c h a n g i n g . I n the case o f Internet texts this f u n d a m e n t a l assumption s i m p l y does n o t h o l d true. A t best i t is possible t o identify a p e r i o d i n t i m e a n d o b t a i n a snap-shot o f the image being p r o d u c e d a n d circulated. T h a t c o n c l u s i o n is neither b i n d i n g n o r exhaustive since, ever-metamorphosing a n d e v e r - g r o w i n g , the " n a t u r e o f the Internet beast" continues t o change every m i n u t e (literally), u n d e r m i n i n g any claims o f authenticity t h a t researchers can have o f their reading o f the n e t w o r k discourse. Researchers need t o be a w a r e o f this, a n d thus be cautious a n d prepared t o accept the fact t h a t the image is indeed t r a n s i t i o n a l a n d is b o u n d t o change w i t h t i m e a n d the appearance o f n e w c o m m u n i t y members. Consequently, i n this space every t e x t u a l utterance is open t o challenge a n d q u e s t i o n i n g a n d u l t i m a t e l y n o d o m i n a n t , unquestioned n a t i o n a l image emerges because the very nature o f the Internet space does n o t a l l o w f o r permanence o f images.

Virtual

77

Commonality

been discussions about the C u b a n diaspora ( C a m p a , 1 9 9 4 ) , the production a n d implications of the K o r e a n c o m m u n i t y i n A m e r i c a ( P a l u m b o - L i u , 1 9 9 4 ) , a n d fundamental discussions of the n e w d i a s p o n c condition ( A p p a d u r a i , 1 9 9 3 ) . T h e s e discussions point out that immigrant a n d displaced c o m m u n i t i e s are constantly struggling to produce n e w identities a n d are using different m e a n s to achieve this; I argue that the electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems offer such an opportunity. 6. T h e r e a r c a large n u m b e r of terms that arc used to describe various aspects of this system.

However,

fundamentally they

all refer

to

various

manifestations

of

the

same

p h e n o m e n o n — t h e ability to c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h others using the computer. C o n s e q u e n t l y I do not engage in the discussion of the various n e t w o r k s available or the multiple " b r o w s i n g " systems available to look at the n e t w o r k s s u c h as " U s e n e t , " a n d the " W o r l d W i d e W e b . " F o r the purposes of this chapter, the technology will p r i m a r i l y be referred to as the "Internet." 7. T e r m s s u c h as " f l a m i n g " have become popular tn response to the need to give names to the various k i n d s of textual elements that started to appear o n the N e t . F o r

example,

" f l a m i n g " refers to the process where users resort to highly inflammable language exchanged between individuals for no apparent reason. Kiesler, Siegel, Sc M c G u i r c ( 1 9 8 4 ) expressed it as " e m o t i o n a l expression of o p i n i o n a n d feeling w h i c h occurs more frequently o n the computer than in other c o m m u n i c a t i o n settings." Similarly the use of type written s y m b o l s used to m i m i c the expression of the h u m a n face have been called " c m o t i c o n s " ( D e r y , 1 9 9 3 )

and

" s p a m m i n g " refers to the process of cross-posting across a large n u m b e r of newsgroups. 8. Researchers s u c h as N c g r o p o n r e

( 1 9 9 5 ) w o u l d argue differently, c l a i m i n g that

the

" d i g i t a l " nature of the messages m a k e s them permanent a n d that it is possible to access the past messages w i t h relative case. H o w e v e r , w h i l e that c o u l d be the case tor the researcher, it is relatively unlikely that the user of the Internet w h o simply w a n t s to participate i n virtual c o m m u n i t y discussion w o u l d be interested in scrolling through thousands of past messages that arc preserved by the system. Indeed this is reflected in the w a y in w h i c h the news browser provided by N e t s c a p e presents the information w i t h the " E a r l i e r " articles being kept invisible unless the user asks for them. 9 . T h e r e has been a significant a m o u n t of w o r k undertaken e x a m i n i n g the relationships between C M C a n d the facc-to-facc situation in the interpersonal a n d group settings. W a l t h c r (1992,

1993,

1994)

and Waither

Sc Burgoon

( 1 9 9 2 ) explore

the area

interpersonal

ot

c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h r o u g h computers, w h e r e a s Poole & DeSanctis ( 1 9 8 7 } explore the area of

Notes

group

communication

over

the computer

m e d i u m . H o w e v e r , the

Internet poses a

new

challenge, possessing the characteristics of both interpersonal and group c o m m u n i c a t i o n , but 1. T h e concept of the " n a t i o n " has been contested from D e u t s c h and F o l r r s ( 1 9 6 6 ) notion of the n a t i o n as a geographic construction, to G r a m s c i ' s ( 1 9 7 1 ) idea of the nation as civil society to A n d e r s o n ' s ( 1 9 8 3 ) proposition of nations as imagined communities. M o r e recently the issue of the n a t i o n has been debated b y other authors, such as A p p a d u r a i ( 1 9 9 3 )

and

B u s c o m b c ( 1 9 9 3 ) , w h o have argued for the erosion of the nation-state 3nd the emergence of post-nations that d o not have well-defined a n d naturalized boundaries. 2 . H e r e the notion of residual a n d emergent is a reference to R a y m o n d W i l l i a m s ' ( 1 9 6 1 ) proposition that a t a n y m o m e n t in time there are in a l l cultures elements that arc reminiscent of the history of the culture w h i l e there also are elements that arc emerging as n e w elements in the culture. T h i s is i m p o r t a n t to the argument proposed m this chapter, because the kev struggle discussed here is between the residual constructs of nation as geographical entities a n d the emergent p r o p o s i t i o n that nations c a n be constructed around emergent elements of c u l t u r e — i n this case electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems. 3. T h e September 2 5 , 1 9 9 5 issue of US News and World Report reports a steady g r o w t h , f r o m a little over 4 percent in 1 9 7 0 to a little over 8 percent in 1994, of foreign-born residents as a share of the U S p o p u l a t i o n . 4 . O t h e r forms of c o m m u n i t y formation include the emergence of ethnic media s u c h as C h i n e s e television channels, I n d i a n newspapers, a n d ethnic c o m m u n i t y centers and schools. ^ 5 . T h e issue of diaspora a n d the emergence

of d i a s p o n c communities has n o w Culture.

a n d the source of the message is diverse. 10. T h i s is perhaps one of the most p o w e r f u l aspects of Internet c o m m u n i c a t i o n :

the

identity of the poster c a n be successfully hidden from p u b l i c scrutiny. It is often impossible to recognize gender, national o r i g i n , a n d ethnicity if the poster chooses to use a w e l l - h i d d e n p s e u d o - n a m e . T o a large degree D r M a h a r a j has been successful m doing that. 11. T h e w a y i n w h i c h p o w e r is exercised is through the process of " f l a m i n g , " where the errant voices are " b u r n t o u t " a n d subdued a n d quieted. Y e t that w o r k s o n l y because the errant m e m b e r s c h o o s e to keep quiet a n d not due to any other reasons {sec, e.g., the w o r k of Siegel, D u b r o v s k y , Kiesler, Sc M c G u i r e , 1 9 8 6 ) . 1 2 . T h e o n l y control is exercised by system administrators a n d network moderators can

review

articles

before

they

are

posted.

However,

groups

such

as

sci

who

are

often

u n m o d c r a t c d , thus eliminating even this m i n i m a l control. O n l y w h e n a n exchange

might

violate the "netiqucttc" of language a n d d e c o r u m c o u l d it be brought to the attention of the system administrator of the poster's computer, leading to some repercussions to the user.

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Structura/ Relations,

4 Structural Relations, Electronic Media, and Social Change: The Public Electronic Network and the Homeless Joseph Schmitz

I have been living on the streets in Santa Monica for one year. . . , T o tell you the truth, PEN is indispensable in my life at the moment, I don't know what I would do without i t . . . it does keep my brain alive . - :/ has been an enlightening experience to be able to communicate with so many intelligent people, from the city attorney, Bob Myers, to a professor of psychology, Michele Witttg. ;

— David Morgan, 1989, then homeless, in a letter to the author D a v i d M o r g a n ' s letter t o me was w r i t t e n o n Santa M o n i c a ' s Public Elect r o n i c N e t w o r k (PEN) a b o u t seven m o n t h s after the n e t w o r k was unveiled i n F e b r u a r y 1989. As the f i r s t c i t y government-sponsored, interactive electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n system i n the U n i t e d States, P E N was expressly designed t o extend this n e w m e d i u m t o all residents, i n c l u d i n g homeless persons l i k e M r M o r g a n . P E N consisted o f a host c o m p u t e r , ports t h a t connected users via telephone m o d e m links, and c o m p u t e r software t h a t p r o v i d e d users w i t h three different types o f services. First, P E N displayed bulletin b o a r d text posted by the c i t y . T h i s " r e a d o n l y " text included keyword-searchable i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t g o v e r n m e n t and social services designed t o meet residents' needs. Second, users c o u l d send electronic m a i l to other residents a n d t o city officials. T h u d , P E N users c o u i d j o i n electronic conferences w i t h other P E N users. These P E N conferences addressed b r o a d topics t h a t included m o r e specific topics arrayed i n sub-conferences or " i t e m s . " W h i l e this chapter centers o n the Homeless conference and the efforts to change Santa M o n i c a t h a t were p r o m i n e n t i n t h a t conference, PEN's P l a n n i n g (land-use), E d u c a t i o n , and Politics conferences also featured P E N entries t h a t advocated systemic changes i n Santa M o n i c a ' s social and economic structures. W h e n i t was objectives: o e

created,

Santa

Monica's

PEN

system

t o p r o v i d e electronic access to p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n ; t o a i d delivery o f city services;

had six

main

Electronic

Media,

Social

Change

81

e o

t o enhance c o m m u n i c a t i o n a m o n g residents; to enhance Santa M o n i c a ' s sense o f c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h electronic

e

conferences a m o n g residents; t o diffuse k n o w l e d g e of, and

©

access t o , the n e w

communication

technology; t o facilitate a n equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n resources to the " h a v e n o t s . "

T h i s analysis is based o n m y role as a participant-observer d u r i n g the creation a n d o p e r a t i o n o f the P E N system. Starting i n 1986, I p a r t i c i p a t e d extensively i n the design and i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f P E N and consulted w i t h PEN'S manager d u r i n g its early years. D u r i n g the past ten years, i n a d d i t i o n t o being a frequent P E N user, I also helped design and c o n d u c t three e m p i r i c a l surveys o f Santa M o n i c a residents regarding p o t e n t i a l a n d actual P E N usage. T h e t h i r d source o f data is the Homeless conference, a collectively a u t h o r e d text exceeding 2 0 , 0 0 0 entries. The Homeless text cited comes f r o m a convenience sample o f over 3,000 entries t h a t I d o w n l o a d e d i n iarge blocks f r o m the almost 7,000 entries t h a t i read w h i l e logged o n P E N . T h i s t e x t represents the types o f discourse o n P E N , discourse t h a t ranged f r o m i n f o r m a t i o n sharing, project p l a n n i n g , and c o o r d i n a t i o n , t h r o u g h personal a n d p o l i t i c a l discussions, t o ideological r a i l i n g and the exchange o f personal insults. As tune progressed, the P E N t e x t became increasingly u n c i v i l . T h e lessened c i v i l i t y i n the Homeless conference m i r r o r s similar changes m m u c h o f P E N , a l t h o u g h several conferences, o f t e n the few moderated ones, remained m o r e c i v i l .

Social Structure and Social Change A s n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n technology is i n t r o d u c e d , w e s h o u l d closely examine its effects u p o n existing social structures a n d processes. W h a t is l i k e l y t o change? H o w are diverse stakeholders affected? T o address these questions I focus o n the issue o f homelessness because homelessness reflects f u n d a m e n t a l p o w e r relations, conflict, and s t r u c t u r a l change i n Santa M o n i c a and i n other c o n t e m p o r a r y c o m m u n i t i e s . M y analysis is g r o u n d e d i n a symbolic interactionist perspective, one influenced b y the Chicago School o f Sociology, and one aware t h a t the symbolic e n v i r o n ment w e create f o r each other as w e interact p r o f o u n d l y shapes o u r personae, beliefs, and consequent actions. These interaction patterns become i m p o r t a n t t o the extent o u r symbolic e n v i r o n m e n t depends o n the persons w i t h w h o m w e interact. Before I discuss the consequences o f Santa M o n i c a ' s P E N system, I w a n t to consider " c o m m u n i t y " i n m o r e abstract terms. H e r e , the Chicago School o f Sociology and the theory o f George Simmel offer useful insights. Simmei p r o v i d e d an i m p o r t a n t r o o t o f the Chicago School o f Sociology a n d u n d e r p i n s m u c h A m e r i c a n c o n t e m p o r a r y sociology a n d social

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psychology (Rogers, 1994; Scott, 1 9 9 2 ) . I n The Web of Group-Affiliations (Simmel, 1922/1955) he argued t h a t the p a t t e r n o f g r o u p interactions shapes the interests a n d the personae o f i n d i v i d u a l s . W h e n , as i n t r a d i t i o n a l societies, i n d i v i d u a l s f o r m groups t h a t are t y p i c a l l y arranged m concentric arrays, these groups " p r o d u c e " clusters o f relatively h o m o geneous i n d i v i d u a l s . Similar individuals are clustered i n stable groups t h a t share a c o m m o n o c c u p a t i o n , r e l i g i o n , a n d social class. So i n the t r a d i t i o n a l social orders, used b y Simmel as one ideal type, the folk-saying " b i r d s o f a feather, flock together" o f t e n held true. T r a d i t i o n a l societies, comprised o f basic units such as m a n o r , g u i l d , and village, had hierarchical social structures t h a t m o r e w h o l l y c o n t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s and possessed great a u t h o r i t y over t h e m ( C o l e m a n , 1974). Conversely, w h e n groups intersect and cross-cut i n the m u l t i p l e x ways m o r e c o m m o n t o m o d e r n societies, more heterogeneous clusters o f i n d i v i d u a l s resulted. W h i l e class and occupational differences still existed, interpersonal interaction patterns m o r e o f t e n crossed these gaps. Scott (1992) notes "a vastly increased variety o f social spaces is created, and no t w o i n d i v i d u a l s are as likely to share the same social l o c a t i o n or to h o l d the same social i d e n t i t y " ( p . 152). Scott argues t h a t this increased crossc u t t i n g o f groups facilitates an emergence o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m and o f special purpose g r o u p s . These changed interaction patterns comprise a greatly expanded a n d integrated m a t r i x o f interpersonal relations and p r o f o u n d l y alter o u r s y m b o l i c environments. F u r t h e r , i n m o d e r n societies, o u r assumptions a b o u t others differ. T o the extent Simmel's representation o f t r a d i t i o n a l societies is accurate, persons quite correctly assumed t h a t the others they usually dealt w i t h were m u c h l i k e themselves. I n c o n t e m p o r a r y societies this assumption n o longer holds. Others m a y d i f f e r i n b o t h predictable and unpredictable ways. So one legacy o f Simmel is the insight t h a t m o d e r n social orders c o n t a i n : (1) m o r e diverse sets o f interacting persons, and (2) a greater awareness o f o u r differences. Before w e assess h o w electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n media can serve the disadvantaged, w e s h o u l d examine the s t r u c t u r a l relations a m o n g and between elites a n d non-elites. Just as Simmel offers insights a b o u t h o w w e come t o d i f f e r , Blau illuminates the s t r u c t u r a l consequences o f those differences. Blau (1974, 1977) argued t h a t society still remains structured to cluster h o m o p h i l o u s i n d i v i d u a l s , conceptually defined as " t h e degree to w h i c h pairs o f i n d i v i d u a l s w h o interact are similar m certain attributes, such as beliefs, education, social status, and the l i k e " (Rogers, 1983, p . 18). The intersection o f groups w i t h consequent links a m o n g h e t r o p h i l o u s (different) persons t h a t Simmel held to be a characteristic o f m o d e r n societies is n o t complete. Persons r e m a i n g r o u p e d according to n o m i n a l parameters (e.g. gender, r a c i a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , religion, and residential locale) and graduated parameters, such as w e a l t h , education, and p o w e r . L i k e Simmel (1922/1955), B l a u noted t h a t social relations were m o r e frequent a m o n g s i m i l a r , clustered persons. A n d l i k e Simmel, M e a d (1934),

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and m o r e c o n t e m p o r a r y social interactiomsts (e.g. W o o d , 1992) o r social constructionists (e.g. Berger &c L u c k m a n n , 1 9 6 6 ) , Blau argued t h a t the structure o f personal interactions shapes o u r assumptions, beliefs, and o u r personae. A t the m i c r o - l e v e l , clusters based o n social, w o r k p l a c e , and residential boundaries aggregate persons w i t h similar characteristics, f o r example those w i t h s i m i l a r i n t e r a c t i o n patterns and c o m m o n socio-economic, ethnic, a n d c u l t u r a l ties to b i n d t h e m . B u t , o n the macro-level, B l a u (1974) asserted t h a t the relatively i n f r e q u e n t associations a m o n g heterophilous i n d i v i d u a l s are v i t a l because these interactions serve t o integrate diverse elements o f a society. For social systems to a v o i d r i g i d social structures t h a t resist e v o l u t i o n a r y changes and feature large inequalities, ties t h a t cross socio-economic strata are c r i t i c a l . So, p a r a d o x i c a l l y , o u r similarities b i n d us w i t h i n relatively homogeneous groups, w h i l e o u r social systems depend o n w h a t Granovetter (1973) terms " w e a k l i n k s " t h a t connect us across o u r differences. E m p i r i c a l social n e t w o r k research has often f o u n d t h a t w h i l e social ties are m o s t dense w i t h i n h o m o p h i l o u s groups, they frequently cross c u l t u r a l a n d socio-economic boundaries. These links a m o n g diverse persons can serve i m p o r t a n t f u n c t i o n s : to find e m p l o y m e n t (Granovetter, 1 9 7 3 ) , to facilitate local development (Granovetter, 1982; Rogers &c K i n c a i d , 1 9 8 1 ) , a n d to serve as conduits f o r e m o t i o n a l a n d material s u p p o r t ( W e l l m a n , C a r n n g t o n , be H a l l , 1988). Cross-group linkages are i m p o r t ant levers f o r change because they o f t e n reflect patterns o f dependencies a m o n g d i f f e r e n t g r o u p s and can thus facilitate an exchange o f resources a n d i n f o r m a t i o n across groups and persons. For example, E n c k s o n ( 1 9 9 6 ) f o u n d t h a t a diverse personal n e t w o r k conferred substantial advantages i n one's leisure, e m p l o y m e n t , and knowledge t h a t were independent o f social class. Yet because w e often interact w i t h similar others, efforts to create s t r u c t u r a l social change m a y become stymied w i t h i n h o m o p h i l o u s groups (Rogers, 1 9 8 3 ) . A n d the " h a v e - n o t s " are at great disadvantage because they lack influence t o change policies crafted by elites. W h e n decisionmakers are insulated f r o m non-elites, successful change agents must bridge the socio-economic and c u l t u r a l gulfs t h a t B l a u described. For structural change t o take place, dissimilar groups m u s t exchange i n f o r m a t i o n , resources, and influence. T h e y m u s t also change the terms o f their relations. Still, i f dissimilar stakeholders f o r m dependencies based u p o n new exchange relationships, n e w patterns o f cooperation a n d c o m p e t i t i o n m a y become i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d . Change agents m u s t also m a i n t a i n tics w i t h their constituencies. T o facilitate s t r u c t u r a l change, relations must be m a i n t a i n e d b o t h w i t h constituents w h o desire change and w i t h elites w h o m a y seek t o m a i n t a i n the status q u o . So c o m m u n i c a t i o n technology t h a t fosters links w i t h i n and across d i f f e r e n t groups may help t o restructure r e l a t i o n a l patterns w i t h i n a c o m m u n i t y , a n d , i n so d o i n g , alter the ways a society views itself.

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Communication Media Characteristics and Community Change A danger w h e n assessing the p o t e n t i a l o f electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n media t o change c o m m u n i t i e s is to u n c r i t i c a l l y accept assumptions o f technical d e t e r m i n i s m . W h i l e t e m p t i n g to a t t r i b u t e changed c o m m u n i c a t i o n o u t comes to changes i n c o m m u n i c a t i o n media characteristics, such a causal linkage b o t h u n d u l y simplifies a c o m p l e x social e n v i r o n m e n t and finesses the issue o f h o w w e come t o change. Because o u r c o m m u n i c a t i o n media are e m b o d i e d i n o u r social systems, they m u s t i n e v i t a b l y reflect t h e m . M e d i a systems are conceived, enacted, and given meaning by the social c o n t e x t t h a t surrounds t h e m . So the " h a r d " technical characteristics cannot dictate h o w a technology w i l l be used. F o r example, the same basic techn o l o g y m a y be used to p r o v i d e c o m m o d i f i e d phone sex, o r , alternatively, m a y constitute a corporate voice m a i l system. These vastly different c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems v a r y n o t i n their technology, rather, they have different goals a n d symbolic meanings attached t o them. A n i m p o r t a n t issue, closely l i n k e d to technological d e t e r m i n i s m , is the nature o f social change a n d the limits o f r a t i o n a l i t y . O r t n e r (1984) offered a c o m p e l l i n g rationale f o r processes o f social change w h e n , d r a w i n g f r o m Sahlins, she said t h a t : change comes about when traditional strategies which assume traditional patterns of relations . - . are deployed in relanon to novel phenomena which do not respond to these strategies in traditional wavs. . . Change is failed reproduction, (pp. 155-156) T h i s v i e w , w h i l e g r a n t i n g importance to active supporters o f the status q u o , emphasized t h a t because w e are all enculturated, w e each " e m b o d y the system as w e l l as live w i t h i n i t " ( O r t n e r , 1984, p . 156). The symbolic interpretations w e develop i n the pasr shape o u r future expectations o f i n n o v a t i o n s . Y e t even as w e conceive o f the new using f a m i l i a r cognitive templates, n o v e l elements spur revisions i n o u r practices, o f t e n i n ways we f a i l t o anticipate. Technical

Bases

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Change

Yet a l t h o u g h technical systems are g r o u n d e d i n o u r social systems, the n e w technologies themselves can offer o p p o r t u n i t y for structural change. T w o technically deterministic arguments t h a t f o l l o w demonstrate h o w electronic media m a y m o d i f y social i n t e r a c t i o n patterns and thus bridge the social gaps t h a t B l a u described. Still, w e s h o u l d be m i n d f u l o f the previous reservations w i t h regard t o u n b r i d l e d technological d e t e r m i n i s m . T h e first a r g u m e n t stresses the unique s u i t a b i l i t y o f electronic media to span gulfs separating persons and groups. These boundaries m a y be (1) spatial, (2) t e m p o r a l , (3) perceptual, o r (4) p s y c h o l o g i c a l — a n d their r e d u c t i o n can thereby lessen c u l t u r a l and socio-economic distances w i t h m a c o m m u n i t y . So, electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems have great technical potential to enable geographically separated, socially heterophilous users

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to exchange i n f o r m a t i o n asynchronously and bridge the boundaries described earlier. T h e second a r g u m e n t compares electronic media w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l faceto-face i n t e r a c t i o n a n d finds t h a t electronic media have a "cues filtered o u t " aspect ( C u l n a n &C M a r k u s , 1987). This paucity o f electronic cues is held t o obscure the social categories w e use t o shape o u r patterns o f affiliations. Because these cues are n o t available to screen o u t "undesirables," w e m a y gain o p p o r t u n i t i e s to f o r m n e w electronic groups t h a t are m o r e heterophilous t h a n t r a d i t i o n a l groups. T o the extent t h a t homed people h o l d negative, perhaps inaccurate stereotypes of the homeless, electronic media can obscure many stigmata associated w i t h the homeless. H e r e , the absence o f face-to-face cues restricts i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t m i g h t prejudice us a n d thus facilitates interaction across greater socio-economic differences. F o r those w h o w o u l d use electronic media to foster change, their p o t e n t i a l seems great. Because these media m o r e easily transcend space, class, a n d c u l t u r a l constraints, organizers can " b r o a d c a s t " t o m a n y . C o n versely, these media m a y c o n c u r r e n t l y facilitate " n a r r o w c a s t i n g " to s y m pathetic others via special interest groups o r electronic back-channels. B u t p o t e n t i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g outcomes are realizable o n l y i f access to these media is given t o (1) change agents, (2) " t a r g e t " p o p u l a t i o n s , and (3) a critical mass o f c o m m u n i t y members. B u t arguments t h a t electronic m e d i a create m o r e level p l a y i n g fields and thereby enhance i n t e r a c t i o n and persuasion across socio-economic strata r e m a i n largely u n i n f o r m e d by data. A t least three counter-arguments exist. First, m u c h social science literature and c o m m o n f o l k l o r e suggests that influence is m o s t successfully accomplished t h r o u g h interpersonal interaction (e.g. B a n d u r a , 1986; R e a r d o n , 1987). Second, claims o f effectiveness often rest u p o n the "cues filtered o u t " nature o f these m e d i a — a n d o n related claims t h a t these media are m o r e democratic and egalitarian {e.g. Kiesler, Siegel, & M c G u i r e , 1984). M o r e recent e m p i r i c a l studies find t h a t predicted e q u a l i t y i n participation/influence is n o t reflected in actual usage patterns o f " r e a l " individuals i n electronic n e t w o r k s (Schmitz &c F u l k , 1 9 9 1 ; V a l a c i c h , Paranka, George, & N u n a m a k e r , 1993). T h i r d , w e m u s t temper egalitarian assumptions embedded i n the metap h o r o f a level electronic p l a y i n g field. Electronic media t y p i c a l l y demand s k i l l f u l verbal a n d w o r d processing abilities. Consider D a v i d M o r g a n ' s w o r d s t h a t i n t r o d u c e d this chapter, M r M o r g a n ' s linguistic skills strongly enhanced his self-presentation. Even f o r those less gifted, English fluency, basic w r i t i n g skills, a n d k e y b o a r d i n g skills become m o r e critical w h e n using electronic media (Schmitz &c F u l k , 1 9 9 1 ) . So a l t h o u g h physical appearance, dress, and other status cues recede, educational competencies and linguistic skills increase i n i m p o r t a n c e . C o m p u t e r - c o m m u n i c a t i o n media are n o t neutral w i t h r e g a r d to c u l t u r e , education, and socio-economic class. A n d electronic persons are n o t m o r e " e q u a l " than p r o x i m a t e i n d i v i d u a l s , w e just use d i f f e r e n t criteria to rate t h e m .

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PEN Origins, the Enfranchisement Imperative, and the PEN Action Group P E N rested u p o n a b r o a d base o f technical experience w i t h a m u n i c i p a l electronic m a i l system, developed i n 1984 b y K e n Phillips, D i r e c t o r o f the I n f o r m a t i o n System D i v i s i o n f o r the C i t y o f Santa M o n i c a . I met Phillips t h r o u g h an earlier s t u d y o f Santa M o n i c a ' s innovative e-mail system. A f t e r t h a t s t u d y was completed (Schmitz, 1 9 8 7 ) , Phillips asked me t o survey Santa M o n i c a residents a b o u t their hypothetical reactions to being "electronically l i n k e d t o c i t y h a l l . " T h e feasibility survey f o u n d t h a t Santa M o n i c a residents liked a listing o f electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n o p t i o n s . Residents favored i n f o r m a t i o n seeking activities like electronic l i b r a r y access o r city services i n f o r m a t i o n m o r e t h a n they w a n t e d to communicate electronically w i t h c i t y hall o r w i t h each other (Schmitz, 1988). C o m p u t e r and m o d e m o w n e r s h i p was then widespread i n Santa M o n i c a , 33 percent and 11 percent respectively. M o s t i m p o r t a n t l y , the survey: (1) documented p u b l i c s u p p o r t f o r the " C i t i z e n s ' Electronic N e t w o r k Pilot Project;" (2) let Phillips "test the w a t e r s " before he c o m m i t t e d large resources then needed to create such a system; a n d (3) legitimated Phillips subsequent efforts t o create P E N . 5

Even so, i t was clear t h a t any n e w system w o u l d d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y benefit elites unless steps were taken t o extend access to less f o r t u n a t e Santa M o n i c a residents. A n d i n 1987, except f o r the French M i n i t e l , n o models existed u p o n w h i c h to base P E N . A l t h o u g h a few organizations had a d o p t e d e-mail and electronic b u l l e t i n boards were becoming c o m m o n p l a c e , n o local governments offered electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n to residents. So a l t h o u g h this technology was " o l d h a t " i n 1987, its use t o meet c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g needs was n o v e l , in exactly the sense described earlier b y O r t n e r ( 1 9 8 4 ) .

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T h a t Santa M o n i c a w o u l d first create a distinctive system l i k e P E N was n o t happenstance. A t least f o u r factors c o n t r i b u t e d t o PEN's Santa M o n i c a o r i g i n : (1) Santa M o n i c a was quite affluent; (2) i t had obtained experience w i t h a s i m i l a r and successful i n n o v a t i o n f r o m the m u n i c i p a l e-mail system; (3) P h i l l i p s , as PEN's i n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a m p i o n , p r o v i d e d access t o critical resources; a n d (4) Santa M o n i c a historically had valued p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by all stakeholders. This t r a d i t i o n o f enfranchisement, labeled "middle-class r a d i c a l i s m " b y K a n n ( 1 9 8 6 ) , echoed t h r o u g h interviews w i t h p o l i t i c a l leaders and m u n i c i p a l decision-makers o f this city, w h i c h h a d been called " T h e People's Republic o f Santa M o n i c a " ( G u t h r i e , 1 9 8 8 ) . PEN's designers believed t h a t to ensure their project's success they m u s t p r o v i d e access t o disadvantaged persons, p a r t i c u l a r l y y o u n g , o l d , and p o o r residents. Phillips and Schmitz (1988) argued m a p o l i c y paper t h a t "equitable access f o r a i l S M residents is f u n d a m e n t a l f o r the project's l o n g

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term success" and proposed t h a t p u b l i c terminals and system t r a i n i n g be available at libraries, m u n i c i p a l b u i l d i n g s , and p u b l i c schools. T h i s v i e w reflected a local p o l i t i c a l consensus t h a t taxpayers' funds s h o u l d most serve the interests o f the needy. W e k n e w f r o m the academic literature t h a t b o t h access t o and benefits f r o m i n f o r m a t i o n technology favored elites (e.g. D u t t o n , Rogers, 6c Jun, 1 9 8 7 ; Rogers, 1 9 8 3 ) , a n d felt constrained to remedy these disparities. Because Santa M o n i c a ' s P E N project was l i n k e d closely to the A n n e n b e r g School o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n , m a n y scholarly accounts describe its origins and consequences (see G u t h r i e & D u t t o n , 1992; O ' S u l t i v a n , 1995; Rogers, Collins-Jarvis, &C Schmitz, 1994; Schmitz, Rogers, Phillips, & Paschal, 1995; W i t t i g &C Schmitz, 1 9 9 6 ) . A p o i n t obscured m these accounts is that PEN's designers were n o t p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned a b o u t h o w P E N m i g h t affect the homeless per se. A l t h o u g h homeiessness was a serious p r o b l e m i n Santa M o n i c a by 1987, i t d i d n o t drive efforts to enfranchise " h a v e - n o t s " via P E N , largely because d u r i n g PEN's development, PEN's designers conceived o f disadvantaged persons using demographic criteria such as e t h n i c i t y , age, o r perhaps i n c o m e — b u t n o t homeiessness. I suspect, w i t h c h a g r i n , t h a t w e viewed homeless persons m u c h l i k e the stereotypical panhandlers a n d substance abusers so c o m m o n i n media representations and so visible o n Santa M o n i c a ' s streets. A l t h o u g h residents' s u p p o r t f o r an electronic conferencing feature was at best m i l d l y enthusiastic, as s h o w n by the feasibility survey results, Phillips w a n t e d t o b u i l d " a n electronic t o w n square." H e sold the P E N system to the C i t y C o u n c i l using a m e t a p h o r o f an electronic city h a l l t h a t featured areas f o r a l l t o meet and discuss c o m m o n issues. Still, w h e n P E N was first unveiled m F e b r u a r y 1989, except f o r a conference to help users to operate P E N , o n l y one mega conference, "Ideas," was p r o v i d e d .

The PEN Action The Enfranchisement

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As m o r e city residents adopted P E N , discrete conferences were created, each c o n t a i n i n g a d d i t i o n a l distinct items o r topics. By A p r i l 1989, the Homeless conference p r o v i d e d an electronic meeting place f o r w h a t later became the P E N A c t i o n G r o u p . T h i s g r o u p , g r o u n d e d i n a social activist t r a d i t i o n reminiscent of the early 1970s, was f o r m e d i n response t o M i c h è l e W i m g ' s " I n v i t a t i o n t o B R A I N S T O R M Ideas f o r P E N A c t i o n . . . to consider mechanisms f o r directing P E N t a l k i n t o P E N a c t i o n " ( W i t t i g , 1989). T h e P E N A c t i o n G r o u p used the Homeless conference and PEN's e-mail to help develop plans and coordinate activities. T h e g r o u p i n c l u d e d several (then) homeless m e n , a m o n g t h e m , D a v i d M o r g a n and D o n a l d Paschal. Soon the P E N A c t i o n G r o u p met i n person and on-line as they developed the S H W A S H L O C K (SHowers, W A S H e r s , L O C K e r s ) p r o g r a m f o r the homeless. Later they successfully l o b b i e d Santa M o n i c a ' s C i t y C o u n c i l f o r $ 1 5 0 , 0 0 0 t o f u n d their p r o g r a m .

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A central a r g u m e n t f o r f u n d i n g used by the P E N A c t i o n G r o u p was their accurate c l a i m t h a t homeless persons had played a direct r o l e i n S H W A S H L O C K ' s creation ( W i t t i g , personal c o m m u n i c a t i o n , June 1993). T h i s c l a i m b o t h legitimized S H W A S H L O C K just as i t challenged c o m m o n stereotypes o f the homeless as incompetent, substance-abusing p a n h a n d lers. These positive characterizations o f the homeless were bolstered by t h o u g h t f u l P E N entries by homeless a u t h o r s . The Homeless conference had become a n i m p o r t a n t venue w i t h participants t h a t included f o u r C i t y C o u n c i l M e m b e r s a n d a p o l i t i c a l leader's spouse w h o was influential i n her own right. PEN Use, Public Terminals, a n d Homeless Users A f t e r the first year o f o p e r a t i o n , almost 2 , 0 0 0 persons h a d registered to use P E N , but o n l y a small percentage o f these were frequent or intensive users { G u t h r i e et a l . , 1 9 9 0 ) . Because m a n y P E N users lacked the h a r d w a r e to access the n e t w o r k , a l m o s t 20 percent o f all logons o r i g i n a t e d f r o m p u b l i c terminals d u r i n g its first year o f o p e r a t i o n . Public t e r m i n a l usage increased to 2 7 percent o f logons d u r i n g PEN's second year o f operation as m o r e i n d i viduals w h o lacked personal access to a c o m p u t e r and m o d e m adopted the n e t w o r k . T h e 1990 P E N survey also f o u n d t h a t public terminals p r o v i d e d primary access f o r m o r e t h a n 15 percent o f the respondents. T h i s level o f p u b l i c t e r m i n a l usage suggests t h a t they p r o v i d e d access f o r m a n y o f the disadvantaged persons w h o m PEN's designers had hoped to reach. Public terminals, often located i n libraries, were intensively used by a f e w homeless persons. For t h e m , city libraries served as t e m p o r a r y quarters, surrogate homes t h a t closed at 10 p . m . each evening. Even so, w i t h PEN's advent, these homeless n o w had their o w n " v i r t u a l " addresses. This development was i m p o r t a n t because the homeless c o u l d n o w , f o r the first t i m e , gam access t o a reliable, even prestigious, "place" where they c o u l d be reached and they c o u l d easily contact others w h o used P E N . Perhaps m o s t i m p o r t a n t , they c o u l d n o w interact o n a far more equal basis w i t h other Santa M o n i c a residents. For example: The part I hate most is that we without shelter are looked on with disdain, fear, loathing, pity, and hatred. This difference makes "normal" contact with other humans almost impossible. , . . In the minds of many, people who arc different must be avoided. This is why Santa Monica's PEN system is so special to me. . To me the most remarkable thing about the PEN community is that a City Council member and a pauper can coexist, albeit not always in perfect harmony, but on an equal basis. I have met, become friends with, or perhaps adversaries with, people I would otherwise not know—even if I were homed. (Donald Paschal in Schmitz et ai., 1995) The Homeless

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T h e Homeless conference consisted o f several related, u n m o d e r a t e d conferences t h a t first started d u r i n g A p r i l 1989 and continued u n t i l February 1 9 9 3 , w h e n the C i t y o f Santa M o n i c a changed the P E N f o r m a t

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considerably. These conferences included the Homeless conference a n d three other " m i n o r " conferences t h a t totaled over 2 0 , 0 0 0 entries ( M a y a l l , 1995). T h e y included the Homeless conference, the Homeless Resource D i r e c t o r y , the S H W A S H L O C K Event Planning conference, and the T a s k Force O n Homelessness Staff R e p o r t . W h i l e each conference featured a theoretically distinct t o p i c , P E N text is typified b y frequent t o p i c shifts and " o f f t h r e a d " comments i n a l l b u t the (read o n l y ) Staff Report. This ebb and s h i f t o f b o t h t o p i c a n d tone reflects the diverse styles, personal agendas, a n d c h a n g i n g m o o d s o f P E N a u t h o r s . Some o f the first Homeless entries chronicled an electronic gathering o f homeless persons, the sporadically h o m e d , and " e l i t e " Santa M o n i c a residents. O t h e r early entries p r o v i d e d i n f o r m a t i o n useful t o the homeless and t o those w h o w a n t e d t o help t h e m . N o t e the entry by K e n Genser, then M a y o r o f Santa M o n i c a , and his concern w i t h placing the Homeless item i n the C r i m e w a t c h conference. T h i s placement changed later as " H o m e l e s s " became a separate conference. N o t e also the direct exchange between " B U I , " a social w o r k e r a n d D a v i d M o r g a n , then homeless. T h r o u g h o u t this section m y c l a r i f y i n g comments are italicized w i t h i n square brackets. 2 ; i ) "Jim" 24-APR-89 15:58 I was homeless for three months last year when the person who was house sitting my apartment refused to vacate. Fortunately I had friends and was able to rotate between abodes until 1 got my home back. Nevertheless it was a frightening experience and I can afford an occasional quarter for the less fortunate. I think it's critical that we come up with a permanent solution to this problem immediately. 2:2) Ken Genser \Mayor of Santa Monica) 24-APR-89 16:10 I am glad that there is a discussion item about homelessness, but 1 feel very uncomfortable about it being in the Crimewatch conference. The implication is that somehow it is criminal to be homeless, or that most homeless people commit crimes. 3:3) Buria I wife of a former Santa Monica Mayor] 18-OCT-89 8:35 "Jim," how are you holding up? I did not know about the situation in your building. . Personally I think that the homeless people have been used long enough for too much in this city, and I am tired ot the homeless issue being manipulated to death. 3:19) Donald Pascha! [homeless Update: The number to Turning Point has what the new number is. .please check filled-up. Is there somewhere else OTHER THAN the a nights rest?

rnanl 23-OCT-89 14:47 been changed. . .they do not know out and update. P.A.T.H. is all Bible Tabernacle where one can get

4:2) Buna 12-FEB-90 16:44 Joanne, the custodians can work at 6 am, the homeless can be allowed to sleep in an enclosed facility, auditorium, etc. from 10 pm to 6 am. Homeless can be hired to help the custodians to clean up, this is a good source for a days job.

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4:16) David Morgan |to "Bill," a social worker] 13-FEB-90 18:33 . . " B i l l , " you lost my vote when you said " w e can then -police' the areas we don't want them m, such as the high traffic tourist areas, etc" I am not for herding human beings into an area, or out of an area. I know this will be a novel statement, but there are drunks living in houses in Santa Monica, and there are homeless people living tn Santa Monica who don't touch alcohol or drugs. Homeless people are not a disease, and many more people could be on the street shortly, if there is a big cut-back in defense spending. I am not in favor of segregation, period. 4:18) " B i l l " (the sociaf worker addressed by David Morganl 13-FEB-90 19:27 re 4:16 David, .touche'. P.S. David, allow me to make myself clear as I just received some E-MAIL regarding my "policing" statement. 1 am "attacking" this problem from the mindset of those people who view the homeless the way people like "Chris" |a more conservative, former Santa Monica Mayor] does. Unless we can show them the 'errors* of their stands, we will—as a community—remain deadlocked on this issue. Slowly, but surely, we are becoming a more compassionate society, .but not fast enough for my tastes. At any rate, sometimes, a little "devil advocacy" goes a long way. N o t e h o w the P E N text features elites conversing directly w i t h the homeless a b o u t issues i m p o r t a n t t o b o t h . W h i l e these entries are a t y p i c a l because they do n o t include m u c h o f the m u n d a n e " c h a t " c o m m o n to m a n y P E N entries o f this t i m e , they d o reflect the tone a n d content o f the early Homeless conference. T h e y also s h o w a shared c o m m i t m e n t to supply i n f o r m a t i o n a n d act i n concert to a i d the homeless. Private e-mail was used to supplement p u b l i c conference messages. Sometimes friends w o u l d censure each other p r i v a t e l y b u t refrain f r o m p u b l i c c o m m e n t o n an e n t r y . O t h e r times persons m i g h t critically respond w i t h a public c o m m e n t a b o u t a previous e n t r y b u t p r i v a t e l y send a c o n c i l i a t o r y message (interviews w i t h M i c h è l e W i t t i g , June 1993, 1994, a n d t w o Santa M o n i c a C i t y C o u n c i l M e m b e r s , 1 9 9 5 ) . L a s d y , D a v i d M o r g a n was quite prophetic; u n e m p l o y m e n t i n the Southern C a l i f o r n i a w o u l d exceed 10 percent w i t h i n a year. D u r i n g this early t i m e p e r i o d , the " S H W A S H L O C K Planning conference" p r o v i d e d a n electronic home f o r P E N A c t i o n G r o u p efforts. T h e next e n t r y demonstrates h o w P E N was used t o bridge physical, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , and social distances. T h e S H W A S H L O C K Planning conference contained m u c h " s p i l l o v e r " f r o m the Homeless conference; b o t h conferences shared a c o m m o n readership a n d m a n y authors posted interchangeably i n either conference. 7:476) Michèle Wittig 07-SEP-90 19:12 The following PENners have volunteered to be JOB Bank liaisons: Liaison with information Systems Department: Michael Liaison with OPCC Drop-in Center: Alice and James Liaison with the Homeiessness Task Force: Joanne & Michèle Liaison with Convention & Visitor's Bureau: Bruna & Michèle Liaison with Snyder Co: Kevin Sub-committee on computer training: Kathy, Joanne, & Carol Don's [Pascha/1 idea has blossomed! Thanks everyone for taking on these tasks. Copy Kevin on your progress.

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By 1 9 9 1 , Southern C a l i f o r n i a was gripped by a serious, p r o l o n g e d recession. B o t h the homeless " p r o b l e m " a n d illegal m i g r a t i o n h a d become m o r e visible a n d b o t h issues were politicized as available resources f o r social services d w i n d l e d w h i l e the resources necessary to meet these needs increased. T h e P E N Homeless conference, a l t h o u g h i t c o n t i n u e d to focus on the concerns o f the homeless, reflected these added stresses. Ï believe this less m u n i f i c e n t c o m m u n i t y e n v i r o n m e n t increased the level o f h o s t i l i t y and was m i r r o r e d i n the P E N discourse. W e can begin to see a shift f r o m a dialogue a m o n g persons w i t h shared goals a b o u t m u t u a l concerns to a series o f adversarial monologues t h a t t a l k past each other. 16:13) Michèle Wittig 14-JAN-92 11:46 Re: SHWASHLOCK. I visited Memorial Park last Saturday and made some inquiries about the availability of early morning showers. Users of the showers report that they open sometime between 7 and 9am depending on when the staff gets them cleaned after arriving for work. 1 think that's the best we can hope for at the moment. The City has shown a willingness to accommodate our request for early-opening without major additional staff salary outlay. The laundry voucher program is going well, and continues to be supported by the money raised in the July, 1990 PEN Action Group fundraiser. Our team of two mature C5UN interns has experience, a videotape, and are willing to speak to business groups. Still hope to set a date with the Main Street Merchants, "Jim," E-mail me if you're still interested. (

16:16) "Les" 14-JAN-92 18:24 I have received a first hand report that one of the TRANSIENT feeding locations is inside the Senior Citizen center located in Palisades Park. In light of the fact that there is N O screening program to identify who the criminals are Seniors will be in more jeopardy than ever before. Perhaps the Senior Center will be renamed the TRANSIENT Center? Apparently our City Council is more concerned about continuing the indiscriminate feeding of transients than they are about public safety of Senior Citizens. It would be a different matter if the people who came to dinner were merely homeless. 16:24) Donald Paschal 15-JAN-92 9:44 This is only clarification. . .there does seem to be a dinner being served at the senior center— .however this "feeding" (I love it when humans are reduced to the state of animals m a zoo. .) seems to be occurring alter hours, so the safety iactor seems to be more specious than not. 16:29) "Les" 15-JAN-92 10:21 What is very curious is why the NAACP and others have not |sicl have not expressed outrage at the RACIST and HATEFUL threats which were posted on Item 15, Response #833? Why is it alright for a "HOMELESS" person to post OBSCENITY, SLANDER and RACIST THREATS, and be defended by prominent PEN Regulars? As for the cowardly persons who send anonymous FAXes, that is something I have NEVER been accused of. I do not FEAR to

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.put my name on anything that i write. [ do suspect though, .there are many, many, silent onlookers who are afraid to participate because of the threats, obscenity and ridicule. 16:30) Donald Paschal {in response to the preceding entry] 15-JAN-92 10:38 re 29/point #2)I will take your word that you did not send the fax. I must say that you have put your views on the line. .even though [ strongly disagree. However, fear of attack should not stifle debate. Besides, "Les", you are not the only person on PEN who has expressed these views. W h i l e the Homeless conference still featured dialogue a m o n g diverse i n d i v i d u a l s , the o v e r a l l tone became m u c h m o r e harsh. M o r e strident entries, rife w i t h personal attacks, increasingly typified m a n y P E N postings d u r i n g 1992. T h i s h o s t i l i t y led m a n y P E N regulars t o become disenchanted w i t h the n e t w o r k ; some o f the C i t y C o u n c i l M e m b e r s w h o were early P E N regulars n o longer posted entries and m a n y curtailed their P E N r e a d i n g . 16:133) " D a n " 23-JAN-92 12:31 I am homeless. I sent the city attorney messages about strengthening law or ordinance on drunkeness, |sicl panhandling, other intrusive behavior—as a way of avoiding discrimination against the homeless. He did not hardly respond but to say no "strengthening" was needed; the laws were "adequate" 1 can say that enforcement rn the parks is lax, and in two steps: The rangers, who are not so well trained. And the police, who arrive too long after an incident of violence, intrusion, drunkeness, \sic] e t c . . . , This enforcement seems to BE THE CENTRAL ISSUE. 16:134) "Reg" 23-JAN-92 13:18 Say Jews can not sleep m the park, see what happens. Say Japs can not sleep m the park, see what happens. But say homeless Vets can not sleep in the park, no big deal right? 16:137) City Attorney- IThen Robert Myers) 23-JAN-92 13:53 Mr. ("Dan"]: As I informed you, I believe that existing laws are adequate to deaf with anti-social conduct. Your concerns will not be addressed by additional laws. 16:138) "Susan" What w e have here is a failure to enforce.

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16:139) " D i c k " 23-JAN-92 15:32 "Reg," what they are trying to say is that it isn't ok for anyone to camp in the parks. It isn't what they are for, and it prevents many people from using the parks for what they are for. 16:141) " D a n " 23-JAN-92 15:53 City Attorney: You were supposed to at least address the subject of enforcement problems also. Two times at least you have failed to make any such distinction in your responses. Is this just an oversight? 16:143) "Ceraldine" 23-JAN-92 18:25 In so far as enforcement is the responsibility of the SMPD, it is not the responsibility of the City Attorney's Office, " D a n "

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16:147) "Les" fin response to the preceding entry] 23-JAN-92 21:20 "Geraldine" (Per YOUR entry: Planning Item 9:757) As a FOREIGN NATIONAL who has lived i n the U.S. 18 yrs on a "temporary work permit" who oversees the LARGEST POVERTY "non-profit" in Santa Monica (over $20 million) would you tell us if you oppose an ordinance to prohibit encampment i n Santa Monica's parks? 16:149) "Ellen" What's wrong with this question?

23-JAN-92 22:32

16:150) "Richard" The questioner.

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16:153) " A l i c e " 23-JAN-92 23:20 All this talk about the CA iCity Attorney] not "following orders" reminds me of those "good Germans" who, after World War II, claimed they were only "following orders." As the 1992 elections approached, Homeless conference entries became increasingly s h r i l l . C o m p a r i s o n o f the February 1992 entries w i t h those o f September 1 9 9 2 revealed fewer entries m the later p e r i o d and t h a t m a n y o f the m o r e p r o l i f i c September authors were conference newcomers (Schmitz et a t , 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e r e was also a decline i n " l u r k e r s , " persons w h o read entries b u t d i d n o t post o n P E N . T h e Homeless conference became a f o r u m f o r p o l i t i c a l r h e t o r i c and personal invective i n w h i c h ideological opponents waged electronic contests. A t the same t i m e an i m p o r t a n t p o l i t i c a l controversy centered o n calls to dismiss the C i t y A t t o r n e y f o r refusing to restrict homeless c a m p i n g i n Santa M o n i c a ' s p u b l i c parks. The entries t h a t f o l l o w show h o w this controversy was resolved and demonstrate elites' a n d non-elites' interaction o n P E N . 18:482) " B i l l " 08-SEP-92 14:17 I will probably be there, but I don't plan to speak. If I remember correctly, since this is an "Item 9," one cannot address it. Of course, public comments are welcomed <sic> at the end. My friends and I feel that this is another "done deal/' which means w e will probably have to fight this out in court IF the ordinance is accepted as is. I suspect that the City Council will try to fire our City Attorney again tonight and I fear that whether it is tonight or sometime in the future, the majority of the CC will indeed let him go. Sooner or later, our City Attorney will be gone; probably much sooner than later. The last hurrah of irony is that what will be lost is Rent Control, for this is the real issue. 18:483) Donald Paschal 08-SEP-92 14:21 I think homelessness is the real issue. People don't want people around who have nowhere to be. 18:484) Ken Censer iQ'ty Counci! Member] 08-SEP-92 15:28 Members of the public are welcome to address the council on "9" items.

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18:485) " B i l l " 08-5EP-92 15:47 Thanks, Ken & Don, no disagreement here. I just find it quite interesting to note that those against Rent Control are also so very much against those who are homeless. . 18:488) Robert {City Council Member] 08-SEP-92 19:17 Don't miss tonight's CC Meeting. It is suppose to be an end of summer block buster. 18:489} Donald Paschal 08-SEP-92 19:19 Yes, I am here to see if you are going to fire Bob Myers, as " B i l l " has suggested. (Later that evening the City Council dismissed Robert Myers as City Afforney] 18:494) " B i l l " 09-SEP-92 0:18 I feel badly for Bob Myers. What a sham. Ken and Judy have definitely lost my votes for their re-election. I feel very let down by them. Only Tom showed the courage of conviction. T h e previous discussion started a b o u t ten hours before the event o c c u r r e d . W h i l e calls f o r M y e r ' s dismissal had been covered i n the local newspaper, k n o w l e d g e o f his i m p e n d i n g fixing was not then available t o the general p u b l i c , save v i a P E N . N o t e the direct exchange between R o b e r t ( C i t y C o u n c i l M e m b e r ) and D o n a l d Paschal (homeless); consider the dialogue o f " B i l l " (social w o r k e r ) , Ken Genser ( C i t y C o u n c i l M e m b e r ) , and D o n a l d Paschal. C o m p a r a b l e conversations, u n r e m a r k a b l e o n P E N , w o u l d be w i l d l y a t y p i c a l i n t r a d i t i o n a l face-to-face interactions. Increasingly, the Homeless conference offered a venue f o r adversarial exchanges a b o u t the local elections. Partly this reflected pervasive Santa M o n i c a p o l i t i c s . B u t i t also reflected strong concerns o f P E N regulars a b o u t homeiessness, crime, a n d contrasting views o f an ideal c o m m u n i t y t h a t were increasingly reflected i n contentious P E N entries. A d d i t i o n a l l y , " L o v e d Q u a i l , " a f o r m e r l y m e n t a l l y i l l , homeless w r i t e - i n candidate f o r C i t y C o u n c i l , campaigned o n P E N w i t h f e w restraints. W h a t had begun as a f o r u m to discuss homeless issues a n d help homeless persons had become a m u c h different discourse, one w i t h quite different social n o r m s . 18:567) "Phil" 11-SEP-92 7:52 Mayor, I agree with you that it had to be done. But don't for a second say that it wasn't politically expedient. 2 weeks ago, a poll was taken of four names. Genser, Abdo, Pyne, and Greenberg. You and Mayor Pro-Tern Abdo both lost. You fired Bob Myers in a wave of political expediency, and you will rehire him to save your asses in December. You had the opportunity to fire him at every Tuesday's meeting, and yet you waited. I'm surprised you didn't wait until the District Attorney's office got him disbarred for malfeasance m office. But, that's all past now. He'll go get some job with the ACLU, which is basically what he's had for the past decade anyway. 18:586) " P h i l " \addressing the Mayor) 11-SEP-92 22:12 Ken, you know damn well that SMRR's campaign/political organs were the ones who conducted the polls. And I'm sure not going to tell you who my sources are on that one. But it's okay. You lost, as you will in November. The City of Santa Monica, at least the RESIDENTS ol the City are fed up with your leftist, failed

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approach to dealing with the homeless. And they want a change, a toughed-up change. Shall 1 call U-Haul, or will you? 18:637) "Loved Q u a i l " [Write-in City Council Candidate] 14-SEP-92 20:52 Sung To The Tune Of Pride (In The Name Of Love) (Et Tu?) Not too late one September Eight Cowards darken the homelss night The wise w o n " t miss The Serpent's hissssssssssssss But you can't cloak what's not right In the name of love What more in the name of love? In the name of love What more in the name ol love? Copyright 1992 "Loved Q u a i l " A l l Rights Reserved I agree with 1 think it was "Bill"—John Jalili ]City Manager), not Bob Myers would best have served the interest of the public generally to have been fired. Burn like Hell, Satan Monika. I'll write you from wherever I go to when the riots resume, coming to an intersection near you. SHoulda practiced policius status interrupts like I told ya. Now it looks like yer screwed. T h e entry by " L o v e d Q u a i l , " t y p i c a l i n content, is f a r m o r e brief t h a n m a n y o f his other entries, w h i c h comprised m u l t i p l e screens o f text. T h e sexual innuendoes p r o b a b l y refer to an openly gay C i t y C o u n c i l candidate. Some o f " L o v e d Q u a i i " ' s entries were extremely hostile and p r o f a n e ; m o s t b i t t e r l y criticized the C i t y C o u n c i l , l a w enforcement agencies, or the m e n t a l health profession. Perhaps because o f " L o v e d Q u a u " " s goads, the Homeless conference soon " f e a t u r e d " entries by several incumbent C i t y C o u n c i l M e m b e r s a n d other candidates w h o directly responded to " Q u a i l " ' s insuits w i t h accusations almost as intemperate. By the end o f 1992, the harsh P E N invective had chilled p a r t i c i p a t i o n ; logons declined a b o u t 25 percent f r o m the previous year. D u r i n g January 1993 K e n Phillips c o n f i d e d t o me t h a t he w o u l d " j u s t as soon shut a l l the d a m n conferences d o w n . " P h i l l i p s ' f r u s t r a t i o n w i t h P E N s h o r t l y became m o o t as he accepted an attractive j o b at the City/County o f Salem, O r e g o n . By M a r c h 1993, Santa M o n i c a changed the conference f o r m a t to one i n w h i c h the city pre-screened m o s t entries and limited their length. A l t h o u g h unregulated conferences still existed, they were consolidated at a few specified " l o c a t i o n s " and were b o t h harder to f i n d and less useful. In one respect, the preceding Homeless conference t e x t is n o t representative. T h e larger P E N corpus is m o r e repetitive and o f t e n seems pointless o r b a n a l . M a n y P E N entries were composed d u r i n g the evening o r late at n i g h t , except f o r those by homeless PENners w h o logged o f f w h e n the libraries a n d c o m m u n i t y centers closed. Yet, consider the " i d e a l " standard: face-to-face conversation. O f t e n o u r face-to-face discourse fails t o sparkle, perhaps m o r e so w h e n late at n i g h t and p a r t i c u l a r l y i f w e are i m p a i r e d by fatigue or drugs, legal o r otherwise. Still, i n face-to-face conversation w e m a y m o r e easily end a discussion or signal a change m t o p i c . O n systems

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like P E N , a single conversant m a y continue w i t h o u t immediate restraint, p a r t l y because m a n y cues have been filtered o u t .

Structural

social

H o w t o create a venue f o r " i d e a l " p u b l i c speech was a big concern d u r i n g PEN's early development. W e struggled w i t h b o t h censorship issues and m o d e r a t o r o p t i o n s . W e also considered starting u p P E N s l o w l y w i t h carefully selected persons w h o w o u l d m o d e l "desirable" n o r m s . W h i l e the P E N Users A g r e e m e n t stipulated t h a t users r e f r a i n f r o m obscene o r profane speech and asked t h a t they respect others, this agreement was n o t held t o be a n enforceable contract, i n the end, the d e m a n d to " r o l l the system o u t " a n d legal concerns to protect free speech precluded Santa M o n i c a f r o m t a k i n g m o r e aggressive steps t o firmly establish n o r m s o f c i v i l i t y . So m o d e l i n g " i d e a l " conferences, moderated conferences, or strict restrictions regarding the length, tone, and content o f P E N entries were n o t really a t t e m p t e d .

M u s t o u r electronic discourse d i f f e r m a r k e d l y f r o m c o n v e n t i o n a l speech? I t h i n k n o t . I t seems t h a t i f P E N differs m a r k e d l y , i t differs most f o r those, l i k e the homeless, w h o are often silenced. A n d P E N differs n o t because o f its scintillating discourse, b u t because i t offers a venue where the criteria f o r acceptance center o n the cognitive and verbal skills o f w o u l d - b e participants rather t h a n o n their physical appearance and interpersonal skills. PEN Incivility:

Antecedents a n d Consequences

Some o f the negative outcomes associated w i t h the later P E N t e x t seem exacerbated b y P E N ' s technology. PEN's software r e q u i r e d readers to scroll t h r o u g h each entry i n t u r n . A l t h o u g h adept users c o u l d skip a r o u n d w i t h i n conferences, this was d i f f i c u l t f o r m a n y P E N users, i n c l u d i n g myself. Consequently, overly l o n g and offensive entries chilled p a r t i c i p a t i o n b y m a n y w h o came to v i e w P E N as h a v i n g m o r e chaff t h a n w h e a t . A t the psychological level o f analysis, the P E N text provides examples consistent w i t h the psychological d i s m h i b i t t o n claimed by some (e.g. Kiesler et ah, 1984; S p r o u l l 8c Kiesler, 1986) to be an inherent consequence o f electronic m e d i a , w h i c h e m b o d y lessened social restraints. A l t h o u g h I a m leery o f the technological d e t e r m i n i s m these explanations rest u p o n , the P E N t e x t does s h o w s t r i k i n g examples o f relaxed social restraints coupled w i t h consequent norms o f i n c i v i l i t y . Further, P E N A c t i o n G r o u p members surveyed by W i t t i g & Schmitz (1996) sometimes a t t r i b u t e d their o w n and others' flaming as a consequence o f fewer social restraints o n P E N . F o r me the m o s t i m p o r t a n t issues involve n o t the technical effects o f this media, b u t the social antecedents and their consequences. T h e P E N system itself was a socially constructed artifact t h a t reflected Santa M o n i c a ' s n o r m s to include diverse, p o t e n t i a l l y divisive others m a c o l l a b o r a t i v e dialogue. As a n early P E N user, I recall the excitement o n P E N a b o u t the n e w enterprise w e shared. W e c o u l d n o w t a l k w i t h each other a b o u t the local (or n a t i o n a l ) issues o f the day. PEN's early tone was m i r r o r e d by the goals t h a t i n i t i a l Homeless conference participants shared. These first users, a l t h o u g h a diverse g r o u p o f i n d i v i d u a l s , developed a shared agenda, first electronically, a n d then, f o r m a n y , in-person. W h y d i d P E N later become m o r e uncivil? I t h i n k these changes were l i n k e d p a r t l y to declining economic prosperity and p a r d y to m o r e divisive local politics. T h e corpus o f P E N text reflected these tensions i n Santa M o n i c a . Several years later, as the Homeless conference text shows, t h a t early gloss h a d w o r n o f f . As system-wide P E N norms became less c i v i l , the Homeless conference also became m o r e contentious. W h i l e t h o u g h t f u l and reflective conversations still t o o k place o n P E N , the P E N t e x t was transf o r m e d t o a discourse quite different f r o m either its first beginnings o r w h a t its creators had o r i g i n a l l y envisioned.

Relations,

Electronic

Media,

Social

Change

97

Culture

Conclusions Santa M o n i c a ' s P E N experience offers at least five insights r e g a r d i n g electronic m e d i a i n iocal c o m m u n i t i e s . First, because P E N reflects Santa M o n i c a ' s distinctive social n o r m s , P E N was created i n the context o f a s t r o n g c o m m i t m e n t to share p o l i t i c a l and economic p o w e r . T h e structure and o p e r a t i o n o f P E N reflect these c o m m u n i t y n o r m s . The strength o f this c o m m i t m e n t was demonstrated b y the candidacy o f " L o v e d Q u a i l " f o r C i t y C o u n c i l M e m b e r a n d the tolerance s h o w n to his election campaign o n P E N . P h i l l i p s ' use o f an inclusive t o w n h a l l metaphor and PEN's p r o v i s i o n o f p u b l i c terminals were n o t accidental b u t were r o o t e d i n Santa M o n i c a ' s c u l t u r e . Later, nearby cities w o u l d create their o w n electronic systems, systems t h a t w o u l d be guided by quite different metaphors and systems t h a t w o u l d operate quite d i f f e r e n t l y — a n d operate to serve quite different ends ( G u t h r i e & D u t t o n , 1992). Second, the desires of Santa M o n i c a elites also shaped the development and o p e r a t i o n o f P E N . Because these electronic systems, even as they evolve, r e m a i n g r o u n d e d m their host c o m m u n i t i e s , the goals o f elites, and o f others, r e m a i n i m p o r t a n t . W h e n PEN's discourse became r o w d y enough t o d r i v e o f f m a n y users, the value o f the system was reduced for a l l , p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r those most needy. Here Sahlin's argument, t h a t change occurs w h e n t r a d i t i o n a l relations c o n f r o n t novel phenomena t h a t do n o t respond i n t r a d i t i o n a l w a y s , is clearly i l l u m i n a t e d . A n d w e m a y see h o w this process can yield consequences t h a t are quite u n f o r g i v i n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y f r o m the perspective o f those w h o w o u l d manage structural change. T h i r d , the P E N case demonstrates t h a t these types o f technology do m a t t e r . W h e n they are deliberately employed t o bridge social distances, the a b i l i t y t o span social and physical gulfs can serve to include those w h o are often excluded. T h e i n c l u s i o n of homeless persons i n the P E N A c t i o n G r o u p and their p r o m i n e n t role i n developing the S H W A S H L O C K p r o g r a m w o u l d be wÜdly i m p r o b a b l e i n groups t h a t o r i g i n a t e d t h r o u g h

98

Virtual

Culture

the t r a d i t i o n a l sequence o f face-to-face encounters. A core issue is deliberate e m p l o y m e n t . P E N was a deliberately constructed social creation, comprised o f h a r d w a r e , s o f t w a r e , expectations, a n d governed by belief structures t h a t created a new venue i n w h i c h diverse residents o f Santa M o n i c a c o u l d interact. T h e same technologies m i g h t have been used, i n a different social e n v i r o n m e n t , t o b u i l d a non-interactive, kiosk-based i n f o r m a t i o n system i n s u p p o r t o f the local chamber of commerce. F o u r t h , these systems are "intensely m a l l e a b l e " by their users. T r u e , the c o n f i g u r a t i o n o f their h a r d w a r e m a y encourage and also constrain h o w participants w i l l use t h e m , just as system policies m a y encourage o r discourage p a r t i c u l a r behaviors. Yet, m o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , once constructed, systems l i k e P E N are l i t e r a l l y created and re-created b y those w h o use t h e m . T h e y are therefore d y n a m i c , interactive, and often unscripted systems o f m e a n i n g t h a t reflect loosely coordinated behaviors by participants. So w e c a n ' t expect to c o n t r o l their outcomes i n any deterministic fashion. A t most, f o r better o r worse, we may p a r t l y shape outcomes t h r o u g h influencing the meanings t h a t these systems have f o r their users. F i f t h , a " d a r k side" o f this technology presents serious dilemmas w h e n core values such as free speech, respect f o r others, and greatly different views o f an ideal c o m m u n i t y come i n conflict. Discussions w i t h members o f the P E N A c t i o n G r o u p often elicited the theme t h a t , f o r m a n y , their o n line personae fostered c o n f l i c t i n ways t h a t were atypically harsh c o m p a r e d t o their face-to-face behavior. M a n y , p r o b a b l y most, P E N users felt t h a t i n c i v i l i t y was the greatest p r o b l e m t h a t the n e t w o r k faced (Schmitz et a l , 1995; W i t t i g &c Schmitz, 1996). Recall t h a t P E N was e x p l i c i t l y designed t o b u i l d an electronic c o m m u n i t y t h a t was open to a l l residents. I n an ironic p a r a d o x , p a r t l y because P E N facilitated discourse a m o n g very different persons w h o " s h a r e d " a c o m m o n electronic space, this added diversity enhanced the p o t e n t i a l f o r conflict. This p a r a d o x , congruent w i t h O r t n e r ' s (1984) v i e w o f change, s h o u l d p u t us o n notice t h a t the symbolic meanings w e h o l d f o r systems l i k e P E N are b o t h d y n a m i c and indeterminate:

Structurai Relations, Electronic

Media,

Social

99

Change

T h e i m p a c t o f homeless P E N users was, f o r me, an unanticipated consequence, yet one consistent w i t h the theoretical views t h a t helped to shape PEN. A l s o u n a n t i c i p a t e d was the steady d r i f t t o w a r d s conflict t h a t came to characterize P E N and w o u l d l i m i t its value t o Santa M o n i c a . These changes, a l t h o u g h consistent w i t h the increased conflict m Santa M o n i c a , appear m a g n i f i e d o n P E N . Here the technology seems t o foster the ease b y w h i c h the m e a n i n g o f P E N changes f r o m a venue f o r c o l l a b o r a t i o n t o a place f o r conflict. I n this respect, O r t n e r ' s characterization o f change as failed r e p r o d u c t i o n is p a r t i c u l a r l y apt. Y e t P E N ' s heightened conflict should not b l i n d us t o i m p o r t a n t o u t comes. I n t e r a c t i o n a m o n g very different persons t o o k place regularly i n ways t h a t w o u l d be w i l d l y " i n a p p r o p r i a t e " using conventional media. W i t h o u t P E N , a c o u n t e r p a r t to D a v i d M o r g a n ' s letter w o u l d be almost inconceivable. I t is h a r d to envision a conventional t o w n meeting t h a t w o u l d regularly offer the exchanges a m o n g local officials, p o l i t i c a l activists, and the homeless t h a t were c o m m o n p l a c e o n P E N . W i t h o u t P E N , the S H W A S H L O C K p r o g r a m w o u l d also be quite i m p r o b a b l e . So P E N demonstrates t h a t c o m m u n i t y electronic n e t w o r k s can facilitate the k i n d s of s t r u c t u r a l linkages t o u t e d as i m p o r t a n t b y B l a u , w h i l e i t also cautions us as to the l i m i t s o f o u r ability to guide social change.

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W h i l e p u r s u i n g m y doctorate, I lived w i t h m y f a m i l y i n Santa M o n i c a , C a l i f o r n i a . T h e r e Ï met K e n Phillips a n d was captivated by Phillips' vision o f an electronic c o m m u n i t y , a n d j o i n e d m w h a t w o u l d become the P E N project. T h e first t w o P E N surveys were funded, respectively, by the C i t y o f Santa M o n i c a a n d the University o f Southern C a l i f o r n i a . W i t h o u t K e n Phillips, the P E N system w o u l d n o t exist; Ev Rogers freely gave valuable advice, insight, a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l s u p p o r t t o P E N a n d t o the a u t h o r . M i c h è l e W i t t i g p r o v i d e d valuable insights a b o u t P E N a n d the P E N A c t i o n g r o u p ; D o n a l d Paschal helped me t o better understand w h a t i t was like t o be homeless m Santa M o n i c a .

W h y W e A r g u e A b o u t Virtual

5 Why We Argue About Virtual Community: A Case Study of the Phish.Net Fan Community Nesstm Watson

Scholars a t t e m p t i n g to p r o v e t h a t a g r o u p o f people sharing something o n l i n e are i n fact a " c o m m u n i t y " are regularly challenged by skeptics o f every sort; they are usually criticized as naive techno-utopians d r a w n i n by the hype o f emerging technologies and the i n f o r m a t i o n age. I have argued a n d continue to argue, based o n m y t w o years w o r k i n g as an ethnographer t o an online f a n c o m m u n i t y 5 0 , 0 0 0 strong, t h a t those y o u t h f o r m e d a c o m m u n i t y w h i c h created n o t o n l y i n d i v i d u a l benefits f o r participants b u t also a g r o u p strength w h i c h enabled t h e m t o alter the routines o f the record i n d u s t r y a n d to help l a u n c h a new category o f music i n A m e r i c a n culture. T h a t w o r k has caused me to reflect u p o n the debate over " c o m m u n i t y , " w h i c h has g r o w n louder once again w i t h the emergence o f c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) technologies. Resolving the question o f " v i r t u a l " communities may require t h a t we move b e y o n d i t , t o a deeper b a c k g r o u n d , to examine the p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l f o u n d a t i o n o n w h i c h we have placed o u r arguments a b o u t c o m m u n i t i e s . Consider the f o l l o w i n g question: w h y argue a b o u t an online f o r u m being a c o m m u n i t y o r not? W h y does such a debate matter? T h a t is n o t a cynical question. I f we can get to the heart o f the answer, we may find the tools w i t h w h i c h to resolve this seemingly endless "yes-it-is; n o - i t l s n ' t " debate. Is there some p o w e r to be had i n c l a i m i n g a w o r d l i k e " c o m m u n i t y " ? M i g h t this debate be i m p o r t a n t i n the context o f a group's struggle f o r greater representation i n the larger (potentially global) society? M o r e t o the p o i n t , does being a c o m m u n i t y have something to d o w i t h g a i n i n g representation i n a democratic culture?

The Question of Community Communication and

Community

As often as Internet scholars argue that they have discovered a v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y , i t is also argued t h a t those researchers are uncritical a b o u t the

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n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y . T h e i r detractors often accuse t h e m o f being overly excited to assign " c o m m u n i t y " as a descriptor f o r their favorite and n e w l y discovered online-discussion g r o u p . Early arguments f o r the presence of c o m m u n i t y o n l i n e perhaps deserved such skepticism. A n y a t t e m p t t o a p p l y a valuable w o r d l i k e " c o m m u n i t y " to a new set o f phenomena s h o u l d certainly be m e t w i t h i n i t i a l skepncism. These arguments have a l o n g social history, and each wave o f the conversation has u n f o l d e d i n a n e n v i r o n ment o f r a p i d changes t o everyday life. T h e s w i f t l y m o d e r n i z i n g technological age o f the 1990s has begun the newest wave o f this c u l t u r a l conversation, i n w h i c h w e are again a t t e m p t i n g to define and redefine the n o t i o n o f " c o m m u n i t y . " T h i s conversation is shot t h r o u g h w i t h discussion a b o u t w h e t h e r t o recognize online f o r u m s as " c o m m u n i t i e s , " a n d the t i m e has n o w come t o a d d u p the arguments and take some stock o f w h a t we have collectively argued to and against each other a b o u t the question of c o m m u n i t y . T h e t i m e has come f o r us to ask: w h a t uses exist i n different definitions o f the t e r m , a n d w h a t is i t that we w i s h t o inflect u p o n our u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f C M C by using a c o m m u n i t y metaphor i n our description o f o n l i n e social spaces? O n e w a y t o answer these questions is t o begin w i t h the o r i g i n of " c o m m u n i t y " as t e r m i n o l o g y . T h e Random House Dictionary of the English Language defines " c o m m u n i t y " as 1 . a social group of any size whose members reside in a specific locality, share government, and often have a common cultural and historical heritage . . . 3. , . . group sharing common characteristics or interests and perceived or perceiving itself as distinct m some respect from the larger society within which it exists. (Random House, 1987, p. 414} T h e above d e f i n i t i o n contains requirements o f shared p r o x i m i t y as w e l l as a degree o f c o m m o n experience and c o m m o n interests. Spatial or t e m p o r a l p r o x i m i t y o f c o m m u n i c a n t s is almost never a p a r t o f C M C over the Internet ( w i t h the possible exception o f Internet Relay C h a t and M u l t i user Dimensions). T h u s , this d e f i n i t i o n precludes the recognition o f online c o m m u n i t i e s because i t does n o t connect a conception o f " c o m m u n i t y " to its most closely related w o r d , " c o m m u n i c a t i o n , " and stresses instead a being together w h i c h c o u l d almost be d e v o i d o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . As a c o m m u n i c a t i o n scholar, I understand c o m m u n i c a t i o n to be at the heart o f the geographically based communities described above. As an Internet scholar, I also recognize t h a t t o see " c o m m u n i t y " online requires t h a t the w o r d have a basic connection t o the d e f i n i t i o n o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h e t e r m " c o m m u n i t y " ts clearly related to " c o m m u n i c a t i o n " as b o t h stem f r o m the L a t i n r o o t communis, m e a n i n g c o m m o n . So h o w d o we resolve the d i c t i o n a r y ' s oversight? T o emphasize the connection between the t w o terms, James Carey (1989) has advocated the use o f a " r i t u a l v i e w " o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n to describe "a process t h r o u g h w h i c h a shared culture is created, m o d i f i e d , and t r a n s f o r m e d . , - . A r i t u a l v i e w . . . is directed n o t t o w a r d the extension o f messages i n space b u t the maintenance o f society

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over t i m e " (p. 4 3 ) . T h i s w a y o f understanding c o m m u n i c a t i o n challenges the t r a d i t i o n a l " t r a n s m i s s i o n " v i e w o f " c o m m u n i c a t i o n " as " s o m e t h i n g i m p a r t e d , interchanged, o r t r a n s m i t t e d " (Random House, 1987, p . 414). Carey's r i t u a l v i e w , preserving the connection o f " c o m m u n i c a t i o n " to " c o m m u n i t y , " is i m p o r t a n t t o include m any argument a b o u t the social health o f a c o m m u n i t y . I t gets to the question o f h o w w e l l c o m m u n i t y members are c o m m u n i c a t i n g w i t h each other a b o u t their shared c o n d i tions. W i t h o u t o n g o i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n a m o n g its participants, a c o m m u n i t y dissolves. C o m m u n i c a t i o n is therefore v i t a l to communities b o t h o n l i n e and o f f . C o m m u n i c a t i o n creates, re-creates, a n d maintains c o m m u n i t y o n Phish.net a n d other online discussion f o r u m s t h r o u g h the continued interaction o f p a r t i c i p a t i n g members. H o w e v e r , the technological a b i l i t y to c o m m u n i c a t e does n o t i n itself create the conditions o f c o m m u n i t y . C o m m u n i t y depends n o t o n l y u p o n c o m m u n i c a t i o n and shared interests, b u t also u p o n " c o m m u n i o n . " T h e t e r m is used most i n a discourse o f religious r i t u a l , b u t even i n non-religious contexts the t e r m is often chosen to describe a s p i r i t u a l , e m o t i o n a l , or, as Rhemgoîd (1993b, p . 5) names i t , " h u m a n " feeling t h a t comes f r o m the communicative c o o r d i n a t i o n o f oneself w i t h others and the e n v i r o n m e n t . The event o f c o m m u n i o n is even i m p l i e d by the d i c t i o n a r y d e f i n i t i o n o f " c o m m u n i t y , " t h o u g h i t is presented as separate a n d a p a r t f r o m the earlier d e f i n i t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y as spatially p r o x i m a t e people. T h e Random House (1987) d e f i n i t i o n continues: . , = 4. interchange or sharing of thoughts or emotions; intimate communication . . . 5. the act of sharing, or holding in common; participation . . (p. 414) ;

Rheingold's ( 1 9 9 3 b ) d e f i n i t i o n o f " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y " (below) reflects this u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f c o m m u n i t y i n the absence o f the earlier spatially p r o x i mate d e f i n i t i o n . Virtual communities are social aggregations that emerge from the Net when enough people carry on . , . public discussions long enough, with sufficient human feeling, to form webs of personal relanonships in cyberspace, (p. 5; emphasis mine) M a c D o n a l d (1994a) concludes m her study o f a computer-mediated w o m e n - o n l y space t h a t " H o w w e l l the w o m e n c o m m u n e t h r o u g h c o m m u n i c a t i o n determines the q u a l i t y o f c o m m u n i t y they experience" (p. 5 5 ) . B o t h R h e i n g o l d and M a c D o n a l d emphasize the importance o f c o m m u n i o n t o n o t i o n s o f computer-mediated c o m m u n i t i e s , b u t M a c D o n a l d has gone f u r t h e r b y suggesting t h a t C M C researchers m a k e their t h i n k i n g e x p l i c i t by a d o p t i n g the t e r m " ' c o m m u n e - i t y ' = . m o r e t h a n just c o m m u n i t y , i t is c o m m u n i t y plus c o m m u n i n g " (p. 55). t

W i t h such a d e f i n i t i o n , the measuring r o d f o r the question o f c o m m u n i t y hangs o n Rheingold's a w k w a r d phrase " w i t h sufficient h u m a n f e e l i n g . " W h o is to determine w h e n h u m a n feeling has become sufficient, the researcher o r the researched? C o u l d the researched subjects w i t h their v a r y i n g degrees o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n online ever agree a m o n g themselves as t o

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whether o r n o t there is sufficient h u m a n feeling a m o n g them? Such a definition is open t o easy criticism a b o u t the judgement process b y w h i c h one determines the answer t o the c o m m u n i t y question. H o w e v e r , the fact that w e are left w i t h n o empirical measuring r o d f o r answering the question need n o t be a p o i n t o f anxiety. Judgements are made a b o u t all things, a n d we are certainly capable o f m a k i n g judgements a b o u t the c l a i m o f cyberspace residents t o be a c o m m u n i t y . W e need t o continue defining the terms by w h i c h we m a k e the judgements. T h e answer t o the question o f c o m m u n i t y comes (if at all) w h e n enough people agree u p o n the standards b y w h i c h to judge. Let us therefore focus the argument u p o n Phish.net as a n example o f c o m m u n i t y and then discuss some o f the standards f o r j u d g i n g v i r t u a l aggregations as c o m m u n i t i e s . The

Community

Metaphor

Social researchers use a c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r t o describe something a b o u t online i n t e r a c t i o n w h i c h is similar t o w h a t we k n o w as a c o m m u n i t y i n the offline w o r l d . T h e p r i m a r y reason w h y C M C researchers like R h e i n g o l d came u p w i t h the c o m m u n i t y metaphor t o o r i g i n a l l y describe online interaction f o r u m s is t h a t i t feels r i g h t . Subjectively, w h e n one looks i n t o a v i r t u a l f o r u m , i t feels like w h a t one k n o w s as a c o m m u n i t y . One feature w h i c h makes a space like Phish.net appear t o be a c o m m u n i t y is the seemingly c o n t i n u o u s presence o f other people there. One can " t a p i n t o " C M C c o m m u n i t i e s f o r a w e a l t h o f prepared i n f o r m a t i o n , o r t o pose a question to a large g r o u p o f people w i t h diverse backgrounds o f k n o w l edge. R h e i n g o l d ( 1 9 9 3 b ) has referred to the collectivity o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d k n o w l e d g e i n computer-mediated spaces as an " o n l i n e b r a i n t r u s t " (p. 13) a n d as a "computer-assisted g r o u p m i n d " ( p . 111). B u t w h i l e k n o w l e d g e capital as a collective g o o d m a y be one sign o f c o m m u n i t y , the relationship between an i n d i v i d u a l and other i n d i v i d u a l s in t h a t space remains devoid o f c o m m i t m e n t o r stake. T h e m e d i u m ' s technology a l l o w s most members o f large discussion groups like Phish.net t o act as " l u r k e r s , " those w h o read posts b u t do n o t post messages themselves, thus r e m a i n i n g effectively invisible to other members o f the g r o u p . Even the t e r m i n o l o g y o f the m e d i u m (e.g. user, i n f o r m a t i o n retrieval) indicates the lack o f c o m m i t m e n t w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l is required to m a k e t o any such space or its other user-inhabitants. A l t h o u g h the c o n t i n u o u s presence o f others can be easily sensed b y lurkers o n Phish.net, w i t h o u t interactive c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h the g r o u p at large o r w i t h any o f its members the a b i l i t y t o c o m m u n e is precluded. A n o t h e r aspect o f c o m m u n i t y w h i c h hastens the w o r d ' s metaphorical use i n studies o f C M C is t h a t the w o r d " c o m m u n i t y " has been used m a n t h r o p o l o g y t o d r a w distinctions between groups o f people according t o the ideas w h i c h b i n d groups together a n d w h i c h define t h e m i n relation t o other g r o u p s o f people a n d ideas. T h e n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y as " i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y distinct g r o u p s " is supported by the social o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the

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Usenet b u l l e t i n boards i n t o areas o f c o m m o n interest increasingly subd i v i d e d b y t o p i c o f discussion. B a k h t i n ' s a r g u m e n t t h a t "as groups develop over t i m e they generate group-specific meanings . . . [eventually evolving] new f o r m s o f speech, o r genres, unique to t h a t c o m m u n i t y " (Baym, 1995, p . 151) has been s u p p o r t e d by N a n c y Baym's study o f the processes by w h i c h c o m p u t e r mediated groups create expression t h r o u g h emoticons, abbreviations, and inside jokes. D u r i n g 1993, f a n m a i l a n d debate o n the Phish.net newsg r o u p a b o u t the contents o f a p a r t i c u l a r verse o f u n p r m t e d lyrics elicited three Phish newsletters filled w i t h the band's m u l t i p l e joke answers to f a n letters a b o u t the verse (Phish U p d a t e , 1 9 9 3 b ) . D u r i n g the ensuing t o u r , the b a n d changed the lyrics o f t h a t verse i n performance t o alternate suggested answers f r o m the p u b l i c l y answered f a n letters. This became an i n - j o k e o f p a r t i c u l a r excitement to Phish. ne tiers, w h o soon adopted the t e r m " W A T S I Y E M , " an a c r o n y m f o r the c o m m o n l y asked newbie question " W h a t are they saying i n ' Y o u Enjoy M y s e l f ?" to refer t o : (1) the p e r i o d o f debate a n d b a n d response i n Phish.net h i s t o r y , considered a successful c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h the b a n d by Phish.net and other Phish fans; (2) the sorts o f questions w h i c h n o w i d e n t i f y the asker as a newbie o r an outsider. A C M C g r o u p ' s i n t e r n a l development o f expressions w h i c h can o n l y be u n d e r s t o o d and/or f u l l y appreciated by members o f that g r o u p , and w h i c h d r a w distinctions between those w h o are internal and external to the g r o u p , can be taken as an i n d i c a t i o n t h a t something a k i n to c o m m u n i t y as a n i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y distinct g r o u p is developing. 1

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H o w e v e r , c o m m o n interests are the only t h i n g generating this process, and other incentives o f i n d i v i d u a l c o m m i t m e n t and stake i n the g r o u p , the m a r k e r s o f " r e a l " c o m m u n i t y , are still absent. As one skeptical f a n r e m a r k s : " T a k e a w a y the music and y o u d o n ' t have m u c h . T o be a c o m m u n i t y w e w o u l d have to relate to each other more f o r w h a t w e are, n o t [just] the music w e l o v e " (Robson, 1994). C M C technology does p r o v i d e the a b i l i t y f o r i n d i v i d u a l s to access i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m a g r o u p m i n d , and to participate interactively i n C M C spaces w i t h others h o l d i n g c o m m o n interests t o w a r d s a set o f i n t e r n a l g r o u p norms. But none o f these qualities account f o r the degree o f c o m m i t m e n t and interdependence w h i c h leads to c o m m u n i o n m face-to-face interactions. C M C technology does increase o u r abilities to interact, but is interaction the same p h e n o m e n o n as the c o m m u n i c a t i o n f r o m w h i c h c o m m u n e - i t y is supposed t o arise? W h e r e is the c o m m u n i o n ? M a c K i n n o n ' s 1992 study o f Usenet newsgroup postings attempted to c o n t r i b u t e another piece to this puzzle by c o n c l u d i n g that "the frequency and regularity o f c o n t r i b u n o n s b y a p r o p o r t i o n o f newsgroup readers further distinguishes this f o r m o f social interaction as a m o r e stable and e n d u r i n g aspect o f c o m m u n i t y " ( M c L a u g h l i n , Osborne, 6c S m i t h , 1995, p . 9 2 ; emphasis mine). This measure is t o o simplistic i n the case o f Phish.net, however, where there n o w exists a discussion core o f p a r t i c i pants w h o post at least once per day. T h i s core, rather than being a sign o f

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c o m m u n i t y , seems to be regarded b y m o s t netters as a g r o u p o f excessive posters w h o do n o t understand " p r o p e r " use o f the newsgroup. " 9 8 % post just t o p o s t , . . a n d there is always a b o u t 5 - 1 0 guys w h o never have a n y t h i n g t o say b u t p o s t a b o u t 5 messages a day a n y w a y . Unnerves m e " (Sondencker, 1 9 9 4 ) . I t is notable t h a t none o f the o r i g i n a l 13 Phish.netters were i n c l u d e d m a list o f the 5 0 most frequent posters to Phish.net researched b y one c o m m u n i t y statistician (Silverman, 1994). I n fact, this analysis f o u n d t h a t posts t o Phish.net i n a s i x - m o n t h p e r i o d were t r a n s m i t t e d f r o m over 3,300 different e-mail addresses. A l t h o u g h the n u m b e r appears large, i t is actually quite a small core o f participants w i t h i n the t o t a l c o m m u n i t y roster o f 3 5 , 0 0 0 - 5 0 , 0 0 0 p o t e n t i a l posters. T h u s , frequent and regular interaction becomes a d i f f i c u l t t e r m to a p p l y to large groups o f people such as Phish.net t o d a y . I n a d d i t i o n , frequent postings do n o t indicate whether the posters are interacting with each other, n o r does i t guarantee the sincerity o f t h a t interaction. I f w e are t o center a n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y o n the t e r m " c o m m u n i o n , " then we m u s t investigate the issue o f sincerity i n C M C . Sincerity

of Online

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R h e m g o l d notes t h a t i n C M C , interaction is conducted by "personae," o r identities t h a t m a y have little c o r r e l a t i o n t o the identity of the person u t i l i z i n g t h e m o n l i n e . T h e m e d i u m inherently prevents the interpersonal i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and judgement processes by w h i c h w e n o r m a l l y evaluate each other m face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n . O n Phish.net, the experienced user can c o n t r o l nearly a l l qualities o f his/her presentation to an audience already p a r t i a l l y described to t h e m by the c o m m o n interest specified i n the b u l l e t i n board's t i t l e . For some fans, this fact causes t h e m t o d o u b t m y use o f the t e r m " c o m m u n i t y " ; " E v e n t h o u g h y o u m a y get to k n o w someone rather w e l l over the N e t , y o u have never m e t the person, and m a y never get t o k n o w him/her o n t h a t level. So w i t h that, comes a sense o f r e m o v a l , or lack o f complete a n d serious c o m m i t m e n t " (Welsh, 1995). R h e i n g o l d (1993a) thus asks a b o u t sincerity in C M C : are relationships and commitments as we k n o w them even possible m a place where identities are fluid? - . . [where we] deliberately experiment with fracturing traditional notions of identity by living as multiple simultaneous personae m different virtual neighborhoods , . . where people lack the genuine personal commitments to one another that form the bedrock of -. - . community, (pp. 60¬ 61)

Yet all i n d i v i d u a l s present themselves strategically, sometimes t r u t h f u l l y a n d sometimes n o t , t o others i n everyday life regardless o f the m e d i u m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n order t o accomplish their short- and l o n g - t e r m goals. C M C a l l o w s i n d i v i d u a l s to execute a greater degree o f c o n t r o l over the usually n o n - c o n t r o l l a b l e features o f their appearance, ethnicity, a n d gender in presentations t o others. T h i s c o u l d p o t e n t i a l l y a l l o w a c o m m u n i t y to f o r m w i t h o u t the mistrust b r o u g h t o n by visual markers o f difference such

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as s k i n c o l o r . H o w e v e r , i t w i l l most l i k e l y take m o r e than a technology t o erase the distinctions w h i c h humans have made a m o n g themselves i n the offline w o r l d . M a c D o n a l d (1994a) is skeptical as to w h e t h e r C M C is " t r u l y b l i n d to the b o d y m a r k e r s t h a t are so closely tied to social hierarchies such as gender a n d race?" ( p . 3 ) . H e r w o r k suggests that social hierarchies (especially o f gender) are established even w i t h the supposed effacement o f visual b o d y cues. A l t h o u g h social hierarchy f o r m a t i o n appears to be a n a t u r a l h u m a n behavior, I believe i t need n o t establish itself a m o n g t r a d i t i o n a l l y structured lines. Especially i n f a n c o m m u n i t i e s , as M a c D o n a l d ( 1 9 9 4 b ) n o t e d , hierarchies are often established according t o f a n k n o w l edge, measures o f f a n d o m level o r q u a l i t y , o r access to C M C technology (p. 8). W h e r e does this leave sincerity? There is n o standard f o r determ i n i n g sincerity o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n across a l l situations. Sincerity then becomes measurable o n l y m a manner specific to its context and by people f a m i l i a r w i t h t h a t context. I f the m a r k e r s o f race and gender were o f the u t m o s t importance t o Internet users, then the i n a b i l i t y t o make judgements on the basis o f those missing cues w o u l d create challenges t o sincere c o m m u n i o n w i t h others i n the g r o u p . O n Phish.net race, gender, and sexual o r i e n t a t i o n are n o n issues. M o s t Phish fans w o u l d c l a i m t h a t this is due to the t o l e r a n t values o f the c o m m u n i t y . I n the c o n t e x t o f this online c o m m u n i t y , missing visual cues are n o t necessary t o the f o r m a t i o n o f c o m m u n i o n . O n Phish.net c o m m u n i o n becomes possible i n the absence o f body markers because Phish fans have developed their o w n cues o f i m p o r t a n c e . Displayed k n o w l e d g e , repeated presence, and large lists o f collected tapes p r o v i d e the shared markers o f c o m m u n i t y belonging, as do closeness t o the b a n d , extensive f a n experience, and Internet experience. B u t f o r groups m a i n t a i n e d via C M C , like Phish.net, sincerity o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , even w h e n based u p o n fan-developed markers o f m e a n i n g or " c o d e s " (Bacon-Smith, 1 9 9 2 , p . 3 0 0 ) , is always c o m p r o m i s e d by the g r o w t h o f membership o n t h a t m e d i u m . T h e Internet's membership d o u b l e d each year f r o m 1988 to 1992 (Cooke and Lehrer, 1993, p . 61), and the sale o f m o d e m technology w o r l d w i d e was estimated i n 1995 t o increase a t a g r o w t h rate o f at least 17 percent f o r the n e x t five years (Jackson, 1995, p . 80). For Phish.net participants, the d i f f i c u l t y o f achieving the level o f c o m m u n i o n w h i c h a c o m m u n e - i t y m e t a p h o r implies stems f r o m the d i f f i c u l t y i n sustaining agreement a b o u t m e a n i n g f u l markers o f g r o u p belonging i n the face o f a r a p i d l y g r o w i n g p o p u l a t i o n .

Intimacy

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T h i s effect o f c o m m u n i t y size u p o n the sincerity o f c o m m u n i o n is n o t n e w . C r i t i c i s m r e g a r d i n g this issue was raised by Beniger (Jones, 1995) i n his theories a b o u t the rise o f " p s e u d o - c o m m u n i t y " d u r i n g the nineteenth century's shift " f r o m face-to-face t o i n d i r e c t or symbolic g r o u p r e l a t i o n s "

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(p. 2 4 ) . R a y m o n d W i l l i a m s (1976) i n f o r m s us t h a t f o l l o w i n g the g r o w t h o f nation-state bureaucracy m the same p e r i o d , the w o r d " c o m m u n i t y " was utilized t o d r a w a d i s t i n c t i o n between "the m o r e direct, m o r e t o t a l and therefore m o r e significant relationships o f community and the m o r e f o r m a l , m o r e abstract and m o r e i n s t r u m e n t a l relationships o f siaie, o r o f society i n its m o d e r n sense" ( p . 76). T h u s , rather t h a n considering sincerity, i t m i g h t be m o r e h e l p f u l t o consider the effect o f p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h u p o n c o m m u n i o n q u a l i t y to be a n issue o f intimacy, the c r u x o f a l o t o f Phish.net discussions since the intersection o f the band's p o p u l a r i t y w i t h Phish.net's entry i n t o the Usenet b u l l e t i n b o a r d service (BBS) system. W h i l e some agree w i t h one fan's v i e w t h a t " t h e net has a great deal to do w i t h the establishment o f the Phish c o m m u n i t y , , . because i t is f r i e n d l y , accepting, a n d o p e n t o different p e o p l e " ( M c K e c h n i e , 1 9 9 4 ) , others cite the i n t i m i d a t i o n o f newbies as evidence t h a t the i n t i m a c y o f c o m m u n e - i t y has been lost. "Yes, I a m a N e w b i e , a n d a m sometimes o v e r w h e l m e d by the scene , , b u t y o u d o n o t need t o m a k e those o f us o u t there even m o r e u n c o m f o r t a b l e b y practically s t r i p p i n g us naked f o r a i l to see" (Welsh, 1 9 9 4 ) . T h e c o n f l i c t between n e w and o l d members w h i c h has accompanied the g r o w t h o f the Internet a n d Plush's p o p u l a r i t y threatens the i n t i m a c y w h i c h m o s t deeply attracts use o f the c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r . B u t this effect o f p o p u l a t i o n u p o n i n t i m a c y p a r a d o x i c a l l y aids as w e l l m i l l u s t r a t i n g the s i m i l a r g r o w t h dynamics o f offline and online groups, hastening the accuracy o f the t e r m " c o m m u n i t y . " As one f a n nicely s u m m a r i z e d : t

There seems to be a cyclical community destroying dynamic at w o r k m which the newcomers act as newcomers m u s t . , . but are treated at times with outright contempt by net regulars, who are understandably reacting to the uncontrolled growth of " o u r " thing. If the feeling of community cannot be extended to newbies, then it seems that the staying power of the phishnet [sic] as community is severely threatened. (Heling, 1994b) T h u s , a n i n d i v i d u a l ' s perceived degree o f i n t i m a c y is largely d e t e r m i n a n t o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s u p p o r t f o r use o f the c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r . A n o t h e r fan explains h o w a perceived loss o f i n t i m a c y led t o his departure f r o m the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y : Personally, Phish.net got too large for me to handle. , , . I defected to Minarets (the Dave Matthews Band net.) Minarets is currently at about 700 participants. . . . I feel much more a part of a community on Minarets. I miss the info I got about Phish but I am more completely sated in my craving for electronic community. (Morgan, 1995) T h u s , the degree o f perceived i n t i m a c y i n a social g r o u p is a determinant o f w h e t h e r o r n o t the c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r is a fitting description f o r Internet c o m m u n i t i e s . I n d i v i d u a l f a n practices involve v a r y i n g levels o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Therefore the perception o f i n t i m a c y is dependent u p o n the i n d i v i d u a l i n q u e s t i o n . As w i t h M a c D o n a l d ' s f a n c o m m u n i t y o f w o m e n , h o w w e l l an i n d i v i d u a l f r o m Phish.net is able t o c o m m u n e w i t h others i n the c o m m u n i t y (under increasingly challenging circumstances o f p o p u l a t i o n

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g r o w t h ) determines the degree o f i n t i m a c y or q u a l i t y o f c o m m u n e - i t y w h i c h t h a t i n d i v i d u a l experiences t h r o u g h their everyday interactive fan practices v i a C M C . T o emphasize the i m p o r t a n c e o f i n t i m a c y and its dynamics, let me a d o p t one fan's analogy o f Phish.net to a gathering at the coffee shop, just sitting around discussing your favorite band or other related topics. . . . N o w those [intimate] moments are harder to get to because of the influx of new people who are not used to civil discussion. fTrimpe, 1994) T h i s coffee shop m e t a p h o r is h e l p f u l i n t h a t i t doesn't s i m p l y assign blame to an increased p o p u l a t i o n f o r the loss o f i n t i m a c y , the c o n d i t i o n a l factor o f the e q u a t i o n is m the actions o f those new participants. A c r o w d e d coffee shop can be i n t i m a t e i f everyone w o r k s together. S i m i l a r l y , the i n t i m a c y o f a c o m m u n i t y o n the C M C m e d i u m like Phish.net can be preserved i f the actions o f its members a l l o w such circumstances to be m a i n t a i n e d . I t is true t h a t Phish.net is one o f the largest f a n communities o n the Internet (excluding the delta o f Star Trek fan communities), b u t as this same f a n observes as a c o r o l l a r y to his coffee shop analogy: " W e tend to stick together a b i t m o r e t h a n some other f a n scenes" f T r i m p e , 1 9 9 4 ) . I n t i m a c y is an i m p o r t a n t feature o f c o m m u n i t y , but n o t its end. O u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f c o m m u n i t y includes n o t just the presence o f i n t i m a c y b u t the actions w h i c h are collectively taken to achieve and to preserve i t . T h e c o n t i n u a l i n t e r n a l battles o f a g r o w i n g g r o u p o f people w i t h different levels o f i n t i m a c y is a p r i m a r y characteristic o f offline c o m m u n i t y . T h e social aggregations o n l i n e s h o u l d therefore be measured n o t s i m p l y f o r g r o u p i n t i m a c y , b u t also f o r the process o f a t t a i n i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g i t . Communicative Norms

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Behavioral

Phish.netters simultaneously use b o t h i n t e r n a l and external c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n a three-pronged a t t e m p t t o declare i n t e r n a l values, f i r m u p the borders o f their c o m m u n i t y against outsiders, and legislate behavior outside o f the c o m m u n i t y according t o norms and values established w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y . T h i s c o m b i n a t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y expansion and c o n t r a c t i o n is made possible t h r o u g h a c c o u n t a b i l i t y techniques, o r g a n i z a t i o n o f offscreen actions, attempts t o subdivide the c o m m u n i t y , and an overall increase i n the uses o f coded discourse to obscure comprehension to those lacking fan knowledge. Despite the fact t h a t the a b i l i t y t o strategically use personae is an inherent p a r t o f C M C , there are also some features o f these media w h i c h facilitate the accountability o f action w h i c h use of the c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r has lacked thus far. R h e m g o l d (1993b) has discussed the W E L L , an early C M C c o m m u n i t y w h e r e the structures o f public Internet p r o t o c o l were first fleshed o u t b y users and c o m p u t e r engineers: " O n e i m p o r t a n t

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social r u l e was b u i l t i n t o the software. . , . N o b o d y is a n o n y m o u s . Everyb o d y is r e q u i r e d t o attach their real user-id t o their p o s t i n g s " (p. 4 9 ) . T h i s feature o f the m e d i u m exists f o r a l l Phish.net posters regardless o f whether they p o s t by Usenet o r by e-mail. A l t h o u g h some experienced hackers m a y be able t o bypass this s t r u c t u r a l constraint, the inherent qualities o f the m e d i u m do p r o v i d e f o r enough accountability o f action t h a t i n d i v i d u a l users operate w i t h i n groups under a consciousness o f behavioral n o r m s . Baym's (1995) study o f a Usenet g r o u p devoted to discussion o f soap operas f o u n d t h a t " t h e heaviest posters , , . were m o r e likely t h a n lighter users t o attend t o interpersonal alignment o f the i n t e r a c t i o n " (p. 157), d e m o n s t r a t i n g the awareness o f shared norms w h i c h exists i n some C M C spaces. T h i s awareness comes t o new users t h r o u g h t i m e spent listening to others' discussions and f r o m the inevitable first " f l a m e " o r personal message f r o m a m o r e experienced member w h o attempts to i n f o r m the user o f w h e r e they crossed the line o f acceptability f o r that g r o u p . One example o f a Phish.net flame occurred w h e n a f a n posted a review o f three shows a t N e w Y o r k ' s Beacon Theater. T h e p o s t was entitled "Beacon (I was at a l l t h r e e ) " a n d i n i t the poster a d m i t t e d g a m i n g entry to the s h o w w i t h the purchase o f fake tickets and congratulated those w h o participated m a rushed illegal entry t h r o u g h the side doors o f the theater. The result was an i m m e d i a t e p u b l i c a n d private flaming o f b o t h the poster and the u n i d e n t i f i e d fans w h o rushed the d o o r : do you really think that this sort of activity deserves a "congrats" I think n o t ! ! ! . . . Pushing open doors to get into a show for free is childish, selfish, and risking the entire scene for everyone who paid to enjoy the show—Brendan. (1994) and This doesn't help Phish, the Beacon, or us . - I am quite unimpressed, & more than a little disappointed. I posted this, 'cause I want everyone to think before they act. What you do, affects everyone!!—James. (1994) T h e awareness o f one's actions i n r e l a t i o n to behavioral norms o f the c o m m u n i t y is stressed i n b o t h o f these flames. T h e practice o f flaming often appears i n t i m i d a t i n g to n e w participants i n C M C groups, w h o often find their m a i l b o x flooded w i t h flames after m a k i n g a mistake. B u t studies o f c o n d u c t standards across Usenet groups find t h a t " c o n d u c t - c o r r e c t i n g episodes are c o m m o n p l a c e , reflecting the self-regulating nature o f the n e t w o r k " ( M c L a u g h l i n et a l . , 1995, p . 95). T h e awareness o f behavioral n o r m s a n d the frequency o f c o n d u c t - p o l i c i n g by other members o f Usenet discussion groups strongly implies t h a t sense o f c o m m u n i t y m w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l actions are always executed w i t h i n the k n o w n constraints o f a f o r u m , a n d where a c c o u n t a b i l i t y f o r one's actions is a n a t u r a l deterrent to f u l l y i n d i v i d u a l i z e d goal-seeking behavior. T h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f n o r m s to n e w members is w e l l illustrated b y the above flame examples, w h i c h succeeded i n regulating the behavior o f an

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i n d i v i d u a l as w e l l as other p u b l i c readers i n the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y . W i t h i n three days o f the f i n a l s h o w , the f o l l o w i n g post appeared: In case you don't remember my name I am the one who posted about the fake tickets, and the peopie who broke into the side o i the Beacon. I have since been fiamed hard by several people. I have seen their points and would like to apologize. I understand why people aren't supportive of the ones who broke into the side of the theater. I didn't realize all of the implications (the association of the actions with the band, etc.), and I was wrong. , . .Although it wasn't necessary to flame me so hard, Those of you who did it, have taught me something. I hadn't thought of the larger implications before posting. (Karpenstein, 1994) T h i s poster has n o w p u b l i c l y demonstrated a n e w l y sensed consciousness o f the s u r r o u n d i n g Phish.net and Phish f a n c o m m u n i t y . T h e possibility thus exists t h a t such a r e g u l a t o r y device m i g h t be able to organize a set o f n o r m s t o direct behavior i n the larger Phish f a n c o m m u n i t y w h i c h converges o n venue sites. Such a project is often discussed o n Phish.net {especially d u r i n g t o u r i n g seasons o n the East Coast) as n a t u r a l l y w i t h i n the legislative r e a l m o f the o n l i n e c o m m u n i t y . T h i s desire to spread n o r m s outside o f the c o m m u n i t y is perhaps m o r e closely connected to f a n d o m , b u t is facilitated b y the fans' use o f C M C technology. A c o m m o n aspect o f f a n d o m is the e f f o r t o f the fan to a t t a i n closeness to the source p r o d u c t and producers. Phish.netters, w h o m u s t be significantly engaged i n the feeling o f f a n d o m t o p e r f o r m the l a b o r o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c o m m u n i t y , often feel that they're closer to the source o f their f a n d o m t h a n Phish fans outside the c o m m u n i t y . I t is n o t surprising therefore t h a t Phish.netters have attempted to impose behavioral n o r m s a n d a r e g u l a t o r y structure b o t h inside and outside o f their c o m m u n i t y i n an a t t e m p t to deal w i t h the rising p o p u l a t i o n s o f b o t h sectors. T h e n o t i o n t h a t participants understand a set o f internal n o r m s and w i s h to a p p l y t h e m t o others i n every social context as simply " n o r m s " hastens the u t i l i t y o f a c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r . Phish.netters have attempted to use the m e d i u m as a w a y to c o m m u n i cate the expected behavioral n o r m s o f the audience d u r i n g concerts. As devoted fans they often feel t h a t others i n the audience d o n o t respect the b a n d as m u c h as the denizens o f Phish.net. A t shows, i t is considered a breach o f f a n d o m n o r m s to yell requests at i n a p p r o p r i a t e times such as d u r i n g the quiet parts o f longer songs and d u r i n g the n o n - m i k e d a cappella p e r f o r m a n c e o f the evening. " I t , to me, is a sign o f extreme disrespect t h a t a c r o w d w o u l d do this. I t seems t h a t m a n y are there t o 'be entertained' a n d n o t t o enjoy the artistry o f the b a n d " { R o g o v i n , 1994). Phish.netters at shows are often annoyed at the behavior o f other audience members, b u t they m o s t o f t e n voice their c o m p l a i n t s o n Phish.net rather t h a n at the venue itself. Major Complaint: All those a~ho!es who insisted on yelling and screaming during Amazing Grace. Please, be a bit more considerate. It's not cool, and it

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detracts from the enjoyment of 90% of the people who actually want to *hear* this song. The band was also visibly irked, particularly Page, who kept motioning lor everyone to shut up. (Gladfelter, 1994) N o t e the elements o f f a n ideology a n d reasoning i n the above statement. O b s e r v a t i o n o f the band's negative e m o t i o n a l reaction d u r i n g this p o r t i o n o f the s h o w becomes a basis f o r iabeling the audience behavior inadequate. Fans' attempts t o observe a n d t o please the b a n d are thus evident. Further, as a m e m b e r o f Phish.net the above f a n feels t h a t he is i n the m a j o r i t y a t shows ( " 9 0 % " ) and can therefore legislate the behavior o f others. T h a t the fan chose t o express this sentiment t h r o u g h Phish.net m a y be a u t i l i z a t i o n o f media t o reach a large audience, b u t i t m a y also be a sign t h a t this f a n was n o t really i n the m a j o r i t y a t the s h o w attended, a n d thus chose t o h o l d this c o m p l a i n t u n t i l safely w i t h i n the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y again. T h i s f o r m o f p o s t has appeared m o r e c o m m o n l y o n Phish.net as the venue size o f concerts has increased t o accommodate larger audiences. T h e feeling o f a loss o f c o n t r o l as p o p u l a t i o n increases applies t o b o t h the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y a n d the larger venue's audiences. Even w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y , the above post q u i c k l y received a response w h i c h was less t y p i c a l o f Phish.net values: I always get a kick out of hearing the very loud " S H H H H H H H H H H H H " right when the band tries to do the acapella stuff. . . so 1 cracked up when some loud drunk in Atlanta started yelling everytime it would get quiet. , , Get a life if you feel otherwise, besides the acapella stuff doesn't come out on the aud-tapes anyways. . yawn. . the show's over anyhow. (STMT, 1994) A l t h o u g h Phish.net is considered by its members to be a f o r u m f o r debate ( a m o n g other things), certain f a n values r e g a r d i n g respect f o r the b a n d a n d a p p r o p r i a t e behavior b o t h o n the N e t a n d at shows are n o t considered to be debatable. Posts such as this w h i c h breach the values o f f a n d o m u p o n w h i c h the c o m m u n i t y is based are o f t e n either personally flamed o r p u b l i c l y i g n o r e d (i.e. n o t responded to) o r b o t h . I n the l o n g r u n , however, such signs o f a c h a n g i n g p o p u l a t i o n i n b o t h the Phish.net a n d venue communities are reacted t o w i t h a n urge t o explicate and protect the older values o f the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y . T h i s reaction also sits w e l l w i t h i n a m e t a p h o r o f c o m m u n i t y i n w h i c h a center is o f t e n t r y i n g to m a i n t a i n o r i g i n a l c o m m u n i t y values i n the face o f a changing and g r o w i n g p o p u l a t i o n . T h e f r u s t r a t i o n a t a loss o f c o n t r o l over behavioral n o r m s o n Phish.net is o f t e n expressed t h r o u g h a language d i v i s i o n w h i c h describes Phish.netters (or sometimes o n l y o l d - t i m e Phish.netters) as true fans or true members o f the c o m m u n i t y , w h i l e assigning clear outsider status to those w h i c h d o n o t c o n f o r m t o the c o m m u n i t y ' s n o r m a t i v e values. Observe the use o f language t o d r a w this d i s t i n c t i o n i n the f o l l o w i n g post: I hate to speak i n a negative tone about Phishscene . but the time is here that we must address protecting our reputation as a tanbase so as to protect our band

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and our ability to see them, in my opinion, the problem is that too HIGH a percentage of people come to shows for the drugs . , . take away the music and they probably wouldn't care. . . Well, i f s these people that we need to do something about, It's these people who scream during a cappella songs, it's these people who kick and punch security guards, it's these people who have no respect for the rest of us . , or for the band. All I can propose is if you have extras fticketsl for a show, please don't give it to these people, give It to Phish fans. . fBassin, 1994) For this f a n as w i t h the m a n y others w h o read this post, Phish.net exists even m o r e clearly as a c o m m u n i t y w h e n i t is under attack a n d forced to define itself against other groups, i n the case o f Phish.net, n o t o n l y does a core set o f values, n o r m s , a n d practices exist w i t h enough v i g o r t o w a r r a n t a n a t i o n a l i s t feeling o f p r o t e c t i o n i s m a m o n g its members, b u t t h a t c o m m u n i t y p r i d e has a t times extended i n t o o r g a n i z a t i o n a l plans f o r c o m m u n i cating these values t h r o u g h o u t the larger venue gatherings o f Phish fans. O n e f a n suggests a d d i n g a physical presence f o r Phish.net at each concert venue w h i c h c o u l d serve as a source f o r c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f values f r o m the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y t o fans-at-íarge: maybe we need to set up something outside the venue. A booth . . a service to the general audience . a couple of versions of the HPB \Helpmg Friendly Book, see beiowj, and Tour Dates and Info, and Net generated stuff. , . . Could someone talk to someone about supplying garbage bags to distribute? we may be the net, but we do not represent the majority. I believe we are a heavily educated people, and can do some good out there where it really counts. Let's help foster the scene in a positive direction. {Stew, 1994) 1

T h e same f a n later suggested creating the " H e l p i n g Friendly F l y e r " f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n at s h o w s . T h i s flyer was intended t o outline f o r general fans the Phish.net v i e w o f a p p r o p r i a t e a n d i n a p p r o p r i a t e activity, as w e l l as to suggest tips f o r added safety a n d t o make a plea against littering at the venue. Further, the flyer was to instruct general fans n o t t o s u p p o r t the b o o t l e g C D i n d u s t r y or the g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f ticket scalpers a n d t o connect these issues w i t h reasons w h y ticket prices continue t o rise. T h e flyers were first p r o d u c e d locally by fans attending specific shows. T h e y are n o w p r o d u c e d b y the band's management a n d distributed b y Phish.net volunteers a t t e n d i n g each s h o w . T h u s , Phish.net has o r g a n i z e d a c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y n o r m s t o others i n the larger Phish f a n c o m m u n i t y g a t h e r i n g at venues. There have also been attempts o n Phish.net to c o m m u n i c a t e t o the band's management a b o u t problems w i t h t o o m u c h o r t o o little security at p a r t i c u l a r venues. A n o t h e r development t o protect the concert-going experience o f Phish.netters has been the cooperative o r g a n i z a t i o n o f " P h i s h - I n f o " by b o t h N e t fans and the band's management. " P h i s h - I n f o " n o w serves to distribute eariy i n f o r m a t i o n o n ticket sale dates a n d h o w to a v o i d p a y i n g Ticketmaster service charges. 2

T h u s , as p o p u l a t i o n s have g r o w n , there have been o r g a n i z a t i o n a l movements i n the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y to protect the values and n o r m s o f

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older fans a n d to legislate behavior at shows by c o m m u n i c a t i n g those values t o fans-at-large. Protectionist behavior o r c o m m u n i t y c o n t r a c t i o n t h r o u g h a declaration o f borders thus occurs simultaneously w i t h attempts to o u t w a r d l y c o m m u n i c a t e values a n d n o r m s f o r the purposes o f c o m munity expansion. I n a d d i t i o n t o a protectionist m a r k i n g o f outsiders w i t h c o n t e m p t , the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y has seriously debated a s p l i t t i n g o f the n e w s g r o u p . The u n d e r l y i n g logic o f a " n e t s p l i t " f o r some Phish.net participants was t h a t n u m e r o u s posts o n undesired subject matter c o u l d be directed to another n e w s g r o u p , thus preserving respectively f o r different f a n a c t i v i t y groups the m t i m a c y w h i c h facilitated c o m m u n i o n . T h e suggestion o f a " n e t s p l i t " came p r i m a r i l y f r o m tapers (fans w h o tape concerts), a n d f r o m i n f o r m a t i o n - g a t h e r i n g fans w h o f o u n d i t d i f f i c u l t to sort t h r o u g h an increasing v o l u m e o f posts f o r desired m a t e r i a l . A s one taper suggests: not to dis the discussion that occurs . , , [but 1] just don't have time to. , , Many of us are quite into collecting shows or trading tickets , = and an eventual split would make everyone's netlife more enjoyable. It wouldn't be an inflexible divide, people could read either or both, whatever. {Heling, 1994a) T h e m o s t p o p u l a r suggestion is visibly taper-oriented m t h a t i t suggests a "tapes a n d tickets n e t " as separate f r o m " r e c . m u s i c . p h i s h . b l i t h e r i n g " ( R i o u x , 1994). I n the end, this p r o p o s e d netsplit was n o t enacted. One reason expressed was t h a t grovel-requests f o r tapes and tickets o n one net w o u l d i n v a d e the discussion net once pleas w e n t unanswered ( R i o u x , 1 9 9 4 ) . A second and m o r e i n t r i g u i n g reason w o r k e d i n o p p o s i t i o n to this first reason w h i l e i n v o k i n g a nationalistic p u l l f o r u n i f i c a t i o n based o n the values o f r e c i p r o c a t i o n w h i c h the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y claims to e m b o d y . No, this is NOT a good idea. Quite simply, tape and ticket grovelers will go unanswered if they post on the proposed second newsgroup, whereas here if someone (like me) has a tape someone else happens to be groveling for, the groveler will get a response. "= . .and so tell the weight that I never can lift, behind us the darkness, between us the rift. , " (Introne, 1994) Jenkins ( 1 9 9 2 , p . 280) has recorded values o f r e c i p r o c i t y a m o n g media fans, a n d i n the w o r l d o f Phish f a n d o m the m y t h o l o g y o f Gamehenge provides a v i r t u a l l y unquestionable assumption o f r e c i p r o c i t y as a value o f Phish f a n d o m . T h u s , the above f a n affirms the values o f r e c i p r o c i t y a n d the s h a r i n g o f music a n d i n f o r m a t i o n as a rationale f o r u n i t y w i t h i n the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y . T o connect his a r g u m e n t e x p l i c i t l y t o the m y t h o l o g y o f the Active universe, he ends the above post by q u o t i n g and reinterpreti n g the song " R i f t " ( o r i g i n a l l y a b o u t problems i n a r o m a n t i c relationship) to suit the c o n t e x t o f his argument. H i s use o f codes w i t h i n the Active universe t o s u p p o r t a n argument a b o u t u n i f i c a t i o n are f u r t h e r evidence t h a t Phish.net functions as a f a n c o m m u n i t y w i t h its o w n conventionalized 3

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language o f r e c o g n i t i o n signals. T h e fan's statement thus w o r k s on m u l t i p l e levels t o a f f i r m Phish.net values, t o prevent f u r t h e r changes w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y , a n d to l i m i t comprehension o f Phish.net discussions to o n l y those fans w i t h enough k n o w l e d g e o f codes to participate. O t h e r attempts at c o m m u n i t y c o n t r a c t i o n and p r o t e c t i o n f r o m outsiders have i n c l u d e d the l a u n c h i n g o f a n unsuccessful private BBS called " D i v i d e d S k y " ( G o o d m a n , 1 9 9 5 ) , a n d the establishment o f an I R C channel " # p h i s h " o r "Phishserv" (Snyder, 1994) devoted t o computer-mediated discussions i n real-time. B o t h announcements to Phish.net o f such actions stressed t h a t the purpose was t o isolate space f o r the d i e - h a r d fans w h o were c r a v i n g the i n t i m a c y o f c o m m u n i o n w h i c h was m o r e d i f f i c u l t to achieve o n the larger n e w s g r o u p . D u e to the nature of C M C , there is no w a y to determine w h e t h e r other subsections o f the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y have become " p r i v a t i z e d " as elite enclaves o f attempted i n t i m a c y . M o s t recendy, Phish.netter Rosemary M a c i n t o s h has organized "rosemarydigest," a personally filtered version o f the Phish.net digest designed to include o n l y posts m a t c h i n g the " o r i g i n a l " intentions o f the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y . Rosemary's g o a l was n o t just to isolate " t r u e " Phish.netters b u t also to encourage m o r e discussion along sanctioned lines. Filtered digests are i n t e n d e d t o s t i m u l a t e sanctioned responses by " t r u e " Phish.netters, a n d then those responses are posted to the f u l l Phish.net c o m m u n i t y i n an a t t e m p t to give " t r u e " fans m o r e speaking p o w e r m the c o m m u n i t y . A l t h o u g h based i n p u r i f i c a t i o n o f the whole c o m m u n i t y rather t h a n i s o l a t i o n o f a pure p o r t i o n , Rosemary's action speaks to the same struggle o f a l l c o m m u n i t i e s : t o m a i n t a i n core values a n d i n t i m a c y level d u r i n g p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h . The c o m m u n i t y splitting and p u r i f i c a t i o n processes i n C M C are an i n t r i g u i n g b u t d i f f i c u l t area o f C M C studies. Clearly, questions s u r r o u n d i n g p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h and the quest f o r i n t i m a c y are f o u n d a t i o n a l , and s h o u l d p r o v i d e the f r a m e w o r k f o r analysis o f this c o m m u n i c a t i v e process. T h u s , tools f o r the maintenance o f i n t i m a c y , behavioral n o r m s , and values have been developed b y Phish.netters i n a simultaneous a t t e m p t to contract a n d e x p a n d the c o m m u n i t y . Phish.net appears to be a c o m m u n i t y n o t just because its members share similar social goals, b u t also because those goals a n d the core values t o be protected are developed t h r o u g h the same c o m m u n i c a t i v e process by w h i c h all communities establish their borders a n d values. A n t h o n y Giddens (1984) has described this emergent c o n s t r u c t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y values and norms as " s t r u c t u r a t i o n , " and the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f Phish.net norms mimics the process by w h i c h a l l c o m munities b u i l d i n t e r n a l n o r m s .

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S t r u c t u r a t i o n is the process b y w h i c h the structure o r rule set o f a c o m m u n i t y is f o r m e d f r o m the c o n t i n u a l interaction o f i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a n t s . S t r u c t u r a t i o n takes the processes o f repeated everyday interaction over

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time a n d develops t h e m i n t o the rules w h i c h f o r m a c o m m u n i t y ' s structure. I n this w a y , a c o m m u n i t y ' s rules are f o r m e d based u p o n the uses its participants have f o r those rules and based u p o n the gratifications t h a t are derived f r o m l i v i n g under such rules. I t suggests t h a t rules are developed f r o m w i t h i n a c o m m u n i t y rather t h a n being imposed externally as the rules of a large society are imposed u p o n the i n d i v i d u a l . T h u s , to observe s t r u c t u r a t i o n i n action is t o observe the f o r m a t i o n o f social structure by those w h o choose t o live w i t h i n i t . Because the grassroots f o r m a t i o n o f rules is n o t usually possible m a large society, s t r u c t u r a t i o n a c t i v i t y can be taken as a sign o f g r o u p i n t i m a c y and therefore as a sign o f c o m m u n i t y . Analysis o f structure a n d o f social o r g a n i z a t i o n principles is often d o m i n a t e d b y the suggestion t h a t such structures are imposed f r o m above by a bureaucratic r u l e r s h i p w h i c h limits the agentic freedoms o f i n d i viduals affected b y those structures. One p r o m i n e n t feature o f c o m p u t e r mediated c o m m u n i t i e s w h i c h lends t o the usefulness o f the c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r a n d the d i s t i n c t i o n o f i n t i m a c y between " c o m m u n i t y " and " s o c i e t y " is t h a t the development o f behavioral n o r m s and other such structures stems f r o m the needs a n d goals o f the g r o u p and n o t f r o m some centralized source o f a u t h o r i t y . " I t is to meet the needs o f the c o m m u n i t y , needs b o t h given and emergent, t h a t standards o f behavior a n d methods o f sanctioning i n a p p r o p r i a t e behavior d e v e l o p " (Baym, 1995, p . 160). Because p o p u l a t i o n increases have threatened the i n t i m a c y o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n o n Phish.net, s t r u c t u r a l n o r m s i n the f o r m o f " n e t i q u e t t e " have been developed and even recorded m the c o m m u m t y s Frequently Asked Questions ( F A Q ) file: :

No question is stupid, but this file . . fis] designed to answer literally 'hundreds* of questions you might have; please check before posting a question to the net. Don't post a "subscribe" or "unsubscribe" message to the entire net. . . Don't waste your time or other people's 'bandwidth' (mail space) fussing about someone's spelling. . . . When you respond to a post, make certain that personal responses go to a person (the poster), not the entire network group. . . . (Godard, 1994, pp. 4-5) By d i r e c t i n g a percentage o f posts to either F A Q reading o r personal e-mail c o m m u n i c a t i o n these n o r m s f u n c t i o n b o t h to encourage m o r e personal i n t e r a c t i o n and shared k n o w l e d g e a m o n g c o m m u n i t y members and to reduce the p o t e n t i a l traffic o f posts o n the n e w s g r o u p . O t h e r n o r m s against f u l l q u o t i n g o f previously posted messages and against " m e t o o " posts have also been established more strictly as the c o m m u n i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n has g r o w n . A m o n g tapers, s t r u c t u r a l n o r m s have been developed n o t o n l y f o r the p r o p e r names o f Phish songs, b u t also f o r the correct w a y to abbreviate these song titles w h e n r e p o r t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t set lists to each other. T h e song " S p l i t O p e n a n d M e l t " became k n o w n under the a b b r e v i a t i o n " S O A M " u n t i l a n e w song was released w i t h the same initials. "Scent O f A M u l e " has forced the s l o w alteration o f the t w o songs' abbreviations to

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" M e l t " a n d " M u l e . " T h e source f o r s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n o f set list a n d song i n f o r m a t i o n is the Helping Phrtendly Book—the o n g o i n g fan-produced d o c u m e n t o f a l l k n o w n shows a n d set lists—and its key organizers, w h o even developed standards f o r the p r i n t e d r e p o r t i n g o f current a n d future set lists t o the Helping Phrtendly Book staff. Part o f these standards i n v o l v e a system o f a r r o w s adopted f r o m previously existing structures developed by tapers o f the G r a t e f u l D e a d to communicate i n f o r m a t i o n on tape labels a n d t h r o u g h C M C a b o u t c o m p l e x song transitions and m t e r w e a v i n g s . F o r example " M i k e ' s S o n g - > I A m H y d r o g e n - > W e e k a p a u g G r o o v e " indicates the band's non-stop t r a n s i t i o n f r o m the first song i n t o the second a n d f r o m there i n t o the t h i r d . " M i k e ' s S o n g - > B u f f a l o B i l l - > M i k e ' s S o n g " indicates a d e v i a t i o n f r o m " M i k e ' s S o n g " i n t o a p o r t i o n o f " B u f f a l o B i l l , " w h i c h then returns to the remainder o f " M i k e ' s S o n g . " These structures f o r standardizing c o m m u n i c a t i o n between fans and the need t o organize t h e m arise f r o m a c o m b i n a t i o n o f the unusuai c o m p l e x i t y a n d v a r i e t y o f the music played a n d the fannish desire o f Phish.net tapers t o accurately record a l l available i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t the b a n d a n d its activities. G r o u p n o r m s are thus s t r u c t u r e d o u t o f c o m m u n a l l y felt needs. T h e other need w h i c h arises f o r tape traders o n Phish.net is f o r a shared u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f h o w the tape t r a d i n g process w o r k s . I t is therefore o u t l i n e d i n the F A Q f G o d a r d et ah, 1994) f o r n e w tape traders a n d easily explained b y any member o f the t r a d i n g c o m m u n i t y . I t involves a m i n i m u m o f a trade agreement a n d the exchange o f s n a i l m a i l addresses, b u t t o ensure standards o f trustworthiness a n d accountability, the practice o f " o u t i n g " bad traders t o the rest o f the c o m m u n i t y has emerged as a simple w a y t o express the seriousness o f expectations u p o n a f a n w h o wishes t o trade tapes t h r o u g h Phish.net. T h e n e w trader easily observes t h a t the tape lists o f m o r e experienced traders are organized m the same w a y , d i s p l a y i n g shows c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y by date f o l l o w e d by i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t the venue, tape lengths, s o u n d q u a l i t y , a n d show highlights. N o r m s have also been established f o r the process o f t a p i n g itself. A l t h o u g h the degree o f i m p o s e d rules differs w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l trader, m a n y tape traders begin their tape lists w i t h a p a r a g r a p h o f requests a n d expectations w i t h w h i c h t r a d i n g partners are expected t o c o m p l y . E n o u g h standards have been established t h a t one can expect t o be guided i n t o a t a p i n g process w i t h an experienced trader by a p a r a g r a p h of qualifiers:

No DAT. AH my tapes are Analog. Please use Type !1 or higher tapes, preferably Maxell XLIl's. No Dolby. No high-speed dubbing. If you are sending me blanks be sure to include return postage, a note of instructions, and how to contact you. If we are trading please try to be quick with tape turnaround as 1 usually am. (Watson, 1995a)

A g a i n , these standards a n d the n o r m a t i v e practice o f stating t h e m m such an u p f r o n t fashion have developed f r o m the needs experienced by tape

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traders d u r i n g their c o n t i n u e d interactions o n a n d o f f o f Phish.net. As populations increased o n the n e w s g r o u p , i n t e r a c t i o n a m o n g tapers also increased, leading to the s t r u c t u r a t i o n o f extensive standards f o r f a n practice i n the c o m m u n i t y . Even m the venues, as p o p u l a t i o n s increased, tapers felt their e q u i p m e n t being c r o w d e d . By c o n t a c t i n g the band's management t h r o u g h Phish.net a n d by direct m a i l , these fans were able to establish the practice o f "tapers' t i c k e t s . " A f t e r the summer o f 1993, the tapers' section o f the venue f l o o r was officially designated a n d l i m i t e d b y a specific n u m b e r o f tickets available o n l y b y m a i l f r o m the band's management several weeks before general ticket sales. T h e designation o f the tapers' section a n d its ticket procedure are structures w h i c h n o t o n l y developed as the result o f c o n t i n u e d interaction o n Phish.net, but are a visible a n d physical manifestation o f the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y ' s a b i l i t y t o affect general audiences at the venues. S t r u c t u r a t i o n o f n o r m a t i v e behavior w i t h m the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y has also been the result o f a repeated a n d continued need t o a f f i r m the f o u n d a t i o n a l values o f the c o m m u n i t y m the face o f threats to those values. T h e u n i t e d response to c o m m u n a l l y perceived threats further strengthens the m e t a p h o r o f c o m m u n i t y as a descriptor f o r w h a t occurs o n l i n e . As w i t h m a n y other fan organizations, conventions, a n d groups, a p r i m a r y purpose o f fans c o m i n g together a r o u n d a shared source p r o d u c t is t o create a safe space f o r the expression o f f a n e m o t i o n . Because Phish.net was established b y a f a n , M a t t Laurence, f o r fannish purposes, its m o s t basic value is t h a t the expression o f f a n e m o t i o n a b o u t Phish is to be accepted. T h u s , posts whose content i n t e n t i o n a l l y violates this value are seen as a b n o r m a l , disruptive, a n d a threat to the c o m m u n i t y . O n e such post w h i c h raised the ire o f the c o m m u n i t y f o r a t i m e by threatening the safe expression o f f a n e m o t i o n was the f o l l o w i n g : You all suck. Hippies suck. Your stupid brain gobbling band sucks. Why don't you all try getting out more? . . Phish sucks. I hope that you all get beat up by some war mongermg nazi morons that you pretend to hate, when really you are all just insecure about yourselves, and latch onto each other for support in your pitiful little lives that amount to nothing in the real world. (Newfeld, 1994) A l t h o u g h its exaggerated tone suggests t h a t this post was intended to raise ire rather t h a n express the actual feelings o f the poster, this post d e m o n strates several o f the vaiues w h i c h are u p h e l d b y the c o m m u n i t y b y crossing t h e m . I n one p a r a g r a p h , the poster homogeneously classifies a n d labels Phish.netters, w h o often c l a i m to be heterogeneously individualistic a n d eclectic; she insults the b a n d , w h i c h is the center o f focus f o r the c o m m u n i t y ; she suggests an insincerity o f beliefs despite the c o m m u n i t y ' s c l a i m t o being educated a n d fed by " t h e tree o f k n o w l e d g e i n y o u r s o u l . " F i n a l l y , the poster negatively describes the benefit o f m u t u a l s u p p o r t w h i c h these Phish fans have f o u n d i n each other a n d their online c o m m u n i t y . T h a t this post was f u r i o u s l y flamed b o t h p u b l i c l y a n d privately is n o surprise. R a t h e r , i t is the expected effect o f s t r u c t u r a t i o n processes t h a t 4

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standards o f appropriateness f o r Phish.net posts be declared u p o n the basis o f p r o t e c t i n g the community''s i n t e r n a l values. I n t e r n a i values thus s h o w the m a r k i n g points a r o u n d w h i c h past, present, a n d future f o r m s o f structure are developed. Recognition t h a t the s t r u c t u r a t i o n process also takes place inside computer-mediated spaces is embedded i n the use o f a c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r to recognize the developm e n t o f n e w social n o r m s . T h u s , Giddens' theory o f s t r u c t u r a t i o n is easily demonstrated by the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f n o r m s and values according to the emergent needs o f the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y under conditions o f p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h b o t h online a n d i n the venues. The s t r u c t u r a t i o n o f behavi o r a l n o r m s is even seen to affect venue audiences due to the legislative efforts o f actively engaged Phish.netters. T h a t this process o f s t r u c t u r a t i o n has accelerated w i t h increasing p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h is further evidence t h a t a c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r is appropriate f o r describing the o n g o i n g interactive activities o f the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y .

The Struggle for Possession of the Community Metaphor Applying

or Denying

the Community

Metaphor

to

Cyberspace

Perhaps one o f the biggest difficulties i n accepting the w o r d " c o m m u n i t y " as a descriptor f o r C M C phenomena is the n o t i o n that communities first existed and c u r r e n t l y exist i n shared physical space. I n C M C physical space has been replaced by a technology, a m e d i u m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . R a t h e r t h a n declaring that c o m m u n i t y m u s t therefore be absent, I suggest t h a t w e stop t h i n k i n g o f " c o m m u n i t y " as shared c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n the same physical space. A f t e r a l l , the i m a g i n a r y borders o f nation-states prove t h a t we humans do n o t always communicate t o w a r d s shared n o r m s w i t h the people nearest us, b u t rather m a k e determinations o f whom we w i s h to b u i l d c o m m u n i t y w i t h a n d w h o m we w i s h to exclude t h r o u g h the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f borders. W e s h o u l d begin t h i n k i n g o f c o m m u n i t y as a p r o d u c t n o t o f shared space, b u t o f shared relationships a m o n g people. A n t h r o p o l o g y ' s o r i g i n i n the roots o f imperialist expansion and crossc u l t u r a l investigations o f difference has perhaps been responsible f o r the field's focus o n place-based phenomena and its emphasis o n the i m p o r t ance o f physical t e r r i t o r y i n d e t e r m i n i n g g r o u p distinctions. T h i s has been at the expense o f recognizing " c u l t u r e , " that continuously p r o d u c t i v e and c o m m u n i c a t i v e activity m w h i c h all humans are inherently engaged and w h i c h I suggest is the source o f the c o m m u n i o n w h i c h makes c o m m u n i t y real t o its participants. Benedict A n d e r s o n (1983) supportively suggests t h a t " C o m m u n i t i e s are to be distinguished, n o t b y their falsity/genuineness, b u t b y the style i n w h i c h they are i m a g i n e d " (p. 15). By focusing o n the h u m a n act o f i m a g i n a t i o n , n o t o n l y does i t become appropriate to use the c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r f o r describing continuous group i n t e r a c t i o n , b u t the judgement o f c o m m u n i t y is r i g h t l y returned to the minds o f the participants i n v o l v e d rather t h a n their detached observers.

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For those o f us seeking t o a p p l y c u l t u r a l a n t h r o p o l o g y to an understanding o f the positive and negative potentials o f the n e w C M C m e d i u m , Rheingoid's ( 1 9 9 3 b ) d e f i n i t i o n o f " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s " is w e l l suited to this focus o n h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i v e a n d c u l t u r a l practice: "social aggregations t h a t emerge f r o m the N e t w h e n enough people carry o n , , , public discussions l o n g enough, w i t h sufficient h u m a n feeling, t o f o r m webs o f personal relationships i n cyberspace" (p. 5 ) . By focusing o n social n e t w o r k s o f relationship a n d interaction quality as the determinant o f w h e n " c o m m u n i t y " is present, C M C can better fit the i l l u m i n a t i v e assistance o f c u l t u r a l theory. W e can n o w a p p r o a c h C M C users sensitized to l o o k f o r the signs o f high social interaction q u a l i t y t h r o u g h their c o m m u n i c a t i v e uses o f the m e d i u m . Further, we have made a distinction between the communication t h a t is made possible f o r users by a m e d i u m like u r b a n s u b w a y g r a f f i t i , CB radios, o r C M C , and the community t h a t is f o r m e d o n l y w h e n t h a t c o m m u n i c a t i v e a b i l i t y is u t i l i z e d t o construct c o m m u n i o n , and a s t r u c t u r a t i o n o f n o r m s and values via o n g o i n g relationships o f q u a l i t y between participants. By focusing o n q u a l i t y rather t h a n a simple checklist o f the ingredients w h i c h m a k e c o m m u n i t y , we can openly engage the role of subjective e v a l u a t i o n . T h i s means t h a t agreement o n w h a t " c o m m u n i t y " means does n o t preclude disagreement o n issues such as the degrees o f sincerity, i n t i m a c y , a n d c o m m u n i o n w h i c h are present i n a C M C m e d i u m . Indeed, m a n y scholars w h o have agreed w i t h m y thoughts o n w h a t " c o m m u n i t y " means continue t o disagree w i t h the basic idea t h a t " r e a l " c o m m u n i t y can be f o r m e d o n l i n e . T h e question m u s t be raised as t o whether there is a p o w e r m o t i v e b e h i n d this agenda. Is there something so p o w e r f u l a b o u t the w o r d " c o m m u n i t y " t h a t some social groups w o u l d fight earnestly to keep the w o r d f r o m a p p l y i n g to other social groups? Does o w n e r s h i p o f the t e r m " c o m m u n i t y " have something t o d o w i t h the a b i l i t y o f a social g r o u p to be w e l l represented i n a democratic society? Refusal t o a p p l y " c o m m u n i t y " as a descriptor f o r online collectivities stems either f r o m a desire to retain a p u r i f i e d n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y i n the hands o f those w h o c l a i m to k n o w " t r u e " c o m m u n i t y , or f r o m a n u n w i l l ingness to recognize C M C technologies as a m e d i u m w i t h the p o t e n t i a l to change t r a d i t i o n a l social arrangements. By c o m b i n i n g b o t h motives, we see t h a t to a p p l y " c o m m u n i t y " to online phenomena is to give those online denizens possession o f the w o r d . Its possession by online social groups m a y mean m o r e t h a n s i m p l y the r i g h t t o apply i t t o others; i t m a y also result i n g i v i n g those online groups r e c o g n i t i o n o f their o w n strengths, w h i c h are entailed by the use o f the c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r to describe their activities a n d their existence as a n e w f o r m o f collective entity. A n d e r s o n (1983) has stated t h a t the rise o f nation-states occurred because "a f u n d a m e n t a l change was t a k i n g place i n modes o f apprehending the w o r l d , w h i c h , m o r e t h a n a n y t h i n g else, made i t possible to ' t h i n k ' the n a t i o n " (p. 2 8 ) . By t h e o r i z i n g c o m m u n i t y as based m the

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subjective experience and i m a g i n a t i o n o f it's participants, the potential for changes i n the nature o f c o m m u n i t y is as present as the p o t e n t i a l f o r new experience. T h u s , the rise o f C M C technologies can be seen as p a r t o f a f u n d a m e n t a l change i n modes o f apprehending the w o r l d . H e w ideas can be seen as leading to b o t h the development o f the technologies and the development o f new understandings o f c o m m u n i t y . Certainly the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f C M C technologies has altered the experiences o f people in everyday life, a n d i t can n o w be said t h a t new modes o f apprehending c o m m u n i t y have developed as a result o f these changes to the r e a l m o f everyday experience. Hence, the rise and p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f C M C technologies is s p u r r i n g debate a b o u t the nature and meaning o f " c o m m u n i t y " a m o n g b o t h scholars and C M C participants.

Uses of Denying

the

Metaphor

C u l t u r a l critics such as N e i l Postman (1993) have maintained an argument against the use o f the m e t a p h o r online based o n a concern t o retain the w o r d ' s p u r i t y - Postman's m a i n criticism o f the t e r m " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y " is t h a t o n l i n e collectivities d o n o t c o n t a i n the stake t h a t exists i n " r e a l " c o m m u n i t i e s . Critics l i k e Postman p o i n t m o r e deeply to the roots o f the w o r d " c o m m u n i t y , " p o i n t i n g o u t t h a t the L a t i n r o o t w o r d communis or " c o m m o n " is made up o f t w o other roots, cum, meaning " t o g e t h e r , " and mums, m e a n i n g " o b l i g a t i o n . " Postman's w o r k w i t h the t e r m " c o m m u n i t y " emphasizes this idea o f c o m m o n o b l i g a t i o n as central to applications o f the m e t a p h o r . H e argues t h a t a l t h o u g h online collectivities l i k e Phish.net m a y c o n t a i n m a n y other aspects o f the c o m m u n i t y metaphor, they lack the essential feature o f a c o m m o n o b l i g a t i o n . M o r e accurately, online c o m munities iack the consequences o f n o t meeting or p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the c o m m o n obligation of most communities. Postman fears t h a t c a l l i n g online collectivities " c o m m u n i t i e s " alters the meaning o f the t e r m a n d discards one o f its most vital elements. F o r h i m , a p p l i c a t i o n o f the m e t a p h o r t o cyberspace discussion groups pollutes the concept and changes i t so t h a t the n o t i o n o f c o m m o n o b l i g a t i o n is f o r g o t t e n . Postman wants us to remember t h a t a c o m m u n i t y involves l i v i n g amongst people w i t h w h o m we m a y disagree strongly, but w i t h w h o m we continue to communicate f o r the purposes o f meeting o u r c o m m o n obligations. H e points o u t quite r i g h t l y t h a t Internet discussion groups are f o r m e d o u t o f c o m m o n interest, n o t c o m m o n o b l i g a t i o n . I n the Phish.net f o r u m , one need n o t deal w i t h persons w h o d o n ' t share a c o m m o n interest i n the b a n d Phish. O n Phish.net the u p h o l d i n g o f c o m m o n o b l i g a t i o n across personal differences does not exist because i t does n o t need t o exist. T h e possibility has been precluded by the struct u r i n g o f the m e d i u m i n t o discussion groups based o n c o m m o n interest. Postman is correct t h a t the l o n g - t e r m result o f a p p l y i n g the " c o m m u n i t y " m e t a p h o r t o such groups m a y be t o eliminate f r o m h u m a n consciousness the understanding t h a t l i v i n g i n a c o m m u n i t y means t h a t we

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have obligations t o each other even across a sea of personal differences. H o w e v e r , just as the emergence o f nation-states t r a n s f o r m e d the m e a n i n g of " c o m m u n i t y " i n o u r collective consciousness t o fit a new w o r l d situation, so the rise o f C M C technologies is operating to alter the meaning o f this t e r m again. Is t h a t entirely bad news? I t h i n k n o t . M e t a p h o r s such as c o m m u n i t y change as humans adapt to new and emerging environments. I n times o f great change, the older f o r m o f such a m e t a p h o r slips a w a y because i t is n o longer as useful as i t once was. Hence we have seen our understanding o f " c o m m u n i t y " shift f r o m simple geographic p r o x i m i t y to c o m m u n i c a t i o n and i n t i m a c y as social o r g a n i z a t i o n g r e w w i t h the Industrial R e v o l u t i o n . Postman's " c o m m u n i t y " is a noble f o r m o f the m e t a p h o r — r e c o g n i t i o n and expression o f c o m m o n o b l i g a t i o n always i s — b u t I fear t h a t the usefulness o f his m e t a p h o r is being lost. I f we c l i n g to Postman's version o f the m e t a p h o r , w e find t h a t there are fewer a n d fewer places i n the present day t o w h i c h the w o r d " c o m m u n i t y " correctiy applies. Instead, Postman's c o m m u n i t y serves the purpose o f establishing a nostalgia f o r the type o f c o m m u n i t y w h i c h we used to have. H i s w o r k often compares w h a t we call c o m m u n i t y t o d a y t o the " r e a l " c o m m u n i t y w h i c h humans had d u r i n g the nineteenth-century era o f cottage i n d u s t r y and small village life. T o be sure, I t o o a m nostalgic f o r this older f o r m o f c o m m u n i t y , a n d were I t o engage i n a c r i t i q u e o f h o w little c o m m o n o b l i g a t i o n exists i n today's w o r l d I w o u l d certainly a d o p t Postman's f o r m o f the m e t a p h o r . H o w e v e r , it is precisely because so little c o m m o n o b l i g a t i o n exists today t h a t I find Postman's " c o m m u n i t y " m e t a p h o r to be less t h a n useful f o r describing the strength o f present-day collectivities. W h e n so little o f the present-day w o r l d fits the m e t a p h o r w h i c h Postman champions, then the m e t a p h o r becomes n o s t a l g i c — s o m e t h i n g to be f o n d l y remembered b u t n o t applied easily any m o r e .

Uses of Applying

the

Metaphor

Postman's c r i t i q u e w o r k s b y recognizing the absence o f c o m m o n o b l i g a t i o n o n l i n e and then using t h a t basis to deny the entire m e t a p h o r o f c o m m u n i t y to online collectivities. H i s m o t i v e i n denying the metaphor is t o keep the m e t a p h o r s o m e h o w pure i n meaning. M y application o f the m e t a p h o r t o online collectivities l i k e Phish.net has motives t o o . Part of the m o t i v e is t o alter the " c o m m u n i t y " m e t a p h o r so t h a t i t better applies to the types o f social collectivity w h i c h exist t o d a y . I n a p p l y i n g the metaphor t o s o m e t h i n g new, I and other C M C theorists are n o t s i m p l y expanding the d e f i n i t i o n o f " c o m m u n i t y , " we are changing i t , and we may be c h a n g i n g i t f o r the better. Even i n the offline w o r l d o u r differences are n o t being bridged w i t h t a l k , and w i t h the advent o f n a r r o w c a s t m g a n d personalized m a r k e t i n g w e are finding less a n d less o f a need to bridge the gaps o f public o p i n i o n i n t o a unified w h o l e . T o d a y there is enough f r a g m e n t a t i o n t o prevent most

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actions o f organized social g o o d f r o m being enacted o n a large scale. Differences i n public o p i n i o n are quite often t o o large to be bridged effectively. A n y a t t e m p t at o v e r h a u l i n g national social policies thus results in the maintenance o f separate communities rather than a n a t i o n a l w h o l e . Under-represented groups i n the U n i t e d States find t h a t they cannot m o b i l i z e enough s u p p o r t n a t i o n a l l y t o create a change i n their daily c o n d i t i o n s o f l i v i n g . Political action designed t o bridge the p u b l i c gap has failed again a n d again. Those w h o c h a m p i o n Postman's noble metaphor o f c o m m u n i t y as c o m m o n o b l i g a t i o n are most often faced w i t h the task o f d r a g g i n g other c o m m u n i t y members k i c k i n g a n d screaming i n t o their p a r t o f the o b l i g a t i o n . A t t e m p t s to construct c o m m u n i t y usually result i n the increased f r u s t r a t i o n o f organizers and the increased cynicism o f n o n participants t o w a r d the entire idea o f c o m m u n i t y . Structured communities such as those created b y coincidences o f geographic p r o x i m i t y or by other details w h i c h we seldom t h i n k a b o u t d u r i n g daily life almost always have this experience o f p u l l i n g together against the w i l l and desire o f m a n y i n d i v i d u a l members.

Why

We

Argue

About

Virtual

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7 25

we s h o u l d be e x p l o r i n g the meaning o f t h a t metaphor and then changing i t to update its a p p l i c a b i l i t y to today's w o r l d . T h e distinction w h i c h I have made between structured a n d volunteer communities is only one aspect of the online/offline difference. B u t I have chosen to focus o n this difference because i t assists the expansion o f t h i n k i n g a b o u t h o w t o use new technologies f o r the achievement o f greater representation i n the public sphere. Careful a p p l i c a t i o n o f the c o m m u n i t y metaphor i n studies o f online phenomena can assist the larger project o f revitalizing the democratic process a n d finding p a t h w a y s to social change by i l l u s t r a t i n g the uses o f " c o m m u n i t y " as a m e t a p h o r and as a model f o r t h i n k i n g a b o u t a n d o r g a n i z i n g movements f o r social change. By d r a w i n g o u t the connections between being a c o m m u n i t y and gaining representation, Internet scholars can m a k e an i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n to the i m p r o v e m e n t o f democratic representation. "Community"

and

Being

Represented

Structured c o m m u n i t i e s result i n something like class reunions, a few really g u n g - h o organizers, moderate participants, and several clumps o f people c o m m i s e r a t i n g a b o u t h o w they w i s h they weren't a p a r t o f this p a r t i c u l a r g r o u p . This is n o t an effective m e t h o d f o r being better represented i n the larger social debates o f our time. Yet, under-represented g r o u p s i n US society have struggled along w i t h this f o r m o f c o m m u n i t y grassroots o r g a n i z i n g f o r m a n y years. There was n o choice f o r the most p a r t , a n d so the q u e s t i o n — o f w h y grassroots struggles f o r greater representation were conducted i n this o d d w a y against the g r a i n o f the " a p a t h y " t h a t is apparenriy h u m a n nature—became m o o t . Practiced c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z i n g routines were s i m p l y the best k n o w n w a y t o d o such w o r k . T o d a y , Internet technologies m a y offer an i m p r o v e d set o f tools f o r the f o r m a t i o n o f groups and f o r their struggles t o be represented i n the p u b l i c sphere.

U s i n g the c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r m C M C research helps one to recognize the f o r m a t i v e a n d t r a n s f o r m a t i v e processes w h i c h c o m m u n i t y structures u n d e r g o . T h e r e c o g n i t i o n o f such processes is an i m p o r t a n t stepping stone t o the development o f the consciousness t h a t change can occur a n d t h a t i t can be caused b y the u n i t e d w o r k o f online participants. The c o m m u n i t y m e t a p h o r applied t o C M C groups allows those groups to recognize the p a t h w a y s t o change w i t h i n a discourse (that o f offline communities) w h i c h is already u n d e r s t o o d i n t u i t i v e l y by C M C participants. I n M a r x i a n terms, r e c o g n i t i o n o f themselves as a " c o m m u n i t y " is the first step t o creating the c o m m o n consciousness w h i c h enables attempts at i m p r o v e m e n t i n the c o n d i t i o n s of the p a r t i c i p a n t s ' daily lives. W h e n they understand their existence under a " c o m m u n i t y " m e t a p h o r , online participants become able to recognize a n d t o address their c o m m o n situations o f under-representation i n the larger social democracy.

T h e c o m m u n i t i e s w h i c h f o r m n a t u r a l l y online do so w i t h such apparent ease because they are based u p o n a t r a i t w h i c h is also central t o grassroots representation movements. O n l i n e communities are communities f o r m e d a r o u n d a c o m m o n interest. T h u s , w h e n p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n one o f these c o m m u n i t i e s , one can m a i n t a i n the assumption t h a t everyone i n v o l v e d is actually interested enough t o initiate their o w n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c o m m u n i t y . C o m m u n i t i e s online f o r m w i l l i n g l y as volunteer communities as each i n d i v i d u a l chooses to j o i n . Structured communities are dictated to the i n d i v i d u a l by an outside source; y o u are t o l d t h a t y o u are a member o f the c o m m u n i t y a n d t h a t y o u have obligations. W h e n i t comes to o r g a n i z i n g a m o v e m e n t f o r greater representation i n the democratic public sphere, online volunteer c o m m u n i t i e s h o l d a considerable advantage at the level o f b o t h f o r m a n d content over offline structured communities.

C o m m u n i t i e s i n the offline w o r l d serve as models o f h u m a n behavior i n large-group situations. T h e y f u n c t i o n as models o f gradual and lasting social change. B u t c o m m u n i t i e s are m o r e t h a n a valuable reference p o i n t f o r those w i s h i n g to organize f o r greater representation. I n a p u r e democracy, i n d i v i d u a l s and their views w o u l d all be equally represented i n p u b l i c debates. T h e U n i t e d States is a representative democracy i n w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s are somehow grouped together and then represented as a g r o u p by an i n d i v i d u a l delegate i n debates a m o n g other such delegates. T h e m e t h o d b y w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s are grouped together to be represented by a single delegate is one aspect o f h o w the democratic process fails t o f u n c t i o n as w e l l as i t m i g h t . W e need to examine t h a t m e t h o d o f g r o u p i n g t o understand w h y some are apparently better represented t h a n others.

A p p l y i n g the m e t a p h o r o f c o m m u n i t y to online f o r u m s does n o t have t o mean i m p o s i n g a static d e f i n i t i o n over a clearly different s i t u a t i o n . Instead

T h e US C o n s t i t u t i o n and various legislative rules governing elections g r o u p A m e r i c a n voters by their residence w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r state. This is precisely the type o f s t r u c t u r e d c o m m u n i t y dictated b y a r b i t r a r y

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geographic distinctions w h i c h I suggested earlier m a y n o t be suitable f o r attempts to organize c o m m u n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . C o m m u n i t i e s t o be represented i n p u b l i c debate do n o t exist o n l y by state, however. Politicians often appeal t o c o m m u n i t i e s o f voters gathered a r o u n d p a r t i c u l a r issues. W h e t h e r i t is the c o m m u n i t y o f tobacco growers across the South o r the c o m m u n i t y o f pro-choice voters across the n a t i o n , politicians learn to recognize such social aggregations a r o u n d particular issues or c i r c u m stances a n d they learn h o w to address such communities w i t h the promise o f f a i r representation. The r e c o g n i t i o n o f various aggregations by politicians means t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s n o t attached to other i n d i v i d u a l s i n a recognized c o m m u n i t y w i l l most likely r e m a i n unrepresented. Representative democracy means t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s need to f o r m groups i f they hope to be represented a t a l l . " C o m m u n i t y " has thus become an o r g a n i z i n g t e r m by w h i c h w e m a k e distinctions a m o n g the m u l t i t u d e o f i n d i v i d u a l s m o u r n a t i o n . I t is a t e r m for o r g a n i z i n g those i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o a f e w distinct groups w h i c h w e can recognize and deal w i t h i n the f o r u m o f p u b l i c sphere debates. T h e logic o f o r g a n i z i n g a mass p u b l i c i n t o a few distinct groupings is shared by b o t h the p o l i t i c a l process and the c u l t u r a l process o f the U n i t e d States. I n the c u l t u r a l process, producers o f mass media materials determine the content o f the nation's culture t h r o u g h their efforts to meet consumer interests. C a p i t a l i s m a n d democracy share an interesting t r a i t : the p a r t y w h i c h fails to serve the interests o f a large p u b l i c w i l l f a l l v i c t i m to c o m p e t i n g parties. T h u s , b o t h p o l i t i c i a n s and mass media companies have an incentive t o assess and satiate p u b l i c demand better t h a n their competitors. B o t h politicians and p r o d u c t i o n companies can be " v o t e d o u t " s h o u l d they f a i l to correctly assess and satiate p u b l i c d e m a n d . T h u s , both politicians and mass media companies need to organize the complex public i n t o distinct c o m m u n i t i e s w h i c h can be appeased. Because " c o m m u n i t y " is an o r g a n i z i n g t e r m f o r those at the t o p o f o u r society, the rest o f us m u s t j o i n existing communities o r f o r m new ones s h o u l d the o l d c o m m u n i t i e s n o t suit o u r needs adequately. T h u s , being a p a r t o f a c o m m u n i t y is necessary to g a m i n g representation. A g r o u p m u s t be recognized f r o m above as c a r r y i n g enough i m p o r t a n c e to have its demands assessed a n d sated. I f the p a r t i c i p a t i n g individuals o n l i n e h o l d their interests m enough esteem t o w a r r a n t spending the time and e f f o r t to be there, then i t is no w o n d e r t h a t they w o u l d f i g h t h a r d to be recognized as a " c o m m u n i t y . " Being recognized by others as a " c o m m u n i t y " is a most necessary step to h a v i n g the views o f the g r o u p heard and represented by others i n a democracy such as ours. How

Phish

Fans Cot

Their

Say

Phish.net has become a voice f o r the m u l t i t u d e s o f Phish fans w h i c h i t represents. T h a t is n o t to say t h a t 5 0 , 0 0 0 people are representing an even larger d i s t r i b u t i o n o f fans. Rather, the singular c o m m u n i t y called

Why

We

Argue

About

Virtual

Community

127

"Phish.net" has become a representational device f o r the m a n y Phish fans w i t h i n a n d w i t h o u t the internet f o r u m . Phish.net has managed t o w i n concessions f r o m b o t h the b a n d a n d the larger record i n d u s t r y . A l t h o u g h the concessions m a y appear small and meaningless, w h a t is most i m p o r t ant is the m o d e l by w h i c h these Phish fans w o n better representation f o r themselves m the p u b l i c sphere o f A m e r i c a n music c u l t u r e . T h a t m o d e l is based u p o n the i n t u i t i v e and u n s p o k e n recognition o f Phish fans as a c o m m u n i t y b y those i n positions o f p o w e r t h r o u g h o u t the record i n d u s t r y . For Phish fans to w i n their requested concessions f r o m those i n p o w e r , the i n d u s t r y had t o s o m e h o w sense t h a t Phish.net is a c o m m u n i t y or a g r o u p o f people p o w e r f u l enough t o be w o r t h the e f f o r t o f appeasement. Phish.net's successes f a l l w i t h i n the c u l t u r a l sphere, and the c o m m u n i t y ' s strategy relies u p o n the logic o f capitalist p r o d u c t i o n a n d c o m p e t i t i o n to recognize Phish.net as a p r o f i t a b l e m a r k e t . This logic is quite similar to the logic o f g a m i n g democratic representation i n the p o l i t i c a l sphere. T o be heard by the r e c o r d i n d u s t r y powers-that-be, a n d to "get their say," Phish fans c o u l d n o t r e m a i n separate i n d i v i d u a l s . They had t o first p r o v e to record i n d u s t r y executives t h a t as a g r o u p they were w o r t h listening to because o f the collectivity's large size and t i g h t coherence. These are the features o f an i m p o r t a n t m a r k e t . T o w a r r a n t attention i n the media industries, a g r o u p o f people m u s t be b o t h large and coherent i n their tastes or views. Such a g r o u p constitutes a m a r k e t w o r t h y o f p r o d u c e r a t t e n t i o n . Such a g r o u p also constitutes a c o m m u n i t y . W i t h o u t f u l f i l l i n g these requirements, demands for representation fall o n deaf ears, and perhaps logically so. Such is the nature o f a capitalist democracy. T h u s : to those i n p o w e r , w h e t h e r i n the c u l t u r a l o r p o l i t i c a l spheres, s h o w i n g p r o o f o f a group's c o m m u n i t y status is a k i n t o being either a valuable m a r k e t o r a p o p u l a t i o n subset w o r t h y o f representation. Phish.net clearly " g o t t h e i r say" b y u t i l i z i n g the strategy o f this capitalist-democratic m o d e l . A successful example of Phish.net's technological a b i l i t y to connote large size, t i g h t coherence, a n d therefore high importance behind posted f a n requests can be f o u n d at the end o f the band's 1994 a l b u m Hoist. D u r i n g the t i m e w h e n the b a n d was r e c o r d i n g this a l b u m , Phish.net was receiving and d i s p l a y i n g m a n y i n d i v i d u a l l y posted requests f o r a professionally released live version o f the song " S p l i t O p e n and M e l t " w h i c h had become a f a n f a v o r i t e d u r i n g the previous year o f live concert t o u r i n g . Whereas i n d i v i d u a l f a n letters t o the b a n d a n d Elektra requesting this m i g h t be lost a m o n g a f l u r r y o f other requests l a c k i n g importance i n the scheme of media systems logic, the a b i l i t y o f the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y t o display b o t h the size a n d apparent consensus o f this request signalled producers as to the c o m p a r a t i v e l y h i g h i m p o r t a n c e o f the community/market. Qualities o f the C M C m e d i u m made the request appear ( f r o m the industry's perspective) to originate f r o m a c o m m u n i t y measured at r o u g h l y 5 0 , 0 0 0 , even t h o u g h the n u m b e r o f fans p o s t i n g the request m a y n o t have been significantly larger t h a n the n u m b e r o f individuals w h o w r o t e t r a d i t i o n a l letters o f f a n request.

128

Virtual

Culture

W h e n the a l b u m was eventually released i t contained as its last song " D e m a n d , " a clear reference t o the c o m m u n a l consumer-fan voice o f the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y . This track contains a t w o - m i n u t e piece o f o r i g i n a l music f o l l o w e d b y the sounds o f a live Phish concert tape being inserted i n t o the tape deck o f a m o v i n g car. These t w o sounds of a live Phish tape a n d a m o v i n g car are o f such f a m i l i a r i t y to tour-dedicated Phish fans that this was i m m e d i a t e l y understood by Phish.netters as a response t o their actively organized, persistent, and p o w e r f u l voice. T h e v o l u m e o f the live tape being played is then t u r n e d up to reveal the instrumental j a m p o r t i o n o f " S p l i t O p e n and M e l t , " w h i c h then carries o n f o r another seven a n d a h a l f m i n u t e s . T h i s instance, i n w h i c h Phish fans gained q u i c k and certain results f r o m their active c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h the record i n d u s t r y , is seen by the c o m m u n i t y as one o f the clearest examples o f Phish.net's design a t i o n as a representative f o r the larger c o m m u n i t y o f Phish fans. Further, i t is s t r o n g evidence t h a t consumers can be served w h e n they make their demands f r o m the unified voice-piece o f a c o m m u n i t y . By being recognized as a c o m m u n i t y , Phish.net was able t o w i n f o r Phish fans a greater role m the d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n processes. C M C ' s f a c i l i t a t i o n o f immediate f a n feedback w h i c h can be easily accessed by the band's members means t h a t fan o p i n i o n Dn new songs can be assessed a n d acted u p o n between shows i n a t o u r . Fans n o w m a k e a practice o f debating the pros and cons o f new songs as soon as they are played somewhere. As the tapes disseminate over the next few days, m o r e and m o r e Phish.netters post their o p i n i o n s o f the new material to the c o m m u n i t y . T h e b a n d has been k n o w n to alter the t e m p o , l e n g t h , and frequency o f songs according to the expressed opinions o f their fans o n Phish.net. H o w e v e r , the band's response to fans' criticisms is n o t an example o f direct democracy. Rather, i t is the result o f the r e c o r d industry's belief t h a t Phish.net represents a larger f a n community/market. Because observance o f an online c o m m u n i t y does not p e r m i t one to t r u l y assess the balance o f agreement o r disagreement w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y r e g a r d i n g a n issue, observers m a y instead take w h a t is p r i n t e d i n the online f o r u m as being the thoughts a n d feelings o f many m o r e people t h a n i t may actually represent. T h e fact t h a t Phish.net is k n o w n to have 5 0 , 0 0 0 subscribers is mistakenly taken t o mean that some verbalized requests are actually c o m i n g f r o m 5 0 , 0 0 0 organized i n d i v i d u a l s . O n l i n e technologies thus assist groups b o u n d by c o m m o n interest to become c o m m u n i t i e s and to be recognized as i m p o r t a n t w i t h i n the public sphere. W h e n the f o l k s at Phish.net managed to f u l f i l l the standards o f large size a n d t i g h t coherence, either truly or t h r o u g h the illusion o f computermediated presentation, then they achieved the benefit o f democratic representation i n the d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f c u l t u r a l content. H a v i n g n o w w o n t h a t g i f t o f representation, the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y has affected the very direction o f A m e r i c a n music culture t h r o u g h its recognized presence. For example, w h e n the Dave M a t t h e w s Band noted t h a t their music shared certain (though vague) similarities w i t h the music sought by

129

W h y W e A r g u e A b o u t Virtual C o m m u n i t y

Phish fans, the band's management disseminated d e m o tapes o f t h a t b a n d t h r o u g h the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y . This was accomplished t h r o u g h w h a t is k n o w n as a " t a p e t r e e , " a process n o w assisted b y the speed o f e-mail technology. T h e band's p o p u l a r i t y skyrocketed w h e n their demo tapes were disseminated b y the Phish.net c o m m u n i t y . W i t h i n a single year, the Dave M a t t h e w s B a n d w e n t f r o m c h a r g i n g $5 at small clubs to p l a y i n g their c u r r e n t venues o f over 1 5 , 0 0 0 at m o r e t h a n $20 per ticket. T h e y n o w also have several videos o n M T V . A l t h o u g h i t is d i f f i c u l t t o c l a i m a t r u l y causal effect, Phish.netters d i d play a significant p a r t i n b r i n g i n g t h a t b a n d i n t o the p u b l i c r e a l m , a n d i n d o i n g so they helped to designate a new w i n g o f music. The music i n d u s t r y n o w recognizes " j a m B a n d s " as a n e w category o f A m e r i c a n music and is g i v i n g heavy p r o m o t i o n and success t o several such bands, i n c l u d i n g Blues Traveller, A q u a r i u m Rescue U n i t , and the Black C r o w e s . A m e r i c a n music culture has lurched i n a new d i r e c t i o n , and the r e c o g n i t i o n o f Phish.net as a " c o m m u n i t y " lies at the heart o f the change. 5

Democratic

Representation

and

the Question

of

Virtual

Communities T h e m o d e l f o r achieving democratic change as demonstrated by Phish.net in the c u l t u r a l sphere c o u l d easily apply to other groups desiring greater representation i n the p o l i t i c a l sphere. I t also may e x p l a i n w h y the debate over v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y is so heated. " C o m m u n i t y " permits representation. T h u s to deny a g r o u p the status o f c o m m u n i t y is to deny t h e m their due representation m the p u b l i c sphere. W i t h this i n m i n d , let us r e t u r n briefly to the debate a b o u t online c o m m u n i t y and expose the p o l i t i c a l motives behind some o f its t e r m i n o l o g y . T h e m o s t g l a r i n g offender i n the t e r m i n o l o g y o f the o l d debate is the most p o p u l a r t e r m o f a l l : " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y . " Using the w o r d " v i r t u a l " implies t h a t w h a t w e are t r y i n g to call c o m m u n i t y is n o t actually c o m m u n i t y . By n a m i n g i t so, such c o m m u n i c a t i o n phenomena can never be " t r u e " c o m m u n i t y . T h i s arrangement appears to best serve those w h o argue against the existence o f c o m m u n i t y online. W e must question w h y the t e r m i n o l o g y s h o u l d h o l d such a judgement. T h e d i s t i n c t i o n between " v i r t u a l " c o m m u n i t y and " r e a l " c o m m u n i t y is u n w a r r a n t e d . T h e t e r m " v i r t u a l " means something a k i n t o " u n r e a l " and so the entailments o f calling online communities " v i r t u a l " include spreading and r e i n f o r c i n g a belief that w h a t happens online is like a c o m m u n i t y , b u t isn't really a c o m m u n i t y . M y experience has been t h a t people i n the offline w o r l d tend t o see online communities as v i r t u a l , b u t t h a t participants i n the online c o m m u n i t i e s see t h e m as quite real. T h e fact t h a t the t e r m " v i r t u a l " has stuck so h a r d is due m p a r t to the title o f Rheingold's ( 1 9 9 3 b ) pioneering b o o k o n the matter, b u t i t is also a result o f the fact t h a t users o f online technologies are n o t self-represented. Rather, they are represented t o us by offline scholars w i s h i n g to compare these online c o m m u n i t i e s t o " t h e real t h i n g " i n their offline w o r l d . Such an a r g u m e n t

130

Virtual

Culture

smacks o f the same culture-centric v i e w p o i n t w h i c h has permeated a n t h r o p o l o g y f o r decades, i t reflects the usual refusal o f scholars t o accept the views o f those they study as stated b y those subjects. As such I reject the d i s t i n c t i o n as i t has been handed t o m e . I a m n o t r e f u t i n g t h a t there are differences between communities f o r m e d o f f l i n e a n d o n l i n e . Indeed I have elaborated u p o n some o f those differences a n d discussed the ways i n w h i c h those differences m i g h t be h e l p f u l f o r certain purposes such as movements f o r grassroots representation. But the d i s t i n c t i o n o f real c o m m u n i t i e s f r o m v i r t u a l communities is n o t the same as the d i s t i n c t i o n between o n l i n e a n d offline. T h e distinction as handed d o w n t o us tells us i m m e d i a t e l y t h a t online phenomena are n o t real c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e danger o f accepting this distinction as given is t h a t v o l u n t a r y o n l i n e aggregations o f people a r o u n d issues o f c o m m o n interest w i l l n o t be recognized as w o r t h y o f representation w i t h i n the p u b l i c sphere. By accepting the d i s t i n c t i o n between real a n d v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , w e w i l l b l i n d ourselves to recognizing t h a t these online collectivities may be the n e w f o r m w h i c h representative democracy is t a k i n g . Acceptance o f the d i s t i n c t i o n as given precludes those i n p o w e r f r o m recognizing the i m p o r t a n c e o f g r o u p demands a n d precludes those o u t o f p o w e r f r o m recognizing the p a t h w a y s to greater representation w h i c h are b o u n d u p m the m e t a p h o r o f " c o m m u n i t y . " T h u s , t h i n k i n g a b o u t the t e r m " c o m m u n i t y " a n d r e t h i n k i n g the d i s t i n c t i o n between w h a t humans d o o n l i n e a n d offline m a y be a key process t o the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n o f democracy. Changes m the p o w e r structure o f o u r n a t i o n a n d o u r c u l t u r e m a y rely u p o n this r e t h i n k i n g a n d alteration o f the t e r m " c o m m u n i t y . " B a r r y Barnes (1988) suggests t h a t :

Why

We Argue

About

This c o m p l e x process o f r e - t h i n k i n g " c o m m u n i t y " m a y thus be the key t o representation i n the p u b l i c sphere. R e t h i n k i n g " c o m m u n i t y " p e r m i t s people to recognize the p a t h w a y s to social change and to discover the standards such as large size a n d t i g h t coherence w h i c h must be fulfilled t o gain p u b l i c representation i n o u r present democracy. Further, t o r e t h i n k the m e a n i n g of, a n d the p o w e r attached t o , a w o r d like " c o m m u n i t y " m a y be the key t o u n c o v e r i n g w h y i t is t h a t such a debate over online c o m m u n i c a t i o n s h o u l d occur at a l l .

lyrics are quoted f r o m the bass player's first j o k i n g response to the debate in the " P h i s h 2 . Based u p o n the mythic Helping

w h i c h is treasured by the L i z a r d s of

Book,

3. A c c o r d i n g to G a m e h e n g e mythology, m the song " C o l o n e l F o r b i n ' s A s c e n t " the mighty prophet-god

Icculus agrees to assist the L i z a r d s in stealing back the Helping

Friendly

Book

from die evil K i n g W i l s o n w h o lias enslaved d i e m . But k c u l u s advises C o l o n e l F o r b i n that " a l l k n o w l e d g e seeming innocent a n d pure becomes a deadly w e a p o n m the hands of avarice a n d greed." 4 . T h i s again comes from Gamehenge mythology as • positive effect of possessing the Helping

Friendly

in the song " C o l o n e l F o r b i n s A s c e n t . "

Book

:

5 . A tape tree is w h e n someone makes five copies of a tape for five people, each of w h o m then copies the tape for five m o r e people, etc., etc. T h e result is massive dissemination of a tape w i t h m i n i m a l damage to the tape's s o u n d quality through recording

generations.

References Anderson.

B.

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O a k s , C A : Sage. K a r p c n s t e i n , N . ( 1 9 9 4 . A p r i l 1 8 ) . A p o l o g y . Posted to Phish.nct. mediated

A . ( 1 9 9 4 a ) The

polemics

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PA. MacDonald, mediated

1. T h e band's 7/16/93

Friendly

G a m e h e n g e as c o n t a i n i n g the secrets to "eternal j o y a n d never-ending s p l e n d o r . "

MacDonald,

Notes

131

Community

U p d a t e " Newsletter ( 1 9 9 3 a ) .

G i d d c n s , A . ( 1 9 8 4 ) . The

[People] may . change the distribution of power by reflecting upon it, learning about it, seeking to better understand and represent it; for a distribution of power is an aspect of a distribution of knowledge and what is known to be cannot be separated from what is. . . , Thus the capacity of people to grasp and represent a distribution of power sets limits on the possible form that such a distribution can take. (p. 92)

Virtual

M a n n M u s i c Center, P h i l a d e l p h i a , P A , rendition of " Y o u E n j o y

M y s e l f features the lyrics " W a t e r y o u r team, in a bee hive, I ' m a sent y o u . " T h e s e alternate

A.

(1994b)

Uncertain

communication.

M a c K i n n o n , R . C . ( 1 9 9 2 ) . Searching San Jose State U n i v e r s i t y .

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fiction

media

fandom

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computer-

U n p u b l i s h e d paper, A n n e n b e r g School for C o m m u n i c a t i o n . P A . for the Leviathan

in Usenet.

U n p u b l i s h e d master's thesis,

132

Virtual

Culture

M c K e c h m e , D . ( 1 9 9 4 , D e c e m b e r 2 ) . Personal c o m m u m c a r i o n . E - m a i l McUughlin, M L

O s b o r n e , K X , & S m i t h , C B . (1995).

Standards o f c o n d u c t o n Usenet. I n

(pp. y o - 1 1 1 } . T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage. Morgan

y

J . { 1 9 9 5 , J a n u a r y 1 7 ) . Personal c o m m u n i c a t i o n . E - m a i l

N e w f e d , G . ( 1 9 9 4 , A p r i l 1 2 ) . H i p p , e s s u c k . Posted to Phish.net. P h i s h U p d a t e . {1993s,

February). Waltham, M A

Phish Update. (1993b, Summer). Lexington, M A P o s m a n , N . ( 1 9 9 3 ) Technopoly:

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Language is a skin: I rub my language against the other. It is as if I had words instead of fingers, or fingers at the tip of my words. My language trembles with desire. The emotion derives from a double contact: on the one hand, a whole activity of discourse discreetly, indirectly focuses upon a single signified, which is "I desire you," and releases, nourishes, ramifies it to the point of explosion (language experiences orgasm upon touching itself); on the other hand, I enwrap the other in my words, I caress, brush against, talk up this contact, I extend myself to make the commentary to which I submit the relation endure. — R o l a n d B a r t h e s , A Lover's

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Gay Men and Computer Communication: A Discourse of Sex and Identity in Cyberspace

York,

Oxford

Discourse

(1978), p. 7 3

R o l a n d Barthes's study o f the discourse o f love presents a n ideal starting p o i n t f o r a n analysis o f h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n v i a the c o m p u t e r . First, A Lover's Discourse (1978) takes as its object the text o f w o r d s a n d thoughts o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n the physical absence o f the o t h e r — i n this case, the lover. For Barthes, the o t h e r is inscribed w i t h i n this t e x t — m o r e o v e r , " h e inscribes himself w i t h i n the t e x t " ( p . 7 9 ) . Likewise, inherent i n computermediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) is the physical absence o f the o t h e r — b e he lover, f r i e n d , f a m i l y , o r stranger. C M C also produces a text; one i n w h i c h b y his mere p a r t i c i p a t i o n the other is inscribed. T h i s text, like Barthes's, c a n be read as a discourse o f absence. A c c o r d i n g t o Barthes, " T h e discourse o f Absence is a text w i t h t w o ideograms: there are the raised artns of Desire, a n d there are the wide-open arms of Need" ( p . 1 6 ) . Second, a n d m o r e specific t o the object o f this study, given Barthes's h o m o s e x u a l i t y , his discursive analysis o f love and absence must necessarily be read as o n e o f h o m o s e x u a l love a n d homosexual absence operating under the ideograms o f homosexual desire and homosexual need. I w i s h t o analyze a n d deconstruct the C M C o f gay m e n . I f , as Barthes illustrates, love is m o s t readily u n d e r s t o o d i n the physical absence o f the lover, then perhaps the best w a y t o understand c o m m u n i c a t i o n lies i n the uncharted territories o f cyberspace where men sit alone at their keyboards p r o d u c i n g a n d inscribing themselves w i t h i n interactive texts o f homosexual desire a n d need. F o r m y research I conducted interviews w i t h twelve gay

134

Virtus!

Culture

men w h o use Internet Relay C h a t ( I R C ) . Some o f the interviews were conducted o n I R C , some via e-maii, and others over the p h o n e — w h i c h e v e r the respondent preferred. W h i l e m y sample does n o t p u r p o r t to be statistically significant, m y research role o f particpant-observer afforded me the o p p o r t u n i t y t o establish a b o n d o f t r u s t w i t h the users I identified as frequent C M C participants. Further, the in-depth and open-ended interviews offered some keen insights i n t o the uses and gratifications m o t i v a t i n g gay men's computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n .

IRC and the Social Bond Real-time C M C is best exemplified b y the I R C . I t , like similar services available f r o m p r i v a t e subscription services such as America O n l i n e ( A O L ) and P r o d i g y , offers real-time chat w i t h an u n l i m i t e d number of users. T h e f o r m a t o f I R C looks very m u c h like a p l a y w r i g h t ' s script. Each line o f t e x t begins w i t h the sender's c o m p u t e r nickname ( " n i c k " or " h a n d l e " ) and is f o l l o w e d b y the t e x t the user wishes to broadcast t o the other users. As the conversation progresses, each line o f text rolls o f f the top o f the c o m p u t e r screen to m a k e r o o m f o r the n e w lines o f text being transmitted t h r o u g h the b o t t o m o f the screen. C M C takes place i n channels, and channels are created b y users w h o 30m based o n topic and interest. There are generally between 1 0 , 0 0 0 and 15,000 users o n the I R C at any one n m e , o p e r a t i n g as m a n y as 5,000 different chat channels f r o m a r o u n d the globe. O f a i l f o r m s o f C M C , real-time chat (as exemplified by I R C ) best illustrates Rhemgold's d e f i n i t i o n o f the v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y . I R C is made-up o f "social aggregations t h a t emerge f r o m the N e t " and 'it " f o r m s webs o f personal relationships i n cyberspace" ( R h e m g o l d , 1993, p. 5). O f a l l f o r m s o f C M C , LRC is m o s t i n t r i g u i n g because o f its dualistic p e r s o n a l i t y — t h a t is, i t is b o t h interpersonal a n d mass-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n . A t once users can c a r r y o n one-to-one discussions w i t h each other and broadcast messages to the entire channel o f users. R h e i n g o l d (1993) characterizes the I R C as f o l l o w s : IRC is what you get when you strip away everything that normally allows people to understand the unspoken shared assumptions that surround and support their communications, and thus render invisible most of the web of socially mediated definitions that tell us what words and behaviors are supposed to mean in our societies, (p. 178) As i n f e r r e d above, I R C c o m m u n i c a t i o n is v o i d o f all physical contextsthere is n o physical b o d y language, physical appearance, change m tone o f voice, o r facial expression to enable the intended decoding o f a typed message. L a c k i n g these m o s t l y visual cues, m a n y argue that C M C has a m u c h n a r r o w e r b a n d w i d t h (i.e. fewer cues t o determine the correct recept i o n o f message meaning) t h a n real face-to-face interpersonal c o m m u n i c a t i o n and other f o r m s of mass-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n (see B a y m 1995Kiesler, Siegel, & M c G m r e , 1984; W a l t h e r , 1992). I n short, there are o n l y

Gay M e n a n d C o m p u t e r C o m m u n i c a t i o n

135

letters, w o r d s , a n d symbols. B u t IRCers are bricoleurs o f physical context, actively e m p l o y i n g a l l o f the letters, numbers, and symbols the computer k e y b o a r d offers i n order t o create a n d convey these physical contexts. B o d i l y m o v e m e n t , f o r example, can be rendered m physical action c o m m a n d s . I f B o b types "/me rubs Jim's b a c k , " u p o n entering this c o m m a n d a line o f t e x t reading " B o b rubs Jbxrs b a c k " appears amidst the texts o f other users (flagged by a " * " to distinguish i t f r o m the dialogue o n the channel). T o n e o f voice is indicated by using emoticons (Baym, 1995, p 152), capital letters, b o l d face type, exclamation m a r k s , and asterisk/ parenthetical d e s c r i p t o r s — f o r example " I A M SO A N G R Y ! ! ! " o r " d o y o u really mean that? * g a s p V M o s t users p r o v i d e other users w i t h brief physical descriptions o f themselves. Regular channel users can register these b r i e f descriptions w i t h the " b o t " (the r o b o t channel a d m i n i s t r a t o r created by one o r m o r e o f the channel users). Physical descriptions are t y p i c a l l y typed m the f o r m " B o b is 2 4 , 5 ' 1 1 " , 170#, Bl/Bl, athletic b u i l d . " T h u s , i f Bob is a registered regular o n the channel, w h e n he logs o n the b o t identifies his e-mail address and n i c k n a m e , announces that he has j o i n e d the channel, and a u t o m a t i c a l l y provides other channel users w i t h his brief b i o g r a p h y . Perhaps the best w a y appearance is c o m m u n i c a t e d is via the exchange o f GIFs and JPEGs {graphic i n f o r m a t i o n files: p h o t o g r a p h s t h a t have been electronically scanned and coded t o be sent over the Internet). Once they have been sent to another user s c o m p u t e r , s/he can use image converter p r o g r a m s to translate the electronic data back i n t o a picture a n d v i e w i t o n his or her c o m p u t e r screen. . R h e i n g o l d ( 1 9 9 3 , p . 180) argues t h a t i n the physical absence o f the other, IRCers are likely to t r y o n different personalities. Elizabeth R e i d characterizes I R C as a " p l a y g r o u n d " where: 5

people are free to experiment with different forms of communication and self-representation. From that playground, IRC habituées have evolved rules, rituals, and communicanon styles that qualify them as a real culture, (cited m Rheingold, 1993, p. 180) T h i s self-regulated self-representation has been the cause o f m u c h negative press s u r r o u n d i n g C M C . Countless p o p u l a r press articles chronicle h o r r o r stories o f online scams, charlatanism, a n d gross misrepresentation o f the self. F o r example, a Time magazine feature describes the online revenge victims concocted against a c o m p u t e r Casanova (Cole, 1993, p . 58) w h i l e People magazine tells the story o f a w o m a n w h o conned m o r e t h a n 100 men by asking f o r travel m o n e y t o visit t h e m (Sanz, 1994, p . 4 0 ) . B u t f o r every online scam, there is a success story. Cyberspace is a w o r i d d i v i d e d by interest rather t h a n geography. L i k e L y o t a r d ' s p e r f o r m a t i v i t y , the c o m p u t e r extends users' grasps, enabling t h e m to meet m o r e people, a n d , theoretically, the ideal person. I n light o f this, i t s h o u l d seem o n l y n a t u r a l t h a t onliners are f o r m i n g real friendships, relationships, and marriages (see, e.g., C h i d l e y , 1994). Relationships f o r m e d m cyberspace

136

Virtual

Culture

and actualized m the flesh are increasingly catching the eye o f the media as W I T * ' , ° - \ S : Phenomenon fuels the public's fascination w i t h the electronic s u p e r h i g h w a y (see Maclean's, January 17 1994People, February 2 1 , 1994; Time, July 19, 1993). D a y t i m e television is' filled w i t h fascination over the subject; Jenny Jones, Carme, Geraldo, and Maury Povicb have a l l focused o n " C o m p u t e r Sex a n d D a t i n g " as U n u s u a l W a y s Couples M e t . " T h e F o x television h i t Beverly Hills 90210 used C M C as a s c r i p t i n g device to i n t r o d u c e an unlikely affair between t w o o f its protagonists. Even the lesbian magazine Deneuve (renamed Curve) r a n a cover s t o r y o n t w o w o m e n w h o m e t t h r o u g h the c o m p u t e r H o w e v e r , the press s u r r o u n d i n g online relationships a n d communities' ™ ? * S s t online c o m m u n i t i e s - g a y men A 1994 "Wired T o p 1 0 » list cited the ten m o s t p o p u l a t e d chat ^ o L T c ' e a t e d by members o f A m e r i c a O n l i n e , the nation's largest private subscriber service C

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m l i )> ^ Who M e e t M e n (#6), a n d Y o u n g M e n 4 M e n (#8). O f the seven other channels o n the list, one was lesbian, one was "Swingers or G r o u p , " a n d the r e m a i n i n g five were h e t e r o s e x u a l - m o s t appeared to be sexual topics S i m i l a r l y I R C . "gaysex" a n d " j a c k - o f f " (also gay) channeis are u s u a ' v t

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a m o n g the m o s t p o p u l a t e d I R C c h a n n e i s - s o m e t i m e s surpassing the p o p u l a t i o n o f "sex," the complementary heterosexual chat r o o m . T h e fact t h a t gay men a m i n o r i t y p o p u l a t i o n , constitute such a significant p r o p o r t i o n o f C M C users deems f u r t h e r investigation. This chapter queries h o w , w h y , a n d to w h a t end a g r o u p o f gay men uses the I R C . I n d o m e so i t attempts to uncover the uses a n d gratifications o f gay men's c o m p u t e r c o m m u n i c a t i o n — a n a p p r o a c h w h i c h Rafaeii (1986, 1996) regards as essential to the study o f the Internet. T h i s chapter w i l l further demonstrate hat the social architecture o f I R C a n d C M C deems i t an " u n d e r n e t " o f self-discovery a n d shrouded e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n w h i c h b o t h resonates w i t h and parallels the lived experiences o f m a n y gay m e n .

b L ! t l ° Z Tl " ' interrelationship between the reader s experience of the text and bis or her social experience, is one that is best arrived at by a study of the text itself f

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—John Fiske, Television

n

Criticism

(1991), p. 447

Ask a gay m a n f o r simple directions to the local gay bar. Under the v i a d u c t , over the r a i l r o a d tracks, d o w n a d i r t r o a d , across an alley, , n the back d o o r o f n o n - d e s c n p t b u i l d i n g , o r shrouded f r o m the street by s m o k e d glass w i n d o w s - i t is quite d i f f i c u l t t o f i n d . W o r d of m o u t h w i l l tell you i t s there; a p a t r o n w i l l s h o w y o u the w a y . Once inside it's a cavernous r o o m filled to the r i m w i t h other gay m e n . Some are there to meet w i t h friends. Some are there to d r i n k , make n e w friends a n d convers a t i o n . Others are there f o r sex. Some passively observe the e n v i r o n m e n t a

137

Communication

w h i l e others actively participate i n i t . W h a t e v e r the reason one goes to a say bar there is c o m m o n solace a n d excitement i n the fact t h a t i t is one or the f e w places i n society w h e r e by their mere presence a l l patrons can be assumed gay. S i m i l a r l y , I R C exists as a w o r d - o f - m o u t h c o m m u n i t y . Logged o n t o a local server, there are n o signs saying " T h i s w a y t o I R C . " Once arrived at, diven t h a t as m a n y as 5,000 channels exist at a given t i m e , finding the online gay c o m m u n i t y proves equally d i f f i c u l t . Entering this c o m m u n i t y via the "gaysex" channel, users find themselves i n a large " r o o m w i t h as m a n y as seventy other gay m e n . N o t a l l o f the m e n logged o n t o the channel are c o n t r i b u t i n g the dialogue: some " l u r k " (observing a n d w a i t i n g for the r i g h t m o m e n t t o j o i n m ) , a n d some " w h i s p e r " (sending private messages t o one a n o t h e r ) . F o r those p a r t i c i p a t i n g m the dialoguéis) there is (are) p o l i t i c a l t a l k , gossip a b o u t other #gaysex-er tales o f sexual b r a v a d o , G I F exchanging, advice seeking, a n d just a b o u t a n y t h i n g else imaginable. As texts scroll u p their screens, users can eavesdrop o n m a n y conversations at once W h i l e heterosexuals w a n d e r i n t o the channel f r o m t i m e to t i m e (most to " g a y b a s h , " f u r t h e r paralleling the lived social experiences o i eav m e n ) , there is c o m f o r t i n the fact that the regulars are gay m e n . A d d i t i o n a l l y , interlocutors can be " k i c k e d " o u t by channel ops (those r o o t e d firmly e n o u g h w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y t o earn the status of channel operator) or banned b y a d m i n i s t r a t i v e bots a n d channel ops. Á

S)

I n m a k i n g such a c o m p a r i s o n between these t w o meeting places, i t is n o t m y i n t e n t i o n t o reduce the t e r m "gay b a r " t o those bars characterized by large c r o w d s , l o u d music, flashing lights, a n d p u l s a t i n g bodies. T h i s type of bar

h o w e v e r , draws the w i d e s t range o f gay m e n . A d m i t t e d l y , the

u m b r e l l a t e r m "gay b a r " encompasses the range o f corner bars, piano bars

leather bars, a n d discos t o under-age gay dances a n d d r a g shows

S i m i l a r l y , the I R C ' s

#gavsex

is the m o s t (gay) mainstreamed

channel

created by its gay male users. O t h e r frequently p o p u l a t e d gay channels include:

Gay Men and IRC

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Gay M e n a n d Computer

e

#jack-off

•

#gaysm (sadism a n d masochism)

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#gaymuscle #gaygifs (for the exchange o f GIFs) tgayboygifs #gayboysex #gayteensex #gayraunch # g b l f (gays, bisexuals, lesbians, and friends)

0

#gay40+ . # N Y C ( L A , D C , U K , etc.—any city, state, o r c o u n t r y a b b r e v i a t i o n ) .

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D e p e n d i n g o n their c o m m u n i c a t i o n s software a n d service p r o v i d e r , m o s t users can be logged o n t o several o f these channels at once, c a r r y m g o n m u l t i p l e conversations i n m u l t i p l e software w i n d o w s .

138

Virtual

Culture

a 7 i f , ' > " m e u p i n most o f the interviews I c o n d u c t e d . W h i l e n o t o v e r t l y posited as a n equivalent experience, I R C was m e n t i o n e d as a n alternative w a y o f meeting other gay m e n . A d d i t i o n a l l y w h e n asked w h a t the appeal o f I R C was f o r them, the bar was the o n l y real social experience the interviewees cited. G

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" M e a t e a t r " a 27-year-old c o m p u t e r engineering student f r o m C o l o r a d o , responded: ]

In the gay w o r l d , gay c h ,s satisfied by going out to a club or a party which requires a certain time commitment, while IRC is literally at my fin Sips at w o r k and home). There ,s always some group of gays online to talk 24 Z r s a a

lt

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" T r i o r , " a 26-year-old attorney f r o m Texas said: It's a very different way of meeting people than any other way I've ever found you meet people through non-visual means unlike in a "bar where you see someone and say " O o o h - t h e y look nice, I want to meet them." Here vou ,us have to get to like people from what they say.

Gay M e n a n d Computer

139

Communication

H o w D o C a y M e n Find the Online

Community?

A l l o f the people I interviewed use computers f o r w o r k o r s c h o o l F i n d i n g I R C a n d its gay users f o l l o w e d a f a i r l y t y p i c a l p a t t e r n . First, users were i n t r o d u c e d t o e-mail a n d N - t a l k (interactive discussions w i t h u p t o three people). Soon they f o u n d their w a y t o the b u l l e t i n boards a n d newsgroups where people w o u l d place posts f o r meeting one another. L i k e the personals, users c o u l d respond t o postings a l o n g w i t h sending a n d receiving GIFs o f one another. I t w a s usually t h r o u g h these postings t h a t the gay men I i n t e r v i e w e d were directed t o the I R C . A l l b u t one o f the m e n 1 interviewed f o u n d the I R C t h r o u g h another gay m a n he either already k n e w o r someone he m e t t h r o u g h a BBS. T h e last m a n f o u n d the I R C t h r o u g h a heterosexual female f r i e n d , a n d " s t u m b l e d " o n t o the gaysex channel o n his o w n . ^ T h e m e n have been using the I R C anywhere f r o m three m o n t h s t o t w o vears

A i l o f t h e m collect GIFs o f other users a n d r a n d o m gay p o r n o -

g r a p h y t h a t has been sent t o t h e m i n G I F f o r m . T h e i r collections " M u s i c i a n , " 3 2 9 - y e a r - o l d music education student f r o m I l l i n o i s , describes himself as V e r y s h y " a n d finds I R C appealing because:

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D o l p h i n h a d access t o the Internet t h r o u g h a p r i v a t e subscriber service a n d o n l y recently gave u p his account because his h i g h use a n d the h o u r l y l o g o n so sporadically t h a t they guessed their w e e k l y use was o n l y three t o

" D o l p h i n , " a 3 2 - y e a r - o l d graphic artist f r o m Nebraska, a n d " N e t b o y " a ctarly

server accounts a n d they l o g o n m v a r y i n g a m o u n t s .

charge f o r service were becoming t o o m u c h o f a financial b u r d e n . Others

6 ™ * d e s m j J o J t b e v s a y- "

e

range

f r o m a dozen t o 3 0 0 images. A l l cite the I R C as the p r i m a r y use of their

*

The best thing is meeting people outside of the bar scene. (Netboy) For others, the sense o f c o m m u m t y - s p e c i f i c a l l y gay c o m m u n i t y - i s the p r i m a r y appeal: I just like talking to other gay people about gay sues, but my primary purpose

f o u r h o u r s . Meateatr's use, f o r example, varies widely due to w o r k , school, and/or hornmess. Sometimes I will go for several week's between logons. Other times I will log on just to see if any locals are on. Somenmes I get on w i t h the intent of not staying o n long, but then I get hooked into a dirty conversation with a guy. I guess I m saying my IRC activity is pretty random. M o s t o f t h e m e n said t h a t they average ten t o fifteen hours per week. "Scorsese,"

a 24-year-old

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from

N e w York,

responded

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Every time you get on you feel like you know these people pretty much. A lot of K f t i f ' S T ? ?, ° °" we'd be sitting Acre talking and ee t h ! : J f 1 °A l r ^ r fcel like you know them all- you see the same people and they're on all the time. ("Queen " a 20-vear old Business student from Texas) year-old 1

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A t the other end o f the scale is T h o r , w h o logs o n f o r r o u g h l y t w e n t y - f i v e hours per w e e k . Early i n m y i n t e r v i e w w i t h h i m , T h o r said he i n i t i a l l y spent so m u c h t i m e o n I R C because he h a d fallen m love w i t h a m a n f r o m

t c t ^ c T r °inu ^ ^ e f o r m o f interactive C M C A l l have access t o the Internet a n d I R C , a f e w subscribe t o A m e r i c a O n l i n e , a n d a l l b u t t w o have accounts o n local BBSs (Bulletin B o a r d Services) T h e p r i m a r y appeal o f local BBSs was t h a t users c o u l d meet other local subscribers. 1

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Europe w h o m he h a d m e t o n l i n e . H e flew f r o m C a l i f o r n i a (where he h a d just

fimshed

l a w school) t o Europe t o meet the m a n . H e stayed l o r a

m o n t h before m o v i n g t o Texas f o r w o r k . H e says m o s t o f his time is spent o n I R C because i t is a free w a y t o c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h the European m a n , his first lover.

140

Virtual

Culture

Gay M e n a n d Computer

Communication

141

A f t e r c o m m u n i c a t i n g via the c o m p u t e r , a l l o f the men had met at least one

If I notice that there's a guy always logged on and I never see him talk to the rest of the channel, no matter how much he messages me and how much he wants to talk to me, I know the guy's gotta be really quiet and nervous. That s not my

o t h e r I R C #gaysex-er m person. The results are a m i x e d bag o f excitement

type-

itgaysex

and

and

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Social

Relationships

disgust, p r o m i s e a n d l e t d o w n , nonchalance

and

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!

" s o m e w h a t interested" m meeting people face-to-face,

I have to get to k n o w them first before actually meeting them face-to-face. I have not had a relationship w . t h anyone from the computer, but have had sex with guys after meenng them. W h e n asked i f they h a d ever h a d a computer-turned-physical affair w i t h another gay m a n , all b u t three indicated t h a t they h a d . O f the three w h o said they h a d n o t , one was suspiciously evasive: You mean like did I go visit someone and have sex with them? . . , I would sav no. N o . I mean . no. Let's just say no. We'll say no. T h o r , h o w e v e r , is very interested i n meeting other users a n d has t w e n t y - e i g h t I R C #gaysex-ers:

met

I've met people the same day I've talked to them for the first time. A n d I've met people who I've talked to for months m the same town as me. I've also spent months trying to get someone to meet me. Some people get on when they're horny and want to meet you right away. M y first m e c t - I talked to the guy" for hree and a half months and flew 5000 miles to meet him. He was the first guy I ve ever been with. I came out m February and wasn't with a guy until last waTn'fon i S " ™

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\l have] a strange feeling of distrust of those I am conversing with. You can be anything your abiliues w i l l allow vou to be on IRC, and this often is someone/ thing completely different than the truth. However, sometimes the fantasy is worth ignoring the possible lies involved. M u s i c i a n , h o w e v e r , believes t h a t w h i l e some IRCers are there t o p l a y ,

It depends . . . if I have had a long going relationship talking with someone for an extensive penod of nrne . , . then maybe a face-to-face would be appropnate. N e t b o y says he s

O t h e r s , l i k e M e a t e a t r , are m o r e cognizant o f the p l a y g r o u n d effect:

P - - n who

Part o f the fear i n the face-to-face stems f r o m Rheingold's discussion o f IRCers t r y i n g o n d i f f e r e n t personalities, a n d Reid's characterization o f the I R C as a " p l a y g r o u n d . " Several o f the men I interviewed discussed the d i s a p p o i n t m e n t w h e n people's online personalities d o n ' t m a t c h t h e i r real p e r s o n a l i t y . M i c h a e l Reison, a B o s t o n psychotherapist, characterizes online relationships as "instantaneous a n d less t h r e a t e n i n g , " they are i n his w o r d s ail y o u r fantasies" (There's s o m e t h i n g electric, 1994 p 24) First impressions are, h o w e v e r , often w r o n g . As q u o t e d earlier, m a n y o f the m e n are r e l u c t a n t t o meet other IRCers r i g h t a w a y - t h e y w a n t t o get a sense o f k n o w i n g t h e m first, before the face-to-face. M a n y regular IRCers w i l l argue t h a t real personalities emerge over t i m e . Scorsese, f o r example-

others are there m sincerity: I think some of the people are there to play, as far as mind-playing w i t h you. But I think there are also some other people on the channel who are interested in trying to find maybe a partner. But W h a t Does H e Look Like? Anyone who has ever spent one night in a gay bathhouse knows that it is (or was) one of the most ruthlessly ranked, heirarchized, and competitive environments imaginable. Your looks, muscles, hair distribution, size of cock, and shape of ass determined exactly how happy you were going to be during those few hours. —Leo Bersam, "Is the Rectum a Grave?" (1988), p. 206 Being a body constitutes the principle behind our separatcness from one another and behind our personal presence. Our bodily existence stands at the forefront of personal identity and individuality. Both the law and morality recognize the physical body as something of a fence, an absolute boundary, establishing and protecting our privacy. N o w , the computer network simply brackets the physical presence of the participants, either by omitting or by simulating corporeal immediacy. —Michael Heim, "The Erotic Ontology of Cyberspace" (1991), p. 74 As m e n t i o n e d earlier, the chief w a y i n w h i c h appearance is c o m m u n i c a t e d is v i a t y p e d physical descriptions w i t h i n the #gaysex t e x t . A d d i t i o n a l l y , m o s t users have GIFs o f themselves a n d exchange t h e m u p o n request. Generally GIFs are traded a n d i t is n o t u n c o m m o n t o see users asking "does anyone have a G I F t o t r a d e . " N o n e o f the men I i n t e r v i e w e d t h o u g h t t h a t anyone h a d ever misrepresented himself m a G I F — t h a t is, p r e t e n d i n g t h a t a p h o t o g r a p h o f another b e t t e r - l o o k i n g m a n was h i m . M a n y regulars m a k e their GIFs available at the "Gaysex G a l l e r y , " a user created W e b site f e a t u r i n g user GIFS a n d links t o user homepages. There is also a seldom b r o k e n r u l e t h a t a user w i l l n o t d i s t r i b u t e a G I F t h a t another user has sent h i m . GIFs o f users come i n a l l states o f undress, relatively few are w h a t m o s t w o u l d consider p o r n o g r a p h i c o r distasteful (GIFs made f r o m erotic imagery f r o m open m a r k e t p o r n o g r a p h y fill this v o i d ) . GIFs, h o w e v e r , can be d i f f i c u l t t o v i e w . M o n o c h r o m e a n d l o w - r e s o l u t i o n m o n i t o r s m a k e some GIFs l o o k worse t h a n b l a c k a n d w h i t e photocopies

142

Virtual

Culture

o f glossy magazine covers. A n inexpensive scanner can t u r n the w i n k o f an eye i n t o a p h o t o g r a p h i c black hole. W h i l e i t m a y be easy t o c o m m u n i c a t e to a bodiless c o m m u n i c a t o r once a m u t u a l curiosity has been established there is the desire f o r m o r e T o f i l l i n these b o d i l y gaps, the m e n send p h o t o g r a p h s t o one another a n d begin c o m m u n i c a t i n g b y p h o n e . Parks a n d F l o y d ( 1 9 9 6 , p . 92) f o u n d t h a t C M C users used an average o f 2.68 channels o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n (e.g. direct e - m a i l , p h o n e , postal service, a n d face-to-face c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) m m a i n t a i n i n g a n d developing social relationships w i t h other users. M o s t o f the men I spoke t o said l o o k s were very i m p o r t a n t to t h e m a n d they eagerly exchanged GIFs w i t h other users. L o o k s , a n d n o t necessarily personality were the p r i m a r y causes t h a t led t o M e a t e a t r a n d D o l p h i n s d i s a p p o i n t ments m their first a n d o n l y face-to-faces. Several o f the m e n Í i n t e r v i e w e d r e m a r k e d t h a t gay c u l t u r e has an e x t r a o r d i n a r y visual bias a n d t h a t they f o u n d the I R C to be a refreshing n o n - v i s u a l break. I r o n i c a l l y , all o f the m e n collected GIFs a n d had h a d at least one face-to-face m e e t i n g . Further, as n o t e d above, they indicate t h a t l o o k s are, indeed, i m p o r t a n t to t h e m . T h e antilogy reveals itself: w h i l e bodiless c o m m u n i c a t i o n was the i n i t i a l appeal, a l l h a d made o v e r t efforts to attach bodies t o o t h e r c o m m u n i c a t o r s . I n short, n o t o n l y d o the users create the missing contexts f r o m w h i c h t o c o m m u n i c a t e , they also create a c o n t e x t f o r a n idealized concept o f gay culture w h i c h is necessarily r o o t e d in and leads t o their lived homosexual experiences. F o r Bersam (above epigraph), an impersonal a n d solipsistic version of desire is the o n l y w a y a r o u n d the insidious f o r m s o f p o w e r he sees as suffusing sexuality. H e a n , however, renders the solipsism inherent i n bodilessness s e l f - a n n i h i l a t i n g . I t f o l l o w s t h a t the C M C texts p r o d u c e d b y the men are variations o f Barthes's presence/absence d u a l i t y . Inasmuch as users t r y t o attach real bodies t o other c o m m u n i c a t o r s , they t r y t o tap i n t o t h a t " f o r e f r o n t o f personal i d e n t i t i e s " H e i m writes a b o u t . T h u s , there exists a genuine desire t o meet other users o n a personal and present level O n the other h a n d , as n o t e d above, some users are reluctant to meet others because they fear they w i l l n o t live u p to their projected images a n d fantasies. These fantasy texts t h r i v e m the absence o f the other user T h e other is i m a g i n e d a n d his t e x t becomes a mere p r o p for the desires o f the user T h u s , w h i l e the t w o quotes t h a t lead this section appear to be antithetical approaches t o the role o f the b o d y m gay men's c o m m u n i c a t i o n , they are i n constant n e g o t i a t i o n o n #gaysex—rendering t h e m inseparable. As n o t e d earlier, i n his shyness, M u s i c i a n finds C M C to be an ideal f o r u m f o r c o m m u n i c a t i n g w i t h other gay men. Yet, there is a c o n c o m i t a n t desire t o physically meet o t h e r #gaysex-ers: It's hard for me to meet people in real social situations because phys.cality is how people decide who they want to meet. . . . I'm not so hung-up on looks/but .t does play a role m how I choose somebody. I f the personality wins out, then i would go with that. It's hard to say because you get a really lim.ted perspectwe

Gay M e n a n d Computer

143

Communication

of somebody from the computer

I try to talk to people who live nearby—for

convenience sake. For others, l i k e D o l p h i n , a d i s a p p o i n t i n g face-to-face can reinforce the o r i g i n a l appeal o f the m e d i u m : What's neat about it is you actually—even though people lie and cheat and all that kind of stuff over it—you get the sense that you're actually talking to someone right off the bat instead of just eyeing each other. M e a t e a t r , o n the o t h e r h a n d , spoke earlier o f a distrust t h a t stemmed f r o m his face-to-face a n d says he's becoming increasingly antagonistic to other users: [IRC] has reinforced my observation that gay males arc very visually-oriented.... I was on one day and d i d n r know anyone who was on and nobody would talk to me So I finally said "anyone want my GIF?" A bunch of guys responded and I sent it to three or four of them—ail of the sudden all these guys were messaging me "ooh you're cute," " I want to talk to y o u . " I told them to "fuck o f f " and left. T h o r , h o w e v e r , represents this o n g o i n g n e g o t i a t i o n best. Consider

his

earlier w o r d s o n the appeal o f I R C i n l i g h t o f the fact that he has met twenty-eight

#gaysex-ers:

you meet people through non-visual means unlike in a bar where you see someone and say "Oooh—they look nice, I want to meet them."

Conclusion T h e gay men I i n t e r v i e w e d ranged i n age f r o m 20 t o 3 2 . A l l h a d received, or were m the process of receiving, university degrees. Some characterized their I R C use as " a d d i c t i v e , " others " s p o r a d i c . " Some l o g o n u n t i l the early morning

h o u r s a n d sleep a l l a f t e r n o o n , w h i l e others

fill

i n the gaps

between classes. F o r some, the I R C is mere entertainment. For others i t has been an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f their c o m i n g - o u t process a n d the f o r m u l a t i o n o f a gay i d e n t i t y . Some k n o w o n l y h o w to use

IRC

a n d word-processing

s o f t w a r e , w h i l e others w o r k w i t h a n d study computers a l l day. H o w e v e r , despite the differences i n uses a n d users, several c o m m o n themes became evident. . M o s t o f the men i n the online gay c o m m u n i t y f o u n d I R C t h r o u g h another member a n d a l l h a d i n t r o d u c e d at least one other f r i e n d to the c o m m u n i t y . T h e y a l l w a n t t o meet other gay m e n , a n d most posit C M C as the o n l y alternative t o a gay bar. T h u s , f o r the gay men p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n CMC,

the v i r t u a l experiences o f I R C a n d real-life experience share a

s y m b i o t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p ; t h a t is, relationships f o r m e d w i t h i n the exterior gay c o m m u n i t y lead the users to the i n t e r i o r C M C gay c o m m u n i t y , where they, i n t u r n , develop n e w relationships w h i c h are n u r t u r e d and developed outside the bounds o f C M C . W h i l e the f o r m a t ' s physical absence o f the other is appealing, all of the men actively transgress the bounds of bodilessness t h r o u g h the exchange

144

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o f GIFs, p h o t o g r a p h s , p h o n e calls, a n d u l t i m a t e l y i n the face-to-face. For m a n y gay users the face-to-face meeting remains the ultimate goal; i t offers t h e m a w a y t o meet other gay m e n a n d increase their circles o f friends and significant others. T h e face-to-face, h o w e v e r , yields v a r y i n g results. For some i t is a d i s a p p o i n t m e n t , f o r others i t is a w a y t o have sex, make friends, o r begin a relationship—cyberspace, like real life, is f u l l o f promises b u t makes none. T h e texts users p r o d u c e online are, like Barthes s love, discourses o f absence. T h e y are replete w i t h homosexual desire and homosexual need. T h e desire is manifest i n the fantasies projected o n t o other #gaysex-ers as w e l l as the desire t o meet o t h e r gay men a n d fight the constraints o f the m e d i u m . T h e need is manifest m the text's u n s p o k e n sense o f c o m m u n i t y t h a t drives members t o r e t u r n t o one o f the f e w places in society where gay men convene. M o s t i m p o r t a n t l y , w h i l e the p l a y g r o u n d p o t e n t i a l o f the I R C i n a r g u a b l y exists a n d people w i l l {and d o — e v e n o n #gaysex) t r y o n different personalities, the uniqueness o f #gaysex lies i n the fact t h a t i t presents a n o p p o r t u n i t y f o r gay m e n , w h o often go t h r o u g h life h i d i n g this m o s t v i t a l aspect o f their i d e n t i t y , t o t r y o n this real identity. s

Note 1. i n respect of their p r i v a c y , I have changed m e respondents' computer n i c k n a m e s . I have tried to create alternative n a m e s w h i c h embody chc essence of their chosen nicks.

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(R. H o w a r d , Trans.). N e w York: Hill &

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frontier.

Cay M e n a n d Computer Sanz

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observers o f cyberspace (see, e.g., Bayni) 1995; C u r t i s , 1992; Fernback 5c T h o m p s o n , 1 9 9 5 ; Frederick, 1993; Jones, 1 9 9 5 a ; K o l l o c k &c S m i t h , 1994), m large p a r t due t o the early emergence o f analogs i n computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) t o social structures a n d discourse processes f o u n d in face-to-face c o m m u n i c a t i o n . K o l l o c k a n d Smith ( 1 9 9 4 ) , f o r example, illustrate the creation o f c o m m u n i t y i n Usenet by analyzing newsgroup postings a c c o r d i n g to Ostrones ( 1 9 9 0 ) design principles o f c o m m u n i t i e s w h i c h p r o d u c e a n d m a i n t a i n collective goods. These principles include: clearly defined g r o u p boundaries; rules f o r use o f collective goods t h a t are consistent w i t h needs; access t o p a r t i c i p a t i o n m rule m o d i f i c a t i o n ; independence f r o m external a u t h o r i t i e s ; a system f o r member behavior m o n i t o r i n g ; g r a d u a t e d sanctions; a n d access t o conflict resolution mechanisms. Each o f these principles, say K o l l o c k a n d S m i t h , o b t a i n i n newsgroup c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e issue o f n o n - p a r t i c i p a t i o n is classified by the authors as f r e e - r i d i n g , n o less p r o b l e m a t i c i n non-electronic c o m m u n i t i e s .

7 Virtual Community in a Telepresence Environment

Face-to-face analogies are n o t , however, the sole basis f o r conceptualizi n g certain online aggregates as c o m m u n i t i e s . As Jones ( 1 9 9 5 b , p . 26) notes, there seems t o be a p r e v a i l i n g sentiment t h a t new technologies require us to i n v e n t novel strategies f o r o r g a n i z i n g social relations. B a y m ( 1 9 9 5 ) has identified a n u m b e r o f phenomena w h i c h reflect h o w the u n d e r l y i n g technology o f C M C systems is being adapted to create new w a y s o f r e l a t i n g . These include n e w f o r m s o f expressive c o m m u n i c a t i o n (emoticons, g r a p h i c accents, a n d other uses o f A S C I I t e x t to convey affect), n e w electronic v a r i a t i o n s o n the management o f personal i d e n t i t y (genderb e n d i n g , a n o n y m o u s r e m a i l i n g ) , a n d new sources o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n , such as o n l i n e p r i m e r s , guides to " n e t i q u e t t e , " a n d F A Q s (Frequently Asked Questions). " R e p l y - t o " a n d t h r e a d i n g conventions b u i l t i n t o m o s t online messaging systems impose a degree o f interactivity a n d order o n the u n p u n c t u a t e d stream o f discourse t h a t matches a n d o f t e n exceeds the level o f c o - o r i e n t a t i o n f o u n d i n face-to-face conversation.

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benefits w h e r e the temptations t o free-nde a n d to break c o m m i t m e n t s are n t T t t ; ^ ** ^ n g groups a r o u n d c o m m o n merest* have l o n g existed o n the Internet, and are most h i g h l y evolved o n the older, text-based n e t w o r k , Usenet. I n terms o f v i r t u a l space, Usenet newsgroups are literary spaces, created with language alone, hosting t o p i c a l l y arranged discussions t h a t a p a r t i c i p a n t can read a n d reply to whenever the m o o d strikes. Shirky (1995) classifies chats as m o r e spatially c o m p l e x t h a n newsgroups, and argues t h a t synchromcity (users interacting together i n real turn) p r o m o t e s a greater sense o f c o m m u n i t y t h a n asychromcity can: " W h e n people use real t i m e chat, they are usually less interested i n w h a t ' s being discussed t h a n i n w h o is d o i n g the discussing, less interested i n t e x t t h a n i n c o m m u n i t y " (p. 92) M

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T h e l o g i c a l conclusion t o Shirky's c o m p l e x i t y a l g o r i t h m implies t h a t the T 7 ° multimedia-capable W o r l d Wide Web ( W W W ) , w i t h its inclusion o f graphics, a u d i o , and m o t i o n video resources s h o u l d give even greater s t i m u l u s to the f o r m a t i o n o f electronic c o m m u n i t i e s . O n the W W W , i t is a relatively simple m a t t e r to p r o v i d e the f o u n d a t i o n o f a r u d i m e n t a r y c o m m u n i t y by developing a page o f resources a n d p o s t i n g announcements to p o t e n t i a l members i n a p p r o p r i a t e locations. W h e t h e r o r n o t anyone w i l l come, o r more t o the p o i n t come back again a n d c o n t r i b u t e resources, is h a r d to predict a n d sometimes d i f f i c u l t to m o n i t o r . N e w s g r o u p s and chats require questions a n d answers to exchange i n f o r m a t i o n , a n d c o m m u n i t y resources are emergent and inherently collaborative. W W W pages, o n the other h a n d , offer prepackaged resources w h i c h consumers can access w i t h o u t c o n t r i b u t i n g so m u c h as a question. H y p e r l i n k m g technology facilitates the search f o r resources such t h a t consumers m a y prefer t o h o p f r o m site to site rather t h a n i n c u r mterpersonal expense. W h e r e benefits can be obtained w i t h o u t e x p e n d i t u r e , there m a y be little o r n o incentive to reciprocate c o m m u n i c a t i o n , and even those w h o do take a m o m e n t t o sign a " g u e s t b o o k " (an electronic f o r m soliciting i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m the visitor) or answer a questionnaire m a y be engaging m an act m o r e closely a k i n t o tossing a quarter i n a b o x m a r k e d " d o n a t i o n s " next to a stack o f free newspapers t h a n t o c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the store o f c o m m u n i t y resources

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benefits I f a W e b site is to accommodate relationship f o r m a t i o n , the o w n e r must p r o v i d e a n d m a i n t a i n some v i r t u a l venue i n w h i c h visitors can c o m m u n e . I t is n o t enough f o r surfers to k n o w t h a t there are other surfers " o u t there somewhere," they m u s t be able t o i d e n t i f y and message each other s o m e h o w . For this, surfers are at the mercy of the W e b site designer or o w n e r . T h e p o p u l a r i t y o f Usenet gives evidence t h a t even the asynchronous technology o f n e w s g r o u p messaging is satisfying to electronic c o m m u n i c a t o r s . T h u s , the W e b site o w n e r w h o promises to update pages to include messages f r o m the visitors provides a m i n i m a l o p p o r t u n i t y l o r relationship f o r m a t i o n . H o w e v e r , the realization that the o w n e r must make constant efforts t o update the page, o r footnotes i n d i c a t i n g great passages o f t i m e since the last update, m a y p r o m p t visitors to pass o n w h a t seems likely t o be a futile a t t e m p t at o n g o i n g interaction. F i n a l l y v i r t u a l communities whose existence is p r i m a r i l y online, as opposed to physical w o r l d communities w h o conduct some b u t n o t a l l of their activities o f f l i n e , are at a disadvantage i n t h a t there is little i n the n e t w o r k o r i n n e t w o r k technology as currently constituted t h a t encourages c o m m i t m e n t . T h e r e are few " n o - e x i t " relationships i n cyberspace and the t e r m " s u r f i n g the N e t " is an apt descriptor o f the d e p t h o f m u c h online ^ P a r a d o x i c a l l y , t h e n , w h i l e the architecture o f the W W W includes b o t h the r i c h c o m p l e x i t y and the capacity f o r s y n c h r o m c i t y w h i c h , f o l l o w i n g Shirky's ( 1 9 9 5 ) logic, s h o u l d facilitate the f o r m a t i o n of-electronic c o m m u n i t i e s / t h a t same architecture renders the W W W even m o r e susceptible to the f r e e - r i d i n g t h a t O s t r o m (1990) identified as a threat t o c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n a n d w e l l - b e i n g . T h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l challenge o f c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n m this v i r t u a l space m a y , i r o n i c a l l y , be even greater t h a n t h a t or its text-based ancestors, and the question t o be answered is: Can the WWW ever live up t o its already p o p u l a r conception as a g l o b a l c o m m u n i t y , or w i l l the technologically advanced n e t w o r k revert t o little more t h a n a global-access data base, as was the o r i g i n a l Internet?"

The Tele-Garden T o explore some of these issues w e u n d e r t o o k an experiment m creating a planned v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y , one m w h i c h the v i r t u a l space invites p a r t i c i p a t i o n and encourages r e t u r n visits. T h e Tele-Garden is a telerobot.c art installation accessible v i a the W o r l d W i d e W e b i n w h i c h remote visitors can p a r t i c i p a t e , m a n i p u l a t i n g an i n d u s t r i a l r o b o t i c a r m t o c o n t r o l a c o l o r C C D camera, p l a n t p h l o x , eggplant and other flora, and water their o w n and others' seedlings. T h e Tele-Garden was created to provide a testbed f o r a n e w generation o f l o w - c o s t " p o m t - a n d - c l i c k " devices f o r c o n t r o l of a r o b o t i c apparatus over wide-area n e t w o r k s , to explore the ability or n e t w o r k e d teierobotics t o create a sense o f telepresence (extending the b o d y t h r o u g h space), a n d to p r o v i d e a l a b o r a t o r y f o r the study o f emerging online c o m m u n i t y .

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V i s i t o r s t o the site on the W W can m a n i p u l a t e the r o b o t i c a r m w i t h an attached c o l o r v i d e o camera, e n a b l i n g t h e m t o navigate the garden a n d v i e w i t f r o m m u l t i p l e perspectives, as w e l l as view the activities o f c u r r e n t r o b o t operators, a n d exchange messages w i t h others at the site v i a a messaging system called V i l l a g e Square C h a t . M e m b e r s can m a k e " f l y - b y " o r time-lapse movies o f the garden a n d post t h e m for v i e w i n g a n d c r i t i q u e by f e l l o w gardeners ( G o l d b e r g et ah, 1 9 9 5 ) . A sense o f c o m m u n i t y membership is encouraged t h r o u g h a r e g i s t r a t i o n procedure, a searchable m e m b e r s h i p list, a n d pointers t o the homepages o f members as w e l l as logs i n w h i c h p l a n t m g a n d w a t e r i n g a c n v i t y can be r e c o r d e d . I n t h e o r y , members have t o r e t u r n t o the W e b site f r e q u e n t l y t o w a t e r a n d m o n i t o r the progress o f seeds they have p l a n t e d . A resource a l l o c a t i o n scheme was p u t i n place such t h a t m order t o p l a n t his o r her nrst seed, a m e m b e r must demonstrate c o m m i t m e n t by a c c u m u l a u n e a m i n i m u m o f 100 " h i t s " o r accesses o f the system. A d d i t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s to p l a n t c o u l d be earned by a c c u m u l a t i n g 500 a n d then 1,000 hits A s o f M a y 6, 1996, the G a r d e n h a d a t o t a l o f 7,102 registered members w i t h active accounts. Between J u l y 1 , 1995 a n d M a y 8, 1996 these members accrued 1 4 1 , 4 4 2 hits. T h e n u m b e r o f people w h o visited the G a r d e n as Guests tallied 6 7 , 6 9 4 as o f M a y 6. These guests were active as w e l l accruing a t o t a l 2 6 0 , 4 8 2 hits. M o s t visitors were directed t o the G a r d e n by friends, came across i t t h r o u g h Y a h o o ! o r s i m i l a r search/ c a t a l o g u i n g engines, o r read a b o u t i t m the p o p u l a r press a n d n a r r o w interest p u b l i c a t i o n s . A d d i t i o n a l p u b l i c i t y f o r the site was garnered w h e n i t was^awarded the K o b e A w a r d at the Interactive M e d i a Festival i n June T h e logs f r o m the Tele-Garden's Village Square Chat are yielding a rich vein o f data o n c o m m u n i c a t i o n patterns a n d practices m the new interactive m e d i u m , i n p a r t i c u l a r those factors k n o w n to indicate c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n : the emergence o f p r i m a r y interpersonal relationships: the d e v e l o p m e n t o f g r o u p identity a n d distmcnveness; the e v o l u t i o n o f n o r m s standards, a n d sanctions; a n d the creation o f mechanisms f o r c o n t r o l o f A A ° r T 7 T °? ° ^ ° user interface p r o vided feedback o n h o w the system c o u l d be adapted t o accommodate the needs a n d l i m i t a t i o n s o f its audience. I n the studies r e p o r t e d b e l o w archives o f message logs were examined f o r evidence o f c o m m u n i t y conscious discourse, p a r t o f a c o n t i n u m g e f f o r t t o understand the underp i n n i n g s o f the v i r t u a l collective. Study 1 reports o n a q u a n t i t a t i v e analysis of coded message l o g data d u r i n g the i n i t i a l stages o f the Tele-Garden project, focusing o n gross indicators o f c o m m u n i t y . Study 2 reports o n a q u a l i t a t i v e analysis o f messages posted t o V i l l a g e Square C h a t d u r i n g a p e r i o d o f d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y , f o u r to six m o n t h s after the project was i n i t i a l l y opened t o the p u b l i c . Particular a t t e n t i o n is given t o a small g r o u p o f heavy users o f the Tele-Garden system, a n d t o their c o n s t i t u t i o n as a d y n a m i c , w o r k i n g c o m m u n i t y w i t h i n the larger c o m m u n i t y o f registered members. O f special interest are the efforts by members o f this c o m m u n i t y l

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to w o r k o u t standards o f a p p r o p r i a t e c o n d u c t a n d develop methods of dealing w i t h p u t a t i v e v i o l a t i o n s o f standards.

User Interface Study I n a p i l o t assessment, the telepresence system used i n the Tele-Garden was tested w i t h a focus g r o u p w h o evaluated the interface using an o n l i n e questionnaire m e a s u r i n g user satisfaction w i t h screen factors such as the display o f graphics, the u n d e r l y i n g logic o f the h y p e r t e x t structure, system feedback, steepness o f the learning curve w i t h respect t o techniques f o r d r i v i n g the r o b o t i c a r m , richness o f the telepresence experience, a n d q u a l i t y o f the messaging system. A f t e r the first interface s t u d y , refinements t o the T e l e - G a r d e n m the f o r m o f expanded help menus a n d a t u t o r i a l were added t o the system. The questionnaire used m the study a n d a detailed r e p o r t o f the results o f the focus g r o u p study is available at http:// www.usc.edu/dept/annenberg/museum/members/study.html.

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Coding of Village Square Chat Messages Archives o f messages posted t o V i l l a g e Square C h a t between July 2 6 , 1995 a n d October 15, 1995 served as the database f o r the present investigation. Messages were posted f r o m 8 4 1 u n i q u e usends; t o t a l message v o l u m e was 7,942. A c o d i n g sample of 800 messages was d r a w n f r o m the archive at f o u r intervals a p p r o x i m a t e l y seventeen days a p a r t . T h e first sample o f 2 0 0 contiguous messages began o n A u g u s t 1 8 , after p l a n t i n g h a d been i m p l e m e n t e d i n the garden. Subsequent 200-message samples were d r a w n o n September 4 , September 2 1 , a n d O c t o b e r 9. A r c h i v e d messages were o f the f o l l o w i n g f o r m : OFORUMXuse-rid) (Sun,Oct 15 05:16:52)$Well it's time for me to hit the shower and get ready to go to church. Don't anybody step on my seeds while I'm gone. <%> 1Q(FORUM)(userid> (Sun,Oct 15 05:16:53)$IUsername) . . . you of course know « was only teasing . . . [Usernamel did tell me 40 hits are needed . I believe , t s why so many people decry there jsicl seed is not sprouting - . that and these dang eggplants are super slow germinators that need tons of water. Messages actually seen on-screen i n the V i l l a g e Square C h a t w i n d o w feature the i n d i v i d u a l user names, w h i c h f o r m o s t members include at a m i n i m u m t h e i r real first name a n d last i n i t i a l . W e have s t r i p p e d o f f the names usend2

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(scripts) were n o t i n c l u d e d i n the 200-message samples. Thus w e postponed consideration o f such interesting exchanges as the f o l l o w i n g f o r a n o t h e r day. D a t a recorded d u r i n g c o d i n g f o r the present investigation were date t i m e , message category, use o f language other than English, intended message recipient (developer o r member/guest), message length, TeleG a r d e n role o f the message poster (developer, member, guest), t o t a l n u m b e r o f messages the poster h a d c o n t r i b u t e d to Village Square C h a t the poster's l o c a t i o n (USA/other), the poster's t o t a l n u m b e r o f " h i t s " o r accesses o f the Tele-Garden pages, a n d w h e t h e r or n o t the poster listed a W W W homepage. Messages were coded i n t o one o f three categories: c o n v e n t i o n a l , interpersonal, a n d c o m m u n a l . Messages coded i n t o the conventional category i n c l u d e d greetings a n d farewells, a n n o u n c i n g one's availability t o c o m m u n i c a t e , c h a t t i n g a b o u t the weather, and other staples w i t h w h i c h everyday social intercourse is managed a m o n g strangers. C o n v e n t i o n a l messages rely o n cultural-level understandings about h o w discourse is opened a n d d o s e d , and w h a t strangers m a y p r o p e r l y say to one another. C o n v e n t i o n a l messages assume little o r n o interpersonal-level k n o w l e d g e o f other i n t e r l o c u t o r s , n o r do they disclose personal i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t the speaker t o w h i c h others w o u l d n o t have ready access. Messages coded i n t o the interpersonal category were those i n w h i c h the personal identities o f the message poster and/or others online o r a m o n g the m e m b e r s h i p were i n v o k e d , b u t the messages d i d n o t specifically address issues related to the Tele-Garden as a c o m m u n i t y . Messages coded i n t o the interpersonal category were those w h i c h : (1) served to establish the i n d i vidual's i d e n t i t y o r persona; (2) acknowledged the persona o f one or m o r e other members; (3) s o u g h t a personal relationship w i t h another memberand/or (4) evidenced an existing relationship w i t h another member. M e m b e r s established their u n i q u e i n d i v i d u a l identities by such techniques as n a m i n g a n d then a n n o u n c i n g the names o f their plants p r o v i d i n g pointers to o r i n v i t i n g other members t o their homepages, a n d a n n o u n c i n g their p l a n t i n g a n d w a t e r i n g activities. A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t o f others included d e m o n s t r a t i n g pre-existing awareness o f another member's homepage, n u m b e r o f hits, o r p l a n t i n g a n d w a t e r i n g activities, c o m p l i m e n t i n g others o n their plants or movies, o r reporting o n a visit to their W e b pages. Pursuit o f interpersonal relationships was evidenced by such messages as i n v i t a t i o n s to m i g r a t e to another chat f o r u m o r to send e-mail, disclosing personal i n f o r m a t i o n t o w h i c h other parties w o u l d n o t o r d i n a r i l y have access, o r p o i n t i n g o u t commonalities w i t h another. F i n a l l y , messages were categorized as interpersonal i f they evidenced an existing dyadic exchange w i t h another named member. References to sending o r receipt o f e-mail were i n c l u d e d . References to planned meetings i n V i l l a g e Square Chat, m u t u a l friends or r e a l - w o r l d encounters were coded i n t o this category, as was engaging i n online play (e.g. chess m V i l l a g e Square C h a t , o r , as one member announced, $Parry in Q |sector]9! :))

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Messages were categorized as c o m m u n a l i f the p r i m a r y focus o f the message was o n the Tele-Garden, its members, a n d their j o i n t activities as members o f a v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y . Messages were coded as c o m m u n a l i f they: (1) were oriented t o the establishment o f n o r m s , standards o f c o n d u c t , o r the socialization o f newcomers; (2) addressed the scheme f o r a l l o c a t i o n o f resources i n the Tele-Garden's v i r t u a l economy; (3) bespoke a sense o f g r o u p i d e n t i t y o r g r o u p self-consciousness; (4) c o n t r i b u t e d t o the collective k n o w l e d g e store or w i s d o m o f the v i r t u a l c o m m o n s ; or £5) evidenced collaborative activity i n the p u r s u i t o f c o m m o n goals. W i t h respect t o the establishment of n o r m s a n d standards, the ability to extend the reach o f the b o d y t h r o u g h space v i a r e o p e r a t i o n o f the r o b o t i c a r m mcreases the range o f a c t i o n b e y o n d w h a t can be accomplished t h r o u g h text-based messaging. I n the absence o f a n imposed code o f behavior, an increased range o f possible a c t i o n s h o u l d lead to the develo p m e n t o f n e w rules a n d n o r m s t o govern c o n d u c t a n d foster cooperative i n t e r a c t i o n . For example, d u r i n g the p e r i o d i n question there was n o mechanism inherent i n the Tele-Garden apparatus to prevent members f r o m sabotaging each o t h e r s plants b y crushing t h e m w i t h the r o b o t i c a r m , p l a n t i n g o n t o p o f another's p l a n t , posting p o r n o g r a p h i c pictures i n the c h a t w i n d o w , o r w r i t i n g a script to flood the garden w i t h repeated clicks o f the " w a t e r " i c o n , a n d i n fact some o f these events d i d occur, a l t h o u g h m o s t members were u n a w a r e o f t h e m . T h e scheme f o r a l l o c a t i n g resources i n the garden, i n w h i c h the a b i l i t y t o p l a n t is p r o v i d e d i n exchange f o r a fixed n u m b e r o f accesses o f the system, requires members t o w e i g h their o w n self-interest versus t h a t o f the members at large. Sometimes the self-interest w i n s , as members waste b a n d w i d t h h i t t i n g " r e l o a d " a n d p o s t i n g messages t o themselves i n order to accumulate hits. Messages addressed to the appropriateness o f these a n d other anti-social or negligent actions (e.g. p l a n t i n g o n t o p o f another's seedling) were coded i n t o the c o m m u n a l category. Posts w h i c h reflected a sense o f g r o u p selfconsciousness o r g r o u p i d e n t i t y (references to Gardeners or F e l l o w TeleGardeners), use o f garden/water-reiated metaphors (e.g. H u r r i c a n e Felix), e x p l i c i t references t o the Tele-Garden as a v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y , metacomm u n i c a t i o n a b o u t messages posted i n Village Square C h a t , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n rituals such as paging other members to w a t c h w h i l e a first seed is p l a n t e d , or fantasizing a b o u t the garden a n d its members were coded as c o m m u n a l messages. A l s o included were p h i l o s o p h i c a l discourses a b o u t the meaning o f the g a r d e n . M u c h a c t i v i t y i n the Tele-Garden revolves a r o u n d b u i l d i n g the collective k n o w l e d g e store o f the g r o u p t h r o u g h questions a n d answers a b o u t h o w the system w o r k s , p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h respect t o the machinations o f the r o b o t i c a r m . O t h e r items i n this category o f communal-level messaging i n c l u d e d seeking o r p r o v i d i n g i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t W e b browsers, p r o v i d i n g (software) b u g reports, a n d sharing links to other resources o n the W e b a b o u t g a r d e n i n g a n d telerobotics.

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Posted messages w h i c h evidenced collaborative action to achieve c o m m u n a l goals include reports o f t a k i n g action f o r the c o m m o n g o o d such as w a t e r i n g d r y areas, v o l u n t e e r i n g to w a t e r others' plants d u r i n g their v a c a t i o n , m a k i n g proposals f o r improvements o r a d d i t i o n s t o the system and discussing ways t o influence the developers. Analyse of Study 7 Data Interceder agreement between t w o coders was assessed o n a r e l i a b i l i t y sample o f 100 messages. O b t a i n e d percentages o f agreement were: date, 1.00; time, .99; message, .80; use o f language other t h a n English, 1.00; intended recipient o f message, .96; message length 95Tele-Garden r o l e , .98; n u m b e r o f messages posted, .98; l o c a n o n o f the* message poster, .99; n u m b e r o f hits, .99; a n d listing o f a h o m e page 9 5 Disagreements w i t h respect t o machine-coded variables were due to k e y s t r o k i n g errors and were corrected; other discrepancies were reconciled a n d recoded Because there is n o record o f number o f hits, homepages, o r place o f residence f o r unregistered members, missing data f o r " G u e s t s " (n = 4 7 ) p o s t i n g messages to Village Square C h a t reduced the n u m b e r o f o b s e r v a t i o n s . available f o r certain o f the analyses t o 753. O b t a i n e d frequencies f r o m c o d i n g o f the messages were: conventional messages n = 160; interpersonal messages, n = 268; and c o m m u n a l messages, » = 3 7 2 T h u s s l i g h t l y less t h a n h a l f (46.5 percent) o f the messages posted d u r i n g the sampled periods were oriented t o the Tele-Garden as a v i r t u a l community. Predictors of Conventional, interpersonal, and Communal Messaging A series o f contingency-table analyses were carried out to determine i f the type o f message posted was associated w i t h any o f the categoría! variablesw h e t h e r the message was m English o r m another language; w h e t h e r o r n o t the message was e x p l i c i t l y addressed to Tele-Garden developersw h e t h e r the person p o s t i n g was a developer, member, or guest; w h e t h e r or n o t the message was posted f r o m someone l i v i n g outside the U n i t e d States¬ a n d w h e t h e r o r n o t the message poster p r o v i d e d a pointer to his/her o w n homepage. Significant associations were f o u n d for all b u t one o f the variables. Posts i n languages other t h a n English were f o u n d o n l y i n the c o n v e n t i o n a l message category (chi-square = 17.05, p < .01). Guests were m o r e l i k e l y to post c o n v e n t i o n a l messages t h a n other types, whereas developer and member messages were m o r e likely to be interpersonal o r c o m m u n a l t h a n c o n v e n t i o n a l (chi-square = 2 0 . 9 2 , p < .001). P r o p o r t i o nately fewer interpersonal a n d c o m m u n a l messages were posted f r o m members outside the U n i t e d States (chi-square = 2 1 . 3 6 , p < .001) Prop o r t i o n a t e l y fewer c o n v e n t i o n a l messages were posted b y members p r o v i d i n g l i n k s to their o w n homepages (chi-square = 18.62, p < .0001) N o significant associations were obtained between message type a n d the intended message recipient. A stepwise d i s c r i m i n a n t analysis was conducted on the coded messages to assess w h i c h o f the c o n t i n u o u s variables—message length, poster's

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number o f messages, and poster's n u m b e r o f h i t s - d i s t i n g u i s h e d a m o n g c o n v e n t i o n a l , interpersonal, and c o m m u n a l messages. A p r e l i m i n a r y analysis indicated t h a t there were significant univariate differences f o r message t y p e f o r a l l three o f the variables. M e a n lengths f o r messages by type were: c o n v e n t i o n a l , 6.92, interpersonal, 1 6 . 0 9 , and c o m m u n a l , 16.73, F ~ 4 0 . 5 , p < . 0 0 0 0 . M e a n n u m b e r o f messages posted to Village Square Chat b y ' a u t h o r s o f c o n v e n t i o n a l messages was 1 6 3 . 0 7 ; by authors of interpersonal messages, 2 7 3 . 8 0 ; and b y authors o f c o m m u n a l messages, 3 0 7 . 5 7 F = 9.27, p < . 0 0 0 1 . M e a n number o f hits by authors o f convent i o n a l messages ' w a s 1 4 4 1 . 2 0 ; b y authors o f interpersonal messages, 2 5 2 6 . 4 0 , a n d b y authors o f c o m m u n a l messages, 2 7 2 1 . 4 4 , F = 11.2.5, p < 0 0 0 0 . A d i s c r i m i n a n t analysis designed to test the muitivariate-analysis-ofvanance hypothesis t h a t message type differed o n one or m o r e linear c o m b i n a t i o n s o f the three variables p r o d u c e d one d i s c r i m i n a n t f u n c t i o n w h i c h m a x i m a l l y d i s c r i m i n a t e d between the three message types (Function 1 l a m b d a = .87, chi-square = 1 0 5 . 3 3 , p < . 0 0 0 1 ) . T h e second d i s c r i m i n a n t f u n c t i o n d i d n o t account f o r a sufficiently large a m o u n t o f the betweeng r o u p v a r i a b i l i t y t o w a r r a n t f u r t h e r a t t e n t i o n . G r o u p means o n the d i s c r i m i n a n t f u n c t i o n were c o n v e n t i o n a l , - . 8 0 , interpersonal, .12, and c o m m u n a l , .22. T h e o b t a i n e d value o f Box's M ( 1 0 5 . 3 1 , p > -0001) indicated t h a t the g r o u p covanance matrices were n o t homogeneous, however F u r t h e r , a test o f the predictive ability o f the d i s c r i m i n a n t f u n c t i o n indicated a l t h o u g h the linear c o m b i n a t i o n o f the three variables was able to reclassify 7 4 percent o f the conventional messages correctly, there was m u c h c o n f u s i o n between the interpersonal and c o m m u n a l messages a n d the overall success o f reclassification was only 43 percent. Hence, any o b t a i n e d differences m u s t be interpreted w i t h c a u t i o n .

Discussion of Study

1

One of the Tele-Garden developers

characterized

the role o f the founders m m a i n t a i n i n g the garden as a sort o f p u r p o s e f u l neglect: Strangers

will

rub

shoulders

with

strangers,

raising

questions

of

cooperation

v e r s u s c o m p e t i t i o n i n t h e u s e o f l i m i t e d r e s o u r c e s . T h e g a r d e n c o u l d e v o l v e as a g r e e n a n d b l o o m i n g o a s i s , o r it c o u l d b e c o m e a b a r r e n p l o t . T h e g a r d e n s f u t u r e has been

left u p t o its " g a r d e n e r s . " ( G o l d b e r g ,

cited m M a n k i n ,

1995)

O u r p r e l i m i n a r y analysis o f the messages sampled f r o m the i n i t i a l three m o n t h s o f V i l l a g e Square C h a t logs suggests t h a t a significant n u m b e r or the messages, a l t h o u g h less t h a n h a l f o f t h e m , c o u l d be classified as c o m m u n a l , o r i e n t i n g t o the Tele-Garden as a collective o f individuals united by c o m m o n interests. Clearly the data indicate that most c o m m u n a l talk d u r i n g the data collection p e r i o d was p r o d u c e d by a core g r o u p o f registered members w h o access the system frequently, post messages frequently, tend t o be homogeneous w i t h respect t o language and n a t i o n a l o r i g i n , and tend t o be m o r e rather t h a n less embedded m the W e b as a social n e t w o r k , as evidenced by their h a v i n g a higher p r o p o r t i o n o f homepages listed.

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H o w e v e r , o u r observations also indicated t h a t a l t h o u g h the Tele-Gardeners were a v i r t u a l collective u n i t e d by demography and c o m m o n patterns o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the r o a d t o true c o m m u n i t y still l a y ahead o f t h e m . A visit to the Tele-Garden o n a typical day d u r i n g the first data collection p e r i o d w o u l d likely have revealed t h a t the garden tended t o be d r y . T h e image r e t u r n e d by the r o b o t i c a l i y m o u n t e d C C D camera o f t e n s h o w e d large areas o f p a r c h e d - l o o k i n g soil. The aerial v i e w indicated t h a t the p a t t e r n o f p l a n t i n g was uneven; some spots were bare, and others were o v e r c r o w d e d . W h i l e analysis o f messages posted to V i l l a g e Square C h a t indicated t h a t a p p r o x i m a t e l y half o f the messages reflected a community-consciousness o n the p a r t o f the members, t h a t awareness d i d n o t seem t o have manifested itself i n a t o p - d o w n , concerted collaborative e f f o r t to take care o f the w h o l e garden. A l t h o u g h the g r o u p h a d members w h o were extremely verbose, , t d i d n o t appear at this p o i n t t o have h a d leaders. Such collaborative a c t i v i t y as there was consisted m a i n l y i n one i n d i v i d u a l h e l p i n g another to reach his or her i n d i v i d u a l goals. L i t t l e o f the t a l k was directed to o r g a n i z i n g f o r collective action t o benefit the garden n o r was there m u c h discussion o f h o w resources o u g h t t o be allocated. T h e a l l o c a t i o n scheme was taken as an externally imposed given, to be either acquiesced to o r w o r k e d a r o u n d t h r o u g h various stratagems. R e a d i n g t h r o u g h the message corpus, coders were struck by t w o things(1) the repetitive and largely u n p r o d u c t i v e nature o f m o s t o f the discussion, centering o n w h e t h e r the r o b o t was w o r k i n g , w h e n the r o b o t w o u l d be w o r k i n g , h o w the r o b o t w o r k e d , and h o w resources were al ocated; a n d (2) the a p p a r e n t absence o f a core o f p r i m a r y interpersonal relationships f o r m e d t h r o u g h the V i l l a g e Square. Such personal discourse as was present and available t h r o u g h the p u b l i c messaging w i n d o w s tended to be devoted to f a i r l y superficial topics. M e m b e r s personal k n o w l e d g e o f each other appeared to be limited largely to their respective numbers o f hits, their c o u n t r y o f o r i g i n , and so o n . A l t h o u g h there were occasional indicators o f relationships being conducted offline, m c o m p a r i s o n to the lively a n d sometimes intimate discourse w h i c h characterizes m a n y other conferencing a n d chat venues, m p a r t i c u l a r Usenet news a n d chat f o r u m s o n c o m m e r c i a l online services, V i l l a g e Square C h a t messaging seemed peculiarly flat, largely o v e r w h e l m e d by members c o n t i n u i n g w o n d e r at the technical accomplishments o f the project, i t w o u l d n o t be t o o m u c h o f a stretch to say that, early o n , the c o m m u n i t y itself d i d n o t attract because the charms o f its members were eclipsed b y the technology A w r i t e - u p o f Study 1 was posted o n the W e b and a p o i n t e r to i t p r o v i d e d by the Tele-Garden developers. A v a i l a b l e evidence f r o m an access counter a n d logs o f posts t o Village Square C h a t indicated that o n l y a h a n d f u l o f members consulted the r e p o r t , a l t h o u g h all o f the i n d i v i d u a l s whose messages were q u o t e d i n the r e p o r t were aware o f the existence o f the study, h a v i n g been asked f o r permission to i n c o r p o r a t e their posts as examples i n the w r i t e - u p . 1

1

Virtual C o m m u n i t y i n a Telepresence Environment Study

157

2

The Tele-Garden c o n t i n u e d t o develop and attract new members as w e l l as visits f r o m o l d ones f o r m a n y m o n t h s after the first study concluded. Subsequent analysis o f the messages logs began to suggest o u r i n i t i a l conclusion t h a t w h a t little evidence o f true c o m m u n i t y was present c o u l d stand t o be re-examined. There are several grounds o n w h i c h the methods used i n Study 1 are susceptible t o c r i t i c i s m . First, i t is p r o b a b l y the case that even v i r t u a l communities take time to f o r m , the instantaneous nature of their c o m m u n i c a t i o n s n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g . Perhaps relationships t h a t were , a nascent state d u r i n g the i n i t i a l analysis crystallized after the data collection p e r i o d c o n c l u d e d . Perhaps as time passed the members became m u r e d to the technological brilliance o f the project and the "gee w h i z " q u a l i t y o f the discourse was replaced by a meatier vein o f discussion. A l s o , m the i n i t i a l study the m e t h o d o l o g y was to examine and catalogue every message sent to V i l l a g e Square C h a t d u r i n g a prescribed c o d i n g i n t e r v a l Indeed, m a n y of the posted messages continued t o consist of banal, s t u l t i f y i n g i y t r i v i a l p r a t t l e . B u t a m o n g a small g r o u p o f participants, p r i m a r i l y the " b i g h i t t e r s " (members w h o had accumulated a l o t o f hits), a n g h t l y k n i t , protective c o m m u n i t y began noticeably t o emerge. T o analyze messages sent by every passer-by w h o happened t o serendipitously click o n a h o t l i n k w h i l e surfing is perhaps n o t as useful as e x a m i n i n g o n l y the dialogue o f those few individuals w h o visited the Garden o n a daily basis, c o m m u n i c a t e d w i t h each other outside o f the G a r d e n , and actively cared f o r the G a r d e n , as w e l l as c o n t r i b u t e d to the Village Square Chat. Indeed given the transient nature o f m u c h o f the interaction o n the Internet and the architecture o f the W o r l d W i d e W e b , i t w o u l d be surprising if each a n d every user o f the G a r d e n became a p a r t o f the c o m m u n i t y , especially given the large n u m b e r o f registered members. A t h i r d issue lies i n the c o d i n g o f greetings and farewells, a n n o u n c i n g one's a v a i l a b i l i t y and c h a t t i n g a b o u t the weather, and other staples w i t h w h i c h everyday social intercourse is managed a m o n g strangers, as c o n v e n t i o n a l messages, meaning t h a t they neither assume interpersonal-level k n o w l e d g e o f other i n t e r l o c u t o r s , n o r convey personal i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t the speaker. I t m a y be the case t h a t such messages are c o m m o n a m o n g strangers, b u t they are also c o m m o n a m o n g people w i t h i n t i m a t e k n o w l e d g e o f each other: parents, spouses, friends. A l m o s t a l l o f the heavy c o n t r i b u t o r s t o the Garden greet each other, and m fact appear to be slightly m i f f e d w h e n their presence o n the system is n o t acknowledged m this w a y . I n the i n t e r a c t i o n captured below, f o r example, one part i c i p a n t recognizes another and says h e l l o . Realizing t h a t there are others logged o n , and t h a t she has c o m m i t t e d a faux pas, she then a c k n o w l edges a l l the other people present at the t i m e . T h i s example illustrates a general tendency f o r greetings to be exchanged between friends as w e l l as strangers; therefore to code all greetings as c o n v e n t i o n a l m i g h t be problematic. n

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Culture

lQ(FORUM)usend1 fTueJan 16 08:51:45)$Hi Hans! IQ(FORUM)userid2 fTueJan 16 08:52:40)$Where are my manners? $Hi to everyone else here, too!

One m i g h t aiso question the v a l i d i t y o f the c o d i n g scheme, m t h a t i t fails to take i n t o account the unique aspects o f long-distance, asynchronous c o m m u n i c a t i o n . For example, t w o strangers at a bus stop w h o discuss the r a m are p r o b a b l y engaging i n c o n v e n t i o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n . One c o u l d argue t h a t the unique variable t h a t makes the bus stop conversation a b o u t the weather impersonal and banal is t h a t fact that the t w o strangers are located i n the same immediate physical environment: they b o t h see t h a t i t is r a i n i n g . H o w e v e r , the same conversation when exchanged by t w o strangers conversing via the Internet m i g h t serve an entirely d i f f e r e n t purpose. C o m m u n i c a t i n g a b o u t this type o f i n f o r m a t i o n m a y be a w a y f o r participants t o transcend the c o m m u n i c a t i o n barriers imposed by the lack o f a shared physical e n v i r o n m e n t . F o r the second study, w e t o o k a closer l o o k a t the message logs f r o m the V i l l a g e Square C h a t f r o m N o v e m b e r 6, 1995 to January 2 7 , 1996. As i n the earlier study, m a n y o f the postings fell i n t o the category o f m u n d a n e t r i v i a l banter. M o s t o f the members had a fleeting o r superficial relat i o n s h i p w i t h the Garden and other members. B u t d u r i n g this stage i n the hfe o f the Tele-Garden message logs began to evidence the existence o f a close-knit, i n t i m a t e c o m m u n i t y a m o n g a small g r o u p o f participants perhaps twelve o r so members, w h o logged i n frequently, spent considerable t i m e c h a t t i n g m the Village Square, recognized each other a n d c o m m e n t e d o n absences, exchanged private e-mail, and o n occasion paged each other w i t h " P o w W o w " (a conferencing software) so t h a t they c o u l d surf the N e t or visit other chat locales together. Below w e examine m detail some o f the canonical indicators o f c o m m u n i t y as they are played o u t a m o n g the emerging g r o u p o f regulars. O f p a r t i c u l a r note is the increasing c o m p l e x i t y a n d richness o f the messages in c o m p a r i s o n to the examples p r o v i d e d f o r Study 1 .

Fixed identity of Members One h a l l m a r k o f c o m m u n i t y i n the " r e a l w o r l d " is t h a t members are likely to be k n o w n to one another and to have a fixed i d e n t i t y ; t h a t is, they can be counted o n t o be Joe and n o t J i m {or Joe and n o t Joan) f r o m one day to the next. T h e architecture o f the TeleG a r d e n discourages a n o n y m i t y , because members m u s t have a v a l i d e-mail address i n order to register, and members are encouraged to p r o v i d e pointers t o their homepages. A member's materializing i n the Village Square generates acknowledgements, and p r o l o n g e d absence invites comment:

!Q(FORUM)userid1 (Fri,Nov 10 13:50:n)$great call eve . she hasn't been here all day . .

I gonna have my secretary

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M e m b e r identities are assumed t o be genuine; i n fact, they are used by members t o h o l d one another accountable f o r conduct. For example, one person p o p p e d i n t o the G a r d e n , sent the f o l l o w i n g message, a n d then left: !Q(FORUM)userid1 (Sat,Dec 30 10:10:30)$You are all losers! Get a life and plant outside! The r e m a r k elicited the f o l l o w i n g response: lQ{FORUM)usend2 <Sat,Dec 30 10:38:43)$l wonder if hypocrytical Isici (because he too is a member) Mr. usendl usually plants his bean crop on December 30th? If so, his outdoor heating bill must be enormous. Very foolish of you useridl. A n o t h e r m e m b e r sent the person i n question a scalding e-mail and then r e p o r t e d i t t o the Tele-Garden g r o u p . IQ(FORUM}userid3 (Sat,Dec 30 13:56:44)$just a copy of my E to useridl $)ust a note to let you know how much the garden gang appreciated your fertilizer. . $with the s**t you post the plants should do well . btw nice homepage. . $ $ Userid3 $ 'The Garden Mayor" $ http://www.******* » * • / - " " / M e m b e r s w i l l frequently d r a w u p o n available resources t o learn m o r e a b o u t each other. Since the Tele-Garden provides links to members' homepages, m a n y explore members W e b sites to gain i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t their appearance, hobbies, interests, and families. These homepages, w h i c h can be easily accessed b y c l i c k i n g o n the h y p e r l i n k e d U n i f o r m Resource L o c a t o r ( U R L ) n e x t t o the member's e-mail address a n d l o c a t i o n , serve as constructed identities to replace the usual person perception process that results f r o m face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n . 5

D i s t i n c t i o n s between

real a n d " p l a y " o r " p r e t e n d " identities m

the

garden are clear. M e m b e r s m a y re-register a n d a d o p t a new persona f o r f u n , b u t rarely was a persona assumed to make fools of others or to show o f f ' p r o g r a m m i n g mastery, as occurs n o t infrequently o n Internet Relay C h a t (IRC) ( M a r v i n , 1 9 9 5 ) . Pursuit of Interpersonal Relationships O f t e n , members w h o w a n t to " s p e a k " p r i v a t e l y w i l l ieave the Garden t o engage i n m o r e intimate discourse. Frequently they w i l l make plans to call each other o n the telep h o n e , send private e-mail, o r use conferencing software like P o w W o w . I n the f o l l o w i n g episode, a member w h o wants to t a l k p r i v a t e l y includes a l i n k t o software t h a t w i l l enable another member to converse w i t h h i m outside o f the Tele-Garden environs.

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IQ{FORUM)usend1 (Tuejan 16 00:16:24)$userid2 Honey . . and can't get up? $

Culture

have you fallen 7

!Q(FORUM)usend2 (Tuejan 16 00:17:03)$can you put on pcAnywhere? (Q(FORUM)useridl fTueJan 16 0O:17:33)$Sf I knew how I would $ IQ(FORUM)usend2 (Tuejan 16 00:19:02)$! think my page makes a reference to the latest version I use . . . hint !QfFORUM)usend1 (Tuejan 16 00:19:34)$Wow that was sly userid2"i IQ{FORUM)usend2 (Tuejan 16 00:21:03)$d-click the icon, dial-up can'f be active. Hit the [be a host button). $and wait for call !Q(FORUM)userid1 (Tuejan 16 00:22:29)$Bye all! Rites and Rituals As m other v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , members o f the TeleGarden engage m m a n y rituals associated w i t h c o m m u n i t y , such as greeting each other and exchanging m a i l . T h e Garden members also engage i n v i r t u a l rituals t h a t are indications o f c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n m the real w o r l d b u t have little meaning i n cyberspace: f o r example, " g o i n g o u t to d r i n k s after a h a r d day at the o f f i c e . " The Teie-Garden H a p p y H o u r includes v i r t u a l d r i n k s , toasts, a n d a friendly bartender. I t is especially interesting t h a t elements o f this r i t u a l t h a t have n o real meaning as v i r t u a l simulacra are fastidiously observed. For example, one p a r t i c i p a n t w i l l usually " p i c k u p the t a b , " a l t h o u g h obviously one has n o t been created A l s o , participants w i l l sometimes "decline d r i n k s " i f i t is t o o early m the m o r n i n g o r i f they have to drive, a curious c o n d i t i o n i n w h i c h real and i m a g i n a r y w o r l d s are seemingly enmeshed. T h e Teie-Garden c o m m u n i t y also engages m rituals unique to the TeieG a r d e n , its architecture, and m y t h o l o g y . For example, w h e n one member earns enough hits t o p l a n t a seed, the m o m e n t is usually p u b l i c l y a c k n o w l e d g e d and the p r o u d parent congratulated. I n one incident t w o members w h o had f o r m e d a close relationship decided to p l a n t a seed together. T h e o n l i n e event was f r a u g h t w i t h m a r i t a l and sexual innuendoa l o c a t i o n was carefully chosen, witnesses s u m m o n e d , and festive cocktails dispensed. IQ(FORUM)user,d1 (Sat,Nov 11 17:46:31)$yes usend2

.

cant you tell the

F A i o m fw, .? ' P occasion tonight . S E P i ^ ^ ' 7:56:12)$dont do that usend3 . . I didnt get 8000 hits by not knowing my $way around this garden . . go to d4 my old spot . all those seeds planted around me are Eggplants . . . and they aint gome nowhere . , . $we will consumate Isicl this relationship on the 8000 hit lol IQ(FORUM)usend2 (Sat,Nov 11 17:59:24)$usend3 ,You know the old sayme Them that plants together, together. lQ(FORUM}user.d1 {Sat,Nov 11 17:59:55)$7994 . a couple more squirts my love and w e will be ready loi $ IQ(FORUM)userid3 (Sat,Nov 11 18:00:26)$usend2 lol would you like one of my famous Strawberry Margarita's? Anyone else IQ(FORUM)useridl (Sat,Nov 11 18:00:58)$hey usend2 we need a witness and bong usend4 , wel! party . IQ(FORUM)userid3 (Sat,Nov 11 18:01:01)$! watered a bit for us, so the Rround would be ready ° b i t

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IQ(FORUM)usend2 (Sat,Nov 11 18:01:42)$usend3, I'd love one. Could userid4 have one too. I'M pay allround Isicj. |Q(FORUM)userid2 (Sat,Nov 11 18:08:07)$userid2 bows head in reverence waiting for the moment. IQ(FORUM)userid2 (Sat,Nov 11 18:10:38)$usend2 holds usend4 s hand to add tenterness [sic] to the occasion Hierarchy and Social Status Social status i n the real w o r l d is constituted by m a n y things: age, w e a l t h , p o w e r . T h e Teie-Garden c o m m u n i t y uses h i t counts as a s o r t o f ready-made hierarchy i n w h i c h t o p hitters are granted respect a n d a d m i r a t i o n . T h i s hierarchy is observed by those w i t h very few hits a n d l i t d e social capital as w e l l as b y those c o m f o r t a b l y ensconced i n its higher regions. I n this incident, a " T o p H i t t e r " proposes to discount the c o m m e n t made b y a newbie w i t h very few hits and therefore little social capital: ]Q{FORUM)userid1 (Mon,Nov 6 15:36:12)$He only has 223 points. He doesn't count yet. Unless he is nice. He already proved he nothing to say. T h e members o f the Garden seem to have slightly ambivalent attitudes t o w a r d the issue o f getting hits. O n one h a n d , accruing hits implies a l o n g t e r m relationship w i t h a n d c o m m i t m e n t to the G a r d e n , and therefore translates i n t o respect and p o w e r i n the Garden. O n the other h a n d m a n y members seem t o consider i t tasteless to t r y to accrue hits just f o r the sake o f getting a higher h i t c o u n t . These c o n t r a d i c t o r y and sometimes confusing thoughts a b o u t hits are illustrated by the f o l l o w i n g discussion: |Q(FORUM)userid1 (Sun,Nov 19 05:40:53)$My daughter thinks that userid3 is overwatering his plants $just to get points. She thinks that maybe the garden will become so boggy $that the robot will fall through. !Q(FORUM)usend2 (Sun,Nov 19 05:42:06)$! reckon that it is not a garden at all but some computer $program! ]Q(FORUM)userid1 (5un,Nov 19 05:45:03)$Some people will post messages just to get hits. Shame isn't it I IQ(FORUM)usend2 (Sun,Nov 19 05:46:55)$Does it actually count though? $ IQ(FORUM)usend1 (Sun,Nov 19 05:47:51)$usend1 it is not true that some people post to get hits. $Some other people are wel! known for talking to themselves $Are you sure, usendl ? $Yes I'm certain. iQ(FORUM)userid4 (Sun,Nov 19 06:00:12)$userid1. Ifs a real problem in the Garden. Some people are overclicking, just to make hits. $! got 8400 hits but really work hard for it trying to respect the community and have the Garden grown correctly. , ,. , , , »_ IQ(FORUM)usend3 (Sun,Nov 19 06:01:59)$usend4 do you think I have been some of those people? IQ(FORUM)useridl (Sun,Nov 19 06:02:05)$OK userid3—We accept your excuses for the watering. $Considering we're amateurs building up hits $for our first seed, we have no right to criticize. 1 am also middle aged (a horrible expression) $Hope your seed grows up soon !! $ !Q(FORUM)useridl (Sun,Nov 19 06:03:41)$usend4. We have great respect tor anyone with so many hits. $Bonne chance, mon ami

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A Distinctive Culture T h e Tele-Garden c o m m u n i t y ' s creation o f an alternative universe, unique t o the G a r d e n , also speaks t o the s t r o n g culture o f play created b y the W W site. For example, t w o participants a p p r o p r i a t e the o n l i n e personae o f A d a m a n d Eve (as befitting a Garden) and engage passionately i n dramas f e a t u r i n g these characters, at times to the d i s c o m f o r t o f others w h o happen to be m the Garden. Sometimes the scenes created by the p a r t i c i p a n t s are quite v i v i d and detailed: IQ(FORUM) usendl (Fri,Nov 10 14:02:S3)$lgnored by (system admin], the Barbarian is virtually alone m the garden. Apple ceres are on the ground The snake is still m the tree. The piano is silent. No bar tender, but ifs still early The Barbarian waits a bit longer. IQ(FORUM)userid2 (Fri,Nov 10 14:03:21)$hey Isystem admin) IQ(FORUM)usend1 (Fri,Nov 10 14:04:37)$Adam appears, looking spiff/ in his newly pressed fig leaf. IQ(FORUM)userid1 £Fri,Nov 10 14:06:16)$The barbarian decides to so off and S££ r!f. 8 e S P isomorphism, intending to return later Q(FORUM)usend2 (Fri,Nov 10 14:06:21)$A soft erne \sic\ blues waifts \sic\ Irom the willows satanic beauty slides on bark so rough, eve can here n approaching. . 1

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A t other times the members evoke a medieval v i r t u a l w o r l d , complete w i t h its o w n lexicon and carefully ordered c o u r t consisting o f a Queen, a Prince and Princess, a n d various knaves, ladies, barons, and knights. H e r e , one p a r t i c i p a n t explains the w o r l d to a newbie: iQ(FORUM) usendl fThu,Dec 28 15:59:42)$Alan-l have met some of the nicest people on the Net here—it really is a good p l a c e . - w e meet o f t e n - c h a t and drmk together and a lady called userid2 believes it is like King Arthur's Court and some of them have been given Royal Titles and have to CHAT accordingly. $She is Princess Eve—userid3 is Queen—usend4 is a Baron etc. T h i s incident, i n w h i c h " Q u e e n " usendS asks " P r i n c e " A d a m a b o u t H T M L , is a g o o d example o f the pseudo-Olde English dialect they use:

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the garden—had a long chat on her own with usend2—came down afterwards feeling 100% better. $Long live the Garden. $lt can even solve your problems. The

o f t - r u m o r e d closure

o f the Tele-Garden,

due to e x p i r a t i o n o f its

f u n d i n g , is a steady t o p i c o f conversation a m o n g the participants. M a n y express grief at the t h o u g h t and several times members actively searched for another v i r t u a l f o r u m i n w h i c h t o meet. " S i n n i n g " i n the Garden I n a d d i t i o n to the characteristics o f the Garden detailed above, w h i c h seem to be indicative o f nascent c o m m u n i t y , there were n u m e r o u s incidents o f remedial sequences i n the G a r d e n , episodes m w h i c h a guest member acted or spoke i n a manner t h a t others felt was u n t o w a r d , and was p u b l i c l y chastised f o r his o r her behavior. These episodes are considered to be one o f the h a l l m a r k s o f c o m m u n i t y , according t o the accounts and explanations literature ( M c L a u g h l i n et ah, 1995). M o s t such episodes, u n l i k e a protracted sequence w e w i l l describe later, appeared t o have been fully w o r k e d o u t w i t h i n a single, encapsulated series o f messages. Polite reminders t h a t the Garden resources needed to be shared b y a l l were n o t u n c o m m o n . Such episodes were i m p o r t a n t to the development o f a set o f shared understandings a b o u t h o w the system c o u l d be used t o m a x i m i z e outcomes for everyone: IQ(FORUM)usend1 (Tuejan 9 23:02:49)$! agree, 1 was just wondering how much you were going to waler there . $otherwise f was going to water my plant. , , IQ£FORUM)userid2 (Tuejan 9 23:04:39)$Sorry useridl, ! have my camera turned off to speed up pages. I'll move. , ..„, !Q(FORUM)userid3 (Tuejan 9 23:04:52)$! understand usendl just a little parental responsibility showing I guess. Userid2 10 squirts a day no wonder my 1st didn't survive. Now thats something they should mention when they revamp. As hierarchy a n d status w i t h i n the garden have m u c h t o do w i t h the degree o f c o m m i t m e n t a member has demonstrated t o the project, failure

S ^ ^ c u M r ^ !^ ' 05:31:48)$! hope to have it finished by March. $WelI so much for being creative. All that and you missed it $Well the jest was: $Pray tell sweet Prince but if our memory is not flawed we remember that thou had at one time bespok of semding us a how to on making our very own home page. Has thou forgotten or is it ins some way that our mind has misremembered? 5

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C o m m i t m e n t A n o t h e r i n d i c a t i o n o f the strong c o m m u n i t y f o r m e d i n the Tele-Garden can be seen i n the w a y the members speak a b o u t the Garden and i n the fact t h a t m a n y o f the regulars have pointers to i t o n their homepages. T h e y often articulate their d e v o t i o n to the Garden and the extent to w h i c h they value the relationships they have f o r m e d there: IQ(FORUM)userid1 (Thu,Dec21 14:22:15)$The power of the garden! $Yesterday userid3 had an awful day at work—came home tired and fed up—she entered

to recognize a regular as such c o u l d generate a reproach: !Q{FORUM)usend1 (Sat,Dec 30 21:06:25)$Thanks usend2 but i'm not new!!! IO(FORUM)u5erid2 (Sat,Dec 30 21:07:39)$usend3, click on the center of the robot arm. It'll take you to the Village Square. You can chat easier here and there's an Update button to update the chat for you. IQ(FORUM)userid2 £Sat,Dec 30 21:08:27)$Yes, now i see you're not new, usendl. I had you coniused with userid3. Sorry. One

f o r m o f u n t o w a r d c o n d u c t w h i c h was recurrent and w h i c h

was

p a r t i c u l a r l y g a l l i n g t o the members was w h e n less frequent visitors seemed to i m p l y , o r i n some cases b a l d l y p r o c l a i m , t h a t the members' i n v o l v e m e n t i n the Tele-Garden c o m m u n i t y was prima they " h a d no l i f e . "

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IQ(FORUM)usend1 (Mon,Nov 6 anyone want. IQ(FORUM)userid1 (Mon,Nov 6 IQ(FORUM)usend2 (Mon,Nov 6 The someone I hate bark , IQ(FORUM)userid3 (Mon,Nov 6

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15:23:13)$Now this is living. What more could 15:24:00)$Ta da. 6000+ 15:24:36)$brb guys . My dog is going crazy . $brb. 15:25:00)$A life? (A guess)

M u c h negative reaction a n d a subsequent reproach to the p u r v e y o r o f this "guess" led t o an a p o l o g y , an account, gracious forgiveness, b u t w i t h no obvious concession b y the p e r p e t r a t o r w i t h respect to the positive values o f the online life: IQ(FORUM)userid2 (Mon,Nov 6 16:08:06)$Let me help you with that question. . . first "click" on the $center of the robots arm . . Here you will find members m the $garden and the amount of hits they have .- . . Next to USERID1 (who $you told to get a life) is over 6000 hits - , hits spent $he!ping us all enjoy life with her w i t and wisdom « . something $you have little of . (signature! IQ(FORUM)userid3 (Mon,Nov 6 17:51:50)$Hi ya'll, I come and go, You hardly know I've been here. $btw userrd2, IT WAS JUST A JOKE! Tongue m cheek so to speak. t

IQ(FORUM)usend2 (Mon,Nov 6 17:55:51)$we!l tell usendl that the next time you see her and in here $you come you go we always know IQ(FORUM)usend2 (Tue,Nov 7 17:00:03)$usend3 . . not necessary . if j had a nickle \sic) for everything $my fingers said and my mind dtdnt know why well actually Si do thus this giant house . smiling . . dont worry about it . . $Eve make my friend usend3 here a Houston slammer . . enjoy $the garden usend3 T h e s o r t o f content t h a t c o u l d a p p r o p r i a t e l y be posted i n the V i l l a g e Square C h a t w i n d o w was rarely a source f o r overt discussion by the members, m o s t o f w h o m , like the developers, relied o n everyday understandings a n d assumptions a b o u t w h a t sorts o f conversational events m i g h t occur there. Remedial sequences like those w h i c h f o l l o w served n o t o n l y t o c l a r i f y the values o f the members w i t h respect t o a p p r o p r i a t e l i m i t a t i o n s o n the m e d i u m , b u t also t o place the values o f l o y a l t y and f r i e n d s h i p squarely a t the heart o f the Garden c o m m u n i t y . I n a precursor episode, the member w h o often assumed the online persona o f A d a m posted a questionable p i c t u r e ( " t i f f a n y . j p g " ) t o the site a n d was rebuked by another member w h o w o r r i e d children m i g h t enter the G a r d e n . T h i s incident was f o l l o w e d by a lengthy and uncharacteristically serious discussion a b o u t CompuServe's decision to prevent subscribers m G e r m a n y f r o m v i e w i n g certain newsgroups, T h e p r e v a i l i n g sentiment was anti-censorship, a n d the perpetrator appeared less t h a n responsive t o the concern expressed b y the only w o m a n member o n l i n e . H o w e v e r , a subsequent p o s t i n g b y " A d a m " of a similar picture a f e w days later i n v o k e d the ire o f the system a d m i n i s t r a t o r , w i t h the result that, after hastily r e m o v i n g the p i c t u r e f r o m v i e w by u p l o a d i n g a lengthy t e x t d o c u m e n t , A d a m expelled himself f r o m the garden, apparently n o t f r o m a concern t h a t he h a d done something inconsistent w i t h g r o u p values, b u t

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rather t h a t his action w o u l d induce the developers to disable the m u c h liked

feature

by w h i c h

H T M L - p r o f i c i e n t members

and friends c o u l d

include inline images i n their posts: !Q{FORUM)system admin {Tuejan 2 18:32:23)$Ok, guys. Looks like I gotta disable the img in the village square. $Thanks for screwing it up for the rest of us!!!! IQ(FORUM)usend1 (Tuejan 2 18:32:28)$smiling okay mich sweet dreams IQ(FORUM) usendl (Tuejan 2 18:33:11)$sorry Isystem admin) . there was no one here just playing - . . dont do that , . . $ never happen again, made w fsici sure we were alone IQ(FORUM)usend1 (Tuejan 2 18:33:41 )$sorry man . . . we were just playing IQ(FORUM)usend1 (Tuejan 2 18:34:18}$how about if your #1 fan just leaves the garden , . wont come back if you want , IQ{FORUM)system admin (Tuejan 2 18:34:39)$Ok, but that's strike one. IQ(FORUM)usend1 (Tuejan 2 18:34:46)$okay? $ IQ(FORUM)usend1 (Tuejan 2 18:35:12)$never again, the boys were just restless ... $ IQ(FORUM)system admin (Tuejan 2 18:35:27)$Yup. !Q(FORUM)userid1 (Tuejan 2 18:36:52)$olkay . well sorry again usend2 . . your #1 now . . . tell my friends . . goodbye see ya all. IQ(FORUM)usend2 (Tuejan 2 18:38:56)$See you usendl, have a goodnight. IQ(FORUM)userid3 (Tuejan 2 18:41:54)$Hi Isystem adminl—Glad to see you're online! What's up with the robot? lQ(FORUM)userid2 (Tuejan 2 18:43:33)$[system adminj. Don't be shocked and don't disable anything. They have fun and 1 guess, I have fun as well. !Q(FORUM)usend4 (Tuejan 2 18:50:43)$Hello folks. 1 see the robot is still down bummer. Does anyone know what the problem is? IQ(FORUM)usend5 (Tuejan 2 18:59:20}$ls usendl serious about leaving? IQ(FORUM)usend6 (Tuejan 2 19:00:44)$Hi! usend5. That sounded serious D u r i n g the f o l l o w i n g week m u c h discussion a b o u t the episode t o o k place a m o n g the regulars, b o t h i n the V i l l a g e Square and v i a private exchanges o f e-mail a m o n g themselves a n d w i t h the self-exiled member. N o fewer t h a n f o u r t e e n o f the members made a c o m m e n t o r i n q u i r e d a b o u t the episode. A r e c u r r i n g theme o f the discussion was the desire t h a t the departed member reinstate himself, as his lively presence was sorely missed. N o n e o f the members posted critical comments. M u c h t a l k was directed to the fine qualities o f the member, i n p a r t i c u l a r to his m a n y positive c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the Garden c o m m u n i t y . There was also considerable retelling o f the episode, reports f r o m "eyewitnesses," and r u m o r mongering: IQ(FORUM)usend1 (Tuejan 9 22:36:50)$usend2, a friend of mine told me that somebody is going around "reporting" to the garden authorities instances of "unsuitable" images posted in the Square. The fingered posters are subsequently e-mail threatened with termination. There also seems to be an effort to track down and delete members with "unnatural" user names. You know anything about this?

166

Virtual

A f t e r some c a j o l i n g the m e m b e r

Culture

(the second speaker here) r e t u r n e d t o the

Virtual

In a Telepresence

Community

167

Environment

I n a l l o f the f o r e g o i n g there is a n i m p o r t a n t message t o W e b

developers

g a r d e n , w i t h o u t c e r e m o n y , a w e e k later, m a r k i n g (and c l o s i n g ) the episode

or t o any w h o provides o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r individuals to post or t o chat via

with

t h e i r systems: even i f the c h a t system is i n t h e i r o w n e s t i m a t i o n p e r i p h e r a l

a little h u m o r :

t o t h e l a r g e r p r o j e c t , as i t w a s i n the case o f the T e l e - G a r d e n , i n m a k i n g i t IQ(FORUM)userid1 (Tuejan 9 17:53:52)$usend2, been warm there in o f So Cai lately, enjoying the wonderful weather? Stifl on your IUSC) Trojan high smiling . . = iQ(FORUM)usend2 (Tuejan 9 17:55:03)$userid1in Dont Say troran remember what happened last time . $

a v a i l a b l e t h e y are also c r e a t i n g a n o p p o r t u n i t y f o r i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n ships a n d user c o m m u n i t i e s t o f o r m ,

an

awesome p o w e r i n d e e d . L e t

us

hope t h a t a l l w i l l use t h e i r G o d p o w e r s w i t h care.

you

References Conclusion

B a y m , N . K . ( 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e emergence of c o m m u n i t y i n computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n . I n S.G.

T h e t e c h n o l o g i c a l w o n d e r s o f the G a r d e n a n d its r o b o t p r o v i d e d the i n i t i a l impetus

for

W W W

however, i t was

surfers

the people

to

explore

i t . For

a

small

group

a n d c o m m u n i t y they f o u n d

of

them,

there t h a t

made

t h e m stay, l o n g after the n o v e l t y o f the r o b o t ' s m a g i c h a d w o r n o f f . A m p l e evidence

was

relationships, and

obtained a

group

of

the

identity,

formation the

of

evolution

of

primary

interpersonal

standards

of

conduct,

m e t h o d s f o r r e p a i r i n g the social f a b r i c w h e n i t was i n need o f a m e n d !

The

episode

in which

Adam

expelled

himself

from

the

Garden

is

not

e x a c d y f a i t h f u l i n its r e - c r e a t i o n o f the b i b l i c a l e x p u l s i o n f r o m the G a r d e n o f E d e n . T h e n e w A d a m ' s s i n w a s h a r d l y o r i g i n a l ; i n f a c t i t w a s a m o n g the most

commonplace

and pedestrian

o f i n t e r n e t events. A n d i n this elec-

t r o n i c Paradise, G o d (system a d m i n i s t r a t o r s are o f t e n said t o have powers) Adam

to

give

Adam

a

second

chance.

Moreover,

elected t o exile h i m s e l f , a l l w e r e h a p p y t o have

episode, and

decided

a n d others

in which

members

o f electronic

"God"

although

h i m return.

communities

This

create

r e i f y g r o u p s t a n d a r d s t h r o u g h i n d i v i d u a l a n d c o n j o i n t s o l u t i o n s , is i n

marked

contrast

to

the

kinds

of

unilateral

and

top-down

governance

p r a c t i c e d b y l a r g e r o n l i n e c o m m u n i t i e s , w h o operate i n an u n c e r t a i n legal environment mistakes

and

must

answer

to

multiple

competing

publics,

making

a n d a l i e n a t i n g t h e i r subscribers m the process.

Jones

Cybersoctety:

Computer-mediated

p r o v i d e r s a n d t h e i r agents, o n the one h a n d , a n d the user

c o m m u n i t y , o n the o t h e r :

and

community

3(3),

26-34. F e r n b a c k , J . , 8 c T h o m p s o n , B . ( 1 9 9 5 , M a y ) . Computer-mediated American

collectivity:

The dimensions

of community

within

communication cyberspace.

and the

Paper presented

at the a n n u a l meeting o f the International C o m m u n i c a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n , A l b u q u e r q u e , NM. F r e d e r i c k , H . H . ( 1 9 9 3 ) . C o m p u t e r networks a n d the emergence of global civil society: T h e case of the A s s o c i a t i o n for Progressive C o m m u n i c a t i o n ( A P C ) . I n L . M . H a r a s t m ( E d . ) , Global

neUvorks:

Computers

and international

communication

(pp. 2 8 3 - 2 9 5 ) . C a m b r i d g e ,

M A : M I T Press. G o l d b e r g , K - , S a n t a r r a m a n o , J „ Bekey, G . , G e n t n e r , S . , M o r n s , R . , Sutter, C , S t W i c g l c y , J ( 1 9 9 5 ) T h e T e l e - G a r d e n . A v a i l a b l e http://www.usc.edu/dcpt/gardcn. J o h n s o n , D . R . ( 1 9 9 6 ) . D u e process a n d c y b e r j u n s d i c i i o n . Journal

of

Computer-Mediated

Communication, 2(1}. Jones, S . G . , ( 1 9 9 5 a ) CyberSoaety: Computer-mediated communication and community. T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage. J o n e s , S . G . ( 1 9 9 5 b ) . U n d e r s t a n d i n g c o m m u n i t y m the information age. I n S . G . j o n c s ( E d . ) , Cybersoctety: Computer-mediated communication and community (pp. 1 0 - 3 5 ) . T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage. K o l l o c k , P . , Sc S m i t h , M . ( 1 9 9 4 ) . The sociology

D a v i d J o h n s o n ( 1 9 9 6 ) has d e f t l y s u m m a r i z e d the delicate balance w h i c h

communication

Communication Research, 14, 3 5 2 - 3 7 1 . C u r t i s , P . ( 1 9 9 2 ) . M u d d i n g : Social p h e n o m e n a i n text-based social realities. Intertek,

computer exists b e t w e e n

(Ed.),

(pp. 1 3 8 - 1 6 3 ) . T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage. Beniger, J . ( 1 9 8 7 ) . Personalization o f mass m e d i a a n d the g r o w t h of pseudo-community.

communities.

of cyberspace:

Social interaction

and order in

U n p u b l i s h e d m a n u s c r i p t , D e p a r t m e n t of Sociology, U C L A .

M a n k i n , E . ( 1 9 9 5 , J u n e ) . Press release, University of Southern C a l i f o r n i a . M a r v i n . ' L . E . ( 1 9 9 5 ) Spoof, s p a m , lurk and log: T h e aesthetics o f text-based v i r t u a l realities. Journal

of Computer-Mediated

Communication.

i{2).

M c L a u g h l i n , M X . , O s b o r n e , K . K . , Sc S m i t h , C . B . ( 1 9 9 5 ) . Standards of conduct o n Usenet. I n there r e m a i n important questions raised by the potential of system operators

or

majorities o f communities o f users, to oppress individuals a n d minorities.While those w h o disagree w i t h local rules are free to migrate, many users w i l l have invested very substantial amounts o f time a n d effort in establishing a particular online identity (building a reputation based o n a particular e-mail address o r Web

page location,

particular

online

separation

from

for example).

A n d many

cybercommunmes, their

over

cybercommunines

seek to participate actively in

long would

periods impose

of

time.

For

them,

a

very

substantia!

persona] loss. T h u s , the check on sysop p o w e r provided by the user's right to a b a n d o n an online area is importantly mitigated by the costs imposed on the user w h o w a l k s a w a y .

S.G.

Jones

(Ed.),

Cybersociety:

Computer-mediated

(pp. 9 0 - 1 1 1 ) . T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage. O s t r o m , E . ( 1 9 9 0 ) . Governing the commons: action.

communication

The evolution

and

of institutions

for

community collective

N e w Y o r k : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press.

R e i d , E . M . ( 1 9 9 1 ) . E l c c t r o p o l i s : C o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i t y o n Internet R e l a y C h a t . Unpublished manuscript. Available R h e i n g o l d , H . ( 1 9 9 3 ) . The virtual

httpJ/www.ee.mu.o2.du/papers/emt/electropolis.html.

community:

Homesteading

on the electronic

frontier.

Reading, M A : Addison-Wcslcy. S h i r k y , C . ( 1 9 9 5 ) . Voices from

the net. E m e r y v i l l e , C A : Z i f f - D a v i s Press.

S m i t h , ' C . B . , M c L a u g h l i n , M . L . , & O s b o r n e , K . K . (in press). F r o m terminal ineptitude to virtual

sociopathy:

H o w conduct

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o n Usenet.

I n F . Sudwecks, M . L .

168

Virtual

Culture

8 (Re)-Fashioning the Techno-Erotic Woman: Gender and Textuality in the Cybercultural Matrix Dawn Dietrich

Rhetorics of Cyberculture MAN: I acknowledge that the use of the term "man" for the concept of humanity is sexist, I use it here as a matter of convenience. Mondo

— R . U . Sinus [Ken Goffmanl in Rucker, Sinus, & M u , 2000: A User's Guide to the New Edge (1992), p. 100

As p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l c u l t u r e is increasingly mediated t h r o u g h i n f o r m a t i o n technologies, a chief concern f o r p o s t m o d e r n theorists and feminists alike is h o w gender intersects w i t h the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f social matrices and n e t w o r k s . W h i l e the p r i n t media are still m a n u f a c t u r i n g verbal and visual representations o f " N e w Edge" culture, increasingly these representations are assuming electronic f o r m i n cyberspace, c o n s t i t u t i n g w h a t B a u d r i l l a r d (1983) terms a "telematic c u l t u r e . " T h e implications f o r gender, t e x t u a l i t y , and i d e n t i t y w i t h i n such a c u l t u r e are great, especially as " t e c h n o l o g y " and " n a t u r e " become increasingly i n t e r t w i n e d . C u r r e n t l y , techno-journals and f u t u r i s t i c zines such as Mondo 2000, Wired, a n d bOing-bOing inscribe a k i n d o f textual prologue f o r cyberculture. T h e y are valuable i n themselves because they forge a m u c h needed connection between late p r i n t culture and the n e w cyberspatiai n e t w o r k , f o r m a t t i n g the m a t r i x o f this social space i n ways t h a t begin to define i t . Wired magazine, f o r instance, participates m a c u l t u r a l dialogue concerni n g issues o f n e t w o r k p r i v a c y , governmental r e g u l a t i o n , a n d censorship. Wired also sponsors HotWired, its online counterpart, where participants can exchange i n f o r m a t i o n , chat w i t h live guests, and b u y , sell, or trade computers a n d software p r o d u c t s . bOing bOittg and Mondo 2000, w h i l e d i f f e r i n g f r o m Wired i n their h y p e r b o l i c presentation, share the technoj o u r n a l ' s fascination w i t h " N e w Edge" c u l t u r e , w h i c h includes, m a d d i t i o n t o a h a c k e r - l i k e obsession w i t h computers, technological phenomena such as raves, b o d y a l t e r a t i o n , smart drugs, and techno-spintual movements. Because the c o m m u n i c a t i o n s r e v o l u t i o n has b r o u g h t a b o u t a phenomeno l o g i c a l change i n o u r perceptions o f lived experience (Sobchack, 1990),

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Culture

these p u b l i c a t i o n s c o u l d be said to p r o v i d e a type o f p u b l i c service by o f f e r i n g i n t e r f a c i n g media t h a t connect the user-friendly w o r l d o f p r i n t w i t h the p h e n o m e n o n o f cyberspatial n e t w o r k i n g . Y e t , f o r a l l o f their cutting-edge p o t e n t i a l as links t o the democratizing venues o f cyberspace o r as m e d i a f o r c o n s t r u c t i n g alternative cybertextual practices, m a n y o f these techno-journals r e m a i n d i s t u r b i n g l y vested i n the politics o f late capitalist culture {Sobchack, 1993). This includes heralding the n e w technologies i n w h a t amounts t o an almost nostalgic l o n g i n g f o r the u l t i m a t e "meta n a r r a t i v e " — t h e w o r l d sewn together t h r o u g h the elect r o n i c fibers o f the N e t — p r o n o u n c i n g technological l i b e r t a r i a n s , and c o m b i n i n g social consciousness w i t h r a m p a n t consumerism. A f e m i n i s t analysis seems r e q u i r e d , a t the very least, to call i n t o question these c u l t u r a l assumptions, i f n o t t o (re)name the politics. T o begin i t is necessary t o situate gender, o n the level o f representation, w i t h i n the m a t r i x o f c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g systems; f o r as M a r y A n n Doane (1990) attests, " w h e n technology intersects w i t h the b o d y i n the r e a l m o f representation, the question o f sexual difference is i n e v i t a b l y i n v o l v e d " (p. 163). T h o u g h early representations o f cyberspace denied sexual difference by p o s i t i n g the N e t as a "gender-neutral z o n e , " recent scholarship has focused o n issues specific to gender difference(s) within various p o s t m o d e r n technologies. A l l u c q u e r e Rosanne Stone (1991) offers a feminist i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f gendered technologies by deconstructing the act o f penetrating the screen, an act w h i c h she attributes t o the heterosexual male user w h o empowers himself by i n c o r p o r a t i n g the surfaces o f cyberspace into himself. H e r e , Stone, argues, " t o become the c y b o r g , t o p u t o n the seductive and dangerous cybernetic space like a garment, is to p u t on the female" ( p . 109) C l a u d i a Springer (1993) similarly discusses the " f e m i n i z a t i o n " o f v i r t u a l technologies, w h i c h she distinguishes f r o m the " m a s c u l i m z a t i o n " o f i n d u s t r i a l machines a n d technologies. Specifically, Springer relates the invisible n e t w o r k i n g o f cyberspatial systems to " c o n v e n t i o n a l ways o f t h i n k i n g a b o u t female a n a t o m y and feminine s u b j e c t i v i t y " (p. 92). D r a w i n g o n T h o m a s Laqueur's two-sex m o d e l o f h u m a n sexuality, Springer deconstructs w o m e n ' s " i n f e r i o r " sexual status by a r g u i n g that w o m e n s bodies are read as the opposite o f men's, due to their lack o f male genitalia, as w e l l as the association o f w o m e n w i t h i n t e r i o r , f l u c t u a t i n g spaces o f the b o d y (pp. 9 1 - 9 2 ) . Springer sees the f e m i n i z a t i o n o f v i r t u a l technologies as central to u n d e r s t a n d i n g issues o f i d e n t i t y and e m b o d i m e n t w i t h i n cyberspace itself. ;

F r o m this perspective, then, i t seems plausible t h a t male fears r e g a r d i n g feminine spaces m a y become collapsed w i t h naturalized, o r invisible interfacing relations to create a threatening social m a t r i x . As p r i n t representatives o f the cyberspatial i n d u s t r y , the techno-journals bear o u t the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f such a theory t h r o u g h a rhetoric w h i c h tends to be sexualized, a n d sometimes aggressive. I t is i r o n i c t h a t even as these publications herald new f o r m s o f " e g a l i t a r i a n " n e t w o r k i n g , they replicate

Refashioning the Techno-Erotic W o m a n

171

the sexist discourse(s) t h a t m a r k late capitalist culture, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n respect t o the representation o f w o m e n and w o m e n ' s issues. I n large p a r t this is due to the fact t h a t m o s t cybernauts are w h i t e males between the ages o f 15 a n d 4 5 . N o t surprisingly, t h e n , the rhetoric o f these p r i n t texts tends t o reflect w h i t e , heterosexual male perspectives, desire(s) and idealizations. Further, at the cyberspatial sites w h e r e m a n y o f these techno-journals are inscribed t e x t u a l l y and g r a p h i c a l l y , the narratives tend to be gendered i n a b i n a r y f a s h i o n , yet o f t e n lack markers f o r racial, ethnic, a n d class difference. Difference i n other w o r d s , is b o t h exaggerated for heightened v i s i b i l i t y a n d erased f o r (potentially) e x p l o i t a t i v e purposes. A n d because these publications rely strategically u p o n various modes o f ironic discourse, they are able to " n e u t r a l i z e " their o w n p o l i t i c a l stance, i n effect, defending against c r i t i c i s m t h r o u g h the displacement o f their (real) subjects). For example, consider Monde- editor K e n G o f f m a n ' s (1992) entry o n " E v o l u t i o n a r y M u t a t i o n s , " i n Mondo 2000: A User's Guide to the New Edge. A f t e r d r a w i n g a t t e n t i o n to the w o r d " m a n " i n the t e x t by placing an outlined b o x a r o u n d i t , he writes the f o l l o w i n g t e x t u a l note: " M A N : I acknowledge t h a t the use o f the t e r m ' m a n ' f o r the concept o f h u m a n i t y is sexist. I use i t here as a matter o f convenience" (p. 100). O n one level, one c o u l d imagine t h a t this is a b l a t a n t sexist maneuver, or t h a t the w r i t e r isn't addressing a m i x e d audience at a l l , given the i m p l i c a t i o n s of his intended (and i n f o r m e d ) sexism (for surely he w o u l d recognize t h a t his female readers w o u l d prefer their sex be acknowledged before the w r i t e r ' s convenience attained). Such a case m i g h t even be compared to the k i n d o f androcentric t h i n k i n g t h a t governed science t e x t b o o k s t w o decades ago, i n w h i c h w o m e n never saw their o w n sex i l l u s t r a t e d m the e v o l u t i o n a r y process—only t h a t o f men ( M o r g a n , 1 9 7 2 ) . O n another level, however, i t seems possible to locate more specious resonances m this discursive strategy. By d r a w i n g a t t e n t i o n to w h a t is s t i l l , perhaps, a widespread c o n v e n t i o n o f using the t e r m " m a n " to represent h u m a n i t y m general, G o f f m a n focuses the reader o n the importance o f semantics i n r e l a t i o n to gender, o n l y then to c o n t r a d i c t his gesture by using the t e r m i n a w a y t h a t negates the logic o f his statement. W h i l e i t m i g h t be t e m p t i n g t o classify this m o v e as an i r o n i c one ( i n the classical sense t h a t the w r i t e r can't be taken seriously or doesn't mean w h a t he says, especially given G o f f m a n ' s pen name, R . U . Sinus), the act itself appears m o r e p r o b l e m a t i c . I n this instance, the w r i t e r disarms p o t e n t i a l critics by assuming a posture o f liberal tolerance, o n l y then to " c o m p r o m i s e " himself by revealing his c o m p l i c i t y i n a discourse he appears to oppose. Given the embedded nature o f p o w e r relations w i t h i n discourse, this act appears disingenuous a n d , therefore, serves to reinforce p a t r i a r c h a l values, rather than undermine them. P o s t m o d e r n theorists, f r o m F r e d n c Jameson (1981) t o L i n d a H u t c h e o n ( 1 9 9 4 ) , have focused o n i r o n y as a particular r h e t o r i c a l strategy w h i c h carries' w i t h i t d i s t u r b i n g p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s , depending u p o n the

172

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expression used a n d the understanding necessary t o interpret i t . Linda Hutcheon writes, Unlike metaphor or allegory, which demand similar supplementing of meaning irony has an evaluanve edge and manages to provoke emotional responses m those who "get" it and those who don't, as well as in its targets and in what some people call its "victims.". , The "scene" of irony involves relations of power based in reiadons of communication, (p. 2) G i v e n such a d e s c r i p t i o n , i t seems necessary t o question the evasive nature o f such i r o n i c r h e t o r i c w i t h i n the context o f patriarchal techno-journals f o r , i n G o f f m a n ' s instance, Mondo 2000 is the same p u b l i c a t i o n t h a t p r i n t s its subscription cards over images o f topless, fetishized w o m e n . M i g h t one p o l i t i c a l outcome be t h a t w i t h i n certain contexts such r h e t o r i c a l structures actually w o r k to unsettle any g r o u n d s f r o m w h i c h they m i g h t be criticized? I f this is true, w h a t privileges are granted this " i r o n i c " stance? W h a t " l i b e r t i e s " r o u t i n e l y left unchecked? A n o t h e r stylistic feature t h a t w a r r a n t s investigation is the Iiberatory r h e t o r i c o f the techno-journals. Couched w i t h i n various masculine tropes r a n g i n g f r o m the democratic imperative o f the " f o u n d i n g fathers" to the joutssance o f cyberhacking cowboys, this rhetoric has developed alongside a n i d e n t i t y o f cyberspace itself. " T e c h n o p a g a m s m , " the latest t r o p e a m o n g such trends, raises questions a b o u t o u r very conception(s) o f cyberspace Described by E r i k D a v i s (1995) i n Wired as an "anarchic, earthy, celebrat o r y s p i r i t u a l m o v e m e n t t h a t attempts to r e b o o t the magic, myths and gods o f Europe's p r e - C h r i s t i a n p e o p l e " (p. 128), the n e w technopagans differ f r o m their older counterparts i n their claim to achieve d i v i n i t y t h r o u g h the a l g o r i t h m s o f c o m p u t e r interfacing design. Part N e w - A g e hype, p a r t science-fiction fantasy, these m u l t i - m e d i a gurus p r o m i s e users e v e r y t h i n g f r o m divine i n s p i r a t i o n to physical d i s e m b o d i m e n t and gender e q u a l i t y — a l l t h r o u g h the " m a g i c " o f ' c y b e r s p a t i a l netw o r k i n g . A n d w h i l e i t is true t h a t m o s t o f the 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 to 3 0 0 0 0 0 participants practice their " r e l i g i o n " self-consciously, any levity r e g a r d i n g the m a t t e r is usually i n t e r m i x e d w i t h an attitude o f utter seriousness. D a v i s (1995) comments t h a t "technopagans are driven by . . [a] basic desire: t o h o n o r technology as p a r t o f the circle o f h u m a n life, a life t h a t f o r Pagans is already d i v i n e " (p. 128). I n a subsidiary article i n the same issue o f Wired Paulina B o r s o o k (1995) claims t h a t this d i v i n i t y can be symbolized by female personae. " H e r e , " she w r i t e s , "there are brainiacs and artists a n d p o w e r m o n g e r s , m a d d i t i o n to the m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l archetypes o f sexpot a n d b a b y - m a k e r a n d p r o v i d e r o f harvests" (p. 133). A n d she continues, " i n goddess-based s p i r i t u a l practice, w o m e n can express their latent sense o f potency w i t h o u t feeling they have to be c r y p t o - m a l e " ( p . 133). B o r s o o k goes o n to state t h a t " t e c h n o p a g a m s m is the g r a n d exception to the 85-percent-maie, 15-percent female demographics o f the on-line w o r l d . I t is one v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y w h e r e r o u g h p a r i t y — b o t h in n u m b e r and p o w e r — e x i s t s between the sexes" (p. 133). t

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But a closer l o o k at the f u n d a m e n t a l constituency o f technopagans suggests a different picture. I n Davis's (1995) article, w h i c h physically subsumes Borsook's, technopagans are defined as " w h i t e f o l k s d r a w n f r o m bohemian and middle-class enclaves," f o l k s w h o happen t o " w o r k and play i n technical fields, as sysops [systems operators], c o m p u t e r p r o grammers, a n d n e t w o r k engineers" (p. 128). C o u p l e d w i t h the capitalistic enterprise t h a t nearly always accompanies the pagan " r i t u a l s , " this description comes dangerously close to resembling the mostly male c o m m u n i t y t h a t generally inhabits cyberspatial n e t w o r k s . For reasons like this, the I i b e r a t o r y rhetoric o f the techno-journals casts itself i n a d i m light. A n d w h i l e one m i g h t hope to find some k i n d o f radical decentenng w i t h the online counterparts t o these techno-journals, there appears t o be little difference. T h o u g h the technological factors themselves destabilize conventional p r i n t structure, i t appears t h a t electronic versions o f p r i n t texts often r e m a i n contextualized within print paradigms (Aycock & Buchignani, 1995, p . 2 1 6 ) . T h u s , despite HotWired's c l a i m on its " W e l c o m e Page" (1995) t h a t "the N e t and the W e b do n o t just constitute a refinement o f o l d models o f p u b l i s h i n g a n d broadcast media, but a v i t a l new m e d i u m " , HotWired is r e m a r k a b l y similar to Wired magazine. T h i s means t h a t even w i t h increased access (HotWired is free, p r o v i d e d the user has a means t o connect w i t h the site) and greater i n t e r a c t i v i t y , the site functions m u c h i n the same w a y the magazine does. The content and the rhetoric are s i m i l a r t o Wired magazine, m a n y o f the same products are m e n t i o n e d (or advertised), a n d m o s t o f the editors are male ( N e d B r a i n a r d , D a v i d K l i n e , and B r o c k M e e k s , f o r example). T h o u g h HotWired prides itself o n its financial a n d e d i t o r i a l independence f r o m Wired magazine, i t is p a r t i a l l y o w n e d by W i r e d Ventures L L C , the parent c o m p a n y of Wired magazine {HotWired's W e l c o m e Page, 1 9 9 5 ) ; a n d despite claims t h a t the r w o entities are separate, HotWired publishes an i n d e x to the articles i n Wired and admits to being the magazine's h o m e o n the Internet. S i m i l a r l y , there is little evidence to suggest t h a t HotWired is the " m o d e l o f cross-cultural discourse" (HotWired's W e l c o m e Page, 1995) i t announces itself to be, t h o u g h i t w o u l d be interesting to l o o k f o r alternatives i n electronic journals t h a t d o n o t have p r i n t counterparts a n d w h i c h are n o t supported by corporate funds. For instance, some academic institutions back electronic f o r u m s t h a t are designed t o encourage critical discussion, a n d they o f t e n p u b l i s h a w i d e variety o f materials f r o m a diverse g r o u p o f writers. C-Theory is one such example. Sponsored by the Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory, C-Theory is an i n t e r n a t i o n a l W e b site for b o o k reviews and articles t h a t relate t o c r i t i c a l t h e o r y a n d p o s t m o d e r n c u l t u r e . T h e range o f topics covered, the nature o f the critiques received, a n d the diversity o f the c o n t r i b u t o r s themselves distinguish this electronic site f r o m corporate sites such as HotWired, FringeWare, and Net. 2

Y e t one c a n n o t underestimate the p o w e r o f corporate c o n t r o l o n the Internet

(see

Mutch,

1995).

Oftentimes,

the

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c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies o n l y serves t o mystify and obscure the relations o f p r o d u c t i o n and labor w h i c h structure its very material enterprise. T h e euphoric praise nearly always associated w i t h virtual systems can act as a k i n d o f smokescreen, i n w h i c h an emphasis o n the end obscures a n y clear understanding o f the means used t o get there. This d i s p a r i t y between rhetoric and reality has the most devastating consequences f o r w o m e n , w h o are usually structured at the bases o f operations; so t h a t one has t o ask n o t o n l y t o w h a t extent w o m e n are disempowered socially t h r o u g h their representation i n sexist media, b u t t o w h a t extent they are disenfranchised f r o m a c o m m u n i c a t i o n s m a r k e t t h a t is tied t o the fastest g r o w i n g technologies i n the w o r l d .

Virtually Feminine Sometimes feminists attack us, but I don't think a true feminist should attack another woman. We should all work together. Why do we have to choose between being either a bimbo or a militant bitch? There are all different types of women. —Sis. Barbi, "Living Dolls," bOing bOing, p. 48 Savvy t o m a r k e t i n g demands, nearly a l l o f the techno-journals feature some female staff w r i t e r s , so i t appears o n the surface o f the texts t h a t w o m e n ' s voices comprise a p a r t o f the discourse t h a t is shaping the n e w technologies. S i m i l a r l y , the occasional article t h a t features a w o m a n i n v o l v e d w i t h the i n d u s t r y is usually w r i t t e n b y a female staff person. Yet, m a n y o f these staff w r i t e r s share a r e m a r k a b l y homogeneous voice, a n d i t becomes clear after reading across several issues t h a t i t is a p a r t i c u l a r k i n d o f female voice t h a t is missing—one t h a t w o u l d radically question o r challenge the t a c i t assumptions governing the rhetoric o f the technoj o u r n a l s . I n a strategic w a y , m u c h like the use o f i r o n i c r h e t o r i c , this practice n o t o n l y spares the publications o u t r i g h t criticism, b u t creates an untenable p o s i t i o n f o r feminists w h o w i s h to challenge the rhetoric w i t h o u t c r i t i c i z i n g the f e w w o m e n w h o are w o r k i n g i n the i n d u s t r y . Interestingly, recent studies have s h o w n t h a t women's conversations o n mixed-gender n e t w o r k s often assume a homogeneity that does not reflect the reality of the network of users. Researchers attribute this p h e n o m e n o n t o the general lack o f consideration o r interest given w o m e n ' s topics a n d concerns (Kramarae & T a y l o r , 1993, p . 5 5 ) . M i g h t the same be true o f the m i n o r i t y o f w o m e n w h o are w o r k i n g w i t h i n the m a l e - d o m i n a n t field o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies? H o w m u c h force is exerted u p o n the female voice i n the c o n t e x t o f the cyberspatial industry? As an example o f the unsettling rhetoric t h a t typifies this p a r t i c u l a r circumstance, consider the iengthy article t h a t Paulina B o r s o o k (1993) w r o t e o n Esther D y s o n i n Wired magazine. T h o u g h D y s o n is one o f the

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most p o w e r f u l software consultants i n the Silicon V a l l e y , she is presented as a " H o l l y w o o d a g e n t " — a personality. T h r o u g h o u t the article, D y s o n is referred t o b y her first name, Esther, a stylistic technique one w o u l d be surprised t o see m an article covering a t o p male executive or corporate head. S i m i l a r l y , bracketed o f f i n its o w n lavender b o x , B o r s o o k has created a section entided "Street M y t h s A b o u t Esther," w h i c h includes—in a d d i t i o n t o the categories o f "Really s m a r t " and " S w i m m i n g j u n k i e " — "Likes older p o w e r f u l m e n " and " A l m o s t m a r r i e d B i l l Z i f f " (p. 97). T h e collapse o f the " s o c i a l " w i t h the " p r o f e s s i o n a l " marks a distinct techno-journalistic style, w h i c h nearly always demarcates the feminine subject. W h i l e i n other contexts this m e r g i n g o f the p u b l i c w i t h the private m i g h t be read as a creative feminist transgression, m this particular c o n t e x t i t constructs a representation o f w o m a n t h r o u g h difference o r "otherness." As a result, i t is n o t enough f o r readers t o k n o w t h a t this partner o f M a y f i e l d , Software, Inc. is " t h e most i m p o r t a n t w o m a n i n c o m p u t i n g " (p. 95), they must also be f a m i l i a r w i t h her sexual preference and recognize the names o f the p o w e r f u l men w i t h w h o m she is i n v o l v e d . i n another article i n Wired magazine, Jan D a v i d s o n , the o w n e r of a 540 m i i l i o n educational software empire, is i n t r o d u c e d w i t h the title, "She just w a n t e d t o be a good teacher" (Gugliehno, 1994, p . 44; emphasis added); and Sueann A m b r o n , one o f the w o r l d ' s experts i n m u l t i m e d i a and interactive c o m m u n i c a t i o n , is announced by the title " T h e Mother of M u l t i m e d i a " (Garner, 1994, p . 5 2 ; emphasis added), w h i l e posing i n a kitchen a p r o n , m i x i n g b o w l i n h a n d . Such f u n d a m e n t a l l y sexist representation was the subject o f feminist criticism d u r i n g the 1970s, but t h a t i t should garner critical attention t o d a y , nearly three decades later, suggests t h a t n e t w o r k culture is n o t the liberal i n s t i t u t i o n i t promotes itself as being. W h y are the few w o m e n i n the i n d u s t r y presented i n ways t h a t are t r a d i t i o n a l and non-threatening? W h y are the articles a b o u t w o m e n w r i t t e n mostly b y female staff writers? W h y are there no voices w h i c h a d m o n i s h readers t h a t these w o m e n are, in fact, exceptional, a n d n o t representative o f w o m e n ' s status i n the larger culture? F i n a l l y , w h a t requirements must a female journalist meet i n order to j o i n the ranks o f Wired'* staff writers? W h a t kinds o f pressures are exerted o n her voice? O n e can easily imagine the d i f f i c u l t y o f asserting a feminist voice of change w i t h i n a cyberspatial i n d u s t r y noted f o r its l i b e r a t o r y a n d sensationalist r h e t o r i c . A d d to t h a t its e x p l o i t a t i o n o f high profile w o m e n , featured p r o m i n e n t l y as representatives of cyberspatial identities, and i t seems u n l i k e l y t h a t anyone is g o i n g t o challenge the industry's represent a t i o n o f w o m e n , at least f r o m w i t h i n t h a t i n d u s t r y . F o r example, i t can be easier t o find p h o t o g r a p h s o f techno-cultural novelist and a r t critic K a t h y Acker t h a n t o read a b o u t her ideas. The " v i s u a l f o r m a t , " a postmodern staple, seems t o have set a k i n d o f precedent i n techno-futunstic p u b l i cations, f o r silent images of w o m e n a b o u n d i n place of their voices and 3

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ideas. T h i s is readily discernible f r o m f l i p p i n g t h r o u g h pages o f the j o u r n a l s r a n d o m l y , b o t h i n terms o f article inlays and advertisements. Seductive y o u n g w o m e n appear m o d e l i n g the latest technological gear; A s i a n w o m e n fuse the excitement o f the exotic " O t h e r " w i t h the " o u t t h e r e " reality o f V R e q u i p m e n t a n d fashion; a n d w o m e n ' s sexualized and objectified bodies merge graphically w i t h the new technologies. (See the scantily clad M a d o n n a - l i k e figure h o i s t i n g a satellite dish above her head m the Mondo 2000 User's Guide, p . 95.) W i t h i n this context i t is not surprising t o find t h a t the f e m i n i n e voices allowed i n t o the ranks are not necessarily those w h o oppose the conditions g r a n t i n g privilege and agency to the techno-journals. A d d i t i o n a l l y , the sexism o f the relations between women's bodies and the p r o d u c t i o n o f the new technologies is often belied by the slick presentation o f aestheticized images. T h o u g h I oppose N e t censorship, I d o n ' t t h i n k i t is u n f a i r to suggest t h a t this type o f p r i n t e x p l o i t a t i o n leaves w o m e n vulnerable to the p r o p a g a t i o n o f " v i r t u a l sex" and other sexp e d d l i n g services offered o n the I n t e r n e t . W h i l e it is easy to see w h a t is objectionable a b o u t a " V i r t u a l Sex A r c a d e , " where y o u can negotiate " m o d i f i c a t i o n s " i n the " G i r l o f Y o u r D r e a m s , " some o f the arguments p u t f o r t h f o r " v i r t u a l sex" are m o r e insidious ( L e b k o w s k y , 1 9 9 3 ) . Consider the a r g u m e n t t h a t " v i r t u a l sex" m a y help to decrease violence against w o m e n , since computer-generated " w h i p s , d a m p s , brooms, toasters, etc." w o n ' t leave m a r k s (p. 18). Despite the rhetoric t h a t claims such games are " h a r m l e s s , " they reify a c u l t u r a l w a y o f l o o k i n g a t w o m e n , w h i c h is destructive and demeaning. 5

Consider a second v i r t u a l m y t h : sexism against w o m e n m a y be reduced t h r o u g h C D - R O M and v i r t u a l reality p r o g r a m s because m e n can n o w l o g i n as the female gender and " t a k e " the w o m a n ' s p o i n t o f v i e w . This speculation sounds encouraging, b u t i t essentially ignores the fact t h a t identities o f sexuality are constructed socially m ways t h a t cultures p o w e r f u l l y inscribe o n t o bodies. W o m e n are socialized i n a m a n n e r t h a t can't be replicated b y assuming a " d i f f e r e n t p o i n t o f v i e w . " N o r can the sexual hierarchy be o v e r t u r n e d so simplistically, f o r Western culture continues t o privilege the male w i t h i n the confines o f the p h a l l o c e n t n c tradition. Patriarchal representations o f f e m i n i n i t y , whether t h r o u g h Internet c o m m u n i c a t i o n s or C D - R O M games, are n o t o r i o u s l y sexist; and yet these text- and graphic-based images are o c c u p y i n g the v i r t u a l space(s) w h e r e w o m e n c o u l d be defining their o w n reianonshipfs) to the n e w i n f o r m a t i o n technologies. Such lack o f representation carries w i t h i t significant consequences, n o t the least o f w h i c h involves the shift o f p o l i t i c a l p o w e r f r o m an i n d u s t r i a l basis to one m w h i c h k n o w l e d g e or the c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n operates as the new " c a p i t a l . " T h e exclusion of w o m e n f r o m the technologies w h i c h produce and regulate this k n o w l e d g e disempowers t h e m i n f u n d a m e n t a l ways, especially given t h a t v i r t u a l technologies are c o n t r o l l e d and managed o n several p o w e r f u l f r o n t s : the

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government (especially defense c o n t r a c t i n g ) , corporate A m e r i c a , and the media a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n channels. N o w o n d e r , then, t h a t the r h e t o r i c o f the " t e c h n o - j o u r n a l s " and zmes sounds absurd a n d conservative t o f e m i n i s t r e a d e r s — h a r k i n g back t o the days o f the " f o u n d i n g f a t h e r s " a n d the democratic ideals o f such men as Thomas Jefferson ( B a r l o w , 1 9 9 4 ) , f o r the reality o f this " n e w egalitarian society" is decidedly less Utopian f o r w o m e n . As a n example, the Silicon Valley, one o f the earliest centers o f the n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n d u s t r y , continues t o e x p l o i t thousands o f A s i a n and L a t i n a w o m e n and other i m m i g r a n t s i n entry-level m a n u f a c t u r i n g jobs, where they endure sexual harassment, p o o r w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s , a n d threats o f d e p o r t a t i o n (Hossfield, 1994). M a n y o f these w o m e n are exposed to t o x i c chemicals because there is so little adequate testing o f these materials, and yet few are i n any p o s i t i o n t o challenge corporate p o w e r . Recently, m an e f f o r t to put t o rest r u m o r s r e l a t i n g ethylene glycol t o miscarriages i n y o u n g female employees, I B M initiated a private study to examine the ill-effects o f the chemical o n its w o r k e r s (Hossfield, 1994). C o n t r a r y to the company's expectations, the chemical was f o u n d to be l i n k e d w i t h serious health problems, i n c l u d i n g a higher t h a n n o r m a l risk o f miscarriage m y o u n g w o m e n . I B M agreed to delete the chemical f r o m its o p e r a t i n g processes before the end o f 1 9 9 4 , b u t n o t before i t h a d b r o u g h t u n w a n t e d grief to the w o m e n whose bodies a n d c h i l d r e n b o u g h t the price o f the n e w technologies. T h u s , even w h i l e a c k n o w l e d g i n g the a d m i r a b l e accomplishments o f female c o r p o r a t e managers, software developers, media artists, a n d scholars, i t is i m p o r t a n t to recognize t h a t w o m e n i n the larger culture are still m a r g i n a l i z e d at the periphery o f the c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n d u s t r y , usually at its base i n the lowest p a y i n g jobs. T h e social biases established early i n education, w h i c h separate w o m e n f r o m the disciplines o f m a t h a n d science, represent deeply embedded c u l t u r a l prejudices against w o m e n i n the technical sciences. Consequently, fewer w o m e n are qualified i n the areas o f research t h a t are shaping the c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n d u s t r y , and those w h o are are often held back i n positions o f less pay and a u t h o r i t y (Balsamo, 1 9 9 3 ) . ït is n o surprise, t h e n , t h a t o n a representational level m a n y o f these same injustices are present. Yet to begin to resist a t the t e x t u a l level is n o t to bypass the r e v o l u t i o n , f o r o u r rhetorics have the p o w e r to shape the very p o t e n t i a l o f the n e w technologies. A n d here the politics are clear-cut: any general advancement f o r w o m e n w i t h i n this " t e c h n o - c u l t u r e " w i l l have to begin by t r a n s f o r m i n g the sexist images and the rhetoric that attends t h e m . I n place o f these texts, w o m e n need to i n t r o d u c e their o w n voices, r e a p p r o p n a t i n g the very "languages w h i c h h a v e " been used against t h e m . T h i s is, o f course, easier said than done, f o r i t means m a k i n g inroads i n a discipline and i n d u s t r y t r a d i t i o n a l l y foreclosed to w o m e n . I t means d o i n g battle against p o w e r f u l ideological prejudices, a n d , most d i f f i c u l t o f a l l , reshaping one's o w n conception o f the female.

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(Re)-Fashioning the Cybercultural Matrix / prefer a network , . . image, suggesting the profusion of spaces and identities and the permeability of boundaries in the personal body and in the body politic. Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (1991), p. 170

—Donna J. Haraway,

i n the face o f these challenges I w o u l d like to propose a textual strategy by w h i c h w o m e n m a y a p p r o p r i a t e a c u l t u r a l space and begin to define their o w n relationship(s) to the n e w i n f o r m a t i o n technologies. T h o u g h I have cited the c y b e r m a t r i x , i n c l u d i n g its p r i n t representatives, as the locus of conservative gender politics, I also believe i t has the p o t e n t i a l to constitute a subversive, feminist space, l i t e r a l l y a site where w o m e n can "re-member" their o w n gendered self—identities. Cyberspace offers the potential for v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , o r "consensual l o c i , " where w o m e n can j o i n voices/ texts to articulate (and activate) issues pertinent to t h e m (Stone, 1991). i n an e f f o r t t o reconstitute a feminist "subject" i n the context o f postmodern decenteredness, this task becomes an e f f o r t b o t h to inscribe textual space a n d f o l l o w t h r o u g h w i t h active (political) c h o i c e . I n this instance, cyberspace becomes a narrative space, a potential a u t h o r i n g site i n an e c o n o m y where t e x t u a l c i r c u l a t i o n can recover p o l i t i c a l agency. In referring to feminist science-fiction writers Joanna Russ and Pamela Z o l i n e , Scott B u k a t m a n (1993) describes this rhetorical act as " t u r n f i n g ] t e x t i n t o tactic—a technology—that , . , challenges the masculinist f o r m a t i o n s o f science fiction a n d c u l t u r e " (p. 314). 6

N o t surprisingly, the n o t i o n o f cyberspace as a radical d o m a i n f o r w o m e n necessarily raises several issues o f concern. As A n n e Baisamo ( 1 9 9 3 ) a n d other feminists have argued, female bodies are inscribed c u l t u r a l l y i n t o specific paradigms that determine the nature o f i d e n t i t y and subjectivity. For w o m e n i n "Western cultures, this has been a p a r a d i g m f r a u g h t w i t h difficulties, f o r the physical b o d y has been the site o f fervent battles regarding female sexuality, r e p r o d u c t i o n , and i d e n t i t y , so m u c h so t h a t i t becomes impossible t o separate feminine subjectivity f r o m a part i c u l a r system o f embedded p o w e r relations. Because o f these p a t r i a r c h a l tensions, i t is necessary t o situate female subjectivity w i t h i n a gendered a n d politicized context i n the cybercultural m a t r i x . Put differently, w o m e n stand to g a m little as quasi-disembodied subjects w i t h i n a n e t w o r k e n v i r o n m e n t

without reference to the material conditions of their subjectivity. Yet, as w i l l be demonstrated i n this chapter, projecting a gendered self i n t o cyberspace can be a very p a i n f u l experience f o r w o m e n . Issues i n v o l v i n g gender politics and representation cut to the core, and m a n y w o m e n are s i m p l y tired o f buttressing the same fronts time and time again. I n short, there d o n o t seem to be easy answers to these d i f f i c u l t social issues. Nonetheless, i w o u l d l i k e to suggest a strategy f o r constructing an electronic space that m i g h t be more negotiable than the cyberspace we

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know at present. D r a w i n g o n D o n n a H a r a w a y ' s (1991) m y t h o s o f the c y b o r g , I imagine a n electronic space that is about "transgressed boundaries, potent fusions, and dangerous possibilities," called f o r i n order to resist d o m i n a n t (rational) p o w e r structures embedded w i t h i n patriarchal culture (p. 154). i n this instance the fusion o f machine a n d organism becomes a progressive, and transgressive, h y b r i d — a n artificial site f o r ongoing p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , w h i c h necessarily involves deconstructing " i n c o m p a t i b l e " frames o f reference. I n other w o r d s , situated between a gendered, material b o d y and an ethereal, cyberspatial i d e n t i t y ; between patriarchal culture a n d feminist c o m m u n i t y ; between " i n s i d e " a n d " o u t s i d e , " the female p a r t i c i p a n t must embrace a m b i g u i t y and conflict i n order to appropriate a c u l t u r a l space f o r feminist discourse". Because this space is electronic, such a tactic necessarily involves issues o f subjectivity and embodiment, i n her b o o k , The War of Desire and Technology at the Close of the Mechanical Age, Allucquere Rosanne Stone (1995) acknowledges the relationship o f physical bodies t o the epistemic structures by w h i c h they become encoded i n culture; a n d she is p a r t i c u l a r l y careful to ascribe gender, discourse, a n d meaning to the physical body itself as an embedded c u l t u r a l p h e n o m e n o n . She identifies this concept as "a b o d y u n i t g r o u n d e d i n a self" and suggests that telling any personal narrative seems t o depend u p o n this material identity ( p p . 8 4 - 8 5 ) . I f we t h i n k o f a cyberspatial i d e n t i t y as mediated t h r o u g h this physical "self," the discursive feminine body can be read/narrated i n such a w a y as to preserve a sense o f presence, politics, and history i n a m e d i u m increasingly characterized b y s h i f t i n g fields o f meaning. I n this sense, an electronic c o m m u n i t y o f w o m e n becomes a symbolic space, an engaged social space, t h a t defines itself t h r o u g h a particular textualized culture. O v e r r i d i n g geographical l i m i t a t i o n s , w o m e n can gather together i n ways that challenge the constraints o f time a n d space, a l l o w i n g t h e m t o explore the p o t e n t relations a m o n g agency, a u t h o r i t y , and discursive c o m m u n i t y (Stone, 1995, p . 9 7 ) . Despite recent feminist theory regarding the totalizing effect c o m m u nities can have w h e n they attempt to reach "wholeness," the idea o f a textualized, feminist cyberspace m a y posit an alternative concept o f " c o m m u n i t y " ( Y o u n g , 1990, p p . 300-323). Referring back t o H a r a w a y ' s politics o f the c y b o r g , i t is possible t o embrace the idea o f c o m m u n i t y w i t h o u t assuming the t o t a l i z i n g structures t h a t delineate patriarchal hierarchies. I n the first instance, H a r a w a y (1991) points to the p o l i t i c a l necessity of seeing f r o m " b o t h sides" (machine a n d a n i m a l ) , "because each [side] reveals b o t h d o m i n a t i o n s and possibilities unimaginable f r o m the other v i e w p o i n t " (p. 154). She then goes o n to differentiate between " c o m m u n a l u n i t y , " and " a f f i n i t y " a n d " c o a l i t i o n " as o r g a n i z i n g c o m m u n a l factors. H a r a w a y p o w e r f u l l y identifies the corpus o f the c y b o r g as a selfconscious c o a l i t i o n — a p o l i t i c a l k i n s h i p forged f r o m radical ^ feminist initiative a n d a c t i o n — a n d necessarily i n v o l v i n g difference and contra-

180

Virtual

Culture

d i c t i o n . For H a r a w a y , b u i l d i n g effective u n i t y does n o t eradicate the r e v o l u t i o n a r y subject, f o r the permeability o f boundaries i n b o t h the body a n d the b o d y p o l i t i c assures transgressive leakages as w e l l as radical fusions. N e w couplings m u s t , o f necessity, b r i n g a b o u t n e w coalitions. T h e question then becomes h o w t o ally the n e w technologies w i t h progressive p o l i t i c a l movements. A n d here H a r a w a y (1991) p o i n t s to the e m p o w e r m e n t o f feminist t e x t u a l i t y , o f h a v i n g access to the signifying practices t h a t " m a r k the w o r l d " (p. 175). H a r a w a y writes, "Feminist c y b o r g stones have the task o f recoding c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d intelligence to subvert c o m m a n d a n d c o n t r o l " (p. 175). W h a t is p a r t i c u l a r l y interesting a b o u t H a r a w a y ' s conception is t h a t such p o l i t i c a l e m p o w e r m e n t is constituted from textuality—in other w o r d s f r o m women's collected voices, stories, a n d m y t h s . A n d i t is here t h a t I believe a c o m m u n i t y emerges w i t h m the cyberspatial m a t r i x : w o m e n j o i n the c i r c u i t r y o f the electronic n e t w o r k , responding t o one another's dialogue t h r o u g h digitized conversation. Steven Jones (1995) likewise, defines the nature o f electronic exchange as i n v o l v i n g aspects o f c o m m u n i t y , i f o n l y because o f the ritual sharing of information. H i s observation is interesting, f o r i t underscores the role t h a t technology plays i n establishing new relations a m o n g users. Judy S m i t h a n d Ellen Balka (1988) s i m i l a r l y r e p o r t t h a t using " t a l k t e r m i n o l o g y " m a y affect the w a y w e conceptualize w o r d s o n the n e t w o r k . U s i n g the t e r m " c h a t t i n g " t o describe the m o d e o f w r i t i n g t h a t takes place o n the electronic n e t w o r k , S m i t h and Balka speculate t h a t this type o f i n f o r m a l i t y (where the w r i t e r doesn't reread o r r e w r i t e her message to correct spelling o r g r a m m a r errors) m a y i n v i t e m o r e people o f differing educational levels a n d interests to enter i n t o electronic discussions. Research like this demonstrates the p o w e r f u l sociological i m p a c t t h a t electronic c o m m u n i c a tions can b r i n g to bear o n h u m a n behavior and social relations. A t the same t i m e , the Internet is a p o w e r f u l l y conservative venue, m i r r o r i n g gender-based ideologies t h a t circulate i n the larger c u l t u r e . C h a l l e n g i n g w o m e n to i d e n t i f y the issues o f their gendered realities means c o n f r o n t i n g behavior t h a t has developed m response t o p a t r i a r c h a l pressures. T h i s s i t u a t i o n creates a double b i n d f o r w o m e n t h a t p o t e n t i a l l y m a r k s cyberspace as a d i f f i c u l t , even u n c o m f o r t a b l e , social space. Consider Stacy H o r n ' s development o f a mixed-gender electronic b u l l e t i n b o a r d called E c h o N Y C (Glenn, 1 9 9 6 ) . T h i s online service constitutes a v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y comprised o f artists, w r i t e r s , a n d f i l m m a k e r s . Because the b u l l e t i n b o a r d is art-based, rather t h a n technical o r business-oriented, H o r n has attracted a diverse clientele, i n c l u d i n g 4 0 percent female m e m b e r s h i p . She attributes this high percentage o f w o m e n to her aggressive r e c r u i t i n g practices and c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l politics. Yet, even H o r n was surprised t o find t h a t once the w o m e n were online, they seldom interacted, engaging i n the k i n d o f electronic behavior k n o w n as " l u r k i n g " (listening i n t o conversations, b u t n o t speaking). H o r n addressed the issue by i n i t i a t i n g a discussion o f the possible reasons f o r this behavior, and she

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f o u n d , as Stone h a d earlier speculated, t h a t the w o m e n were projecting embodied identities into cyberspace. I n other w o r d s , as the female users wrote themselves i n t o this v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y , they d i d so m an imagined social space very m u c h defined by their experiences i n a p a t r i a r c h a l culture. As a result their discourse patterns were " g e n d e r e d , " meaning, i n this case, t h a t the female users were less p a r t i c i p a t o r y t h a n their male counterparts, a n d o f t e n silent. T h i s is n o t t o o s u r p r i s i n g given the studies w h i c h demonstrate t h a t w o m e n participate m o r e readily o n a l l - w o m e n n e t w o r k s (Ebben Sc K r a m a r a e , 1993; T h o m e , K r a m a r a e , & H e n l e y , 1 9 8 3 ) . Y e t left unchecked, this t y p e o f n e t w o r k i n g behavior can underscore, rather t h a n u n d e r m i n e , conservative gender relations. For Stacy H o r n , i t was a topic w o r t h t a k i n g up w i t h the E c h o N Y C p a r t i c i p a n t s , and she was q u i c k to r e m i n d the w o m e n o f the i m p o r t a n c e o f their voices t o the overall success o f the n e t w o r k . E v e n t u a l l y , H o r n d i d succeed i n r e c r u i t i n g as m a n y female f o r u m leaders as male, suggesting, perhaps, t h a t c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l politics m a y be one w a y t o a f f o r d real p o l i t i c a l change w i t h i n v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s . H a d H o r n r e m a i n e d uninterested i n the demographics o f her online service, i t seems certain t h a t business w o u l d have prevailed as usual. S i m i l a r l y , there are w o m e n w h o are shaping c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies to meet their o w n p o l i t i c a l ends. One o f the most successful projects is the W o m e n ' s O p p o r t u n i t y and Resource Development ( W O R D ) , w h i c h is r u n o u t o f M i s s o u l a , M o n t a n a , a n d develops electronic projects geared specifically t o w a r d w o m e n and l o w e r - i n c o m e people (Smith, 1992, p . 70). A l l o f the state's w o m e n p r o g r a m s are online, and the agency offers thirteen displaced home-maker programs, i n c l u d i n g one w h i c h teaches w o m e n w i t h small businesses h o w to do cash flow accounts electronically. W i t h state and federal s u p p o r t , the agency is also able t o provide loans to w o m e n t o start their o w n businesses and enter i n t o a profitable m a r k e t economy. W O R D represents an online c o m m u n i t y project t h a t has resulted i n real social changes i n the culture at large. I t doesn't seem t o o great a leap, then, t o imagine t h a t these same c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies can f u r t h e r other f e m i n i s t initiatives. A l r e a d y , m fact, w o m e n are stepping f o r w a r d i n a n e f f o r t to shape social perceptions regarding electronic n e t w o r k s . A t the 1995 S I G G R A P H C o m p u t e r Graphics Conference i n Los Angeles, J i l l Scott presented "Frontiers o f U t o p i a , " an interactive cyberspatial c o m m u n i t y , w h e r e p a r t i c i p a n t s h y p e r t e x t u a l l y engage eight different w o m e n , whose histories and lives differ m time a n d geographical l o c a t i o n . Designed t o present alternative views o n w o m e n ' s relationships to h i s t o r y and technology, this interfacing design melds feminist issues w i t h high-tech capabilities. I n a s i m i l a r fashion, G R A N I T E (Gender Relations and N e w Techn o l o g y ) organizes an i n t e r n a t i o n a l n e t w o r k o f scholars and policy-makers online, a n d W O N (Women's O n l i n e N e t w o r k ) coordinates p o l i t i c a l efforts to p r o m o t e w o m e n ' s issues w i t h i n mainstream culture. F u r t h e r m o r e , the U n i v e r s i t y o f Illinois at U r b a n a sponsors the W o m e n , I n f o r m a t i o n

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T e c h n o l o g y , a n d Scholarship C o l l o q u i u m at the Center f o r Advanced Study, a n interdisciplinary g r o u p t h a t w o r k s t o ensure equity across new c o m m u n i c a t i o n s n e t w o r k s . A n d t h o u g h none o f these organizations can ensure t h a t w o m e n w i l l a p p r o p r i a t e a feminist cyberspace or begin to define t h e i r o w n relationships t o the n e w i n f o r m a t i o n technologies, they represent structural attempts t o intervene i n the p a t r i a r c h a l d o m i n a t i o n of electronic technologies. T h e y are reminders t o us t h a t w e can j o i n voices to articulate issues p e r t i n e n t t o ourselves—that cyberspace offers the potential to reconstitute a feminist " s u b j e c t " — l i t e r a l l y t u r n i n g text i n t o tactic. G i v e n the need f o r c o n t i n u e d development o f feminist communities a m i d s t d w i n d l i n g state a n d federal resources, c y b o r g politics d e m a n d that w e reimagme social and p o l i t i c a l possibilities f o r c o m m u n i c a t i n g t h r o u g h electronic m e d i a — t h a t w e utilize a n d mobilize the p o w e r f u l venue that cyberspace offers. T h i s means w o r k i n g w i t h i n existing structures, such as the cyberspatial p r i n t i n d u s t r y represented by Wired, Mondo 2000, and bOmg bOing- its electronic counterparts; a n d educational, g o v e r n m e n t a l , a n d c o r p o r a t e institutions. I t also means c o n t i n u i n g t o cultivate the m a r g i n s o f electronic c u l t u r e , w h e r e greater e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n is t a k i n g place; f o r i n this post-industrial present w e are left w i t h radical i n f o r m a t i o n technologies, possibilities f o r n e w social matrices, a n d issues o f t e x t u a h t y a n d gender t o explore f u r t h e r . T h o u g h we stand little t o g a m b y idealizing these n e w technologies, w e can embrace their difference(s) w i t h the hope t h a t they m i g h t i n t r o d u c e new w a y s t o textuaiize b o t h o u r (social) spaceis) a n d o u r bodies, a l l o w i n g us to reimagine a feminist politics o f the f u t u r e .

183

Refashioning the Techno-Erotic W o m a n

K r a m a r a c a n d H . Jeanie T a y l o r ( 1 9 9 3 ) ior information o n everything from sexual harassment to electronically transferred digitized pornographic pictures. 6. See

Susan Bordo's

postmodern

(1993,

pp. 2 8 3 - 2 8 4 )

discussion of the

reactions

Avcock

A.. &

' In s!g.

B u c h i g n a m , N . ( 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e e-mail murders: Reflections o n " d e a d "

Jones

( E d . ) , CyberSoaety:

Computer-mediated

communication

and

Atlantic

Quarterly,

CSI

3

It <s true that A m b r o n s business is called the " P a r a m o u n t T e c h n o l o g y G r o u p ' s M e d i a

K i t c h e n , " so the photograph

a n d title cleverly c o m m e n t o n the c o m p a n y ' s name, but , „ a

m o r e p r o b l e m a t i c w a y the maternal m e t a p h o r also governs the rhetoric of the article

This

includes everything from author R o c h e l l c G a r n e r ' s ( 1 9 9 4 ) noting A m b r o n ' s " o v e r w h e l m i n g Momness

to seeing her as the " n u r t u r e r of [Silicon V a l l e y ' s ] v t s i o n a n c s " (p. 5 2 ) . I n this

instance, w h e r e is the line d r a w n between p l a y f u l commentary and sexist d e p i c t i o n ' 4

Vivian

telephone

Sobchack

Book,

(1993)

cites

the

example

of

Avital

Roncll,

" w a s f o l l o w e d up in the glossy fourth issue jof Mondo

whose 2000}

Semiotext(c). Bcncdikt, M . ( E d . ) . ( 1 9 9 1 ) . Introduction B o S o T s . ( 1 9 9 3 ) . Unbearable

weight:

to cyberspace: Feminism,

__ Cambridge, M A : M i l

First steps.

Western

culture,

and

publication.

A v , t a l R o n e l l herself . . . p o s e d glamorously in a head shot to die for (what w a s to p a r t of M 2 ' s signature style of male homage Playboy}" 5.

to s m a r t w o m e n : p a r t

become part

Cosmopolitan,

(p. 5 8 1 ) .

Researchers

y

are j u s t beginning to document

the impact of sex-related

behavior

to

w o m e n ' s online participation. T h e i r research concludes, generally, that the climate of the N e t can

exclude

women

and

minorities

from

participating

m

the conversation.

See

Chcris

Berkeley:

the body.

U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press. B o r s o o k , P. ( 1 9 9 3 , N o v e m b e r ) . Release. Wired, Borsook

P

pp. 9 4 - 9 7 , 1 2 4 - 1 2 6 .

( 1 9 9 5 , J u l y ) . T h e goddess m every w o m a n ' s machine. W i r e d , p p . 1 3 3 ,

181.

Branwyn*. G . ( 1 9 9 3 ) . T h e p a i n f u l l y personal confession of a politically-correct salivating p o r n fanatic. bOing bOing, 10, 2 4 - 2 8 . B u k a t m a n , S. ( 1 9 9 3 ) . Terminal identity:

The

virtual

subject

in postmodern

science

D u r h a m , N C . D u k e U n i v e r s i t y Press. D a v i s , E , ( 1 9 9 5 , J u l y ) . Tec'hnopagans: M a y the astral plane be reborn i n cyberspace.

cyberspace

representation,

technology,

and scholarship

fiction. Wired,

a n d the feminine. In M .

Women

and the discourses

of

Creating a

of o u r o w n . I n H . J . T a y l o r , C . K r a m a r a c , 5c M . E b b e n ( E d s . ) ,

Women,

(pp. 1 5 - 2 7 ) . U r b a n a : University of Illinois C e n t e r

for A d v a n c e d Study. G a r n e r , R . ( 1 9 9 4 . A p r i l ) . T h e mother of multimedia. Wired, Glenn

J

pp. 5 z , 5 4 - 5 6 .

( 1 9 9 6 , J a n u a r y / F e b r u a r y ) . M e d i a diet: Stacy h o r n . Vme

Reader,

p.

110.

Goffm'an, K . ( 1 9 9 2 ) . E v o l u t i o n a r y mutations. I n R . R u c k c r , R . U . S i n u s , 8c Q . M u , 2000:

A user's

guide

Mondo

to the neiv edge. N e w Y o r k : H a r p e r C o l l i n s .

G u g l i c l m o , C . ( 1 9 9 4 , F e b r u a r y ) . C l a s s leader. W i r e d , pp. 4 4 , 4 6 . H a r a w a y , D . J . ( 1 9 9 1 ) . Simians, cyborgs, and women: The reinvention

of nature.

Routledge. Hossfield, K . ( 1 9 9 4 ) . Small, HotWired's

w i t h Professor

681¬

copyrights in the digital age. Wired, p p . 8 4 - 9 0 , 1 2 6 - 2 9 . B a u d r i l l a r d , J . ( 1 9 8 3 ) . Simulations. (P. Foss, P. Patron, 6c P. B e i t c h m a n , T r a n s . ) . N e w Y o r k :

information

2 . T h e authors demonstrate that "the urge to c o n t e x t u a l ^ m conventional terms as a m e a n s to c o m p r e h e n d a n d situate discourse seems to be quite powerful in . . . fthel electronic e n v i r o n m e n t despite its ideology of r s t a n c e to c o n t c x t u a i i z a t i o n " ( A y c o c k & B u c h i g n a m , 1995, p. 216).

94,

712. Barbi, S i a ( 1 9 9 6 ) . L i v i n g D o l l s . bOing bOing, 14, 4 4 - 4 8 . B a r l o w , J . ( 1 9 9 4 , M a r c h ) . T h e economy of ideas: A f r a m e w o r k for rethinking patents and

science (pp. 1 6 3 - 1 7 6 ) . N e w Y o r k : Routledge. Ebben M 5c K r a m a r a c , C . ( 1 9 9 3 ) . W o m e n a n d information technologies: of

letters.

community

(pp. 1 8 4 - 2 3 1 ) . T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage. B a l s a m o , A . ( 1 9 9 3 ) . F e m i n i s m for the incurably i n f o r m e d . South

J a c o b u s , E . F . K e l l e r , Sc S. Shuttleworth ( E d s . ) , Body/Politics:

1- Sec also G a r e t h B r a n w y n ' s ( 1 9 9 3 ) defense of his s e x . s m agamst "che gnarly gram short-sighted f e m i n i s m " (p. 2 4 ) .

to

References

pp.' 1 2 6 - 1 3 3 , 1 7 4 - 1 8 1 . D o a n c M A (1990). Technophilia: Technology,

Notes

negative

"decentercdness".

foreign,

W e l c o m e Page. ( 1 9 9 5 ) .

H u t c h c o n , L . ( 1 9 9 4 ) . Irony's

New York: .

and female.

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The I n t e r n e t has t r a n s f o r m e d the nature o f c o m m u n i t y and identity w i t h i n the U n i t e d States. A l o n g w i t h other groups, this n e w m e d i u m has affected the cohesiveness o f subversive organizations. I n d i v i d u a l s p r o p a g a t i n g N a z i ideologies have t r a d i t i o n a l l y operated i n isolation, w i t h l i m i t e d ties to o r g a n i z a t i o n a l structures. Yet w i t h the emergence o f electronic m a i l a n d the W o r l d W i d e W e b , subversives are n o w discovering the means o f p r o p a g a t ing their message b e y o n d the n a r r o w confines o f pre-established alliances. Subversive literature functions as the discursive a r t i c u l a t i o n o f a c o m m u n i t y , a n d expresses its historical consciousness and c u l t u r a l identificat i o n . Based o n this historical and c u l t u r a l b a c k g r o u n d , an argumentative Weltanschauung has developed w h i c h fosters a rhetoric o f a n t i p a t h y , one b a r i n g the u n i q u e m a r k i n g s o f A m e r i c a n radicalism. I n d i v i d u a l s w h o propagate this discourse are unified i n c o m p l e x structures o f a shared subversive ideology. T h e y are " i n t e r p e l l a t e d , " a p h e n o m e n o n Althusser defines as the discursive process o f e v o k i n g a collection o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o a g r o u p t h r o u g h an ideological screen ( C h a r l a n d , 1 9 8 7 , p . 148). T h i s ideological " i n t e r p e l l a t i n g " becomes especially i m p o r t a n t w h e n e x a m i n i n g subversive culture i n cyberspace. Here a person loses the spatial markers t h a t determine g r o u p membership. Benedict A n d e r s o n (1983) argues i n his w o r k Imagined Communities t h a t c o m m u n a l structures, such as shared spatial, c u l t u r a l , a n d linguistic domains, are necessary i n order t o b i n d members together. Y e t w i t h i n the Internet a defined spatial d i m e n s i o n does n o t exist. T h e v i r t u a l reality o f cyberspace does n o t c o n f o r m w i t h o u r t r a d i t i o n a l n o t i o n s o f c o m m u n i t y , one w h i c h allows i n d i v i d u a l s to physically interact o n a d a y t o day basis (Rosello, 1994, p p . 1 3 1 - 1 3 2 ) . These cybercultures lack w h a t Heidegger (1962) defines as the "everydayness" o f life, w h i c h is r e q u i r e d i n order t o create das Man, or the larger structures o f society w h i c h , i n t u r n , shape the i n d i v i d u a l sense o f Being-mthe-world.

Access to Radical Materials The d i f f i c u l t access to r a d i c a l materials has t r a d i t i o n a l l y plagued subversive organizations. F o r example, G e r m a n y c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y banned the

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p u b l i c a t i o n o r d i s t r i b u t i o n o f N a z i documents after W o r l d W a r H ÍCharney, 1 9 9 5 ) . I n the 1990s the G e r m a n government also outlawed skinhead heavy m e t a l music w i t h lyrics p r o m o t i n g hate, after neo-Nazi y o u t h s b u r n e d the residence o f T u r k i s h Gastarbeiter. Y e t w i t h global access to the i n t e r n e t , the a u t o n o m y o f one n a t i o n to restrict radical literature has been greatly reduced. Documents posted o n the W o r l d Wide W e b are n o w available to anyone w i t h the technological capacity t o gam access. T h i s freedom t o disseminate materials over the i n t e r n e t has led to a t h r i v i n g r a d i c a l c u l t u r e . This c o m m u n i c a t i o n technology is also creating n e w legal issues as , t bypasses n a t i o n a l c o n t r o l mechanisms, thereby challenging t r a d i t i o n a l notions o f n a t i o n a l sovereignty. T h e implications of this change were recendy illustrated w h e n Germany attempted to assert c o n t r o l over literature available w i t h i n its o w n borders by c a l l i n g on CompuServe t o restrict access to radical materials (Brenner, Í996) While the server a t first attempted to abide by this restriction, the c o m p a n y has n o w decided, i n a s t r i k i n g reversal, to restrict Germany's access to the W e b , rather t h a n hamper the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f i n f o r m a t i o n f o r p a t r o n s . I n the future such issues m a y be rendered m o o t as a US c o u r t recently decided i n f a v o r o f m a i n t a i n i n g free speech over the Internet. A judge s u p p o r t i n g the decision argued t h a t i t is better to a l l o w the cacophony o f voices o n the Internet t o c o n t r o l itself w i t h o u t the use o f governmental o r judicial i n t e r v e n t i o n (Lewis, 1996).

Historical Development The r a d i c a l r i g h t is a c o m p e n d i u m o f disparate groups w i t h different, often c o n f u t i n g , ideologies w h i c h nonetheless share certain elements i n c o m m o n a vociferous sense o f hatred e x t e n d i n g t o w a r d one o r m o r e groups (typically i n v o l v i n g racism and anti-Semitism), disdain t o w a r d the a u t h o r i t y or the federal government, and a strong o r loose f a m i l i a l tie to the K u K i u x K l a n o r other Nazi-based organizations w h i c h originated i n the first h a l f o f this century i n A m e r i c a . E l i n o r Langer (1990) i n her w o r k " T h e A m e r i c a n N e o - N a z i M o v e m e n t T o d a y " estimates membership i n these organizations as a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2 0 , 0 0 0 to 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 persons, a n u m b e r t h a t is substantial b u t nonetheless equaling o n l y a f r a c t i o n o f a l l Americans H i s t o r i c a l l y , US r a d i c a l i s m can be traced back to a n t i - i m m i g r a n t a n d anti-rehgious movements. W h i l e Gustavus M y e r s (1960), i n his study the History of Bigotry in the United States, f o u n d seeds o f prejudice m the very b i r t h o f the n a t i o n , serious p o l i t i c a l c o n f r o n t a t i o n began o n l y w i t h the A m e r i c a n a n t i - C a t h o l i c m o v e m e n t w h i c h blossomed d u r i n g the 1830s T i n s m o v e m e n t led t o the f o r m a t i o n o f a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y d u b b e d the " K n o w Nothings w h i c h u l t i m a t e l y collapsed i n t o the n e w l y created Republican l a r t y . T h e K l a n itself began i n the A m e r i c a n South d u r i n g the 1860s i n reaction to the t u r m o i l caused by the C i v i l W a r . Formed as a social c l u b t o r bored Confederate soldiers, its members w o r e bed-sheets i n order t o

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frighten emancipated slaves. W i t h i n several years of its f o u n d a t i o n , K l a n orders h a d s p r u n g u p over the South and were responsible f o r terrorist activities and deaths, m o s t via lynchings o f A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n s (Katz, 1987). I n the 1920s the K l a n reached the peak o f its membership after D . W . G r i f f i t h ' s p r o - K l a n film, Birth of a Nation, was released. A t its peak, about 20 percent o f the w h i t e males were listed as members, i n c l u d i n g representatives o f Congress (Lipset St R a a b , 1 9 7 0 , p . 111). D u r i n g this time the K l a n targeted p r e d o m i n a t e l y blacks a n d Catholics. I n fact, many of the robes a n d rituals o f the K l a n were meant as parodies of Catholicism. M e m b e r s considered themselves t o be the upholders o f the law structures o f o r d e r , and Protestant C h r i s t i a n virtues. One study or early t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y K l a n membership f o u n d t h a t the t w o most p r o m i n e n t professions i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n were religious ministers and police officers (Katz, 1 9 8 7 ) . _ The civil rights m o v e m e n t o f the 1960s changed the relationship of the K l a n to legal a u t h o r i t y , a n aspect t h a t w o u l d continue to reverberate t h r o u g h o u t c o n t e m p o r a r y radicalism. T h e prosperity o f the p o s t - W o r l d W a r I I years h a d reduced the membership o f the K l a n , c o n f i n i n g i t to the deep a n d less prosperous Southern region. W h e n the " J i m C r o w " Southern states refused t o abolish segregation, the n a t i o n a l government, under the Kennedy and Johnson a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , sent t r o o p s i n t o the states to enforce these federal laws. T h e K l a n strove to d i s r u p t the activities o f the N o r t h e r n g o v e r n m e n t agents, as Southerners brandished the Confederate flag as a sign o f r e b e l l i o n against the l i b e r a l , educated, and largely East Coast forces o f the g o v e r n m e n t . W h i l e today l a w suits a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n f i g h t i n g have largely d i m i n i s h e d the K l a n , splinter groups n o w flourish across the c o u n t r y , each m a i n t a i n i n g a c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l role w i t h the Ui> g o v e r n m e n t (Bennett, 1 9 8 8 ) . T h e c o n t e m p o r a r y A m e r i c a n extremist r i g h t today generally descends f r o m these earlier K l a n organizations as w e l l as the A m e r i c a n N a z i m o v e m e n t . Together they share strident racial sentiments, often augmented by a religious o r a serm-cosmological v i e w o f the creation o f h u m a n i t y . These groups include such divergent organizations as the religiously oriented C h r i s t i a n I d e n t i t y sect t o the secular, California-based organiza t i o n W h i t e A r y a n Resistance ( W A R ) . C h r i s t i a n Identity members believe t h a t A r y a n s are the real chosen people o f the Bible, t h a t Jews have actually descended f r o m Satan, a n d t h a t a l l non-whites are " m u d - p e o p l e , the o f f s p r i n g o f a rejected creature made before A d a m { B a r k u n , 1994) James R i d g e w a y s (1990) w o r k o n A m e r i c a n e x t r e m i s m takes its title, Blood in the Face, f r o m the C h r i s t i a n I d e n t i t y belief t h a t o n l y true h u m a n beings, t h a t is, w h i t e s , have the capacity to blush o r have " b l o o d i n the ace. M e m b e r s o f this o r g a n i z a t i o n v i e w this p h e n o m e n o n as the p r o o f t h a t persons o f other races d o n o t constitute h u m a n beings. ;

A n o t h e r p r o m i n e n t g r o u p , the W h i t e A r y a n Resistance ( W A R ) , was f o u n d e d b v television r e p a i r m a n T o m Metzger. Metzger r a n a t a l k s h o w entitled Race and Reason o n a cable-access channel i n San Diego

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t h r o u g h o u t m u c h o f the 1980s (Ridgeway, 1990). O n his p r o g r a m , guests discussed the genetic i n f e r i o r i t y o f Jews and m i n o r i t i e s and the i m m i n e n t threat t o the w h i t e race posed by a f f i r m a t i v e action and inter-marriage Metzger's g r o u p produced newsletters, magazines, r a d i o p r o g r a m s , and videotapes p r o m o t i n g their racist message. I n her w o r k , Langer (1990) describes one such tape where a W A R video opens with a laugh track over a scene of bulldozers burying bodies at Auschwitz, the narrator stating: "When the people can no longer tolerate the Jews, those people who don't believe >n the Holocaust will want one; and those who do believe m the Holocaust will want another one. . . . The next holocaust won t be a hoax.' (p. 85) G r o u p s s u p p o r t i n g such views have increasingly become active i n the N o r t h w e s t e r n p a r t o f A m e r i c a , such as n o r t h e r n C a l i f o r n i a , O r e g o n , W a s h i n g t o n , a n d I d a h o , where agencies i n 1989 reported a 4 0 0 percent increase i n anti-Semitic activities (Langer, 1990). A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t o r g a n i z a t i o n , one w h i c h d i d n o t directly descend f r o m the K l a n o r N a z i movement, is t h a t o f the skinheads ( H a m m 1993) T h i s loosely structured m o v e m e n t emerged d u r i n g the 1980s f r o m the economically depressed blue-collar u r b a n centers m B r i t a i n . T h e i r distinctive hair-styles a n d rebellious c l o t h i n g were at first meant as signs o f protest against d o m i n a n t English society. Strident racial views developed amongst a p o r t i o n o f the skinhead f o l l o w i n g , often directed t o w a r d Pakistani i m m i g r a n t s w h o sought e m p l o y m e n t i n L o n d o n . F r o m this g r o u p a subset o f the culture emerged w h i c h embraced racial d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ( K o v a i e s k i , 1 9 9 6 ) . T h i s racist segment o f the movement spread t h r o u g h o u t the Western w o r l d d u r i n g the 1980s and 1990s, p r o m o t e d i n p a r t by the distinctive version o f heavy m e t a l music its members p r o d u c e d . F i n a l l y , an older r a d i c a l g r o u p is k n o w n as the Posse C o m i t a t u s a name t h a t extends f r o m one o f the organization's central desires: local rule. W h i l e Posse members do n o t play a significant role o n the Internet, their ideology has influenced the belief structures o f other r a d i c a l organizations. I n this w a y they effectively crystallize a variety o f radical views. T h e Posse C o m i t a t u s members believe t h a t the n a t i o n a l g o v e r n ment is i n v o l v e d i n a vast conspiracy t o destroy farmers, w h i t e people and the A m e r i c a n f a m i l y (Ridgeway, 1990). They adhere tenaciously t o the belief m Z O G (the Z i o n i s t O c c u p a t i o n a l G o v e r n m e n t ) , w h i c h they see as a s y n o n y m f o r the US government. Posse members argue t h a t Z O G is c o n t r o l l e d b y the i n t e r n a t i o n a l Jewish Conspiracy, a g r o u p o f p o w e r f u l Jewish financiers w h o together essentially rule the w o r l d . As a result o f this belief, members refuse to pay taxes, carry social security o r driver's license cards, and instead f r e q u e n d y stockpile weapons and a w a i t the day o f the u l t i m a t e c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h the Jewish-controlled authorities (Ridgeway, 1 9 9 0 ) . I n a d d i t i o n to these d o m i n a n t organizations, other groups, comprised o f tax revoiters a n d a n t i - e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t ranchers m the N o r t h w e s t e r n

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United States, have arisen over the years to add to this anti-government sentiment M a n y o f their members subscribe to the c o n s p i r a t o r i a l fear or Z O G , as d o m o s t radical hate groups. Indeed, a belief m Z O G has become one o f the chief tenets o f the radical r i g h t . I t finds expression i n the w i d e l y held conspiracy t h e o r y t h a t the p o w e r o f the US government and the Federal Reserve B o a r d operate at the very center of Z O G . T h i s sense of w o r l d - w i d e conspiracy has recently been f u r t h e r embellished f o r these groups by an u n w i l l i n g supporter w h e n President Bush, m a 1990 speech d u r i n g the G u l f W a r , described the development o f a " N e w W o r l d O r d e r " of nations. W i t h i n A m e r i c a n radicalism, this t e r m has come to stand f o r the Jewish-backed U N powers that are to invade the U n i t e d States w i t h the goal o f d e p r i v i n g Christians of their rights, liberties, and lives (After O k l a h o m a (2), 1 9 9 5 ) .

Subversives in Cyberspace: Web Sites and Belief Structures of the Radicals W h i l e these groups have a l o n g history i n the U n i t e d States, the technology o f the Internet has been critical i n terms o f increasing v i s i b i l i t y . R a b b i A b r a h a m C o o p e r o f the Los Angeles-based Wiesenthal Center argues: " a l o n g w i t h a l l o f the w o n d e r f u l educational o p p o r t u n i t i e s being b o r n every day v i a the Internet and o n - l i n e resources, hate groups are aggressively u t i l i z i n g the same avenues to p r o m o t e their hate-filled agendas" (cited m Schwartz, 1995, p . 2 2 ) . I n order to understand this use o f the Internet, I w i l l first discu'ss the emerging radical cyber-sites, before e x p l i c a t i n g some o f the dimensions w h i c h have t r a n s f o r m e d radical individuals i n t o a subversive community. A r y a n and w h i t e p o w e r groups i n cyberspace are represented o n a variety o f W e b sites, the most p r o m i n e n t being Reverend R o n a l d Schoedel's " C h r i s t i a n I d e n t i t y O n - l i n e , " the " N a t i o n a l A l l i a n c e , " and the " S t o r m f r o n t W h i t e N a t i o n a l i s t Resource Page." Listserves f o r w h i t e supremacists include " S t o r m f r o n t - L " a n d the " A r y a n N e w s A g e n c y . " T h e t w o most p o p u l a r Usenet n e w s g r o u p s — w h i c h are the focus o f this chapter—are ait.pohtics. n a t i o n a l i s m . w h i t e and a l t . p o h t i c s . w h i t e - p o w e r . These newsgroups have been featured i n journalistic analyses as well as praised by the radicals themselves as being central to the g r o w i n g radical n e t w o r k . I n a d d i t i o n to such t r a d i t i o n a l f o r m s o f access o n the Internet, T o m Metzger has extended technology even f u r t h e r b y advertising o n the " W h i t e A r y a n Resistance W e b Page" a free p r o v i d e r f o r any racist homepage t h a t may have been censored b y c o m m e r c i a l servers. A n o t h e r p r o m i n e n t radical g r o u p t o be represented o n the Internet is that o f the skinheads. T h e A l t a V i s t a search engine reveais a plethora o f A m e r i c a n organizations o n the W e b , b o t h at n a t i o n a l and regional locations. These include " W o l f p a c k Services" and "Skinheads U.S.A. L i n k s Page." T h e listserve f o r skinheads has been a p p r o p r i a t e l y named "Resist-

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L i s t , " the title reflecting the hostile ethos cultivated by g r o u p members The m o s t p r o m i n e n t n e w s g r o u p s f o r skinheads are a l t . s k m h e a d s and aIt.skinheads.moderated, a l t h o u g h u p o n accessing the moderated newsg r o u p , I f o u n d f e w postings compared to the heavy traffic evident o n the n o n - m o d e r a t e d net. Radical cyberculture m general has also cultivated ties to i n t e r n a t i o n a l sources, targeting lands w i t h strict censorship laws, such as G e r m a n y . These organizations include: " D e n m a r k (D.N.S.B.) " " N o r w a y Resources," "Swedish Resources Page," " B r i t i s h N a t i o n a l P a r t y , " " S t o r m f r o n t : Spanish L a n g u a g e . " T h e n a t i o n m o s t p r o m i n e n t l y represented here is t h a t o f G e r m a n y , w i t h W e b sites listed f o r " Z u n d e i s i t e : German Language" í ™ ; , " , G e r m a n L a n g u a g e " (n.d.), " N a t i o n a l e V o l k s p a r t i i / CP 86 (n.d.), and " G e r m á n i c a O n l i n e " (n.d.). S t o

r m f r o n C :

T h e d o m i n a n t t r a f f i c k i n g o f subversive discourse still travels t h r o u g h A m e r i c a . Here members can be easily r o u t e d to a variety o f groups t h r o u g h a clearing s t a t i o n , such as the A r y a n Re-Education L i n k . This station is a l i n k i n g service f o r t h i r t y - f o u r separate radical W e b pages T h e groups represented tend t o w a r d the skinhead spectrum, b u t w h i t e supremacists are advertised as w e l l . T w e n t y - t w o o f these groups are i r o n i c a l l y represented by their l o g o , and i t is here that an e x a m i n a t i o n o f s y m b o l i c , c u l t u r a l discourse can begin. Subversive cultures operate w i t h i n w h a t Wittgenstein (1953) describes i n his Philosophical Investigations as a "language g a m e . " Wittgenstein argues t h a t language itself functions w i t h i n a c o m m u n i t y and t h a t discursive game rules f o r m u l a t e the n o t i o n s o f r a t i o n a l i t y t h a t exist w i t h i n t h a t c u l t u r e As one moves f r o m one society t o another, the rules and n o r m s o f the language game change. Based o n these assumptions, linguistic, tropológlca!, and symbolic c o m m u n i c a t i o n can reveal m u c h a b o u t the u n i f y i n g dimensions o f a c u l t u r e . W i t h the radical cybercommumties, the d o m i n a n t m e t a p h o n c associat i o n used b y g r o u p members is t h a t o f w a r . Symbolically, the radicals associate themselves w i t h icons o f p o l i t i c a l oppression, violence, a n d death. O r g a n i z a t i o n s tending t o w a r d A r y a n beliefs t y p i c a l l y e m p l o y the swastika s y m b o l o f the T h i r d Reich, such as t h a t used by the "Independent W h i t e Racist H o m e p a g e . " Skinhead groups are more likely t o t u r n t o images o f violence, i n c l u d i n g the insignia o f the " N e w Jersey Skinhead Page," where a threatening fist has the w o r d " s k i n " tattooed'across the fingers V a r i o u s dimensions o f dress a n d b o d y culture reinforce these symbols. W h i t e supremacists f r e q u e n d y wear m i l i t a r y c l o t h i n g at times d o n n i n g f u l l c a m o u f l a g e a t t i r e . Skinheads i n p a r t i c u l a r p r e f e r a p a r a m i l i t a r y style, the m o s t p r o m i n e n t c u l t u r a l artifact being their m i l i t a r y boots w h i c h members w e a r ( H a m m , 1993). So i m p o r t a n t are these boots t h a t they have become an insignia o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , w i t h members using greetings such as " H e i l B o o t b o y . " T h i s cyberculture reflects, i n general, an overall fixation o n w a r . For e x a m p l e , the architects o f the T h i r d Reich f u n c t i o n as heroic key figures f o r b o t h w h i t e supremacists a n d skinheads ( T a l t y , 1996). The i m p o r t a n c e

Approaching

the Radical

Other

191

of the N a z i era is made apparent i n p a r t t h r o u g h the c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n of fascist regalia. F o r example, o n a k . p o l i t i c s . w h i t e - p o w e r , a m a n selling an "early e d i t i o n o f H i t l e r ' s Mem Kampf," received a response o f interest f r o m C h r i s t i a n I d e n t i t y leader Reverend R o n a l d Schoedel ( 1 9 9 6 ) . T h e N S D A P m a i l order catalogue features hundreds o f N a z i items and m i l i t a r y paraphernalia, i n c l u d i n g a swastika stick p m (item # 2 1 1 ) , " W a r Songs o f the T h i r d R e i c h " ( # 2 0 1 ) , a n d a p h o t o g r a p h b o o k entitled, " T h e H i t l e r W e Loved and W h y " (#189) ( M a i l O r d e r Catalogue, 1996). T h e solicitation of N a z i goods reinforces c u l t u r a l icons w h i l e encouraging a consumenst o r i e n t a t i o n t o w a r d s radical materials. I n this w a y , this v i r t u a l marketplace for N a z i goods offers f o r sale valued symbols and texts as i t spreads a n d strengthens the ideas w h i c h these items signify. T h i s w a r - c e n t r i c Weltanschauung colors the belief structure o f m a n y of these radical members. H i s t o r i a n R i c h a r d H o f s t a d t e r (1965) has labeled a p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h w a r and conspiracy as the discursive characteristics o f the " p a r a n o i d style." G r a n d conspiracies, H o f s t a d t e r argues, indicate a f o r m o f p o l i t i c a l psycho-pathology. T h i s p a t h o l o g y causes individuals to interpret unrelated events as ones causally l i n k e d , revealing designs of t y r a n n y a n d oppression. T h e acceptance o f Z O G as the d o m i n a n t mechanism o f w o r l d c o n t r o l clearly demonstrates a " p a r a n o i d style." Y e t i t is also i m p o r t a n t to go b e y o n d the stylistic aspects o f p o l i t i c a l psychop a t h o l o g y i n order t o understand h o w this p a r a n o i d discourse leads to a sense o f g r o u p cohesion. One central, u n i f y i n g b o n d o f this movement lies m its m y t h i c belief structures, ones w h i c h b l u r the t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n between fabricated narratives a n d standard conceptions o f h i s t o r y . W i t h i n these m y t h s , d e m o n figures, such as Z O G , f u n c t i o n to discursively g r o u n d narrative structures w h i c h , ' i n t u r n , keep the c o m m u n i t y together. T h e constructed demonic " c o n s p i r a t o r s " constitute essential elements w i t h i n this process: they become the catalysts f o r the u n f o l d i n g o f a series o f narratives w h i c h then give rise to an all-encompassing w o r l d v i e w . T o understand the significance o f these devil figures and the w a y in w h i c h they are depicted, one must t u r n t o the r a d i c a l subversive's approach to the O t h e r .

Approaching the Other W i t h the development o f existentialist p h i l o s o p h y and the rise o f mass r a c i a l genocide, academic communities have come to address the issue o f the O t h e r . Theumssen (1984) argues t h a t " f e w issues have exercised as p o w e r f u l a h o l d over the t h o u g h t o f this century as t h a t o f 'the O t h e r ' " (p 1) T h e academic conceptualization of the Other has been richly e n d o w e d by m a n y t r a d i t i o n s . B u i l d i n g u p o n the existentialist t e r m i n o l o g y o f Heidegger a n d Sartre, c o n t e m p o r a r y critics are n o w addressing the O t h e r f r o m the perspective o f f e m i n i s m and post-colonial t h e o r y . A shared conception h e l d by these schools of t h o u g h t views the Other as a

192

Virtual Culture

d i s e m p o w e r e d agent, one depicted as a serviceable being whose labor « a p p r o p r i a t e d b y the d o m i n a n t society. Sampson ( 1 9 9 3 ) contends t h a t the other , a figure constructed to be serviceable to the historically dominant s

white male group. In order to provide this service, the other cannot be p e r m S o n l v ,mn % K ways ° ' permitted J ?by the dominant ° ' discourse, fp. 13) mute or only the V

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m the process t h a t defines the O t h e r . D e r o g a t o r y terms f u n c t i o n n o t o n l y to demoralize, b u t also t o p r o v i d e a label t h a t mandates an essential i d e n t i t y . T h e supremacist discourse examined here harbors a t w o - f o l d p o r t r a i t o f the O t h e r . These t w o p r e v a i l i n g constructions serve d i f f e r i n g yet interdependent purposes w i t h i n the movement, a n d can be "best categorized as: the O t h e r as social contaminant- and the O t h e r as p o w e r f u l conspirator. F

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menace has attacked our cues and suburbs with more force than all of the hostile Indian tribes and French/English forces combined and organized against u r i r c o i o n i a i and post-revolutionary days. Yet, we continue to treat our enemy as citizens. (Bertleson, 1996) T h i s p o r t r a i t o f A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n s isolates t h e m as a nefarious a n d particularly f o r e i g n source o f c o n t a m i n a t i o n . A c c o r d i n g t o such logic, black A m e r i c a n s

personify and trigger u r b a n - s u b u r b a n decay.

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respect they become the causal agent f o r the impersonal forces affecting the p o p u l a t e d sectors o f US society. The depiction fulfills w h a t Boehmer argues above: the A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n serves as the antithesis t o d o m i n a n t society, thus negatively m i r r o r i n g the c u l t u r a l a n d social superiority of the colonizer. A c o n t r i b u t o r o n a l t . p o l i t i c s . n a t i o n a h s m . w h i t e articulated racist statements w h i c h depicted A f r i c a n s as p r i m i t i v e : " A f r i c a sucks, i t is a stone age c o n t i n e n t a n d A f r i c a n s are b r i n g i n g the stone age to Europe

and

Arnenca. W h y are w e a l l o w i n g i t ? " ( " R a d , " 1996a) H e r e again A f r i c a n Americans become the counter-image t o the civilized, p r o d u c t i v e side of society. T h i s c u l t u r e d , civilized p o r t r a i t is used i n t u r n t o define the A r y a n racists themselves as ideal. Such strident racism o f t e n loosely hides larger fears a b o u t society

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façade concerning the " d a n g e r s " of A f n c a n - A m e n c a n s as a u n i q u e c u l t u r a l g r o u p becomes m o r e apparent w h e n removed f r o m the US context^ T h e

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racist r e a c t i o n t o the O t h e r surfaces as subversives f r o m other nations post The c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the O t h e r as social c o n t a m i n a n t is evident t h r o u g h o u t the l i t e r a t u r e o f the radical subversives. Here the O t h e r m e t a p h o r i c a l l y becomes a c u l t u r a l disease, one whose very presence w . t h m the n a t i o n is sufficient t o destroy the social stability a n d the special values w h i c h made he n a t i o n s t r o n g a t its f o u n d i n g . T h i s depiction o f the O t h e r holds strong ties t o the genre o f racist discourse articulated earlier i n A m e r i c a n history as w e l l as i n racist N a z i p r o p a g a n d a o f the 1930s a n d the French a n t i 199m r i " « « n t h century (Dinnerstem, 1994; R i d g e w a y , C

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1990) The i m p o r t a n c e o f constructing completely new myths-the radical s discursive m w n f t o - r e m a i n s less critical m this c o n t e x t t h a n the question o f h o w cybercultures a p p r o p r i a t e antecedent genres m fostering c u r r e n t n a r r a t i v e structures. 6

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Skinhead W e b Page" d i s t r i b u t e d a s t r i k i n g l y similar message: Are vou tired of seeing your community turning into gang bang outs? Arc you ured o seeîng drugs sold in your area? Tired of C A N A D A spending millions of your tax dollars on immigration not including the price of keeping landed Immigrants and refugees in the country. Keeping these claimants could result in n X s " i your ,ob, your tax money and your C A N A D I A N hem^ge^^^ Thrrd w o r l d i m m gration is killing our people and our way of life. GET I N V O L V L L J ANDTSTOTO UP FOR Y O U R W H I T E RIGHTS. (Scarborough Skinheads, n.d.) g

T h e list o f concerns here, such as h i g h taxes, personal safety, a n d job security, points t o the i m p o r t a n c e o f economic

a n d social anxieties i n

generating racist discourse. Examples o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l r a d i c a l i s m serve to m a k e clearer the r o u g h outlines o f the supremacist genre w h i c h drives such

Afncan-Amencans as the Other I n c u r r e n t r a d i c a l discourse, the d o m i n a n t m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f this social c o n t a m i n a t i o n is embodied w i t h . n the

tracts. F u r t h e r characteristics o f this genre emerge as w e explore alterna-

a " developing this p o r t r a i t , r a d i c a l members d r a w u p o n racist images generated i n A m e r i c a n h i s t o r y a n d m the US mass m e d i a d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the century. T h i s O t h e n n g o f A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n s i n v o l v e d depicting t h e m as a brute, p r i m i t i v e force, o n e b i o l o g i c a l l y designed to c o r r u p t A m e r i c a n society. O n e m a n w r o t e on alt.politics.white-power:

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H o m o s e x u a l s as the Other H o m o s e x u a l s f u n c t i o n i n this context as a socially constructed O t h e r designed to s h o w the degradation o f society. The W e b page entitled " C y b e r h a t e " (n.d.), chose as its m o t t o : Keeping A m e r i c a W h i t e , Straight, a n d P r o u d ! ! " T h i s slogan excludes by defaul the O t h e r based u p o n the criteria of race a n d sexual o r i e n t a t i o n A n o t h e r W e b e n t r y , the " C N G , " a self-described "cell-based W h i t e N a t i o n a l i s t

194

Virtual

Culture

o r g a n i z a t i o n , included a w o r k entitled " T h e H o m o s e x u a l T h r e a t , " by Jeff Vos (1996). I n i t Vos p r o v i d e d a quote, filled w i t h ellipses, w h i c h was a t t r i b u t e d to a periodical entitled the Gay C o m m u n i t y N e w s Vos tru-eatemng

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195

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failing

to propagate the w h i t e race. T h u s , u l t i m a t e l y , attributes o f the enemy are traced b a c k to deterministic, essentiaiist, b i o l o g i c a l impurities embedded w i t h i n the b o d y o f the O t h e r .

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T h i s narrative o f a h o m o s e x u a l " t h r e a t " was reminiscent o f the a n t i C o m m u n i s t genre o f the 1950s. The physical danger to society's y o u n g males is f u r t h e r exacerbated by the c o n s p i r a t o r i a l presence o f the atheistic gay m e n . F r o m this alleged " d a t a " against gays, Vos (1996) called o u t i n his tract t o c o n d e m n homosexuals: " f o r these sick individuals have caused t o o m u c h p a i n a n d t r o u b l e m t o o m a n y children s lives f o r society to c o n t i n u e to t u r n a b l i n d eye t o their excesses." Reflecting again the c o n s p i r a t o r i a l t h r e a t o f the a n t i - C o m m u n i s t discourse, the a u t h o r alerted his readers t h a t " w e are i n a w a r . M a k e n o mistake a b o u t i t . There is an enemy, and the enemy has made significant gains." :

D r a w i n g u p o n H o f s t a d t e r s approach t o p o l i t i c a l psycho-pathology this p o r t r a i t o f the O t h e r can f u n c t i o n as a Rorschach test, revealing psychological tokens embedded w i t h i n the discourse (Black 1983) A close reading o f the W e b site literature reveals t h a t as blacks, homosexuals, and the other generic m i n o r i t y groups " d e s t r o y " s o c i e t y - v i a v i o l e n t behavior o r sexual d e g r a d a t i o n — i t becomes the responsibility o f the subversives to serve as the preservers o f society. Yet u n l i k e the Christian fundamentalists w h o can l o o k to their religious tenets and knowledge o f the Bible supremacists a n d skinheads m u s t l o o k to another criterion t o s u p p o r t their superior status. They focus o n a biological criterion w h i c h serves as the f o u n d a t i o n f o r an elaborate c u l t u r a l tapestry: s k i n p i g m e n t a t i o n . W h i t e ness t h e n , f u n c t i o n s as the talisman w h i c h makes the supremacists a n d the skinheads the m i r r o r opposite o f the O t h e r . T h e immense importance o f securing "whiteness" as an unabndgeable category helps to c l a r i f y the biological f o u n d a t i o n w h i c h frequently characterizes supremacist discourse. O n one newsgroup an advocate argued t h a t : A c t u a l l y , racism ,s g o o d and necessary f o r the c o n t i n u e d breaching o f f o f n e w types o f h u m a n beings f r o m the existing stocks . at some p o i n t , h o m o sapiens sapiens refused to breed w i t h the sub-men a r o u n d h i m (Strom, 1996). T h e biological f o u n d a t i o n f o r d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between the supremacists and the O t h e r enhances the essentiaiist nature o f these r a d i c a l arguments. The d i s t i n c t i o n , o f course, becomes p r o b l e m a d z e d w h e n extended to homosexuals, f o r here n o inherently racial c r i t e r i o n exists u p o n w h i c h to base c o n d e m n a n o n . Yet race again emerges w h e n discussions focus o n preserving Western civilization, f o r m this case

The O t h e r as Conspirator A n e x a m i n a t i o n o f the O t h e r as conspirator reveals a distinctly different power r e l a t i o n between the supremacists and the O t h e r . W h i l e A f r i c a n Americans are depicted as savages a n d subhumans and gays as sexual perverts i t is the Jew w h o is m o s t u b i q u i t o u s l y condemned i n the literature o f the radical r i g h t . Y e t here the p r o t o t y p i c a l image o f the Jew differs f r o m the previously described c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the O t h e r . Issues o f p o w e r , w e a l t h , and c o n t r o l p r e d o m i n a t e . There are t w o p r o m i n e n t constructions, one i n v o l v i n g the O t h e r as a c o n s p i r i n g impersonal agent, the other focusing u p o n essentialized traits o f the i n d i v i d u a l Jew. T h e image of the Jew as a d o m i n a n t c o n s p i r i n g agent functions as a p o i n t o f consistency amongst subversives. Langer (1990) emphasizes the i m p o r t a n c e o f the p o w e r f u l Jew as an image w h i c h subversives generally subscribe t o . R h e t o r i c a l l y , the e m p o w e r i n g o f the Jew plays a key role i n the radical genre. The Jew, i m b u e d w i t h p o w e r , personifies changes i n mass society. A s N e i b u h r (1937, p . 149) has argued, radicalism is often a revolt against the forces o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n . These forces, such as recessions and h i g h interest rates, result m u n e m p l o y m e n t and economic d i s r u p t i o n s . M e m b e r s o f groups w i t h l o w status can d o little to influence the fluctuations o f domestic or w o r l d markets. Y e t these impersonal threats o f the m o d e r n w o r l d can be c o n f r o n t e d once they are a n t h r o p o m o r p h i z e d in the f o r m o f a p a r t i c u l a r ethnic g r o u p . The radicals discourse generates a m y t h i c a l narrative t h a t converts social problems i n t o conflicts between distinct and identifiable entities. Such a strategy creates a f r a m e w o r k f o r its proponents w h i c h a l l o w s t h e m t o counter detrimental f o r m s o f change. Jews, w i t h their supposed access to " p o w e r , " personify these forces m o r e effectively t h a n groups such as A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n s w h o still h o l d little influence w i t h i n society. T h u s the Jew is constructed as the agent w h i c h lies h i d d e n w i t h i n institutions possessing hegemonic p o w e r , structures w h i c h they then use to m a n i p u l a t e society. T h e government, the media, and even the spread o f academic knowledge or ideological doctrines may emanate u l t i m a t e l y f r o m this source. T h e O t h e r w i t h i n these narratives is suffused w i t h an almost superh u m a n p o w e r . Such an e n d o w m e n t is imperative i f the Jew is t o have sufficient capacity to c o n t r o l n a t i o n a l o r even w o r l d events. For example, D r W i l l i a m L . Pierce (1996) o f the N a t i o n a l Alliance demonstrated this belief i n the d o m i n a t e p o w e r o f the Jews. I n his tract posted o n the N a t i o n a l A l l i a n c e W e b D i r e c t o r y , he argued t h a t the negative reaction to the skinhead m o v e m e n t was caused by a m o n o l i t h i c Jewish conspiracy. 1

196

Virtual

Culture

H e r e the Jews were the cause behind " d r u g usage a m o n g skinheads. They encouraged r a p music a n d racial m i x i n g . " H a v i n g failed at this attempt, " t h e Jews tried to b r a i n w a s h the p u b l i c against skinheads t h r o u g h their c o n t r o l l e d m e d i a . " F i n a l l y , Pierce maintains, Jews began to perpetuate a system o f p r o p a g a n d a , w h e r e b y the " m i n i o n s " of the Jew, the A m e r i c a n C i v i l Liberties U n i o n and the A n t i - D e f a m a t i o n League o f B'nai B ' r i t h , began to t u r n the police against the skinheads: " A l l o f these Jewish propaganda organizations are well-connected p o l i t i c a l l y , and so they can a p p r o a c h police departments draped i n the false cloak o f a u t h o r i t y . " T h e subversive literature also indicts the Jew f o r w r e a k i n g havoc u p o n A m e r i c a n society b y orchestrating the slave trade i n the N e w W o r l d . The entrepreneurial spirit o f the Jew allegedly led to the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f slavery, w h i c h was then used as a means o f g a m i n g p r o f i t and o f d o m i n a t i n g i m p o r t a n t i n s t i t u t i o n s w i t h i n the y o u n g c o u n t r y . A discussion on the n e w s g r o u p alt.skinhead illustrates this p o i n t . Here t w o users became engaged i n dialogue, the first being Jewish, the second a radical subversive: [User 1J: This stuff is just so stupid that it's hard to take it seriously. 1 especially like the part where he accuses us jews of bringing the slaves here in the first place Hmmmm. How >did we do that? I'll tell you. I User 2): I bet you could tell us, but you won't of course. The iew people invented slavery! Just read the old testament to learn the truth! [User IJ: And then we sold'em for a pretty penny, I'll tell you. lUser 2J: it is a well known fact that the jew people will do anything tor money. [User 1J: So, I think it's pretty clear that the only people who D O take these thines seriously are brain-dead. b

[User 2]: So sure of yourself aren't you (I hate that about minorities}? So why don't you want anyone to respond to my personal statements? 1 can think of a couple of good reasons why a Jewish person would not want people to talk about their involvement in history, i do not fear the truth! (Braun, 1996} T h e assertion t h a t the Jew initiated the slave trade u l t i m a t e l y transforms the A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n i n t o a voiceless, objectified Other; they become a t o o l w h i c h the Jew ruthlessly used to inflict damage u p o n w h i t e , C h r i s t i a n Americans. T h i s discourse demonstrates the p o l a r i t y o f d e m o n figures used by subversives: one an u n i n t e l l i g e n t , animalistic force, the other a h i g h l y intelligent, evil m a n i p u l a t o r w h i c h appropriates blacks i n an objectified f a s h i o n . T h i s supposed m a n i p u l a t i o n by the Jew surfaces i n the supremacist n a r r a t i v e even as the radicals themselves reify and condense the O t h e r i n t o one malevolent T h i n g - l i k e category. The d i s t i n c t i o n is best

A p p r o a c h i n g the Radical

197

Other

reflected by a belief structure w h i c h distinguishes between ethnic " m u d people" as the n o n - h u m a n s and the Satanic Jew

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Together they f u n c t i o n as the rancorous force w h i c h the sons o f A d a m must struggle against. The historical context o f anti-Semitism, extending back i n t o medieval Europe, provides the ideological substance for many subversive texts. As the radicals define an a l l - p o w e r f u l Jew, they are able to d r a w u p o n this extensive discursive h i s t o r y . W e b pages and newsgroups have discussed the o l d anti-Semitic d o c u m e n t the Protocols of the Elders of Zion. This document, forged at the t u r n o f the century, was designed to oppress Jewish i n h a b i t a n t s . The narrative tells o f the widespread design of Jewish ieaders t o c o n t r o l society, w i t h the g o a l o f u l t i m a t e l y destroying C h r i s t i a n i t y . A l t h o u g h the Protocols have been demasked as a fake, extremist groups still refer t o this tale m order to prove the nefarious intentions o f the w o r l d - d o m i n a t i n g Jew. One m a n on alt.politics.nationaHsm.white called o n other supremacists to d o w n l o a d the tract, describing i t as "a m u s t read f o r those interested i n f u r t h e r i n g their understanding o f the N e w W o r l d O r d e r " ( M a t h i s , 1996). I n a d d i t i o n t o using this elaborate narrative history, each generation o f subversives m u s t redefine the Jew anew, constructing the O t h e r w i t h i n the parameters o f c o n t e m p o r a r y ideology. I n the most recent reconstruction, the Jew as O t h e r is personified by the N e w W o r l d O r d e r . A g a i n the O t h e r is i n t r i c a t e l y tied to the p r e v a i l i n g fear o f an oppressive w o r l d government. The Jew w i t h i n this radical narrative manipulates the w o r l d openly under the guise o f the U N . Surreptitiously, the Jew functions at an even higher level: g a i n i n g c o n t r o l of the w o r l d ' s governments under the guise o f Z O G . So impassioned do radicals feel about this w o r l d government, that one supremacist w r o t e o n a l t . p o l i t i c s . n a t i o n a l i s m . w h i t e : " D e a t h t o Z O G a n d to a l l the t r a i t o r s w h o w o r k f o r t h e m " (Shook, 1996). I n radical literature the p o w e r o f Z O G is so pervasive t h a t i t invades the very m i n d s of w h i t e , C h r i s t i a n Americans t h r o u g h the use o f government propaganda. W h i t e subversives v i e w the US government as a t o o l o f the c o n s p i r i n g Jew, one w h i c h p r o m o t e s the liberal p h i l o s o p h y t h a t has made the U N possible. T h i s ideological w e a p o n includes issues such as diversity and a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n as w e l l . These policies, according t o the subversives, have " b r a i n w a s h e d " society, thus enabling u n q u a l i f i e d m i n o r i t i e s and feminists to rise in stature over beleaguered w h i t e males. As extremist ideologies depict the Jew as conspirators against the n a t i o n and the w h i t e race, they cannot praise any aspect o f the Jew's entrepreneurial s p i r i t . T h i s can create a discursive tension, p a r t i c u l a r l y m a capitalist society where economic success is deemed as positive. As vociferous a n t i - C o m m u n i s t s , r i g h t - w i n g radicals generally s u p p o r t capitalism, o f t e n g l o r i f y i n g i t as a f o r m of America's economic heritage. I n order t o resolve this p a r a d o x , the subversives must distinguish the Jew f r o m capitalists i n general, demarcating specifically Jewish traits f r o m those o f the C h r i s t i a n entrepreneur.

198

Virtual

Culture

T h i s process requires a d e m o m z a t i o n w h i c h renders each i n d i v i d u a l Jew reprehensible. The subversives r i g i d l y define Jews w i t h i n their ethnic or c u l t u r a l class, n o t a l l o w i n g t h e m to "pass" o r become recognized members o f society—despite the lack o f distinctive physical markers. For example, one person o n alt.poIitics.nationalism.white, under the title of " H o w t o Spot a J e w , " described the Jewish p h y s i o g n o m y : " M a n y p r o m i n e n t Jews (after centuries o f p i l f e r i n g European genes) have blue eyes a n d l i g h t c o l o r i n g , w h i c h seems o u t o f place w i t h their basically

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(Had, 1 9 9 6 b ) . A t the end o f the category e n t i t l e d J E W I S H O C C U P A T I O N S , the a u t h o r added " A n y t h i n g w h i c h allows p o l i t i c a l or c u l t u r a l c o n t r o l over A r y a n s . " This discourse depicts an essentiaiized Jew a n d grants carte blanche t o exclude i n d i v i d u a l s w h o m i g h t otherwise completely blend i n t o society. The Jew here cannot become acceptable c a n n o t be converted, f o r their c o r r u p t i o n lies essentiaiized w i t h i n their c u l t u r a l a n d genetic m a k e - u p . T h u s m a w a y that is a k i n to the yellow star o f the N a z i era, the radical subversives m u s t make the Jew obvious discursively m a r k i n g the O t h e r . ' The Displaang of the Other T h e discussion o f diversity and affirmative action focuses u p o n one final dimension o f the relationship between the subversives a n d the O t h e r . C o n t e m p o r a r y radicals i n the cyber literature frequently deny the oppressed c o n d i n o n o f the most disempowered groups Instead members see themselves m this p o s i t i o n . The discourse o f displacing the O t h e r has gained such prominence that i t serves as another defining characteristic o f the subversives as a culture. R a d i c a l discourse t y p i c a l l y depicts the dire c o n d i t i o n o f Caucasians F o r example, the W e b site f o r Resistance Records commented: " L o o k at g l o b a l p o p u l a t i o n levels. W h i t e s account f o r openly 8 % o f the planet s p o p u l a t i o n . O n l y 2 % o f the babies b o r n last year were W h i t e . . . . I t is the W H I T E P E O P L E t h a t are the true ' n e w ' m i n o r i t y " ( H a w t h o r n e , 1996) A c c o r d i n g to these arguments, u n c o n t r o l l e d i m m i g r a t i o n a n d interm a r r i a g e are t r a n s f o r m i n g the w h i t e sector o f society i n t o a " m i n o r i t y " race H e r e the category o f white-ness is also essentiaiized. The a r g u m e n t hearkens back t o the " o n e d r o p " rule o f the pre-civil rights era, where even the smallest a m o u n t o f ethnic diversity i n one's b a c k g r o u n d rendered one n o n - w h i t e . " Subversives also argue that governmental regulations seek to i m p o s e — i n the name o f " m u l t i c u l r u r a l i s m " - w h a t radicals depict as the b u r d e n " o f quotas and welfare payments, economic weights w h i c h are d i s p r o p o r t i o n a l l y carried by whites. A tract w r i t t e n by " Y g g d r a s i l " (1996a), the G e r m a n tree o f life speaking t h r o u g h the N a t i o n a l Alliance articulated a list o f " e x p l o i t a t i o n s " w h i c h the w h i t e race m u s t face:

Approaching

the Radical

Other

199

of free speech and of due process to Whites who are critical ol these governmental policies. We have special punishments tor assaults committed by Whites if the motives might be racial. In addition, Whites pay a portion of the costs oi the welfare state that is disproportionate to what they receive in benefits. This t e x t argues t h a t i t is whites i n reality w h o suffer i n A m e r i c a , w i t h "successful m i n o r i t i e s " c o n t r o l l i n g the media, f o r b i d d i n g "the dissemination o f any message t h a t calls a t t e n t i o n t o m i n o r i t y , racial, a n d ethnic dominance. O n l y messages o f m i n o r i t y v i c t i m i z a t i o n are a l l o w e d to pass" ( " Y g g d r a s i l , " 1 9 9 6 b ) . T h i s discourse o f O t h e r m g oneself comes i n p a r t f r o m feelings o f disassociation w i t h society at large. M e m b e r s frequently comment o n their loss o f freedom o f speech f r o m censorship, imposed both legally and t h r o u g h social n o r m s . Such " r e s t r i c t i o n s " have t u r n e d those w h o articulate " w h i t e p r i d e " i n t o outcasts. George B u r d i — k n o w n as "George Eric H a w t h o r n e , " the founder o f Resistance Records—asserted o n the Resistance Records H o m e Page: " L o o k a t h o w ' e v i l ' p r o - W h i t e i n d i viduals like myself are p o r t r a y e d by the media. Y o u w o u l d t h m k t h a t being 'racist was worse t h a n being a 'rapist' nowadays. Just change one little letter and * b i n g ! * y o u have an instant headline f o r the n i g h t l y n e w s " (Hawthorne, 1996). 1

W h i l e persons o f diverse b a c k g r o u n d s are given " u n f a i r

advantage by

the g o v e r n m e n t , these w h i t e radicals c l a i m to be economically and socially disenfranchised. T h e radicals thus articulate their identity as a dispossessed and socially castigated

O t h e r . I n this w a y the conflict the

supremacists

have w i t h oppressed g r o u p members m a y i n p a r t be aggravated by an e f f o r t t o e x p r o p r i a t e their identity as the O t h e r .

Interactive Relationships in Cyberspace

5

It is a long list. Burdensome racial preference schemes m hir.ng, racial preference schemes in university adm.ss^ns, racial preference schemes ,n government contracting and small business loans. Beyond quotas there is the denial of rights

Radical cyberculture does n o t exist i n a c o m m u n i c a t i v e v a c u u m . As members discover m o r e efficient ways to reach new recruits, non-racist individuals can, c o n c o m i t a n t l y , contact the radicals. T h e interaction spurred b y Usenet newsgroups f u n c t i o n s , i n microcosm, as a conversation between subversives and society as a w h o l e . A l t h o u g h subversives occasionally present their views t o the p u b l i c , interactions occur d a i l y online via the Internet. G i v e n their i m p o r t a n c e to the m o v e m e n t and the access they p r o v i d e t o outside contacts, it is i m p o r t a n t to examine the patterns of i n t e r a c t i o n a n d tendencies w h i c h make u p the "language g a m e " of the subversive newsgroups. T h e newsgroups operated b y p o l i t i c a l extremists foster c o m m u n i c a t i o n between members o f subversive groups and serve as a means o f recruitment Y e t u p o n analyzing the discourse I discovered an unexpected p h e n o m e n o n : the regular presence o f outsiders. These non-members, w h o m I shall designate b y the t e r m "antagonists," are a p r o m i n e n t c o m p o n e n t o f the newsgroups. I choose the t e r m " a n t a g o n i s t s " f o r this label because i t most a p p r o p r i a t e l y meets the stylistic attributes of many

200

Vírfua/

Culture

{ a l t h o u g h n o t all) non-members. One person w r i t i n g o n ait.skmhead under the h e a d i n g o f " N a z i loser," exemplified the aversion some "antagonistsdisplay t o w a r d the subversives:

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W h i l e such rogue attacks should be expected, the importance o f the antagonists m generating dialogue remains surprising. M o s t o f the c o n t r i butions encountered o n alt.politics.nationalism.white, a l t . p o l i t i c s . w h i t e p o w e r , a n d ait.skmhead c o n t a i n criticism f r o m outside of the culture A n t a g o n i s t i c messages p l a y a key role i n triggering a dialogue, p r o v i d i n g a theme, o r a sense o f vivaciousness needed to continue a discussion These clashes between insiders and their antagonists f u n c t i o n as an ideological dialectic. T h e y result i n an interplay between the subversives a n d non-subversives w h o browse newsgroups i n order to dispute radicals, buch a discourse gams an almost B a k h t i n i a n sense as i t f o r m s a dialogic relationship between rhetors (Sampson, 1993, p p . 9 7 - 1 1 0 ) . I n one such instance, t w o interlocutors o n the a l t . p o l i t i c s . w h i t e - p o w e r , the first an A r m y officer, demonstrate the tendency f o r outsiders t o critique racial claims: [User 1]: i n T ^ w b " ' ; ! "

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antagonists message by n o t i n g : " ( s n i p - r e s t of liberal noise-making deleted) " T h i s interchange o f critique and insult culminates w i t h the antagonist d i s r u p t i n g the seriousness of the f o r m a l questionnaire t o ask the w o m a n w h y she d i d n o t shift t o r e c . m u s i c . w h i t e - p o w e r — a site w h i c h had recendy been banished b y a massive internet v o t e — a d d i n g :

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lUser 21: Such thoughtful considered brilliance clearly show that the US special Forces only pick men of the highest caliber-intelligent and logical thinkers who scorn I suggest the US military may need to rethink its recruiting policy And by the way, your mother dresses you funnv Pip pip! ' Flipper. (1996) 1

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T h i s i n d i v i d u a l , " F l i p p e r , " also k n o w n as "Fingers M c P h e e , " embodies the style o f an antagonist as he inserts himself i n t o radical conversations o n the w h i t e supremacist a n d skinhead newsgroups. O n one occasion another veteran antagonist f o r m u l a t e d a racist survey f o r regular p a r t i c i pants o n a n e w s g r o u p . T h e entry begins b y demonstrating a sense o f personal i n t i m a c y , a f o r m o f friendliness used to augment the sarcasm o f the t e x t u a l message: "Les, y o u are indeed p r e t t y r e n o w n e d o n the Internet' just d o a n A l t a Vista search f o r 'Les G n s w o l d ' and b e h o l d ' Y o u are f a m o u s ! Some even call y o u the premier Cybernazi! g o t a couple o f questions f o r y o u i f y o u w o u l d be so k i n d to answer" ("Carieton " 1996) T h i s w o m a n f o r w a r d e d her answers to the survey, censoring p a r t o f the

OrTyeah I forgot, it got voted down„hahahahahahha. Losers!!!!! [User 2): Gloat while you can asshole. ***„*.** H E WORD******** REVOLUTION {"Razorrogue," 1996) s p E A K

T

T h i s dialogue exemplifies a tension between f a m i l i a r i t y and hostility w h i c h f r e q u e n d y surfaces o n newsgroups. Such shifts f r o m c o r d i a l recogn i t i o n or w a r m t h to ridicule also exist i n discussions amongst supremacists themselves. Insiders, perhaps embracing m o r e moderate levels o f racist fervor, occasionally c o m m e n t o n posted notes. T h i s i n t e r n a l critique m a y regulate w h a t some supremacists v i e w as the level o f " a c c e p t a b i l i t y " w i t h i n the racial discourse. T h e use o f c r i t i c i s m a n d rebuke may f u n c t i o n at yet another level. R e s p o n d e n t s — f r o m b o t h the inside and the o u t s i d e — w r i t e and appear to solicit i n s u l t i n g responses. T h i s can become obvious even m the beginning w h e n a user introduces a theme. T h e pattern o f insult and rebuke may be part o f the "language g a m e " o f these newsgroups. Respondents develop a f o r m o f call and response f o r verbal attacks, using ad hominem and hyperbole W h i l e such discourse creates a climate o f abuse, i t also fosters a dimension o f verbal s p a r r i n g . Discussions t u r n i n t o a l i m i t e d linguistic w a r f a r e l i m i t e d i n the sense t h a t users seek n o t to end the interaction w i t h the o p p o n e n t , b u t to p r o v o k e the respondent to a stronger degree of e x t r e m i s m . I n the f o l l o w i n g t r i f u r c a t e d response, an o v e r l a p p i n g of messages blurs the issues s u p p o r t i n g and opposing racial superiority. This obscures the distinct ideologies altogether w i t h i n a single sparring language game: (User 11: „ , The white people must stick together to conquer ail > the niggers. Evdved humans must band together to prevent simian vermin like this idiot from passing the ivery rude epithet] gene on to another generation of imbeciles. Hey pal! Think you could try firing up your other neuron? VerTmce sentiment, my friend, but could you please stop crossposting Jo groups ,n which Snowy's lauthor-respondent #11 racist rubbish and Wh.tey s [ a u t h o r -

202

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Culture

respondent 82] mindless reply are completely redundant? We have no problems with racism here in Australia! W e are racists! No problem! (Hughes, 1996} p

T h i s p a t t e r n o f call a n d response changes d r a m a t i c a l l y w h e n alternative modes o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n enter the arena. The insertion o f scholarly m a t e r i a l serves as the best example, i n one entry m an alternative n e w s g r o u p (misc.activism.militia) a researcher posted a query f o r further i n f o r m a t i o n o n g r o u p membership. The request was m e t b y a refusal to engage o n the p a r t o f any p a r t i c i p a n t . S i m i l a r l y , an academic-sounding statement appeared o n alt.skmhead. This posting began w i t h language w h i c h contrasted greatly w i t h the accepted patterns o f the skinhead language game: " I a m a female graduate student w r i t i n g a thesis on w o m e n s k i n s " ( M e g a n , 1996). I t continued w i t h sophisticated language c o n c l u d i n g w i t h a tone o f cheerfulness rarely encountered m thé n e w s g r o u p : " T h a n k s f o r y o u r t i m e and i l o o k f o r w a r d to y o u r responses " A l t h o u g h this query was met by several serious answers, g r o u p members m o c k e d its style. P a r t i c u l a r l y p r o b l e m a t i c t o some was the c l a i m b y the graduate student t h a t w o m e n skinheads constituted "a m o v e m e n t . " One female replied: " J o i n i n g a movement? I a m very confused; I just * a m * a skinhead. . . . I t h i n k t h a t y o u are t r y i n g t o artificially create some s t r u c t u r e d , hierarchical d e f i n i t i o n o f skinhead t h a t doesn't * r e a l l y * e x i s t " ("Schroedinger C a t , " 1996). A n o t h e r respondent strove to deconstruct the very n o t i o n o f logic w h i c h the student had a p p r o p r i a t e d m f o r m u l a t i n g her inquiry: If you want to write about the truth, why are you calling the whole skinhead thing a movement? Do you really know what a skinhead is? I doubt it So i'fl tell you what you want to hear, although it is absurdly untrue I'm a skinhead so I can breed with other whites and proliferate the Aryan race (Welch 1996)

V

°

U

^

y 0 U

'"

l a k e

t h

*

S

a

PP P r 0

n a t e |

y - as a JOKE)'

F i n a l l y , one w o m a n posted a one-line rebuke of the academic after several w o m e n had p r o v i d e d serious replies to the query: She iz EzTABLIzHMENT. IgnoR her sizterz. she tz Evi. T h i s response, perhaps m o s t telling o f a l l , isolated the academic as a f o r e i g n e r . " R a t h e r t h a n seeking to attack the radical ideology, this graduate student strove to study i t . As a result, her question initiated a very d i f f e r e n t k i n d o f relationship w i t h the users. This academic voice extended f r o m the outside, f r o m a c u l t u r e t h a t was foreign to the previously established parameters o f the alt.skmhead n e w s g r o u p T h e graduate student's g o a l , rather t h a n to invite insult, was technical i n nature. I t sought t o define the movement, o b j e c t i f y i n g it i n the F o u c a u i d i a n sense o f t u r n i n g a disciplined "gaze" u p o n i t (Foucault, 1980). Rather t h a n

A p p r o a c h i n g the Radical

Other

203

employing a language o f i n s u l t a n d abuse, this discourse sought to redefine the g r o u p members i n academic terms. Here a f o r m o f c r i t i q u e w o u l d occur, yet this c r i t i q u e w o u l d appear i n a linguistic style and m a type o f m e d i u m n o t accessible to the members. As a result, this academic request p r o h i b i t e d a s p a r r i n g f a m i l i a l relationship t h a t often occurred o n the newsgroups. W i t h i n the insulting behavior there was a n openness, a sense of f u l l disclosure t h a t w o u l d n o t be apparent i n an academic w o r k . For this reason, the a c a d e m i c — i n her f o r m a l a n d polite language—became interpreted as " E v i . " Based o n this analysis o f the discourse o f radical newsgroups, one can argue t h a t w h i l e the antagonists are n o t p a r t o f the subversive c o m m u n i t y , their responses may serve an i m p o r t a n t f u n c t i o n . Antagonists a l l o w g r o u p members t o counter-attack and to s u p p o r t their o w n peers, thus strengthening the i n t e r n a l cohesiveness. T h e language game o f rudeness and insults allows the style o f the r a d i c a l culture to m o r e forcefully emerge. T h i s outlet can be "discursively i m p o r t a n t to a culture t h a t strives to be hyperbolic a n d c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l . The p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f antagonists provides subversives w i t h an audience and broadened access to the p u b l i c , factors w h i c h increase the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the enactment o f radical rhetoric.

Conclusion This analysis has p o r t r a y e d aspects o f the subversive culture on the Internet as w e l l as the delicate relationship between radicals, society, and the O t h e r . T h e a r t i c u l a t i o n o f extremist ideas w i t h i n cybertexts d e m o n strates t h a t radicals are supportive o f persecuting innocent members of society. Such ideas a n d actions cannot be sanctioned. I thus concur w i t h the p r e v a i l i n g sentiment i n o u r society w h i c h seeks t o l i m i t the p o w e r o f such discourse. Nonetheless, w e m u s t also note t h a t genuine ethical concerns c o u l d lead t o w a r d censorship. T h e case studies presented here reveal t h a t a substantial i n f i l t r a t i o n f r o m the outside may serve as an alternative t o censorship. O n the Internet a m u l t i p l i c i t y o f voices articulate a diversity o f v i e w s . T h i s differs substantially f r o m the earlier "letters to the e d i t o r " columns i n subversive magazines w h i c h featured only discourse f r o m the converted. T h e openness o f the Internet and its interactive o p t i o n s may m a k e i t less likely f o r supremacists t o break away f r o m society a n d to f o r m isolated cultures completely outside the reach o f m o d e r a t i n g influences. I agree w i t h the sentiment given by a Jewish m a n w r i t i n g o n alt.skmhead w h o c o n f r o n t e d his radical o p p o n e n t : Tell me do you go up to your jewish neighbors an jsicl expound on the " Z O G " , the "jewish invention of slavery", and etc.? Go up to an elderly |ew with a cane and tell them that the Holocaust was an exaggeration, and he would do his or her best to kill you with it. Weird sort ot truth, that. Since you are the big white supremacist armed with the "truth", why don't you yell it from the rooftops? Afraid people will laugh at you?" (Braun, 1996)

204

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Culture

W h i l e cyberspace c a n n o t become a substitute f o r personal c o n f r o n t a t i o n , t o engage a r a d i c a l o n a n e w s g r o u p is, nonetheless, a step t o w a r d f o r c i n g subversives i n t o an open i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h society. Closed communities live i n hermetic i s o l a t i o n , a n d m a y serve as breeding grounds for e x t r e m i s m w i t h a l l its physical threats. The openness o f cyberspace does n o t offer such seclusion. T h e Internet m a y thus endanger the very n o t i o n o f a closed c o m m u n i t y . I n d o i n g so i t c o u l d become an ally m the struggle against b i g o t r y a n d racism.

A p p r o a c h i n g the Radical

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207

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first instance o f violence. A n d a l t h o u g h the first studies of f l a m i n g or the general equivalent o f v i r t u a l violence ( M a c K i n n o n , 1992; R e i d , 1991) were

10

not c o n c l u d e d u n t i l 1 9 9 2 , there is n o d o u b t t h a t the first flames were felt

Punishing the Persona: Correctional Strategies for the Virtual Offender Richard C.

MacKinnon

W h a t are " v i r t u a l c r i m e " a n d " v i r t u a l punishment"? I n t u i t i v e l y , one k n o w s the answers, b u t i t is necessary to situate the o r i g i n a l questions m the c o n t e x t o r place where these crimes are allegedly o c c u r r i n g and w h e r e p r o p e r punishments are to be dealt. T h i s leads to the m o r e p r e l i m i n a r y question " W h a t is cybersociety?," f o r i t is there where these phenomena are presendy under s t u d y . Steven Jones (1995) coined the t e r m to describe the " n e w f o r m s o f c o m m u n i t y " a n d "social f o r m a t i o n s " b r o u g h t a b o u t b y such " w o n d e r s o f t e c h n o l o g y " as computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) . Cybersociety is the emergence o f c o m m u n i t y f r o m a c o m p l e x set o f social f o r m a t i o n s i n a space enacted by m e d i a t i n g technology, i n the language o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e i t is the society w i t h i n v i r t u a l reality ( V R ) o r "cyberspace" (Benedikt, 1 9 9 1 ; Gibson, 1984; R h e i n g o l d , 1 9 9 1 , 1993). I t feeis o d d to state this d e f i n i t i o n so matter-of-factly w h e n i t has taken C M C a n d " c y b e r c u l t u r e " researchers m o s t o f the 1990s to s u p p o r t the c l a i m t h a t cybersocieties even exist (Benedikt, 1 9 9 1 ; C u r t i s , 1992; D e r y 1 9 9 4 ; H a u b e n , 1993; H e i m , 1993; Jones, 1995; M a c K i n n o n , 1992,' 1995 1997; R e i d , 1 9 9 1 , 1995; R h e i n g o l d , 1 9 9 1 , 1993). O n l y after these researchers were able t o establish cybersociety's f u n d a m e n t a l existence c o u l d they begin t o study m - d e p t h the nascent communities o f w h i c h Jones speaks. M o r e o v e r , w h i l e researchers i n this field h a d the a d d i t i o n a l b u r d e n o f establishing the existence o f the field itself, social developments w i t h i n cybersociety outpaced the researchers' collective abilities t o investigate them. Cybersociety d i d n o t r e m a i n nascent f o r l o n g . W h i l e i t is easy t o equate "nascence" w i t h " i n n o c e n c e , " i t m u s t be remembered t h a t f r o m the beginn i n g cybersociety was p o p u l a t e d by adults, n o t infants. Once J u l i a n D i b b e l l (1993) reported w h a t came to be k n o w n as the " f i r s t rape i n cyberspace," i t became apparent t h a t "innocence" was n o longer descriptive o f a cybersociety w h i c h had m a t u r e d enough to belie certain social developments o r "social f o r m a t i o n s " w h i c h could o n l y be p r o p e r i y identified as sociopathy. W h i l e 1993 m a y be the year o f the first reported incident o f v i r t u a l rape, i t is d o u b t f u l l y the year o f the first incidence o f " n e t r a p e , " let alone the

not l o n g after the first v i r t u a l salutations were exchanged w a y back i n the " a n c i e n t " Usenet year of 1979. Indeed, as I argue i n Searching for the Leviathan in Usenet ( 1 9 9 2 and 1995, hereafter referred t o as Usenet Leviathan; references to differences i n the versions are cited b y date), n o sooner had the first v i r t u a l person m Usenet encountered the first stranger d i d he then have to face the possibility o f f i g h t i n g f o r his v i r t u a l life. As m a n y can attest, survival i n the wilds o f Usenet is a t r y i n g experience—one t h a t m a n y have abandoned i n favor o f m o r e civilized v i r t u a l environs. T h e flight or t r e n d a w a y f r o m the free-for-all o f the Usenet c o m m o n s t o the n o m i n a l l y governed environs of m a i l i n g lists a n d m o d e r a t e d newsgroups is s o m e t h i n g t h a t I h a d anticipated w h i l e researching Usenet Leviathan ( 1 9 9 5 , p . 135); however, I c a n n o t cite any s u p p o r t i n g literature f o r this observation because I a m u n a w a r e o f any research investigating this shift. The p o i n t is t h a t sociopathy has been a m a j o r p a r t o f o u r v i r t u a l i n t e r a c t i o n f r o m the b e g i n n i n g , despite o u r i n a b i l i t y or failure to comprehensively d o c u m e n t and research i t . I t is a b u n d a n t l y clear that the " d a r k e r side" of v i r t u a l life merits considerable studv. F o r t u n a t e l y , several projects help remedy this research gap ( K a r n o w , 1997; M a c K i n n o n , 1997; R e i d , 1997; S m i t h , 1997; S m i t h , M c L a u g h l i n , 8c Osborne 1997). T h e discussion and analysis leading t o a t h e o r y o f v i r t u a l p u n i s h m e n t presumes t h a t the reader is f a m i l i a r w i t h the g r o w i n g literature w h i c h develops the n o t i o n o f cybersociety o r " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y " and its inhabitants (for instance, recently H o b e r m a n , 1996; O v e r b y , 1996). The a r g u m e n t developed herein, r e l y i n g heavily u p o n g r o u n d w o r k established by this l i t e r a t u r e , is the final p a r t o f a t r i l o g y ( M a c K i n n o n , 1995, 1997) using a p o l i t i c o - t h e o r e t i c a l perspective f o r analyzing the o r i g i n a n d c o n t r o l o f sociopathy i n cybersociety. T h e cybergovernance t r i l o g y is based o n the " p e r s o n a " as the u n i t o f analysis. Life online is lived t h r o u g h the personae o f the users o f the technology, n o t the users themselves ( M a c K i n n o n , 1995, p p . 1 1 7 - 1 2 0 ) . W i t h i n the society o f personae, Jones "social f o r m a t i o n s " emerge f r o m the n e w l y developing n o r m s , mores, t r a d i t i o n , o r other standards o f c o n d u c t ( M c L a u g h l i n , Osborne, S i S m i t h , 1995). 1

M y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f T h o m a s H o b b e s (1651/1962) social c o n t r a c t t h e o r y is t h a t these p u t a t i v e l y coercive standards o f conduct constitute the " L e v i a t h a n " o r a u t h o r i t y p h e n o m e n o n w h i c h forces the personae o u t o f the anarchic "state o f n a t u r e " i n t o a state o f self-imposed governance ( M a c K i n n o n , 1 9 9 5 ) . T h i s v i r t u a l L e v i a t h a n defines and proscribes undesirable o r anti-social behavior as w e l l as meting o u t the p u n i s h m e n t of the v i o l a t o r s . I n the account o f v i r t u a l rape w h i c h f o l l o w s , i t was the L e v i a t h a n i n the f o r m o f the enraged c o m m u n i t y t h a t accused the rapist o f w r o n g d o i n g and threatened t o p u n i s h h i m f o r his crime ( M a c K i n n o n , 1 9 9 7 ) . I n effect, i n a state o f governance, the L e v i a t h a n enjoys a m o n o p o l y 1

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o n the legitimate use o f a u t h o r i t a t i v e violence. A l l other violence is condemned a n d subject to r e t r i b u t i o n , w h i c h m a y include the exercise of legitimate violence, i t is w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f the t r i l o g y — v i r t u a l governance, crime, a n d p u n i s h m e n t — t h a t the discussion o f the v i r t u a l Leviathan's p o w e r t o p u n i s h is situated. A n d , while the examples o f the o n l i n e crimes t o f o l l o w refer to specific types o f V R - p r o d u c m g technology, the cybergovernance theories are developed b r o a d l y enough to account f o r technological implementations n o t yet imagined.

The Rogues' Gallery: Mitnick, Bungle, and Baker I t is m y v i e w t h a t crimes i n v o l v i n g computers have been often and w r o n g l y conflated i n t o a generalized category o f " c o m p u t e r c r i m e . " Recognizing t h a t categories o f crimes tend to share categories o f penalties, i t f o l l o w s t h a t an o v e r - b r o a d category l i k e l y leads to unjustly adjudicated p u n i s h m e n t . For the purposes o f this chapter, " j u s t a d j u d i c a t i o n " is defined as e v a l u a t i n g suspect actions i n their local context, preserving the local c o n t e x t b y the p r o p e r d i r e c t i o n o f punishment, and establishing a range of punishments a p p r o p r i a t e to the local context and reflective o f the relative seriousness o f possible crimes. just

Adjudication

A l t h o u g h " j u s t " and " a d j u d i c a t i o n " have the same o r i g i n i n jus, careless j u d i c i a l procedure can stray f r o m justice by failing to communicate and enforce clear social p r i o r i t i e s . Justice is understood here as locally determ i n e d . W h i l e appeals to transcendent justice are possible, their discussion is b e y o n d the scope o f this argument. T h e m a j o r e f f o r t o f this a r g u m e n t is to develop a standard o f " j u s t a d j u d i c a t i o n " by w h i c h one can recommend correctional o r penal strategies to ensure t h a t p u n i s h m e n t f o r v i r t u a l offenses is commensurate t o the c r i m e . I establish this standard by i d e n t i f y i n g the facets o f its three components: 1

E v a l u a t i n g suspect actions m their local context.

2 3

Preserving the local context by the p r o p e r direction o f p u n i s h m e n t . Establishing a range o f punishments a p p r o p r i a t e to the local c o n t e x t and reflective o f the relative seriousness o f the crime.

T h e first c o m p o n e n t , evaluating suspect actions i n their local context, attempts to prevent someone f r o m being judged according to external standards. F o r example, i f the village o f kissing-cousms permits marriages between first cousins, i t w o u l d be unjust to judge those marriages a c c o r d i n g t o the standards o f a c o m m u n i t y t h a t does n o t . S i m i l a r l y , the united hamlets o f rabbit-eaters w o u l d n o t w a n t to be judged by a c o m m u n i t y t h a t p r o h i b i t s the c o n s u m p t i o n o f meat.

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T h e second c o m p o n e n t is preserving the local context by the proper direction o f p u n i s h m e n t . One w a y a c o m m u n i t y can preserve its local context is b y developing and e n f o r c i n g a legal j u r i s d i c t i o n over the c r i m i n a l activities c o m m i t t e d w i t h i n t h e m . This means t h a t w h e n a person c o m m i t s a crime i n a r a b b i t - e a t i n g hamlet, the people o f that hamlet should prosecute t h a t person f o r t h a t crime. T h i s seems obvious e n o u g h , but u n f o r t u n a t e l y is n o t h o w i t has always happened. T h i s w i l l be illustrated i n the case o f a person w h o legally, t h o u g h controversially, raped and m u r d e r e d his v i c t i m i n the c i t y o f sleazy-and-violent-sex, b u t was judged according t o the standards o f another c o m m u n i t y m w h i c h those activities were s t r i c t l y p r o h i b i t e d . T h e t h i r d c o m p o n e n t is establishing a range of punishments a p p r o p r i a t e to the local c o n t e x t a n d reflective o f the relative seriousness o f possible crimes. T h i s means t h a t punishments s h o u l d take i n t o consideration the local h i s t o r y , customs, a n d other idiosyncratic considerations o f a parn c u l a r c o m m u n i t y . Public s p a n k i n g is n o t very effective i n a c o m m u n i t y o f masochists. Further, the proper carnage o f justice requires punishments w h i c h v a r y a c c o r d i n g t o the seriousness o f the crime. I f m u r d e r is punishable' by being changed i n t o a t o a d , theft s h o u i d n o t carry the same p u n i s h m e n t . T h e severity o f a penalty s h o u l d determine the seriousness o f a c r i m e . Crimes w i t h severe penalties s h o u l d be m o r e serious t h a n crimes w i t h less severe penalties. Crimes w i t h the same penalties s h o u i d be equal in seriousness. Establishing a stable set o f graduated penalties makes the society's p r i o r i t i e s clear. For example, the village o f kissing-cousms p r o hibits the c o n s u m p t i o n o f meat; however, the sale o f meat is considered far m o r e serious. T o c o m m u n i c a t e this p r i o r i t y , meat-eating is punishable by fine and meat-selling is punishable by i m p r i s o n m e n t . T h e most i m p o r t a n t step t o w a r d establishing a standard of just a d j u d i c a u o n is p r o p o s i n g t h a t offenses i n v o l v i n g computers s h o u i d be d i v i d e d i n t o t w o p r i m a r y categories: computer-related and c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d , the latter being the d o m a i n o f v i r t u a l p u n i s h m e n t . This basic d i s t i n c t i o n goes a l o n g w a y t o w a r d establishing the components o f the just a d j u d i c a t i o n s t a n d a r d a n d is generally applicable to all societies. A d d i t i o n a l l y , since the scope o f the a r g u m e n t is l i m i t e d t o the efficacy o f v i r t u a l p u n i s h m e n t , i t allows us to eliminate cases f r o m review w h i c h are n o t instances o f v i r t u a l c r i m e . U s i n g the case studies of K e v i n M i t n i c k , M r Bungle, a n d Jake Baker, i t is hoped t h a t f u t u r e cases w i l l be p r o p e r l y categorized and justly adjudicated. The Classification

Scheme

W i t h i n the category of computer-related crimes are those w h i c h are " c o m p u t e r - i n c i d e n t a l " a n d " c o m p u t e r - i n s t r u m e n t a l " M a k i n g the distinct i o n a m o n g computer-related crimes becomes i m p o r t a n t w h e n m a k i n g just p u n i s h m e n t decisions because computer-related crimes v a r y i n seriousness and their penalties s h o u l d v a r y accordingly.

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C o m p u t e r - i n c i d e n t a l crimes are offenses i n w h i c h the use o f computers are i n v o l v e d o n l y incidentally o r tangentially t o their p e r p e t r a t i o n . For example, the theft o f c o m p u t e r equipment falls i n t o this category, because the computers themselves are n o t i n v o l v e d m a significant w a y . Rather, they are the object o f the c r i m e . The i n v o l v e m e n t o f computers s h o u l d not obscure the fact t h a t the crime is f u n d a m e n t a l l y a theft. A n o t h e r example o f this class o f crime is a case i n w h i c h a computer m o n i t o r is used to p u m m e l a v i c t i m i n t o unconsciousness. W h i l e computer equipment is i n v o l v e d i n the c r i m e , clearly its i n v o l v e m e n t should n o t obscure the fact t h a t this is f u n d a m e n t a l l y an assault. H a d the perpetrator used a portable television, we w o u l d n o t be tempted to categorize this as a " b r o a d c a s t " or "electronic m e d i a " crime. T h e f t a n d assault are well-defined crimes w i t h a stable set o f penalties. T h e mere presence o f a c o m p u t e r should n o t obscure the u n d e r l y i n g crime w i t h an already stabilized set o f penalties reflecting the social p r i o r i t y : crimes against people are worse t h a n crimes against p r o p e r t y . I f the incidental presence o f computers is a l l o w e d to shift the focus f r o m the f u n d a m e n t a l crimes, then the stability o f their accompanying penalties is lost a n d the social p r i o r i t i e s become confused. C o m p u t e r - i n s t r u m e n t a l crimes i n v o l v e computers m o r e directly. The c o m p u t e r becomes the " t o o l " o r instrument o f the crime. I n contrast w i t h the c o m p u t e r m o n i t o r used as a bludgeoning w e a p o n , the o p e r a t i o n o f a c o m p u t e r to facilitate the c o m m i s s i o n of a theft is an example of i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y . This differs f r o m a theft where a computer m i g h t be the object o f the theft itself. Whereas the object a n d w e a p o n o f the theft c o u l d be a n y t h i n g , the use o f a c o m p u t e r "as a c o m p u t e r , " n o t as a b l u n t object makes i t i n s t r u m e n t a l t o the c r i m e . A n example o f c o m p u t e r - i n s t r u m e n t a l theft is g a m i n g u n a u t h o r i z e d electronic access to a computer database o f credit c a r d i n f o r m a t i o n i n order to steal the account numbers. N o t e t h a t i f this i n f o r m a t i o n is gained w i t h o u t using a computer, i t should be p r o p e r l y classified as incidental as opposed to instrumental. This is because the use o f a c o m p u t e r is n o t necessary f o r c o m m i t t i n g the crime. A c c o r d i n g l y , c o a x i n g o r " c o n n i n g " someone w i t h computer access i n t o p r o v i d i n g database i n f o r m a t i o n is an example o f computer-incidental crime because i t is the c o a x i n g w h i c h is the basis f o r the d i s t i n c t i o n , n o t the fact t h a t a c o m p u t e r is i n v o l v e d . A s i m i l a r d i s t i n c t i o n is already made i n differentiating between e x t o r t i o n and r o b b e r y . W h i l e b o t h crimes result i n the i n v o l u n t a r y surrender o f p r o p e r t y , the d i s t i n c t i o n turns o n h o w the surrender is i n d u c e d . Therefore, recognizing the d i s t i n c t i o n a m o n g computer-related crimes is c r i t i c a l f o r d e t e r m i n i n g p u n i s h m e n t i n accordance w i t h the standard o f just a d j u d i c a t i o n . Just as e x t o r t i o n is t y p i c a l l y v i e w e d as a less serious cousin to r o b b e r y , c o m p u t e r - i n c i d e n t a l c o n n i n g o r theft o u g h t to be the less serious cousin t o c o m p u t e r - i n s t r u m e n t a l theft. A c c o r d i n g l y , the categories o f p u n i s h m e n t should reflect this p r i o r i t y as w e l l . This is n o t to say t h a t c o m p u t e r - i n s t r u m e n t a l theft is m o r e serious t h a n basic theft. Indeed, this

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social p r i o r i t y has yet to be established. Rather, the d i s t i n c t i o n is made to show t h a t seriousness varies a m o n g the possible kinds o f computer-related theft. T h e category o f computer-mediated offenses is m o r e d i f f i c u l t to e x p l a i n because i t is m o r e abstract. Whereas a computer i n a computer-related offense is pertinent because i t is i n the f o r e g r o u n d o f the offense, a computer m a computer-mediated c r i m e is pertinent because i t provides the b a c k g r o u n d . A n example is entering a computer-generated e n v i r o n ment and stealing a computer-representation o f someone else's p r o p e r t y . I n this example, the c o m p u t e r provides the entire e n v i r o n m e n t or v i r t u a l reality i n w h i c h the crime takes place. I n another example, a v i r t u a l assault is c o m m i t t e d u p o n the representation o f another person w h i l e inside a computer-generated e n v i r o n m e n t . Once again, w h i l e a computer provides the e n v i r o n m e n t f o r the crime, the crime does n o t t u r n o n the i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y of the computer itself. T h e computer mediates every activity i n this e n v i r o n m e n t so m u c h that to justly adjudicate offenses i n this category, the c o m p u t e r must be p r o p e r l y understood as the e n v i r o n m e n t rather t h a n as the i n s t r u m e n t . T h e computer's centrality makes i t o m n i present a n d its use so pervasive as to be invisible. Allucquere Rosanne Stone (1995) calls this a " t e c h n o s o c i a l " e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h "technology and nature are the same t h i n g " ( p p . 35, 3 8 - 3 9 ) . U n d e r s t o o d i n this w a y , the computer "as e n v i r o n m e n t " seems somew h a t similar t o the earlier example o f the computer "as i n c i d e n t a l , " yet an i m p o r t a n t difference between mediated a n d incidental offenses is physical i n t a n g i b i l i t y . I n t a n g i b i l i t y makes f o r an uneasy equation between physical and v i r t u a l offenses. F o r example, an assault i n a p a r k does n o t seem the same as a n assault i n a computer-generated e n v i r o n m e n t . O n the other h a n d , enough victims o f v i r t u a l assaults testify t h a t the " f e l t " damage and pain is sometimes close enough t o be tangible ( M a c K i n n o n , 1997). W h i l e c o m m o n sense m i g h t tell us t h a t they should n o t be treated the same, c o m m o n practice threatens to hastily seek tangible recourse f o r intangible acts. I suggest t h a t this is due to the lack o f an alternative recourse w i t h a set o f stable v i r t u a l penalties w h i c h communicate the p r i o r i t i e s o f the c y b e r c o m m u n i t y . I n other w o r d s , f a i l i n g the " p r o p e r d i r e c t i o n " c o m p o n e n t o f the standard," justice has n o t been attained. As a result, v i r t u a l execution was the p u n i s h m e n t f o r rape i n one computer-generated e n v i r o n m e n t , b u t physical arrest and scholastic e x p u l s i o n was the p u n i s h m e n t m another. I t is clear t h a t the absence o f a standard for a d j u d i c a t i o n threatens the carriage o f justice i n physical a n d v i r t u a l reality. Given the description f o r a standard o f just a d j u d i c a t i o n , I t u r n n o w to actual cases o f c o m p u t e r crimes to f u r t h e r clarify the boundaries o f computer-related a n d computer-mediated offenses. T h e three case studies w h i c h f o l l o w were selected because o f their high-profile media coverage a n d s u i t a b i l i t y as ideal types f o r l a y i n g d o w n a classification scheme. T h e recurrent themes o f rape a n d magic emerged o n l y after then- selection and d u r i n g analysis. W h i l e these themes are discussed c u r s o r i l y , they deserve

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f u r t h e r investigation i n another f o r u m . F i n a l l y , the standard o f just a d j u d i c a t i o n calls f o r attentiveness to the local context o f an offense. T o illustrate the reasoning f o r this, the case studies are i n i t i a l l y presented outside o f their local contexts. A n y disorientation experienced by the reader s h o u l d m a k e the c o n t e x t requirement o f the standard clearer. Kevin

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" c r i m e spree t h a t includes the theft o f thousands o f data files and at least 2 0 , 0 0 0 credit card numbers f r o m computers a r o u n d the n a t i o n " (p. 2 9 2 ) . A n assistant US attorney w h o helped coordinate the investigation f r o m San Francisco said M i t n i c k was "clearly the m o s t w a n t e d hacker i n the w o r l d . H e allegedly h a d access t o corporate trade secrets w o r t h billions o f dollars. H e was a very b i g t h r e a t " ( p . 2 9 2 ) .

Mitnick

This description o f K e v i n M i t n i c k s activities d a t i n g back to the early 1980s relies heavily u p o n investigative j o u r n a l i s t J o n a t h a n L i t t m a n s (1996) account based o n personal interviews a n d articles w h i c h appeared m various newspapers. T h e 17-year-old M i t m c k s first publicized crime consisted o f using u n a u t h o r i z e d access to Pacific Bell's computers to alter telephone bills, g a i n entry to other machines, a n d steal $ 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 w o r t h o f data f r o m a San Francisco c o r p o r a t i o n (p. 17). A f t e r serving a s i x - m o n t h sentence, his p r o b a t i o n officer " f o u n d that her phone had been disconnected a n d the phone c o m p a n y h a d no record o f i t " (p. 17). I n December 1988, M i t n i c k , then 25, was arrested f o r "causing $4 m i l l i o n damage to a D i g i t a l E q u i p m e n t C o r p . c o m p u t e r " and "stealing a highly secret c o m p u t e r s y s t e m " ( p . 17). A New York Times article o n his arrest r e p o r t e d t h a t a "judge's credit record at T R W , Inc. was inexplicably a l t e r e d " (p. 17). US M a g i s t r a t e Venetta Tassopulos " t o o k the unusual step o f o r d e r i n g the y o u n g Panorama C i t y c o m p u t e r w h i z held w i t h o u t bail, r u l i n g t h a t w h e n a r m e d w i t h a k e y b o a r d he posed a danger to the c o m m u n i t y " {p. 17). A f r a i d t h a t M i t n i c k ' s capabilities were seemingly limitless, Tassopulos f u r t h e r ordered t h a t M i t n i c k be held i n solitary confinement (p. 19). K a t i e H a f n e r a n d c o - a u t h o r New York Times columnist John M a r k o f f (1991) r e p o r t t h a t w h i l e M i t n i c k was confined he had " s h a r p l y restricted telephone access" because there was " n o telling w h a t havoc M i t n i c k m i g h t w r e a k f r o m a telephone a l o n e " ( p . 342). !

:

:

A f r u s t r a t e d employee o f D i g i t a l E q u i p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n w r o t e a b o u t his rape-like experience w i t h M i t n i c k ' s repeated electronic incursions i n t o c o r p o r a t e computers: We seem to be totally defenseless against these people. Wc have repeatedly rebuilt system after system and finally management has told the system support group to ignore the problem. As a good network citizen, I want to make sure someone at network security knows that we are being raped in broad daylight. These people freely walk into our systems and are taking restricted, confidential and propnetary informanon. (Hafner & Markoff, 1991. p. 120) A c c o r d i n g t o L i t t m a n ( 1 9 9 6 ) , shortly after M i t n i c k ' s arrest, a d d i t i o n a l allegations were made i n c l u d i n g investigators' belief t h a t M i t n i c k " m a y have been the instigator o f a false r e p o r t released by a news service m A p r i l t h a t Security Pacific N a t i o n a l Bank lost $ 4 0 0 m i l l i o n in the first quarter o f 1 9 8 8 " (p. 17). M i t n i c k served his sentence, b u t he was arrested again o n February 15, 1995 f o r v i o l a t i n g the c o n d i t i o n s o f his parole and f o r c o m m i t t i n g a

Mr

Bungle

I rely o n Julian D i b b e l l ' s (1993) account o f " A Rape i n Cyberspace" t o describe M r Bungle's alleged crimes. H e is described as a " f a t , oleaginous, Bisquick-faced c l o w n dressed i n cum-stained h a r l e q u i n garb and g i r d l e d w i t h a mistletoe-and-hemlock belt whose buckle bore the q u a i n t i n s c r i p t i o n 'KISS M E U N D E R T H I S B I T C H ! ' " (p. 2 3 9 ) . M r Bungle used a v o o d o o d o l l t o force legba, a person o f indeterminate gender, t o "sexually service h i m i n a variety o f m o r e or less c o n v e n t i o n a l w a y s " (p. 239) w h e r e u p o n M r Bungle was "ejected b o d i l y f r o m the r o o m " ( p . 2 3 9 ) ; however, because the victims were still i n range o f the v o o d o o d o l l , he was able to force legba i n t o " u n w a n t e d liaisons w i t h other i n d i v i d u a l s present i n the r o o m " (p. 2 3 9 ) . Further, as his actions g r e w progressively m o r e v i o l e n t , he forced legba t o "eat his/her o w n pubic hair (p. 240), and forced Starsmger to " v i o l a t e herself w i t h a piece o f kitchen c u t l e r y " (p. 2 4 0 ) . T h e assault ceased w h e n M r Bungle was "enveloped . . . i n a cage impermeable even t o a v o o d o o doll's p o w e r s " (p. 240). Three days after the attack, the c o m m u n i t y members of L a m b d a M O O gathered t o discuss M r Bungle's fate. A f t e r a l o n g discussion had ended w i t h o u t a r e s o l u t i o n and everyone had left, the w i z a r d Joe Feedback, acting alone a n d w i t h o u t witnesses, p u t M r Bungle to death. W i t h i n days o f the secret execution, M r Bungle had apparently reincarnated as D r Jest. The p r i m a r y evidence leading the c o m m u n i t y to this conclusion was t h a t D r jest had "developed the a n n o y i n g h a b i t o f stuffing f e l l o w players i n t o a jar c o n t a i n i n g a t i n y s i m u l a c r u m o f a certain deceased r a p i s t " {p. 254). A l m o s t i m m e d i a t e l y , members o f the c o m m u n i t y called f o r another execution or " t o a d i n g , " b u t their resolve w a n e d u p o n the realization t h a t Bungle/Jest c o u l d s i m p l y reincarnate again. I t soon became apparent t h a t Bungle/Jest, a l t h o u g h still n o t very likeable, was n o t as vile i n the current i n c a r n a t i o n . A p p a r e n t l y , his execution seemed t o have m e l l o w e d his demeanor. H e eventually left the c o m m u n i t y v o l u n t a r i l y and never returned ( p p . 255, 257). Jake

Baker

The description o f U n i v e r s i t y o f M i c h i g a n student Jake Baker's crime is d r a w n f r o m the events detailed i n his o w n published account entitled "Pamela's O r d e a l " (Baker, 1 9 9 5 ) . Indeed, Baker's account constitutes m u c h o f the e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h this computer-mediated crime t o o k place. I n the account, Baker and another male named Jerry apparently held

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a female v i c t i m captive i n her o w n a p a r t m e n t . A f t e r some i n i t i a l f o n d l i n g , physical a n d verbal abuse, they forcefully removed her c l o t h i n g and gagged her w i t h her o w n undergarments. Jerry t o o k several photographs, w h i l e Baker assaulted the v i c t i m m the face, eyes, nose, and ear w i t h his penis. F o l l o w i n g this, they taped her hands behind her back and suspended her b y the hair f r o m the ceiling f a n . T h e assailants struck the suspended v i c t i m repeatedly w i t h a " b i g s p i k y h a i r - b r u s h , " placed a "spreader b a r " between her legs a n d applied " s u p e r - g l u e " and a "heavy c l a m p " t o her genitals. A f t e r Baker p h o t o g r a p h e d the still conscious a n d b a d l y bearen v i c t i m , Jerry taunted her w i t h a " h o t c u r l i n g i r o n " and then placed i t against her buttocks w h i l e Baker observed and masturbated. A f t e r Baker removed the gag, he forced the v i c t i m to o r a l l y copulate h i m w h i l e Jerry f o r c e f u l l y inserted the c u r l i n g i r o n i n t o her r e c t u m . A f t e r this, Jerry used a knife t o sever one o f her nippies. T h e n Baker paused to d r i n k a beer w h i l e Jerry r e m o v e d the c u r l i n g i r o n and proceeded to sodomize her. Baker claimed he t i m e d Jerry f o r ten minutes w h i l e the v i c t i m begged and pleaded w i t h h i m t o stop. T h e y laughed, doused the a p a r t m e n t w i t h gasoline, a n d set i t afire w i t h the v i c t i m still alive inside. F o r his c r i m e o f v i r t u a l rape, t o r t u r e , and m u r d e r , Baker was physically arrested f o r " t h e transmission i n interstate or foreign commerce o f a c o m m u n i c a t i o n ' c o n t a i n i n g any threat to k i d n a p any person or any threat to injure the person o f a n o t h e r " ' (United States A t t o r n e y , 1995) and expelled f r o m the u n i v e r s i t y f o r endangering the " h e a l t h , diligence, and order a m o n g the students" (Swanson, 1995). Jerry, on the other h a n d , was n o t apprehended because authorities were unable t o i d e n t i f y a physical suspect. I t is likely t h a t Jerry was an a d d i t i o n a l persona o f Baker's, in w h i c h case he was apprehended a t the t i m e o f Baker's arrest. Further, a l t h o u g h the v i c t i m ' s persona was definitely v i r t u a l l y raped and m u r d e r e d ' other t h a n feeling " f r i g h t e n e d and i n t i m i d a t e d by [the e v e n t ] " (United States A t t o r n e y , 1 9 9 5 ) , the v i c t i m was n o t h a r m e d physically by Baker. I n fact, other t h a n being enrolled i n the same course, any physical contact between t h e m was m i n i m a l to none.

C o r p o r a l Punishment: Punishing the Body T h e analysis o f these three case studies requires the further development o f the contours o f the standard o f just adjudication's second c o m p o n e n t — t h e proper direction of punishment. C o r p o r a l p u n i s h m e n t , literally, the p u n i s h m e n t o f the corpus o r b o d y , has a l o n g h i s t o r y i n o u r social development. Swedish c r i m i n o l o g i s t T o r s t e n E r i k k s o n (1976) writes, " T h e h i s t o r y o f justice is replete w i t h violence a n d fear. Ever since the concept o f l a w came i n t o being, the authorities have been convinced t h a t respect f o r the l a w m a i n l y depends o n the severity o f the p u n i s h m e n t " ( p . 1). F r o m the Hobbesian s t a n d p o i n t , t h a t o f the Leviathan's m o n o p o l y on legitimate violence, E r i k k s o n ' s

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observation seems o b v i o u s . A f t e r a l l , i t was the "fear o f death, and w o u n d s " (Hobbes, 1651/1962, p . 81) inflicted b y one another w h i c h theoretically forced the "nasty, b r u t i s h , " and short-lived people to leave the state o f nature and enter i n t o a social contract i n the first place. I n exchange f o r the peace a n d safety conferred b y the contract, people surrendered t o the L e v i a t h a n their i n d i v i d u a l rights to violence. H o b b e s oft-calied p a r a n o i d v i e w o f h u m a n i t y was shaped d u r i n g a p e r i o d i n w h i c h his people h a d feared an attack f r o m the Spanish A r m a d a — p e r h a p s the most awesome and forceful display o f h u m a n violence k n o w n at the t i m e . I t f o l l o w s f r o m reason t h a t his situation w o u l d lead h i m t o take a d i m v i e w o f h u m a n nature; however, there are rosier alternatives t o H o b b e s v i e w o f h u m a n nature. Indeed, w h i l e i t may be characteristic o f o u r h u m a n nature t o mistrust one a n o t h e r — a n d f o r g o o d reason—it also seems characteristic to feel ashamed o f this p r e d i l e c t i o n and t o make strides t o w a r d s a society based o n " r e a l " happiness—not happiness a m o u n t i n g to an enforced cease-fire b y an a l l - p o w e r f u l and dreadful L e v i a t h a n . A c c o r d i n g to E r i k k s o n (1976), just one a m o n g m a n y reformers a l o n g the p a t h t o benevolence, " T h e history o f the treatment o f criminals is p r i m a r i l y the story o f man's i n h u m a n i t y to m a n . A t the same time i t contains i n n u m e r a b l e examples o f his compassion and o f his w i l l to lead the offender i n t o a new life as a useful and responsible c i t i z e n " (Preface). I n this sense, i t is possible to i o o k at o u r attempts to r e f o r m the penal process as a n a t t e m p t to r e f o r m ourselves—the constituent elements o f the L e v i a t h a n — a n d become m o r e compassionate. I n his b o o k Discipline and Punish (1979), M i c h e l Foucault is critical o f b o t h levels of r e f o r m , b u t n o t because r e f o r m is undesirable or unneeded. O n the c o n t r a r y , he is critical because the r e f o r m actually hides the p o w e r w h i c h punishes rather t h a n investigates the p o w e r s relationship to i n h u m a n i t y . As a result, the treatment o f criminals appears to be m o r e compassionate because " m a n ' s i n h u m a n i t y to m a n " has been h i d d e n rather t h a n r e f o r m e d . F o u c a u l t contrasts a graphic account o f the mid-eighteenth-century public t o r t u r e and execution o f " D a m i e n s the regicide" w i t h the daily schedule f o r inmates sentenced t o a Parisian " H o u s e o f y o u n g prisoners" almost a h u n d r e d years later. Whereas the first account describes a type o f p u n i s h m e n t w h i c h ' F o u c a u l t calls the "spectacle o f the s c a f f o l d , " the latter shows h o w " m o d e r n " m e t h o d removes or hides punishment f r o m the public v i e w . Perhaps the social i m p o r t a n c e o f the p u b l i c spectacle has been underestimated. George Ives (1914) comments o n the p i l l o r y : 1

5

!

This well-known instrument w a s made of all shapes and s i z e s , and varied from a forked post or a split pillor The hair of the head and beard was shaved off, and sometimes the victims were secured bv being nailed through the cars to the framework, and might also be branded. W i t h faces protruding through the strong beams, and with hands through two holes, secured and helpless, they were made to stand defenseless before the crowd as targets for any missiles that

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might be thrown. To those who were hated, this was a serious ordeal for they would be so pelted and knocked about by the mob as to be badly wounded if not actually done to death. . . The pillory was abolished . . . altogether in the year 1873. (p. 55) I t was n o t enough to s i m p l y i m p r i s o n the offender. N o r was i t sufficient to observe someone else deal the b l o w s . Ives account clearly reveals an interactive and i n t i m a t e c o m p o n e n t o f punishment w h i c h is b u i l t i n t o the structure o f the p i l l o r y itself. Foucault (1979, p . 9) explains t h a t punishment's m o v e behind p r i s o n walls and a w a y f r o m public v i e w was a result o f the " s h a m e " o f h a v i n g t o exercise violence t o redress violence. A c c o r d i n g l y , the corresponding shift a w a y f r o m c o r p o r a l punishment was justified b y the ugliness a n d distastefulness o f physically interacting w i t h the p u n i s h m e n t o f a h u m a n body, indeed, the recognition o f p u n i s h m e n t as " d i r t y w o r k " resonates w i t h E r i k k s o n ' s call f o r compassion over b r u t a l i t y . Foucault writes: 5

It was as if the punishment was thought to equal, if not to exceed, in savagery the crime itself, to accustom the spectators to a ferocity from which one wished to divert them, to show them the frequency of crime, to make the executioner resemble a criminal, judges murderers, to reverse roles at the last moment, to make the tortured criminal an object of pity or admiration, (p. 9) I t goes w i t h o u t saying t h a t personally i n f l i c t i n g pain o n another is an intensely i n t i m a t e procedure. O n this p o i n t , Ives (1914) writes: A remarkable illustration of the intensely individual and personal aspect of primitive penalties is furnished where—as it sometimes happened—the prosecutor had himself to execute his convicted assailant "or dwelle in prison w i t h the felon unto the time that he wyll do that office or else find a hangman." (p. 57) O n the desired woman is to be

other h a n d , this personal relationship provides the vengeance w h e n he notes, " A t some o f the A m e r i c a n Jynchmgs the i n j u r e d applies a m a t c h t o the w o o d u p o n w h i c h the offending negro [sic] b u r n e d to d e a t h " (p. 57, n . 6).

W h a t e v e r the case, the relationship between the pumsher and the punished changed. A s Foucault (1979) puts i t , "the b o d y as the m a j o r target o f penal repression disappeared" (p. 8), first f r o m public v i e w and then f r o m under h a n d . T h e r e f o r m m o v e m e n t ended the public spectacle i n i t i a l l y by s h r o u d i n g the condemned i n an e f f o r t to hide the v u l g a r i t y o f the b o d y and later by c o n d u c t i n g the executions behind the walls of" the p r i s o n (pp. 1 4 - 1 5 ) . I n L a m b d a M O O , the people were spared the i n t i m a c y a n d the spectacle o f M r Bungle's punishment f o r he was executed o u t o f p l a i n v i e w . Despite the bodyiessness o f b o t h the executioner a n d the executed, the lethal act was still i n t i m a t e enough to leave the w i z a r d executioner " a n g s t - n d d e n " { D i b b e l l , 1993, p . 2 5 3 ) . W h i l e reformers m a y argue t h a t the distancing f r o m or disappearance o f the b o d y was due to strides t o w a r d compassion, Foucault disagrees. A l t h o u g h penal reforms sought t o end t o r t u r e and distance the disc i p l i n a r i a n f r o m the b o d y b y i m p o s i n g non-physical penalties such as fines

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or restrictions o n l i b e r t y , Foucault argues they c o u l d n o t be completely successful. By using the b o d y as an i n t e r m e d i a r y , they hoped t o effect a Cartesian split, i n w h i c h they c o u l d " d e p r i v e a person o f liberty that is regarded b o t h as a r i g h t a n d as p r o p e r t y " {Foucault, 1979, p . 11) w h i l e remaining convinced t h a t the b o d y was n o t the subject o f the penalty. I t was a n a t t e m p t to separate the person f r o m the b o d y . " T h e b o d y , " writes Foucault, "is caught u p i n a system o f constraints and p r i v a t i o n s , o b l i gations and p r o h i b i t i o n s . Physical p a i n , the p a i n o f the b o d y itself, is no longer the constituent element o f the p e n a l t y " {p. 11). I n other w o r d s , p a i n incidental to non-physical punishment was m o r e acceptable t h a n p a i n caused b y c o r p o r a l p u n i s h m e n t because the object was n o t to cause i t . Foucault notes t h a t even " [ f ] o r c e d l a b o u r or i m p r i s o n m e n t — t h e mere loss of l i b e r t y — h a s never f u n c t i o n e d w i t h o u t a certain a d d i t i o n a l element o f punishment t h a t certainly concerns the b o d y itself: r a t i o n i n g o f f o o d , sexual d e p r i v a t i o n , c o r p o r a l p u n i s h m e n t , solitary c o n f i n e m e n t " (p. 16). This was true f o r Jake Baker. H i s p a i n was incidental to the " n o n physical" p u n i s h m e n t o f his person (arrest and expulsion) w h i c h was m o r e acceptable t h a n any " p h y s i c a l " p a i n meted o u t via v i r t u a l means, such as t o a d i n g . Nonetheless, Foucault's p o i n t is w e l l t a k e n . T h e p h e n o m e n o n o f the disappearing b o d y seems w e l l suited to the bodyless environments o f V R , b u t , as Foucault points o u t , any a t t e m p t at restricting the body's liberties " c e r t a i n l y concerns the b o d y itself." T h i s observation r e m i n d s me o f Stone's (1991) comments o n the " o l d Cartesian t r i c k " (p. 113) i n response to the n o t i o n t h a t "a tune w i l l come w h e n [cyberspace developers] w i l l be able t o forget a b o u t the b o d y " (p. 113). Reacting t o this n o t i o n of unrestrained liberty once the body has been " d e c o u p l e d " f r o m the " s u b j e c t " or persona, Stone turns Foucault o n his head by r e m i n d i n g us, " N o refigured b o d y , no matter h o w b e a u t i f u l , w i l l stow the death o f a c y b e r p u n k w i t h A I D S . Even i n the age o f the technosubject, life is lived t h r o u g h bodies" (p. 113). Indeed, whether we are t r y i n g t o liberate the persona or restrict a person's liberties, i t seems t h a t w e have yet to discover a w a y t o completely lose the b o d y . N o n e theless, as I observe m Usenet Leviathan (1995), " i t is c o m m o n and expedient to ' f o r g e t ' " the c o u p l i n g (p. 121). For n o w , the t r i c k to losing the b o d y is i n the expediency o f the f o r g e t t i n g . Presumably, this is w h a t Foucault t h i n k s most penal reformers are d o i n g and w h a t I believe most cyberspace i n h a b i t a n t s w h o t h i n k they can detach f r o m their bodies must be d o i n g . Whereas I take the persona as m y u n i t o f analysis i n the cybergovernance t r i l o g y , Foucault, t h r o u g h o u t his w o r k , undertakes p o w e r as his. T h i s a p p r o a c h permits Foucault a cross-sectional insight a l l o w i n g h i m to v i e w bodies as persons b a t t l i n g f o r p o w e r as w e l l as the places where the battles are f o u g h t (Foucault, 1979, p p . 2 5 - 2 7 ) . This perspective, w h i c h he calls the " p o l i t i c a l technology o f the b o d y " ( p . 26), w i l l be returned to repeatedly f o r i t goes a l o n g w a y t o w a r d fleshing o u t the v i r t u a l b o d y and its p u n i s h m e n t .

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T h e purpose o f this section is to see i f a n y t h i n g can be learned f r o m nonc o r p o r a l p u n i s h m e n t t h a t can be applied t o a c o m m u n i t y o f bodiless beings. I t is u n l i k e l y t h a t F o u c a u l t had v i r t u a l reality m m i n d w h e n he w r o t e his histories, b u t a f a i r l y close reading shows us t h a t the " p o l i t i c a l technology o f the b o d y " is certainly relevant to the p r o d u c t i o n o f v i r t u a l bodies. W h i l e the concept o f v i r t u a l bodies m a y seem a b i t ephemeral to some readers, I w a n t to p o i n t o u t t h a t Foucault d i d address n o n - c o r p o r a l bodies w h i l e n o t dealing w i t h v i r t u a l bodies per se. O f course, he was r e f e r r i n g to the s o u l , a concept w h i c h m a y be even m o r e (or less) ephemeral t h a n v i r t u a l bodies, depending o n y o u r v i e w p o i n t . I n m a n y cases, the soul rather t h a n b o d y was n o d o u b t the target o f p u n i s h m e n t . I f p u n i s h m e n t o f the soul was intended as the means of a v o i d i n g p u n i s h m e n t o f the b o d y , i t was i r o n i c a l l y the site o f extrao r d i n a r i l y p a i n f u l episodes i n the history o f h u m a n t o r m e n t . Some statesanctioned actions bore a remarkable resemblance to the heinous actions perpetrated by b o t h M r Bungle a n d Baker. Let us revisit Damiens, w h o is m the process o f h a v i n g his flesh r i p p e d a w a y m a public spectacle: After these teahngs with the pincers, Damiens, who cned out profusely, though without swearing, raised his head and looked at himself; the same executioner dipped an iron spoon m the pot containing boiling potion, which he poured liberally over each wound. Then the ropes that were to be harnessed to the horses were then attached with cords to the pattern's body; the horses were then harnessed and placed alongside the arms and legs, one at each limb. Monsieur Lc Breton, the clerk of the court, went up to the patient several times and asked him if he had anything to say. He said he had not; at each torment he cried out, as the damned in hell are supposed to cry out "Pardon my God! Pardon, L o r d . " Despite all this pain, he raised his head from time to nme and looked at himself boldly. The cords had been tied so tightly by the men who pulled the ends that they caused him indescribable pain. Monsieur le \sic) Breton went up to him again and asked him if he had anything to say; he said no. Several confessors went up to him and spoke to him at length; he willingly kissed the crucifix that was held out to him; he opened his lips and repeated"Pardon, L o r d . " (Foucault, 1979, p. 4} First note t h a t the reporter f r o m the Gazette d'Amsterdam refers t o Damiens as "the p a t i e n t , " presumably i m p l y i n g t h a t he is being treated o r c u r e d . Yet, i f his caretakers clearly intended to remove his f o u r limbs by the m o s t p a i n f u l w a y possible, one m u s t d r a w the conclusion thar i t was n o t Damiens's b o d y t h a t they were t r y i n g to cure. A l s o note t h a t i t is " L o r d ' s " p a r d o n w h i c h Damiens sought, n o t his executioner-caretakers'. T h e treatment or salvation o f the soul has been practiced t h r o u g h o u t the centuries i n nearly every culture w i t h a concept o f afterlife. M a n y societies, w h i l e believing i n deiües and divine r e t r i b u t i o n , still take i t u p o n themselves t o p u n i s h i n the name o f their g o d . I n other w o r d s , just i n case the patient o r penitent escapes p u n i s h m e n t i n the afterlife, these societies

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make certain t h a t he or she suffers as m u c h as is m o r t a l l y possible by w a y of " p e n a l insurance" ( M a c K i n n o n , 1 9 9 6 ) . The belief i n d i v i n e r e t r i b u t i o n is very m u c h a p a r t o f o u r o w n culture. "Solemnly s w e a r i n g " t o G o d is so u b i q u i t o u s a m e t h o d f o r securing t r u t h f u l testimony o r l o y a l t y t h a t w e rarely really t h i n k a b o u t the afterlife consequences. Chances are most people are m o r e concerned w i t h the mundane consequences f o r p e r j u r y or treason. Indeed, even the m o d e r n day caretakers acknowledge this by a l l o w i n g oath-makers to substitute " a f f i r m " w i t h " s w e a r . " T h i s s u b s t i t u t i o n is an a f f i r m a t i o n i n the k n o w l edge t h a t w h i l e d i v i n e punishment is t o be feared, m o r t a l punishment is a nearer certainty, i n Damiens's case, his executioners w e n t so far as to set h i m o n fire, perhaps t o insure against his less certain fate i n H e l l . Penal r e f o r m ' s affect o n n o n - c o r p o r a l punishment delivered by physical means was the m i n i m a l i z a t i o n o f p a i n and i n t i m a c y . Interestingly, the death penalty persisted as a m e t h o d f o r p u n i s h i n g the soul. Foucault (1979) w r i t e s , " I n France, the g u i l l o t i n e , t h a t machine f o r the p r o d u c t i o n o f r a p i d a n d discreet deaths, represented a new ethic o f legal d e a t h " (p. 15). The g u i l l o t i n e and other m o d e r n d e a t h - i n d u c i n g systems serve the purpose of p r o v i d i n g painless (thereby ethical) m o r t a l punishment and r a p i d delivery o f the soul t o one's m a k e r — o f t e n w i t h the sentiment, " G o d have mercy o n y o u r s o u l . " Perhaps the change came a b o u t f r o m realizing t h a t the p r o p e r place f o r administering n o n - c o r p o r a l punishment was i n the hands o f G o d . Given this, n o n - c o r p o r a l punishment became a means o f transportation. B u t n o t everyone believed t h a t death was the best m e t h o d f o r i n d u c i n g divine r e t r i b u t i o n . A c c o r d i n g t o a n t h r o p o l o g i s t B r o n i s l a w M a l i n o w s k i ( 1 9 3 2 ) , the Melanesians used b o t h lethal and non-lethal means f o r placing the punished i n the hands o f their deities. If they caught a rapist in flagrante delicto, he was p u t to death, otherwise "he was exposed to the danger o f sorcery rather t h a n t o t h a t o f direct violence" (p. 387). T h e use o f sorcery, v o o d o o , hexes, a n d curses are non-physical ways o f m e t i n g o u t divine p u n i s h m e n t . As a result, accident, disease, and death f r o m n a t u r a l causes are o f t e n credited t o these methods ( M a c K i n n o n , 1996). O f course, n o t a l l a c t i o n taken against the soul m u s t be p a i n f u l o r lethal. Recall the discussion o f Damiens's session w i t h G o d o n earth. The reporter's use o f the w o r d " p a t i e n t " implies t h a t the prisoner's soul was being treated. T h e shift f r o m p u n i s h m e n t t o treatment c o m p o r t s w i t h the disappearing act o f w h i c h F o u c a u l t speaks. T h i s substitution allows b o t h the c r i m i n a l and the executioner to disappear behind the n o w medicalized c u r t a i n of penal r e f o r m . I n effect, by d r a w i n g o u r attention to the magician's diversion, F o u c a u l t enables us t o v i e w w i t h a c r i t i c a l eye penal reforms aimed at treatment a n d r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . A g a i n , this is n o t an argument against these desirable a n d benevolent aims, but a call f o r the assessment o f their i m p l e m e n t a t i o n s — w e m a y n o t be as compassionate as we t h i n k . Nonetheless, s p i r i t u a l treatment just available to c r i m i n a l s . T o d a y

abounds a n d , o f course, i t is n o t i t seems another k i n d o f r e f o r m is

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g a i n i n g p o p u l a r i t y and this one is aimed at remedying a disappearance— the disappearance o f the soul i n the corporate w o r k p l a c e a n d i n the way we c o n d u c t business. I t is interesting to pause f o r a m o m e n t o n the words " c o r p o r a t e " a n d " i n c o r p o r a t e " and to contemplate their i m p l i c a t i o n — to m a k e a b o d y . The i n c o r p o r a t e d b o d y is a n entity w h i c h embodies and enlists the bodies o f its constituent parts i n the service o f a greater w h o l e . O f course, the legal m o t i v a t i o n behind i n c o r p o r a t i o n is n o t to m a k e a b o d y as m u c h as i t is to hide one—the p r i n c i p a l business o w n e r ' s — f r o m legal l i a b i l i t y . I n c o r p o r a t i o n as a legally recognized body very m u c h an example of the p o l i t i c a l technology o f the b o d y . The c o r p o r a t e b o d y o r business-mediated b o d y was a battle w o n in f a v o r of business people. T h e ramifications o f this battle are evident whenever people a t t e m p t to b r i n g legal action against a c o r p o r a t i o n f o r i n j u r i n g their physical bodies. I S

I n v i e w o f this, there is no d o u b t t h a t corporations—bodies made f o r business—lack a soul o r ammus. There is n o business reason f o r — w h a t w o u l d the w o r d be—animation? Yet this seems t o be c h a n g i n g . Journalist J i m M o r r i s o n (1995) gives several examples o f h o w possessing or creating a c o r p o r a t e soul can pay earthly dividends. I n a d d i t i o n to superior p r o d u c t , c o m f o r t a b l e atmosphere, and b r a n d identification, the businessm a n behind Starbucks Coffee C o m p a n y believes t h a t the a d d i t i o n of c o r p o r a t e soul w i l l insure his company's competitiveness. L o t u s Developm e n t C o r p o r a t i o n has a " s o u l c o m m i t t e e . " T h e Boeing C o m p a n y hired a p o e t to " l i f t the s p i r i t s . " Experts i n the corporate soul m o v e m e n t have w r i t t e n books such as D a v i d W h y t e ' s best-seller The Heart Aroused: Poetry and the Preservation of the Soul in Corporate America and T o m Chappell's The Soul of a Business: Managing for Profit and the Common Good, C h a p p e l l has a d i v i n i t y degree f r o m H a r v a r d . A n o t h e r book is Leading with Soul: An Uncommon Journey, co-authored by Terrence Deal and Lee B o l m o n ( M o r r i s o n , 1995, p . 94). W e also have T h o m a s M o o r e ' s Care of the Soul: A Guide for Cultivating Depth and Sacredness in Everyday Life (Í994), w h i c h r a n k e d n u m b e r one on the New York Times best-seller list. C o u l d i t be possible t h a t M o o r e is caring f o r the same soul as the caretakers o f the corporate soul? Some people interchange the soul's relationship to the b o d y w i t h the m i n d ' s relationship to the b o d y . O n this latter relationship, there is a great deal o f literature i n psychology, p h i l o s o p h y , and other d i s c i p l i n e s — t o o m u c h m t o o m a n y divisive intellectual camps to f o r m a l l y list here w i t h o u t g o i n g far astray f r o m the a r g u m e n t . T h e Cartesian d i c h o t o m y w h i c h places the b o d y on one side o f a theoretical gap necessarily, and perhaps inaccurately, requires the placement o f something e l s e — m i n d , spirit, o r s o u l — o n the other. I f the c o m p u t e r interface places a v i r t u a l b o d y o n one side o f the gap, w h a t , then, m u s t be o n the other? Is i t useful to t h i n k o f the user as the " b o d y " a n d the persona as the " m i n d " ? O r perhaps, the persona as the " b o d y " and the user as the " m i n d " ? O r even the persona as the " b o d y " a n d the user as the "soul"? A great

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many w o r d s have been w r i t t e n b y m a n y people a b o u t this d i c h o t o m y , but, w h i l e fascinating, i t cannot be satisfactorily resolved i n this brief chapter. . Foucault (1979) o b l i q u e l y calls the fascination w i t h the soul the "reactivated remnants o f an i d e o l o g y " ( p . 29). I t seems to me t h a t his w o r d choice indicates his desire t o m a i n t a i n a safe distance f r o m controversy—a strategy I admire and w i s h to duplicate here. H e says t h a t one s h o u l d see the soul as the "present correlative o f a certain technology o f p o w e r over the b o d y " (p. 29). I n other w o r d s , the soul, like the b o d y , is a battlefield upon w h i c h its d e f i n i t i o n a n d c o n t r o l are f o u g h t . B u t to define the soul as such implies t h a t i t really does n o t exist. O n this p o i n t Foucault w r i t e s : It would be wrong to say the soul is an illusion, or an ideological effect. On the contrary, it exists, it has a reality, it is produced permanently around, on, within the body by the functioning of a power that is exercised on those punished, (p. 29) By m y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , the F o u c a u l d i a n soul is socially constructed, as is everything else i n his universe. I t is as " r e a l " as a n y t h i n g else. Indeed, 1 w i l l s h o w later h o w the b o d y , like the soul o r the business b o d y , is constructed m the same manner. Foucault wisely dodges rebuke, by d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the soul i n his discussion—the " m o d e r n s o u l " — f r o m the Christian s o u l , w h i c h he calls the " i l l u s i o n o f the t h e o l o g i a n s " (p. 30). H e says t h a t the p o l i t i c a l technology o f b o d y applies t o the f o r m e r . H e does n o t c o m m e n t o n its a p p l i c a b i l i t y to the latter. I w i l l leave an interpretation o f the unsaid to m o r e q u a l i f i e d F o u c a u l d i a n scholars. T h e controversial Cartesian split effected b y the technology seemingly places something o n one side a n d something else o n the other. Since the p r o d u c t i o n o f the persona w i t h its c o u p l i n g to a v i r t u a l b o d y inheres i n i t many physical, b o d y - l i k e qualities, i t is arguable t h a t i f the persona-asb o d y sits o n one side o f the split, then the user-as-soul sits o n the other. Such a n a r g u m e n t paves the w a y f o r soul-onented p u n i s h m e n t (or treatment) o f a persona to be directed t o w a r d the user. T h i s approach seemingly solves the p r o b l e m posed by the possibility of r e i n c a r n a t i o n , as exemplified b y M r Bungle's r e t u r n as D r Jest. O n the other h a n d , misa p p l i c a t i o n o f this a p p r o a c h , as m Baker's case, produces very unjust results. Indeed, the m a n y - t o - o n e relationship o f personae to user challenges the development o f theories o f p u n i s h m e n t f o r n e w l y developing v i r t u a l communities.

Punishing the Person If n o n - c o r p o r a l p u n i s h m e n t seems intangible due to its i n t e r t w i n i n g w i t h an intangible s o u l , the r e g r o u n d i n g o f p u n i s h m e n t i n tangible bodies seems to be an o b v i o u s recourse even w i t h penal r e f o r m ' s constraints taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n . B u t r e g r o u n d i n g p u n i s h m e n t i n tangible bodies seemingly

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takes m e a w a y f r o m the goal o f justly p u n i s h i n g intangible, v i r t u a l bodies This is n o t m e case. Physical bodies are n o t as tangible as they seem V i r t u a l a n d physical bodies have m u c h m c o m m o n . P r i o r t o p u n i s h m e n t is the apprehension o f the " p e r s o n " o r the j u r i d i c a l subject w h o m u s t be held accountable f o r his o r her actions. W i t h o u t t a k i n g a side-trip i n t o the b u r g e o n i n g research area t h a t answers the question " W h a t is a person?", i t is p l a i n enough t o recognize t h a t a person is m o r e t h a n the mass and sum o f his o r her b o d y . T o greatly paraphrase the literature, a " p e r s o n " is a c o m p l e x m i x o f i d e n t i t y (negotiated, received a n d cultivated), socially legitimated a u t h o r i t y , a n d legal w a r r a n t a b l e situated m a c u l t u r a l l y legitimated b o d y . Stone ( 1 9 9 5 , p . 9 5 ) explains t h a t w a r r a n t a b i l i t y is a p o l i t i c a l requirem e n t f o r effecting the social contract. I n essence, one's b o d y is w a r r a n t e d m g o o d f a i t h f o r keeping the tenets o f the social contract. Should one fail to keep his o r her end o f the bargain w i t h everyone else—the L e v i a t h a n — his o r her b o d y becomes w a r r a n t a b l e a n d subject to arrest. I t is because o f w a r r a n t a b i l i t y , Stone concludes, t h a t o u r p o l i t i c a l system reduces persons t o their bodies. W h i l e n o t a w h o l l y accurate r e d u c t i o n , u p u n t i l recendy i t seemed t h a t a l l o f the traits o f personage seemingly were f o u n d m t h e nexus o f one's b o d y . As a result, apprehension i n o u r society, a n d m o s t others, refers t o the apprehension o f the perpetrator's b o d y . A l t h o u g h the discussion has s h o w n h o w the focus o f punishment has tended t o shift a w a y f r o m the b o d y , the b o d y remains the focus o f apprehension. I t makes sense t h a t one should answer f o r misdeeds w i t h one's b o d y since i t was the b o d y w h i c h needed p r o t e c t i o n via the social contract i n the f i r s t place. O n e c o u l d argue here t h a t the contract was executed t o safeg u a r d r i g h t s , n o t bodies, b u t i t w i l l be recalled that Foucault points o u t t h a t i t is impossible t o apprehend o r c u r t a i l one's rights w i t h o u t s o m e h o w affecting the b o d y . Since i n the physical w o r l d rights inhere a n d have c o n t e x t i n bodies, then i t f o l l o w s t h a t i t is t o bodies t h a t accountability m u s t attach. A s a result, we—as g o v e r n m e n t — g o t h r o u g h great lengths t o ensure the i d e n t i f i a b i l i t y a n d uniqueness o f each a n d every w a r r a n t a b l e person m o u r society. This w a r r a n t i n g process is accomplished b y cont i n u a l and l i f e l o n g c o n f i r m a t i o n . W h e n one seeks a social benefir, whether p u b l i c o r p r i v a t e , one can be expected t o p r o v e one's i d e n t i t y — a n i d e n t i t y w h i c h describes a lifelong association w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r b o d y . Stone (1995) calls this association a " b o d y u n i t g r o u n d e d i n a self," o r a BUGS ( p . 85) Therefore, l a w enforcement officials seeking t o arrest misbehaving selves have little recourse b u t t o arrest the bodies. A l t h o u g h m o r e tangible t h a n selves, bodies are n o t as tangible as they seem. I n fact, the c o n s t i t u t i o n o f a b o d y is under constant change. T o d a y ' s h u m a n b o d y is very d i f f e r e n t f r o m the p r o t o t y p e . T h e m o d e r n b o d y incorporates contact lenses, dentures, h a i r plugs, hearing aids, a r t i f i c i a l hearts, a n d synthetic l i m b s . W h e n a self is frequently o r permanently associated w i t h any o f these things they become a p a r t o f a body/identity

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In this w a y , a hacker c a n be seen as the p r o t o t y p i c a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f computers b y humans. M i t m c k w a s perceived as dangerous w h e n " a r m e d w i t h a k e y b o a r d . " I t is possible t o understand this perception m t w o ways: first, w i t h the k e y b o a r d understood as a n a r m a m e n t , b u t , second, w i t h i t understood as a n a r m , extra l i m b , o r extension o f his b o d y . Stone (1991) argues t h a t the computer can be viewed as a type or m c o r p o r a b l e prosthesis ( p . 8 9 ) . T h i s line o f t h i n k i n g - t h a t o f challenging the boundaries o f the b o d y — i s f u r t h e r developed m D o n n a H a r a w a y s (1991) n o t i o n o f the " c y b o r g " a n d A l e x a n d e r Chislenko s (1995) c y b o r g ization theory o f "legacy systems." I n effect, the boundaries o f the h u m a n body are i n constant f l u x b y w a y o f i n c o r p o r a t i o n , extension, a n d 5

augmentation. , . . „ ,• T h e n o t i o n o f the " c u l t u r a l l y i n t e l l i g i b l e " o r " c u l t u r a l l y legible body is one t h a t harkens back t o Foucault's battlefield. Subsequently developed by feminist theorists such as J u d i t h Butler (1990) a n d Stone (1995), i t essentially means t h a t a bodily-associated identity is whatever society understands i t o r " w r i t e s " i t t o be. A s a result, selves o r owners o f bodies w i t h c o l o r e d skins, t r a d i t i o n a l l y female a n a t o m y , physical disabilities, b i r t h defects, transsexuaiized gender t r a i t s , disease, o r advanced signs o f aging have been w r i t t e n i n t o t h e margins o f the c u l t u r a l t e x t . Far f r o m being a comprehensive list, i t changes i n length as the battle f o r i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y o r legibility peaks a n d falls w i t h some groups g a m i n g r e c o g n i t i o n a n d understanding as "socially acceptable" identities w h i l e others are forced t o r e m a i n o n the fringes. T h e process o f c u l t u r a l i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y alters the social conception o f w h a t a person o r body/identity is and whose body/identity matters.

Punishing the Persona: Bodyless Offenders and Virtual Penalties The apparatus of punitive justice must now bite into this bodiless reality —Michel Foucault, Discipline and Fumsh (1979), p. 17 W h a t happens w h e n Stone's " b o d y units grounded i n selves" meets Butler's " c u l t u r a l l y intelligible bodies" and Foucault's " p o l i t i c a l technology o f the s e l f " is w h a t I call the " b a t t l e o f the B U G S . " T h i s battle has f o l l o w e d t h e h u m a n e x p l o r a t i o n i n t o cyberspace, b u t persons cannot exist there because cyberspace is n o t habitable f o r physical bodies. Hence, the e x p l o r a t i o n a n d battle has been undertaken b y personae—virtual bodies g r o u n d e d m selves. A l t h o u g h hacker bodies and identities, such as M i t n i c k ' s , have been the subject o f m u c h c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n , the boundaries o f the v i r t u a l b o d y and i d e n t i t y are even m o r e flexible. T h e persona is the new site f o r c o d i n g c y b e r c u l t u r a l n o r m s a n d establishing technosocial i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y . T h e relative decentralization o f p o w e r i n cybersocieties has p e r m i t t e d a variety

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o f characteristics to be recognized as constitutive o f one's persona. Examples include indeterminate or a r b i t r a r y gender; magical powerst e i e p o r t a n o n a b i l i t y ; a r b i t r a r y physique, ethnicity, and sexual preference! n o n - h u m a n and m t e r - h u m a n species; regenerative abilities; and the ability' to reincarnate. Yet, despite this vast array o f difference w i t h possibilities for n e w social configurations, we must n o t forget Stone's image o f the super-persona tied t o the d y i n g b o d y of a hacker w i t h A I D S . T o this day v i r t u a l bodies r e m a i n coupled t o selves w h i c h depend o n physical bodies f o r existence. U n t i l this relationship changes, the social configurations and possibilities i n cyberspace w i l l be constrained by i t . W i t h this i n m i n d , I r e t u r n to the r e m a i n i n g case studies and critique their dispositions m l i g h t o f the s t a n d a r d o f just a d j u d i c a t i o n . A f t e r w a r d s , I w i l l propose a m o d e l f o r establishing sentencing guidelines m accordance w i t h the s t a n d a r d o f just adjudication.

The adjudication

of Kevin

Mitnick:

Computer-Related

Offender

M i t m c k ' s case shares m u c h i n c o m m o n w i t h the other t w o . A l l three c o m m i t t e d crimes i n w h i c h computers played an i m p o r t a n t role. A i l three crimes i n c l u d e d actions w h i c h some people interpreted as rape. Seemingly w i t h o u t l i m i t , M i t m c k ' s technical abilities were reputed to be magic-like i n n a t u r e . S i m i l a r l y , M r Bungle relied u p o n his technical skills to create a v o o d o o d o l l w i t h magical abilities. M i t n i c k was accused o f being deadly w h e n armed w i t h a computer. W i t h c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t i o n , Jake Baker t o r t u r e d and k i l l e d his victim's persona. Despite these m a n y similarities, M i t n i c k s case is different f r o m the others in t h a t his offenses were n o t computer-mediated. M i t m c k ' s use o f the c o m p u t e r was l i m i t e d to incidental a n d instrumental roles. As m u c h as I have to say regarding the disposition o f his case, the just a d j u d i c a t i o n o f computer-related offenses lies beyond the scope o f this chapter, the purpose o f w h i c h is to propose correctional strategies f o r v i r t u a l offenders. This is n o t to say t h a t the study o f M i t m c k ' s case was n o t w o r t h w h i l e . O n the c o n t r a r y , i t serves as an i m p o r t a n t b o u n d a r y marker between computerrelated and computer-mediated offenses. !

The adjudication

of M r Bungle:

Computer-Mediated

Offender

M r Bungle's offenses are computer-mediated because they were c o m m i t t e d i n a computer-generated e n v i r o n m e n t called L a m b d a M O O . T h e fact that the victims a n d other members o f the c o m m u n i t y o f L a m b d a M O O believed m the v o o d o o doll's magic and ascribed rape to the events w h i c h occurred is an interesting p h e n o m e n o n i n itself. The p h e n o m e n o n , k n o w n as " a t t r i b u t i o n , " occurred p r i m a r i l y as a result o f the l o n g socio-histoncal development o f rape. T h e people o f L a m b d a M O O had an understandable perspective given the set o f events ( M a c K i n n o n , 1997). Indeed, i t is arguable t h a t their i m m e r s i o n i n a technosocial e n v i r o n m e n t gave them a

Punishing the

Persona

225

stronger j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r believing i n magic and " f e e l i n g " the rape than M i t m c k ' s v i c t i m s . I n the interest o f space, I w i l l take the acceptance of rape a n d magic i n L a m b d a M O O as a given; however, a complete discussion o f the social c o n s t r u c t i o n o f v i r t u a l rape and magic is taken up m the second p a r t o f the cybergovernance t r i l o g y ( M a c K i n n n o n , 1997). F o r his crimes, M r Bungle was executed by a w i z a r d . W i z a r d s are personae w h o have the p o w e r to discipline. By " t o a d i n g " or " r e c y c l i n g " M r Bungle, the w i z a r d destroyed h i m . I t should be noted t h a t the person in w h o m M r Bungle " w a s g r o u n d e d " was n o t disciplined i n any w a y . T h i s was a deliberate decision made by the c o m m u n i t y o f L a m b d a M O O . " H e had c o m m i t t e d a M O O crime, and his p u n i s h m e n t , i f any, w o u l d be meted out via the M O O " ( D i b b e i l , 1993, p . 2 4 9 ) . Indeed, they had considered entreating his university t o prosecute h i m f o r sexual harassment o r seeking prosecution u n d e r C a l i f o r n i a ' s laws p r o h i b i t i n g obscene phone calls. As D i b b e i l notes, despite the frequent references to M r Bungle's misdeed as rape, the c o m m u n i t y ' s willingness to avoid c o n f l a t i n g computer-mediated rape w i t h physical rape "testifies b o t h to the uniqueness o f the crime and to the nimbleness w i t h w h i c h the discussants were negotiating its idiosyncrasies" (p. 2 4 9 ) . I agree t h a t the people o f L a m b d a M O O should be commended f o r p r o p e r l y classifying the offense as computer-mediated and r e f r a i n i n g f r o m seeking tangible remedies {such as p r o h i b i t i o n s against obscene phone calls) f o r an intangible act; however, the death penalty may have been t o o harsh. I appreciate the seriousness o f M r Bungle's crimes, but the v i r t u a l death penalty is the u l t i m a t e o r most severe punishment available to cybersociety. T o assign i t t o a n y t h i n g other t h a n the most serious crime, such as m u r d e r , confuses the social priorities. W h i l e M r Bungle d i d attack, t o r t u r e , and sexually abuse several victims, h e — u n l i k e Jake B a k e r — f e l l short o f m u r d e r i n g t h e m . I t is n o t surprising t h a t debates on the m o r a l i t y o f the death penalty were played o u t o n L a m b d a M O O — e s p e c i a l l y since v i r t u a l rape had n o t been c r i m i n a l i z e d by the t i m e o f the incident. T o counter the anti-capital p u n i s h m e n t concerns, the " t o a d i n g " o f personae o n L a m b d a M O O was persuasively argued by some to be closer t o banishment t h a n decapitation; a " k i n d o f t u r n i n g o f the c o m m u n a l back o n the o f f e n d i n g p a r t y " ( D i b b e i l , 1993, p . 2 4 8 ) . B u t as I e x p l a i n i n the first part of the cybergovernance t r i l o g y , a n i m p o r t a n t c o n d i t i o n o f v i r t u a l existence is "visible presence." A user whose persona is banished f r o m a v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y remains outside the " b o u n d a r y of existence" f o r his or her actions go " u n n o t i c e d " u n t i l finally " t h e m e m o r y o f that existence is forgotten by the other users" ( M a c K i n n o n , 1995, p . 120). Since one's v i r t u a l existence depends u p o n substantiation by others ( M a c K i n n o n , 1995, p p . 1 1 7 - 1 2 0 ) , banishment f r o m L a m b d a M O O is t a n t a m o u n t to death m L a m b d a M O O . I f banishment implies being sent a w a y , the r a p i d a n d discreet disposal o f toaded i n d i v i d u a l s is a fairly close a p p r o x i m a t i o n o f M . Guillotine's transportat i o n machine.

226 The adjudication

Virtual of jake

Baker:

Computer-Mediated

Culture

Offender

T h e place i n w h i c h Jake Baker perpetrated his computer-mediated offenses is called alt.sex.stones—just one v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y a m o n g thousands i n a computer-based conferencing system k n o w n as Usenet. W h i l e the people of L a m b d a M O O decided against n o t i f y i n g M r Bungle's u n i v e r s i t y , Jake B a k e r s university was n o t i f i e d . As a result, the Baker case illustrates the legal challenge posed by "relationships between bodies and persona/selves/ subjects, a n d the m u l t i p l i c i t i e s o f connections between t h e m " (Stone 1995 p . 86). As p r e v i o u s l y discussed, the c o u p l i n g o f the b o d y and self'makes any p u n i s h m e n t o f the self problematic f o r the b o d y a n d vice versa H o w e v e r , the relationship is just a c o u p l i n g , n o t a m e r g i n g n o r an e q u a t i o n . A l t h o u g h the b o d y is g r o u n d e d m the self, i t is n o t the self The persistent relationship o f the b o d y w i t h the self produces an identity k n o w n as a person w h i c h is the j u r i d i c a l or w a r r a n t a b l e subject. The l a w m u s t concern itself w i t h w a r r a n t a b l e subjects. For alleged v i r t u a l t o r t u r e , rape, and m u r d e r , the b o d y o f Jake Baker as the w a r r a n t a b l e p a r t o f his coupled person, was arrested and c h a r g e d ' b y the U n i t e d States f o r the c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f a threat to injure the "person o f a n o t h e r " Further, f o r the same offense, the officials o f the U n i v e r s i t y o f M i c h i g a n banned Baker's person f r o m the campus f o r endangering the health, diligence, and order o f the students." Practically speaking this p a r t i c u l a r federal l a w aimed at protecting the "person o f a n o t h e r " is really directed at p r o t e c t i n g the " b o d y o f a n o t h e r . " A f t e r a l l , being a physical c o m p o n e n t the b o d y is the m o r e fragile component i n the relationship T h e o r e t i c a l l y speaking, the l a w is aimed at protecting the "person o f another, b u t " a n o t h e r " what? N o t " p e r s o n , " f o r that w o u l d be r e d u n d a n t Surprisingly, even this a w k w a r d l y applied l a w seemingly recognizes the d i s t i n c t i o n between bodies and selves. The l a w was designed to protect the person o f another s e l f - n o t a b o d y n o r a self, b u t the t w o coupled together as a person. Given the nuanced w o r d i n g o f the federal l a w , i t is a shame i t was n o t applied w i t h the same subtlety. Jake Baker's persona, n o t his person allegedly c o m m i t t e d illegal acts against Jane Doe's persona, n o t her person. Seemingly, the l a w is capable o f m a k i n g this d i s t i n c t i o n . A f t e r a i l i t recognizes the difference between personal bodies and corporate o r business bodies. Nonetheless, i t is n o t yet ready to recognize the d i s t i n c t i o n between c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d personae and persons. This is reflected m the r o u g h a p p l i c a t i o n o f the statute w h i c h p r o h i b i t s the c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f a threat between persons, n o t personae. I f v i r t u a l rape is to be taken seriously, was this the best w a y to proceed? W h y not a p p l y M i c h i g a n ' s rape statute to Jake Baker? T h e government was n o t r e a d y ' t o move the l a w m this d i r e c t i o n either. T h e case was dismissed because the government was unable to s h o w B a k e r s person's intent to communicate the threat, f u r t h e r h i g h l i g h t i n g the d i s t i n c t i o n . Baker's persona's repeated assaults d u r i n g the v i r t u a l rape a n d

Punishing the

Persona

227

murder were clear indications o f his intent m a computer-mediated environment, b u t his p o s t i n g o f a "sex fantasy" to a public f o r u m and his m i n i m a l contact w i t h the v i c t i m leaves his offline intent less clear Was Baker's person threatening Jane Doe's person o r was he m a k i n g a fiction available f o r p u b l i c comment? I f he had w a n t e d to threaten Jane D o e , w h y did he n o t use a m o r e direct method? The question o f Baker's d i r e c t i o n gives rise to the proper d i r e c t i o n of his punishment. T h e dismissal was the r i g h t a d j u d i c a t i o n , b u t , arguably, the w r o n g j u r i s d i c t i o n . N e i t h e r the federal government n o r the state had a l a w w h i c h i t was ready t o a p p l y to the actions perpetrated by a persona. A r g u ably, L a m b d a M O O d i d . H a d Jane D o e sought justice m cybersociety the outcome m i g h t have been different, especially i n L a m b d a M O O . B u t Baker s alleged crimes were c o m m i t t e d m the Usenet c o m m u n i t y of alt.sex.stories a place w i t h very different social priorities f r o m L a m b d a M O O . I t is u n l i k e l y that i t w o u l d have been possible to secure a c o n v i c t i o n there either. I n alt sex.stories, such activities as Baker's are n o t m o n o l i t h i c a l l y viewed as c r i m i n a l S i m i l a r l y , discussions and plots o f b l a c k m a i l and m u r d e r are c o m m o n p l a c e i n another c o m m u n i t y called alt.evii ( M a c K i n n o n , 1992, pp 4 3 - 4 8 ) I n fact, Baker's "sex fantasy" was observed by thousands of spectators w h o congregate m t h a t f o r u m f o r t h a t purpose. Certainly, the actions o f Baker's persona were o f questionable taste even to t h a t c o m m u n i t y ' s standards, b u t they d i d n o t violate any w r i t t e n or f o r m a l statute o f c o n d u c t i n the local context. This is n o t to say t h a t everyone m a l t s e x . s t o n e s supported his c o n d u c t - a f t e r a l l , someone t u r n e d h i m i n . B u t l i k e L a m b d a M O O , n o f o r m a l system o f jurisprudence existed f o r evaluating Baker's persona's actions. T h i s w o u l d be m o r e o f a crisis for Jane D o e if she had a stake m the c o m m u n i t y o f alt.sex.stones, b u t she was n o t aware o f the actions taken against her persona u n t i l she was i n f o r m e d t h r o u g h t h i r d parties Indeed, she m a y n o t have been aware o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s existence at a l l . Given this a n d her lack o f i n t e n t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n m the c y b e r c o m m u m t y , i t is arguable t h a t Jane D o e d i d n o t have a persona to begin w i t h . As a result, i t seems t h a t Jake Baker c o m m i t t e d possibly permissible actions against his v i c t i m ' s persona w h i c h may n o t have been her persona at a l l W a s i t all a misunderstanding? R e p u g n a n t to the standard of just a d j u d i c a t i o n , the questionable actions o f his persona placed Baker's person under the scrutiny of an outside c o m m u n i t y . L i k e a rabbit-eater being judged by vegetarians his persona s m u r d e r o u s acts were nearly judged by the people o f a less t o l e r a n t village. Because they are coupled t o a c o m m o n self, Baker's arrest suggests t h a t his persona and person are v i e w e d as interchangeably w a r r a n t a b l e subjects. T h e r a m i f i c a t i o n s o f this v i e w p r o m p t serious concerns. Indeed, Stone (1995) suggests t h a t as m o r e people participate m computer-mediated e n v i r o n m e n t s , there w i l l be m o r e encounters w i t h the problematic " r e l a tionships between bodies and persona/selves/subjects, and the multiplicities o f connections between t h e m " {p. 86).

228

Virtual

Culture

A l t h o u g h the " n e i g h b o r i n g v i l l a g e " let Baker go—albeit f o r the w r o n g reason (they lacked sufficient evidence t o prosecute h i m ) — t h e danger is quite clear w h e n a person is held b o d i l y accountable i n one j u r i s d i c t i o n for n o n - b o d i l y acts c o m m i t t e d m another. U n l i k e Bungle, Baker's persona's actions were arguably p e r m i t t e d m the local context, yet Baker remains punished to this day. Despite the government's retreat, the University of M i c h i g a n still refuses to r e a d m i t h i m . This is a p r i m e example of m i s a d j u d i c a a o n and unjust punishment. Sentencing

guidelines

for virtual

offenses

Jake Baker never had his day m v i r t u a l c o u r t p a r t l y because f o r m a l jurisprudence h a d n o t yet a r r i v e d i n ait.sex.stories—typical o f a Usenet c o m m u n i t y w h i c h has barely emerged f r o m the state o f n a t u r e ( M a c K i n n o n , 1995). This is n o t the case i n L a m b d a M O O . M y critique o f M r Bungle's death sentence begins w i t h the recognition that rape had n o t been c r i m i n a l i z e d o n L a m b d a M O O by the time o f the incident This does n o t deny t h a t the p r o s c r i p t i o n o f rape m i g h t be f o u n d i n L a m b d a M O O ' s c o m m o n l a w . Indeed, the ensuing discussion attracted record p a r t i c i p a t i o n - a possible i n d i c a t i o n t h a t a general n o t i o n o f rape existed and c o u l d be supported by a c o m m o n l a w argument. Nonetheless the c r o w d disbanded w i t h o u t a r e s o l u t i o n . O n t h a t day, the lone actions o f the wizard-executioner constituted evidence t h a t " m i g h t makes r i g h t " L a m b d a M O O h a d n o t evolved far o u t o f the state o f nature. Subsequent to the Bungle affair, L a m b d a M O O citizen N a n c y ( # 5 7 9 8 0 ) a r b i t r a t e d the d r a f t i n g o f a ballot measure w h . c h attempted to f o r m a l l y c n m i n a h z e v i r t u a l rape by defining i t and setting a penalty. E n t i t l e d V i r t u a l Rape Consequences ( # 6 0 5 3 5 ) , " i t states m p a r t , t T ^ ! " n ' i ?'!? ° T /' P '" defined within LambdaMOO hnmiS " i ^ \ ' ° ^ § Profounding j | in^IS T u l T f ° P y consented to the interaction. Any act wh.ch explicitly references the non-consensual, involuntary exposure manipulation, or touching of sexual organs of or by a character is considered an act of this nature. P e

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rJilM f ° f ° ° S appropriate penalty resul mg from a single proven act of rape m this community at permanent expulsion; that is, ©toading of the perpetrator and ©recycling of their^hTracte and any secondary characters, and refusal of additional character registration requests known to originate from that individual. (Nancy [ # 5 7 9 8 0 ) 1 9 9 4 ) e f f

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229

Punishing the Persona

grounded m the same self. F o r a non-lethai alternative to the death penalty i t is effectively far m o r e comprehensive t h a n most implementations o f the death penalty i n the physical w o r l d - g a s chambers a n d lethal injections d o n o t aspire to make guarantees against reincarnation I n the physical w o r l d , at least this m u c h is placed i n " G o d ' s h a n d s . " T o a d m g and recycling enforced m this w a y are euphemisms f o r the u l t i m a t e penalty virtually possible i n L a m b d a M O O . By d e f i n i t i o n , the described penalty is capital p u n i s h m e n t . A l s o , this l a w is aimed at the self, n o t the persona. This violates the " p r o p e r d i r e c t i o n " c o m p o n e n t o f the standard of just adjudication and threatens t o be as unjust to v i r t u a l rapists as the University o f M i c h i g a n was t o Baker's person. F i n a l l y , this measure seeks to place rape a m o n g the most serious crimes possible because i t assigns the most severe penalty available. As i t happened, this placement was contentious. T h e measure was defeated, b u t a p p r o x i m a t e l y t w o weeks later a similar p e t i t i o n was presented t o the c o m m u n i t y : Sexual harassment (part.cularly involving unsolicited acts which simulate rape against unwilling partic.pants). Such behavior is not tolerated by the LambdaMOO community. A single incidence of such an act may as a consequence of due process, result in permanent expulsion trom LambdaMOO. This petition makes no requirement on mediators that they recommend expulsion in every mc.dent; if circumstances dictate, a lesser action may be designated. But if, after due consideration, the opinion of the mediator is that the situation was extreme enough to warrant expulsion, the effect of this petition is to confirm that the community thinks that expulsion is within the scope oi reasonable penalties for an act of this kind. CLinnea [ # 5 8 0 1 7 ] , 1 9 9 4 ) W h i l e still c a l l i n g f o r banishment, its rationale and references to "lesser actions" and a "scope o f reasonable penalties" embraces the spirit o f the standard's requirement f o r a range o f punishments. Further, the expulsion is less comprehensive t h a n the one i n the earlier measure because i t does n o t have a r e i n c a r n a t i o n p r o v i s o . T h e voters a p p r o v e d this measure. Since the measure p r o v i d e s f o r b a n i s h m e n t , i t is possible to say t h a t L a m b d a M O O communicates as a social p r i o r i t y extreme intolerance t o w a r d s sexual harassment.

t h e

By c a l l i n g f o r " p e r m a n e n t e x p u l s i o n , " i t asks f o r the m o s t severe penalty available t o L a m b d a M O O . G i v e n his r e i n c a r n a t i o n , i t is debatable w h e t h e r M r Bungle's banishment was t a n t a m o u n t to a death sentence but the expulsion described i n this p e t i t i o n applies to "any secondary characters" o r personae as w e l l . Further, i t refuses "registration requests" o f a d d i t i o n a l personae k n o w n to originate f r o m t h a t i n d i v i d u a l . I n other w o r d s , the proposed l a w w o u l d a p p l y to all personae, present and f u t u r e

The efficacy

of virtual

punishment

T h e effectiveness o f v i r t u a l punishment depends on h o w w e l l its implem e n t a t i o n brings the actions o f personae i n t o accordance w i t h the social priorities o f a p a r t i c u l a r c o m m u n i t y . I t is n o t m y i n t e n t i o n to enter i n t o the debate o n whether the role o f corrections is to p u n i s h , r e f o r m , o r serve as a deterrent. These value orientations can be adequately reflected m the development o f correctional strategies w h i l e still meeting the standard o f just a d j u d i c a t i o n . Regardless o f this o r i e n t a t i o n , the sanction must have bearing o n something " u n i v e r s a l l y " valued w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y such as " l i f e a n d l i b e r t y . " I n cyberspace, life and liberty are experienced by w a y o f free and frequent c o m m u n i c a t i o n a m o n g personae ( M a c K i n n o n , 1995,

230

Virtual

Culture

p p . 1 1 7 - 1 2 0 ) . A c c o r d i n g t o T a m i r M a i t z (1996), v i r t u a l , p u n i s h m e n t must therefore i n v o l v e " c o n t r o l U n g and d i s r u p t i n g the c o m m u n i c a t i o n of others. I n this w a y , efficacy is possible i n cybersociety. Based o n the analysis o f these measures alone, i t seems t h a t a range of reasonable penalties" can exist m L a m b d a M O O to reflect the relative seriousness a m o n g crimes, a n d thereby clearly communicate the social p r i o r i t i e s . W h i l e m o s t o f the discussion has focused o n the upper ranges of p u n i s h m e n t , n o t m u c h has been said a b o u t the l o w e r ranges. Jennifer M n o o k m (1996) notes t h a t the c u r r e n t L a m b d a M O O i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t o a d m g varies f r o m other cybercommumties, where i t is still " a n unpleasant b u t far f r o m f a t a l f o r m o f p u n i s h m e n t i n w h i c h the character's description is changed i n t o t h a t o f a w a r t y t o a d . " M n o o k m also notes t h a t other punishments intended t o h u m i l i a t e include p a r a d i n g someone a r o u n d or c o n f i n i n g the persona i n a p u b l i c place. L a m b d a M O O effects a v a r i a n t of the latter w i t h t e m p o r a r y expulsion called a " t i m e out b o x . " F i n a l l y there is the "loss o f q u o t a , " w h i c h represents the f o r f e i t u r e o f l i m i t e d resources. T h e classification o f v i r t u a l penalties deduced f r o m the preceding analysis extends f r o m h u m i l i a t i o n to death and corresponds t o a basic structure perennially observed by anthropologists w h i l e c o n d u c t i n g ethnographic research i n representative societies { B r o w n , 1952). As I have s h o w n t h a t there are degrees o f banishment, so t o o are there degrees o f h u m i l i a t i o n W h i l e t o a d i n g - a s - t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o r p u b l i c display may be the m o s t severe f o r m o f h u m i l i a t i o n , the f o r f e i t u r e o f p r o p e r t y or status m a y constitute examples f r o m the l o w e r ranges. Precision is d i f f i c u l t because punishments are perceived d i f f e r e n t l y i n different local contexts—as i n the ineffective s p a n k i n g o f masochists. I n v i e w o f this, i t is still possible to sketch o u t a hierarchy o f general classifications w h i c h m a y serve as sentencing guidelines {Table 10.1). T h e purpose o f the general classification i n Table 10.1 is to propose the hierarchy o f c u l t u r a l l y relevant punishments as i t is understood i n L a m b d a M O O . The general classification o f punishments is intended t o encompass the range o f w h a t is valued i n L a m b d a M O O a n d the t o p - d o w n o r d e r i n g is intended t o s h o w the relative value a m o n g the classifications N o t e t h a t this is n o t an a u t h o r i t a t i v e o r d e r i n g o f value w i t h i n L a m b d a M O O . N o r is i t a universal hierarchy because the relative values o f status and p r o p e r t y , f o r example, v a r y f r o m culture t o c u l t u r e . Indeed even the significance o f death is c u l t u r a l l y determined. Further, the roie o f divine r e t r i b u t i o n m a y n o t be significant at a l l . The precise o r d e r i n g o f value is l e f t to justice practitioners w i t h i n their respective cybercommu¬ nities. Some examples o f physical w o r l d p u n i s h m e n t d o n o t easily fit i n t o this proposed hierarchy, such as m u t i l a t i o n o r dismemberment, unless they are adapted to the local context. Given the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f v i r t u a l bodies such punishments w o u l d have to be reconceived as targeting p a r t i c i p a t i o n status, o r even p r o p e r t y . T h e loss o f an a r m or a leg can be viewed i n this w a y i n the physical w o r l d as w e l l .

731

Punishing the Persona

Table 10.1

A hierarchy of punishment and sentencing guidelines

^

Physical w o r l d General classification

implementations

Some virtual implementations

Divine

T o r t u r e ; sorcery, v o o d o o ,

S y m b o l i c hexes a n d

hexes, a n d curses

curses; virtual divinity;

retribution

contacting a university or the police? Dcpnvanon/dcnial/

D e a t h penalty, e.g. by

Comprehensive

termination

guillotine

{reincarnation proviso),

of existence

banishment e.g.

l o a d i n g a n d recycling of present a n d future personae

D e p r i v a t i o n of

participation

Imprisonment

Temporary b o x " or

D e p r i v a t i o n of status

D e m o t i o n ; public display, e.g. by pillory

D e p r i v a t i o n of property

F i n e s a n d seizures

banishment;

L a m b d a M O O ' s "time out imprisonment

Toading-as-transformation; "loss of w i z a r d status; being paraded a r o u n d L o s s of quota o n L a m b d a M O O ; loss of objects

I have placed d i v i n e r e t r i b u t i o n a t the t o p o f this hierarchy because the threat o f i n v o l v i n g " t h e o u t s i d e " i n correctional matters is always l o o m i n g . T h e earlier discussion o f the user-as-soul vis-a-vis the persona makes possible the n o t i o n o f literally appealing t o a higher a u t h o r i t y . Yet, such a recourse violates the local context preservation c o m p o n e n t o f the standard o f just a d j u d i c a t i o n . A divme appeal is misunderstood as such i f i t is actually a h o t l i n e t o the heavens. T o meet the standard, i t is possible to conceive o f v i r t u a l d i v i n i t y bearing the same relationship t o cybersociety as does the offline w o r l d to its deities. W h i l e this general classification and the i m p l i e d sentencing guidelines are derived f r o m the socio-cultural priorities o f L a m b d a M O O , a s i m i l a r m o d e l m a y be constructed f o r any v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y to assist w i t h the development o f punishments w h i c h meet the standard o f just a d j u d i c a t i o n .

Conclusion I n s h o r t , i t seems t h a t v i r t u a l p u n i s h m e n t can be an effective means f o r c o n t r o l l i n g the behavior o f personae i n v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s . I t obviously depends u p o n the personae h a v i n g a " s t a k e , " f o r example the p u r s u i t of "Hfe a n d l i b e r t y . " T h i s stake is t y p i c a l l y safeguarded by b e l o n g i n g to a c o m m u n i t y w h i c h secures these values by w a y o f emergent or f o r m a t governance. Further, the stake m a y be a d d i t i o n a l l y protected by establishing a jurisprudence w h i c h adheres to the standard of just a d j u d i c a t i o n . T h i s s t a n d a r d requires the evaluation o f suspect actions i n their local context, the preservation o f the local c o n t e x t b y the proper d i r e c t i o n o f

232

Virtual

Culture

p u n i s h m e n t a n d the establishment o f a range o f pumshments appropriate to the local c o n t e x t a n d reflective o f the relative seriousness o f possible

Note 1

T h e p r i v i l e g i n g o f the l o c a l c o n t e x t ,s a n o r m a t i v e r e q u i r e m e n t . Stone ( 1 9 9 5 ) w r i t e s , I w a n t t o see i f cyberspace a base camp f o r some kinds 1 S

in V ? ™ ? ? ° ° (p. 39) W h i l e n o t as r a d i c a l , 1 h a d a s i m i l a r vision f o r cyberspace while " T . lot f f ? Leviathan ( M a c K i n n o n , 1992), b u t to articulate it m late 1 9 9 1 w o u l d have p u t me far o u t o n the l i m b o f academic credib i h t y . F o r t u n a t e l y , others have since j o i n e d the base c a m p . Just f o u r years later after I observed Usenet's emergence from the state o f n a t u r e , John Perry B a r l o w (1996) declared cyberspace's independence: m

m

i

h

C

S

t

3

g

e

3

C

U

P

n

t

h

e

r c s t

o

f

233

Punishing the Persona

I n this s c c n o n , I deliberately shift f r o m the format academic style of citation w i t h regard

to L L

sou - A n attempt to present a comprehensive survey of the literature a n d a u t h o r s e s in relevant

fields

seems

pretentious

in this case.

For

every

person

persuaded

psychological a p p r o a c h , for m s t a n c e - a n d there are many a p p r o a c h e s - t h e r e

by

the

« another w h o

s A m o v e d . A s m u c h as I w o u l d be tempted to cite traditional religious texts, I a m equally

IZcd

to cite m a t e n a l published b y the R o s i c r u c a n s . W h e n it comes to the s o u l , it m a y be

n o m i s s i o n to leave out references to certain types of m u s i c , art, a n d poetry

I f it .s possibl

o a » e the subject the c a r e that « deserves, even a s u m m a r y w o u l d certamly requite Ice

more

than I h a v e been allotted. A s a result, 1 have decided to allude, rather than to a t e . I

trust that m y discretion m this matter w i l l be judged in this light.

References f m T r X ™ ° ? ! f World you weary giants of flesh and steel, 1 come from Cyberspace, the n e w home of the Mind. On behalf of the tuture, I ask you f

s o ^ y

th

f

! n d u s t r

"

1 ^

a

!

'°

-

n e

°

Y

U

R O t

W

6

t

C

0

m

e

3 m 0 n

S « • Vou have'no

Baker, j . ( 1 9 9 5 ) . P a m e l a ' s o r d e a l . A v a i l a b l e electronically from Barlow J

Perhaps a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n o f these concerns causes some scholars t o liken v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , such as L a m b d a M O O , t o a " r o l e - p l a y i n g g a m e " C o o l ' K opposed t o being a village i n a ' c y b e f - n a t i o n , M n o o k m argues t h a t the r o i e - p l a y m g game m e t a p h o r avoids the c o m p l e x i t y o f o v e r l a p p i n g , m u l t i p l e legal jurisdictions. This a p p r o a c h seems to be p a r t i c u l a r l y attractive w h e n one wishes t o confine personae's legal recourses t o the rules o f the game, b u t i t is unsatisfactory w h e n dealing w i t h those situations w h e n the "real w o r l d " intrudes i n t o the game I r o n i c a l l y , this was the case w h e n the p r o t o t y p i c a l r o l e - p l a y i n g game! Dungeons & Dragons, was blamed f o r the bizarre behavior o f its players T h i s p o i n t aside, h o w m u c h o f one>s day does someone have t o spend p l a y i n g a game before i t is f a i r t o call i t a "life"? H o w deep does a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h another player have to be before he o r she can be called a spouse? H o w m u c h m o n e y a n d respect m u s t be earned before i t can be called a profession? H o w m u c h does i t have t o h u r t before i t can be called pam? C a l l i n g the i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n L a m b d a M O O a game does n o t d o justice t o these questions. Perhaps, as m o r e people spend m o r e t i m e i n cyberspace, some j u r i s d i c t i o n s o f the p h y s i c a l w o r l d w i l l retreat a little Sfnnn i P K Tf r P u s h i n g the passer" t o the N a t i o n a l F o o t b a l l League, the execution o f M r Bungle t o L a m b d a M O O and the governance o f souls t o " t h e c h u r c h . " y

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*»^™Z£^«> """"^ *" " "

the c o m p l e t r o n o f thrs gives us g o o d reason t o question the eagern of reality.

Civil Society,

11 Civil Society, Political Economy, and the Internet Harris Breslow

O n e can discern three locations o f arguments concerning the politics o f the i n t e r n e t as a system o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h e first is t h a t o f the I n t e r n e t itselfcybersociety, so t o speak, the users o f the Internet as they self-articulate the politics o f their usage o f the N e t across the N e t . Here one finds an effusive enthusiasm f o r the p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the exchange o f i n f o r m a t i o n o n the N e t . As enthusiastic as i t is naive, this line o f t h o u g h t argues t h a t the c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f the Internet is necessarily anarchical decentralrzed, and anti-state i n its nature. F o r s u p p o r t arguments i n this vein p o i n t to the nearly instantaneous nature o f e-mail, n e w s g r o u p , a n d W e b access, asserting t h a t the immediacy o f this access and the decentrali z a t i o n o f b o t h access to and p r o d u c t i o n o f electronic i n f o r m a t i o n a l l o w s activists o f all stripes the o p p o r t u n i t y to circumvent the centralized bureaucratic, a n d l o c a t i o n - b o u n d state apparatus. ' T h e second l o c a t i o n is the college campus, the home o f the Internet's critical analysis. One c o u l d say t h a t this site is a potential l o c a t i o n o f m o r e j u d i c i o u s criticisms; academics have l o n g had access to one f o r m o f the N e t o r other, and as a result the novelty o f the N e t and the attendant o p t i m i s m a n d fears—social, c u l t u r a l , and p o l i t i c a l — w h i c h accompany the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f n e w technologies s h o u l d have r u n their course C o n t e m p o r a r y academic c r i t i c i s m o f the Internet tends to center itself u p o n questions concerning the nature o f the politics o f subjectivity, as opposed to the aforementioned discussions concerning the nature o f the politics o f the electronic apparatus w h i c h comprises the Internet. I n m u c h the w a y t h a t Foucault (1991) argued t h a t a n o n y m i t y c o u l d a f f o r d the i n d i v i d u a l subject the o p p o r t u n i t y to escape the socio-political a n d socio-cultural bonds w h i c h a t t e m p t to fix his o r her identity, and thus his o r her subjective p o t e n t i a l , c u r r e n t analyses o f the Internet tend to emphasize the nature o f this a n o n y m i t y , a n d the e m p o w e r m e n t — b o t h social and p e r s o n a l — w h i c h this allows i n d i v i d u a l s w h o use the N e t . T h e t h i r d l o c a t i o n is " c i v i l society," o r rather the current p o l i t i c a l agenda o f the state as i t responds to a b r i e f o f civic morals charges against Internet users b y p r e p a r i n g the i n t e r n e t i n general, and the W e b m p a r t i c u l a r , f o r c o r p o r a t e c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n via a wave o f legislation, censorship, and

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regulatory c o n t r o l o f content. I n this respect the internet is a disputed site; itis contested b y , o n the one h a n d , commercial and p o l i t i c a l forces t h a t w i s h to define the N e t i n m u c h the same w a y as television was construed—as b o t h a c o m m o d i f i e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s apparatus ( w h i c h television accomplished t h r o u g h the economic v a l o r i z a t i o n o f air time) and a m a r k e t (the display o f c o m m o d i t i e s to viewers). O n the other h a n d the Internet is contested b y i n d i v i d u a l s and organizations w h o w i s h to preserve the Internet's status as a n o n - c o m m e r c i a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n s system, since i t is m this guise t h a t the N e t is seen as a progressive socio-political force. T h e C o m m u n i c a t i o n s Decency A c t o f 1996 exposed b o t h sides o f this debate Regulators a n d c o m m e r c i a l interests discussed the A c t as a step t o w a r d b r i n g i n g the N e t i n t o the mainstream o f commerce by "cleaning i t u p " a n d m a k i n g i t "safe" f o r the m a j o r i t y o f people (and their children) w h o w i s h t o use the N e t t o browse f o r i n f o r m a t i o n , entertainment, etc. The A c t thus presents entrepreneurs w i t h a vast commercial o p p o r t u n i t y : by m a x i m i z i n g " i n f o r m a t i o n a l cleansing" regulators attempted to m a x i m i z e the p o t e n t i a l target audience available t o commercial interests. T h e y sought t o accomplish this t h r o u g h the r e m o v a l o f a perceived blockage t o the Internet's p o t e n t i a l c o m m e r c i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n , namely the hesitation o n the p a r t o f m a n y people w h o fear t h a t access to the N e t m i g h t be, in some w a y , c o r r u p t i n g (usually o f their children) o r otherwise i m m o r a l and/or obscene. O p p o n e n t s t o the A c t saw i t i n terms o f its effects u p o n the l i m i t a t i o n o f the f r e e d o m o f speech, a n d o f the p o t e n t i a l o f the A c t to be used i n ways w h i c h far exceed the perceived need to enforce " c o m m u n i t y standards" across the N e t I n so d o i n g , opponents of the C o m m u n i c a t i o n s Decency A c t described the Internet as a p o l i t i c a l space, one where the free electronic exchange o f ideas a l l o w s f o r the i m p r o v e m e n t o f the h u m a n c o n d i t i o n . T h u s w e have w h a t is t a n t a m o u n t to a debate concerning the nature o f c o n t e m p o r a r y c i v i l society; i n p r i n c i p l e at least, civil society is t h a t space where i n d i v i d u a l s act socially, p o l i t i c a l l y , a n d economically w i t h one another outside of the private space o f the home and according t o the laws w h i c h establish the l i m i t s o f " c i v i l " behavior. A n inherently p u b l i c space, c i v i l society is i n t i mately related t o the j u r i d i c a l principles, m o r a l s , and ethics w h i c h m a i n t a i n its existence. M o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , civil society is i n t i m a t e l y integrated w i t h the f o r m a n d nature of social, p o l i t i c a l , and economic interaction Indeed, one c o u l d sav t h a t c i v i l society and the activities therein m u t u a l l y define one another. I n the remainder o f this chapter I w a n t to discuss w h a t I believe to be the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the Internet f o r c o n t e m p o r a r y politics. I n particular 1 w a n t t o address the effect o f the presence o f the Internet u p o n conceptions o f c i v i l society, the site o f m o d e r n politics.

Civil Society: The Classical Model A t the end o f the feudal p e r i o d , Hobbes* t e r r i f y i n g vision o f a society o f i n d i v i d u a l s freed f r o m feudal constraints and thus acting selfishly and

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v i o l e n t l y — t h e w a r o f a l l against a l l — w a s placated by his vision o f a strong centralized g o v e r n m e n t . This government, argued Hobbes (1651/1985} w o u l d abrogate the ultimate private f r e e d o m o f an i n d i v i d u a l ' s powers] and m exchange p r o v i d e f o r and m a i n t a i n a set o f c o m m o n l y limited] socially viable f r e e d o m s — c i v i l l a w s — w h i c h described the extent to w h i c h any citizen c o u l d act, and thus ensured the c o m m o n p r o s p e r i t y (the " c o m m o n w e a l t h " ) o f a l l w i t h i n the p o l i t i c a l l y prescribed limits o f society (pp. 2 2 7 - 2 2 9 ) . T h r o u g h the l i m i t a t i o n and prescription o f social, econo m i c , a n d p o l i t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n , he argued, government (the " L e v i a t h a n " ) established a n d pedagogically enforced a c i v i l i t y w h i c h delimits the interactions amongst its members ( p p . 2 3 2 - 2 3 4 ) . R i c h a r d M a c K i n n o n (1995) identified a s i m i l a r L e v i a t h a n o n the internet. I n its classical c o n c e p t i o n , c i v i l society was understood as a space—the site o f p o l i t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n , the m a r k e t p l a c e — w i t h i n w h i c h c o m p e t i n g private i n t e r e s t s p o l i t i c a l a n d economic i n nature f o r H o b b e s — a r e peaceably mediated negotiated i f y o u w i l l . * T h i s m e d i a t o r y f u n c t i o n o f civil society h a d — a n d continues to h a v e three dimensions. The social dimension o f civil society is described by the j u r i d i c a l d e f i n i t i o n o f c i v i l i t y , a space w i t h i n w h i c h a specific behavioral l a t i t u d e o n the p a r t o f i n d i v i d u a l members o f society is m a i n t a i n e d . I n this respect c i v i l society is a space w h i c h is described by an ethos o f c o n d u c t ; o u t i n p u b l i c w e behave i n a certain f a s h i o n , whether t o a v o i d legal o r social sanctions, because w e k n o w t h a t certain f o r m s o f behavior—even i f they are permissible m p r i v a t e — a r e just n o t t o be f o u n d m p u b l i c . T h u s c i v i l society can be described as a space w i t h i n w h i c h the impulses o f the i n d i v i d u a l are l i m i t e d by r e c o g n i t i o n o f one's presence w i t h i n a p u b l i c e n v i r o n m e n t ( R o r t y , 1989, p p . 4 4 - 7 3 ) . Politically, c i v i l society exists as a space across w h i c h the private d o m a i n o f the h o u s e h o l d — w h a t Habermas (1962/1989, p p . 3 0 - 3 2 ) has called the i n t i m a t e sphere—comes i n t o contact w i t h the politicized d o m a i n o f the state. H e r e c i v i l society acts as a threshold w h i c h , w h e n crossed, causes one t o enter the arena o f p u b l i c p o l i t i c a l debate w i t h i n w h i c h the u n l i m i t e d c a p a c i t y o f the p r i v a t e d o m a i n interacts w i t h a p o l i t i c o - j u r i d i c a l a p p a r a t u s — t h a t is, the s t a t e — w h i c h functions t o l i m i t this capacity so as t o m a i n t a i n the o r d e r l y f u n c t i o n i n g o f civil society. This s h o u l d n o t be seen as u n i d i r e c t i o n a l ; as one crosses this threshold one's i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y and p o l i t i c a l w i l l mediate the p o w e r o f the state. I n its classical conception c i v i l society, i n its guise as the p u b l i c sphere, is the site o f w h a t Habermas (1962/1989) has called the " r a t i o n a l - c r i t i c a l " f u n c t i o n o f the p u b l i c (pp. 3 5 - 3 8 ) . T h r o u g h this f u n c t i o n the p u b l i c — t h e agglomeration o f p r i v a t e citizens—retains the p o w e r to l i m i t the state and direct the state's activities t o p u b l i c ends b y means o f an o n g o i n g and p o l i t i c a l l y effective p u b l i c discourse concerning (1) the role o f the state i n p u b l i c life, and (2) the l i m i t s t o w h a t the state m a y j u r i d i c a l l y define as the p u b l i c sphere, and hence its r e a l m o f interest, given t h a t the purpose o f the m o d e r n state is t o m a i n t a i n c i v i l society.

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Economically, c i v i l society exists i n the guise o f the free m a r k e t , a space w i t h i n w h i c h c o m p e t i n g private economic actors " r a t i o n a l l y negotiate their interests w i t h one another. I n the marketplace, i t is o f t e n argued, the mechanism b y w h i c h people r e m a i n c i v i l w i t h one another is the invisible h a n d the r a t i o n a l i z e d relationships o f supply, d e m a n d , and price w h i c h govern the actions o f those engaged i n economic activities w i t h i n a f r a m e w o r k o f reasonable c o n d u c t . T h e r a t i o n a l - c r i t i c a l f u n c t i o n described o f i n d i v i d u a l s as thev act p o l i t i c a l l y i n the p u b l i c sphere is relocated to the marketplace a n d redescribed as the capacity t o r a t i o n a l l y evaluate an item's exchange value against its use value i n the p u b l i c m i l i e u or the " T h e classical m o d e l o f c i v i l society can be defined as a space o f regulated social c o n d u c t , one w h i c h can be characterized according to the f o l l o w i n g f o u r principles: Spatio-social contiguity: C i v i l society is t h a t space where private i n d i viduals interact, i t is the space w h i c h bounds all private spaces and experiences, a n d across w h i c h they agglomerate. T h r o u g h this process o f a g g l o m e r a t i o n — w h i c h is, m essence one o f c o n g r e g a n o n - c i v i l society becomes a p u b l i c r e a l m (Habermas, 1983, p . 2; 1962/1989, p 30). M o r e over c i v i l society is t h a t space across w h i c h the state, the p u b l i c sphere, and the private sphere meet. I t is the p o i n t o f contact between the private and the p u b l i c , between the i n d i v i d u a l and the social. T h u s w e w i l l have to ask ourselves h o w this n e w f o r m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n affects spatio-sociai contiguity. Soao-spatial density: C i v i l society is a site o f social congregation. Indeed, i t is active precisely at those moments w h e n , a n d i n those locales w h e r e , people have gathered. Skinner (1978) has argued t h a t c i v i l society was nascent as early as the t h i r t e e n t h century m the I t a l i a n city-states, w h i c h were the first locations t o have experienced a p r o t o t y p i c a l post-feudal e m i g r a t i o n f r o m the r u r a l economies o f feudalism t o w a r d e m b r y o n i c u r b a n economies o f manufacture (pp. 3-6). For Skinner this is a nascent f o r m o f c i v i l society f o r t w o reasons. First, precisely because o f the fact or density T h e large increase i n the u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n s o f the I t a l i a n citystates d i r e c t l y led t o an entirely n e w social nomenclature w h i c h e x p l i c i t l y a c k n o w l e d g e d the b r e a k d o w n o f the feudal system o f ranks T h u s , argues Skinner, w e see the b e g i n n i n g o f a n u r b a n citizenry w h i c h understood itself simply as such, w i t h o u t reference t o external systems o f p o l i t i c a l social, o r religious o n t o l o g y (pp. 3 5 - 4 1 ) . I t a l y , then, is the o r i g i n o f H o b b e s ' " n i g h t m a r e " o f a p o p u l a t i o n free f r o m externally imposed social, p o l i t i c a l , and economic o b l i g a t i o n . Second, i t is a nascent f o r m o f c i v i l society because a n entirely n e w f o r m o f conduct, one predicated u p o n the n o t i o n o f p r o p e r i n d i v i d u a l c o m p o r t m e n t t o m a t c h specific social, p o l i t i c a l , and economic settings, had begun to develop i n response to the new social e n v i r o n m e n t w h i c h the large a n d r a p i d increase i n p o p u l a t i o n engendered

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(1978 p p . 3 5 - 4 0 ) — a l t h o u g h i t w o u l d be l e f t to Castigliom several h u n d r e d years later to express this " n e w " sensibility m its ideal f o r m Does the internet affect socio-spatiai density? T i n s , m m y o p i n i o n , is a very i m p o r t a n t question to consider. Information/Commumcattom Habermas (1962/1989) made three points concerning the relevance o f communication/media structures f o r the p r o p e r f u n c t i o n i n g o f a c i v i l society. H i s first p o i n t is that the a b i l i t y o f a p u b l i c to f u n c t i o n i n a r a t i o n a l - c r i t i c a l manner w i t h respect to the state rests u p o n its a b i l i t y t o p r o p e r l y assess the government's action (pp. 51-52). T h u s the m o d e r n emphasis u p o n the p o l i t i c a l importance o f the press, i n p a r t i c u l a r and the media m general as the watchdogs o f government o n behalf o f the people. O n e can extrapolate f r o m this and argue t h a t as the f o r m a n d a v a i l a b i l i t y o f the media a t h a n d have evolved over the course o f the h i s t o r y o f m o d e r n society, the ability to m a i n t a i n an i n f o r m e d o p i n i o n namely the p u b l i c agenda, and the type o f i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h one uses to m a i n t a i n this stance have changed as w e l l . T h u s we w i l l have to ask ourselves w h a t changes (if any) the Internet brings to the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f publicly important information. T h e second p o i n t Habermas makes concerns one's ability to act i n a r a t i o n a l a n d t i m e l y manner m the marketplace. Habermas (1962/1989) has argued t h a t t i m e l y a n d accurate i n f o r m a t i o n concerning commerce is the sine qua non f o r a rationalized and open economic m a r k e t (pp. 7 3 - 7 8 ) I n fact Habermas's imagery o f the early bourgeois p u b l i c sphere is e x p l i c i t l y oriented t o w a r d c o m m u n i c a t i o n and commerce. Sitting m the coffee house r a p i d l y scanning the commercial postings m the early n e w s p a p e r s — w h i c h o r i g i n a l l y contained little else—members o f the mercantile and i n d u s t r i a l bourgeoisie openly debated the relevance o f these notices vis-'a-vis m a r k e t c o n d i t i o n s , w h i c h inevitably led to discussions concerning the relationship between the m a r k e t and the g o v e r n m e n t and the effect o f governmental acts u p o n m a r k e t c o n d i t i o n s (pp. 1 5 - 1 7 ) . H o w the internet as a relatively novel c o m m e r c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t functions to redefine the marketplace m terms o f the relationships amongst producers and sellers, a l o n g w i t h those amongst sellers a n d buyers, n o t to m e n t i o n its effect u p o n w h a t is actually s o l d , is w h a t the C o m m u n i c a t i o n s Decency A c t o f 1996 addresses. H a b e r m a s s t h i r d p o i n t is t h a t the process o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n is the m o s t i m p o r t a n t b u i l d i n g b l o c k u p o n w h i c h the edifice of c i v i l society is constructed. T h e i n a b i l i t y o n the p a r t o f members o f a c i v i l society t o openly a n d accurately communicate w i t h one another leads to a dysfunct i o n a l p o l i t y — o n e w h i c h c a n n o t p r o p e r l y determine c o m m o n p o l i t i c a l and social goals, one w h i c h c a n n o t p r o p e r l y articulate a sense o f shared c o m m o n values—and to w h a t Habermas has referred to as social t r a u m a (1970a, p . 2 0 7 ; 1970b, p . 372). T h u s w e m u s t ask ourselves h o w the Internet a l l o w s us to c o m m u n i c a t e , and whether or n o t this f o r m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n is i n h e r e n t l y social. There is n o d o u b t that, f o r H a b e r m a s socially constructive c o m m u n i c a t i o n begins w i t h the basic speech-act' :

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w h i c h is predicated u p o n an immediate, face-to-face process. Ï have n o hesitation i n saying t h a t this is n o t the o n l y f o r m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h is, o r w h i c h can be, socially constructive. W h e t h e r the Internet fosters sociability is another question entirely, and one w h i c h is m serious need o f discussion. Socio-economic struggle!competition: A t first glance this m i g h t seem to be antithetical t o the principles u p o n w h i c h c i v i l society is said t o exist; after all the n o t i o n o f struggle is n o t usually associated w i t h t h a t o f c i v i l i t y . N e g r i and H a r d t ( 1 9 9 4 ) , however, have p o i n t e d t o a direct relationship between the c o n s t i t u t i o n o f c i v i l society a n d the f o r m a t i o n and dynamics o f socioeconomic (class) struggle. F o r t h e m class struggle and civil society are articulated to one another t h r o u g h a state's c o n s t i t u t i o n , w h i c h j u r i d i c a l l y defines the parameters t h a t delineate the limits o f p o l i t i c a l , legal, and civil activities t o be f o u n d i n t h a t state (pp. 2 8 - 2 9 ) . Far f r o m preventing class struggle, they argue, a state's c o n s t i t u t i o n actually engenders i t b y describing the f r a m e w o r k w i t h i n w h i c h p o l i t i c a l action w i l l occur. A c o n s t i t u t i o n p o l i t i c a l l y and socially legitimates the existence o f specific socio-economic f o r m a t i o n s a n d describes to t h e m h o w they m a y act i n a legitimate p o l i t i c a l f a s h i o n , a n d w h a t actions are e x t r a - c o n s t i t u t i o n a l , and thus perhaps most effective. M o s t i m p o r t a n t l y , a c o n s t i t u t i o n functions i n a pedagogical manner; m j u r i d i c a l l y defining the limits to civil society a c o n s t i t u t i o n teaches people w h a t there is to be struggled f o r (p. 29). I t describes to t h e m the social, p o l i t i c a l , a n d economic spheres w i t h i n w h i c h people f u n c t i o n as members o f a collectivity, and w i t h i n w h i c h members o f collective entities, such as economic classes, may come t o be socially and economically exploited o r otherwise disenfranchised. H o w the presence o f a c o m m u nications apparatus such as the Internet affects the conditions o f this struggle is o f deep social a n d p o l i t i c a l i m p o r t . C i v i l society, t h e n , is tenuous; its social, p o l i t i c a l , and economic b o u n d aries are subject to the s h i f t i n g relationships amongst these same structures. C i v i l society is n o t an absolute space, i t is n o t architectonic m n a t u r e . T w o things m a y be said o f the classical m o d e l w i t h regards t o this p o i n t . First, t h a t c i v i l society is a h i g h l y contingent a n d relational space. One does n o t enter c i v i l society, rather one becomes active w i t h i n i t , and t h r o u g h one's activities and the actions of o t h e r s — i n aggregate—civil society is said t o be active. Hence the n o t i o n t h a t c i v i l society constantly shifts locales. T h e coffee houses o f the very early m o d e r n era, the salons o f the eighteenth century (Zaret, 1 9 9 2 ) , the streets and barricades o f the nineteenth and t w e n t i e t h centuries (Gramsci, 1 9 7 1 a ) — a l l were active locations o f c i v i l society. T h e second p o i n t w h i c h may be made w i t h regards to the classical m o d e l o f c i v i l society is t h a t as a contingently articulated space c i v i l society is a flexible envelope w h i c h is subject to s t r u c t u r a l shifts. These shifts reconstitute n o t o n l y the spatial dimensions o f a c i v i l society—where i t is, the nature o f socio-political a n d socio-

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economic enfranchisement, its relationship to other spaces such as the i n t i m a t e s p h e r e - b u t also the activities f o u n d w i t h i n i t . The Internet's existence as a t r u l y novel f o r m of c o m m u n i c a t i o n , i n b o t h breadth and intensity, m i g h t very w e l l be changing the structural parameters w i t h i n w h i c h c i v i l society—and hence p o l i t i c a l action—exists. Civil

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tenuously m a i n t a i n e d , a n d at the cost o f w i t c h - h u n t i n g those w h o d i d n o t w a n t to sit a t the center o f the table. Socially, this p e r i o d saw the A m e r i c a n city reach the apogee o f its p o p u l a r i t y a n d i m p o r t a n c e t o the p o l i t i c a l economy a n d culture o f the c o u n t r y . Indeed, the immediate p o s t - w a r p e r i o d saw the c u l m i n a t i o n o f a c e n t u r y - l o n g t r e n d ; i t was at this p o i n t t h a t the city reached the peak o f its social a n d economic i m p o r t a n c e . A larger percentage of Americans h a d come t o live i n a n u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t t h a n at any t i m e before o r since Kerouac m i g h t have spent a great deal o f t i m e traveling, b u t On the Road opens i n a tenement m N e w Y o r k C i t y . I n fact the r o a d appears at interludes i n between t i m e spent i n the big city. N e w Y o r k Chicago, Denver, San Francisco, a n d L A - S a P s paradise comes to h i m i n his dreams o f the c i t y a n d the t h r i l l o f becoming lost i n the frenetic energy o f a large c r o w d . T h i s was the era of the space o f p u b l i c c u l t u r e , a c u l t u r e o : the u r b a n m i l i e u ; o f the café, the city square, the corner bar, a n d the little d o o w o p g r o u p s i n g i n g i n the alley just d o w n the w a y . Everyone w a n t e d to be i n the C t y ; i t was the h o m e o f jazz, the place where the new p a i n t i n g , the new n o v e l , the n e w music, a n d the new c r i t i c i s m were happening, i he city was w h e r e y o u c o u l d get a g o o d j o b a n d make a g o o d life amongst others o f s i m i l a r circumstance a n d like aspirations. Indeed, w e have lived w i t h i n the shadows o f the ideals o f c i v i l society f o r so l o n g - i t s assumptions have i m b u e d our actions so d e e p l y - t h a t i t has penetrated o u r thoughts to the p o i n t w h e r e the principles o f c i v i l society have become a set o f unspoken assumptions u p o n w h i c h i n p a r t , the edifice o f o u r language is b u i l t . T h i s is p a r t i c u l a r l y true o f the language o f m u c h o f A m e r i c a n social t h o u g h t o f the t w e n t i e t h century. I t does n o p r o f i t one to postulate a direct relationship between the e v o l u t i o n of structures o f the intellect a n d the m a t e r i a l structures o f the apparatus of everyday l i f e ; ideas a n d t h o u g h t s live m their o w n sphere, o n their o w n time a n d are as a u t o n o m o u s as any other social structure. W h a t I a m describing is a con,uncture o f a material apparatus a n d an apparatus or t h o u g h t , one w h i c h i n f o r m s a great deal o f A m e r i c a n social t h o u g h t and w h i c h was anticipated or otherwise understood by the m o s t p r o f o u n d acts of e n u n c i a t i o n w h i c h exemplified a n d explored one or m o r e o f the principles t h r o u g h w h i c h c i v i l society f u n c t i o n s . ^ Contiguity, f o r instance, is the principle t h r o u g h w h i c h civil society mediates the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the i n d i v i d u a l subject a n d the greater social w h o l e . I n the classical m o d e l o f c i v i l society this principle was e m b o d i e d i n legalistic t h o u g h t ; the relationship between seIf a n d society was made possible t h r o u g h the establishment o f a social contract. I n Lev.atban, f o r instance, c i v i l society f o l l o w s f r o m an agreement amongst i n d i v i d u a l s to c o m m o n l y cede one's u l t i m a t e freedom t o do a l l to aU i n favor o f the establishment a n d strict enforcement of a set o f laws

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^ ^ n o ' f , > g u e d Hobbes (1651/1985) a n d thus the most i m p o r t a n t feature o f this i n i t i a l agreement was the establishment o f a c o m m o n language (pp. 2 2 7 - 2 2 9 ) . This allowed the c o m m o n perception and understanding o f the w o r l d , and thus for peaceable social agreement concerning matters of social and political importance. r

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J o h n D e w e y , Charles Cooiey, and R i c h a r d R o r t y have based their social philosophies u p o n the idea t h a t h u m a n communities are based u p o n the c o m m o n percepoons a n d linguistic expressions o f their subjects. Dewey s a w education as the g r o u n d u p o n w h i c h civility is b r e d . For Dewey education socially enables the subject. Education provides h i m o r her w i t h a c o m m o n system o f experiential reference and expression, w h i c h fosters c o m m u n a l bonds. I n p e r f o r m i n g this f u n c t i o n education p e r f o r m s a p r a g m a t i c social f u n c t i o n ; i t provides a c o m m o n basis f o r self-unders t a n d i n g and the p o r t r a y a l o f the self to the self and others w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y . E d u c a t i o n provides the subject w i t h a sense o f purpose and place. As such education enables the subject to express h i m o r herself to others, a n d thus to p a r t i c i p a t e - s o c i a l l y , p o l i t i c a l l y , c u l t u r a l l y — w i t h m the c o m m u n i t y (Dewey, 1946). T h r o u g h c o m m o n education the c o m m u n a l d i m e n s i o n o f a language—its intersubjective dimension—rests u p o n a relationship between a language and the contingent conditions w h i c h s u r r o u n d its a r t i c u l a t i o n by a specific g r o u p , w h i c h becomes a linguistic community. F o r Cooiey and R o r t y the a r t i c u l a t i o n o f a language n o t o n l y gives members o f a c o m m u n i t y the c o m m o n a b i l i t y to articulate themselves to one another w i t h i n a c o m m o n social f r a m e w o r k , i t also gives t h e m a sense or i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y . Language is t h a t social structure w h i c h maintains c o n t i g u i t y , i t mediates the relationship between the self and the social Cooiey understood this as a f u n c t i o n p a r t i c u l a r to c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h analogically establishes a social r e l a t i o n s h i p amongst speakers and listeners, the parameters o f w h i c h are d r a w n by the language heme spoken. R o r t y (1989) sees the existence o f language i n an equally f u n c t i o n a l fashion: language is the mechanism t h r o u g h w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s articulate a c o m m o n set o f values. I n this w a y a linguistic c o m m u n i t y becomes a m o r a l c o m m u n i t y , and t h r o u g h regular linguistic interaction the ties w h i c h b i n d are f o r m e d ( p p . 1 8 9 - 1 9 8 ) . C o n t i g u i t y has also expressively manifested itself m the p o s t - w a r s t r u c t u r a l f u n c n o n a l i s m o f b o t h Parsons a n d Easton. Post-war f u n c t i o n ahsm conceptualized social space as the f u n c t i o n a l intersection o f m a t e r i a l structures a n d social processes w i t h i n w h i c h the subject is located I n so d o i n g i t f u n c t i o n a l l y explained and localized subjective experience i n terms o f the self-regulating system o f society o f w h i c h this experience is a p a r t The locale c o u l d v a r y i n scale as the concept genencally described c o n t i g u i t y i n a s o c i o - f u n c t i o n a l fashion; located at the intersection o f h i s t o n c o - m a t e r i a l structures a n d self-regulating social processes, society f u n c t i o n a l l y organizes itself as a self-regulating system a r o u n d specific

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social, p o l i t i c a l , a n d economic institutions, w h i c h p e r f o r m pragmatic functions t o w a r d the realization o f idealized social goals. This a r t i c u l a t i o n leads t o a f u n c t i o n a l l y described system o f social processes; the pattern o f activity f o u n d at any specific p o i n t w i t h i n this f u n c t i o n a l structure can be read directly m terms of the postulated h i s t o n c o - m a t e r i a l structures and social processes articulated to the site, a n d the functions w h i c h ensue therein as a result o f this intersection. Self and social are related to one another t h r o u g h one's occupancy of a role w i t h i n the social machine. Subjectivity is a n essential dimension to self-governing social systems; there is n o space w i t h i n f u n c t i o n a l conceptualizations where one does n o t have a role t o p l a y . Recall t h a t I described density as the principle w h i c h explains the phenomena o f social congregation w i t h i n a c i v i l society. T h i s principle is homologous t o the f u n c t i o n a l logic o f c o n t i g u i t y i n the sense t h a t social density manifests itself spatially at the locus o f material structures, social f u n c t i o n s , and subjective experience. Density differs f r o m contiguity insofar as i t takes the subjective dimension f o r granted, as a f u n c t i o n a l effect of structure, and explores the social nature o f the congregating p o p u l a t i o n . Since the t u r n o f this century this p r i n c i p l e has articulated itself t o A m e r i c a n t h o u g h t t h r o u g h a fascination w i t h the b u r g e o n i n g u r b a n c o m m u n i t i e s w h i c h were (and to a certain extent remain) characteristic o f the i n d u s t r i a l c i t y . . N o w h e r e was this concern more prevalent m A m e r i c a n ' t h o u g h t t h a n i n the Chicago School of Sociology, w h i c h attempted to describe the p r o cesses t h r o u g h w h i c h an u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t becomes a n e i g h b o r h o o d . E x a m i n i n g the r a p i d g r o w t h of the city of Chicago, and the j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f a v a r i e t y o f linguistic, ethnic, a n d racial groups w i t h i n the s m o t h e r i n g confines o f the u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l n e i g h b o r h o o d , members o f the Chicago School believed t h a t the constellation o f sayings, gestures, and knowledges w h i c h give character to the space o f an u r b a n c o m m u n i t y i n general and i d e n t i t y t o its members m particular is precisely a f u n c t i o n of this j u x t a p o s i t i o n . T h i s is an a r g u m e n t w h i c h f o l l o w s the logic o f density: m c o m i n g t o occupy a specific c o m m o n space people learn a variety o f physical and linguistic mannerisms w h i c h become specific to the space and expressive o f an i n d i v i d u a l ' s belonging t o , a n d l i v i n g w i t h i n , the space. Specific locations w i t h i n the u r b a n m i l i e u — p a r k s , p l a y g r o u n d s , b a c k y a r d lane w a y s , corner benches . . . — w e r e examined precisely because they existed as key sites o f intersection w i t h i n the n e i g h b o r h o o d a n d thus encouraged social i n t e r a c t i o n amongst people l i v i n g a r o u n d these spaces. O n e c o u l d say t h a t Cooley's w o r k was the pinnacle o f this stream o f t h o u g h t , for Cooiey n o t o n l y e x p l i c i t l y relates the development o f language t o the c o m m o n a l i t y o f e n v i r o n m e n t , he also describes language as the key c o m p o n e n t t o the development o f c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e c o m m o n a l i t y o f language is expressive of the density of the e n v i r o n m e n t ; as such i t generates a n d m a i n t a i n s the c o n t i g u i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l personality w i t h that o f social i d e n t i t y .

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I n contrast to Bell's predictions concerning the end o f i d e o l o g y , continental w r i t i n g has m a i n t a i n e d its l o n g t r a d i t i o n o f describing c i v i l society m terms o f a field o f struggle. Far f r o m being the g r o u n d u p o n w h i c h sociability is established a n d m a i n t a i n e d , c i v i l society has also been described i n the t w e n t i e t h century as a t e r r a i n o f contestation, one w h i c h sees sociopohtical/socio-economic factions jockey f o r p o l i t i c a l position w h i c h , once achieved, a l l o w s f o r the a t t e m p t to take p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l o f the state (Gramsci, 1971a, 1 9 7 1 b ) . This is the focus o f m u c h o f twentieth-century m a r x i s m , w h i c h has concerned itself w i t h w h a t Laciau and M o u f f e (1985) have termed r e v o l u t i o n a r y spontaneity. R e v o l u t i o n a r y s p o n t a n e i t y — t h e capacity o f the u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l p r o l e t a r i a t to seize c o n t r o l o f the state t h r o u g h a spontaneous a n d p o l i t i c a l l y effective general strike—concerns itself w i t h the proletariat's a b i l i t y to seize c o n t r o l o f the u r b a n spatial manifestations o f civil society, the city square and the street. T h e imagery o f the general strike is n o t merely coincidental, i t calls t o m i n d u r b a n density (the c r o w d r i s i n g u p f r o m w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r space, f o r m i n g barncades t o m a i n t a i n and defend this space, concentrating its p o w e r w i t h i n the space o f the uprising) as w e l l as c o n t i g u i t y (the a b i l i t y o n the p a r t o f those i n v o l v e d i n the strike to q u i c k l y and effectively take c o n t r o l ° u u n ° n objective amongst the participants w h i c h allows each person the a b i l i t y t o rationalize particular exigencies w i t h class objectives). Indeed, as w i t h s t r u c t u r a l f u n c t i o n a l i s m r e v o l u t i o n a r y spontaneity assumes a self-reguiatmg social f o r m a t i o n , a l t h o u g h one w h i c h has experienced a " s t r u c t u r a l crisis" (Laciau &c M o u f f e , 1985, p . 18). A s such, r e v o l u t i o n a r y spontaneity concerns itself w i t h f u n c t i o n a l l y u n d e r s t a n d i n g w h a t h i s t o n c o - m a t e n a i conditions w i l l lead to the " s p o n t a n e o u s " p o l i t i c a l expression o f class w i l l . As w i t h functionalist t h o u g h t Western m a r x i s m postulates a relationship between structure and subject w h i c h m a y be read t h r o u g h an analysis o f subjective praxes w h i c h are h i s t o n c o - m a t e n a l l y determined and w h i c h exist w i t h i n the space o f c i v i l society. m

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Western m a r x i s t conceptualizations o f civil society as a site o f social struggle—a place to be f o u g h t over, a place to be seized—are basic assumptions w i t h i n C u l t u r a l Studies, one o f the larger bodies o f p r o gressive academic w o r k . F r o m the start C u l t u r a l Studies has presupposed social space to be a site o f conflict, and one can see H a l l ' s (1981) " N o t e s on D e c o n s t r u c t i n g the P o p u l a r " as one o f the fullest expressions o f this concern. I n this essay p o p u l a r culture is defined as a site where p o p u l a r t r a d i t i o n s , local saymgs, and c u l t u r a l identities, practices a n d representations come i n t o conflict w i t h an impersonal, bureaucraticaily centralized and i n d u s t r i a l l y c o m m o d i f i e d apparatus o f c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n . C u l t u r a l Studies describes p o p u l a r culture i n terms o f density; i t is composed o f the mass o f people w h o m a k e up the p o p u l a r , i t is made u p o f local m s t i t u t i o n s - t h e p u b , the f o o t b a l l pitch . . - a n d social practices w h i c h are

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personal, responsive to localized needs, a n d w h i c h f u n c t i o n to m a k e representational sense o f the w o r l d i n a w a y t h a t is b o t h subjective a n d social. P o p u l a r culture is also idealized i n terms o f c o n t i g u i t y ; i t is w h a t binds the people to one another w i t h i n a structure o f feeling. Structures o f representation mediate the subjective and the social. T h e y e m p o w e r i n d i v i d u a l subjects by m a k i n g the w o r l d sensible. A t the same t i m e these structures a l l o w f o r the c o m m o n a l i t y o f meaning, a n d the p r o f u n d i t y of c u l t u r a l s o l i d a r i t y amongst a culture's subjects. T h u s w e can see R a d w a y ' s (1984) a r g u m e n t t h a t i t is i n c u m b e n t u p o n c u l t u r a l critics to tease o u t the kernels o f r e v o l u t i o n embedded w i t h i n any c u l t u r a l a c t as a logic w h i c h originates w i t h i n the very structure o f the society w h i c h she wishes to see done a w a y w i t h . 2

Postcivil Society: The Spatial Dispersion of Social, Political, and Material Processes N e g r i a n d H a r d t (1994) say t h a t w e have entered a period w h i c h is witnessing the decline o f c i v i l society, a r g u i n g t h a t " i t is n o t m o d e r n society b u t c i v i l society t h a t has w i t h e r e d a w a y , so t h a t o u r w o r l d m i g h t be characterized n o t as p o s t m o d e r n b u t as p o s t c i v i l " (p. 17). For t h e m , this shift does n o t signal the end o f the m o d e r n era, n o r does i t indicate the existence o f an a n t i - m o d e r n m o v e m e n t o n the p a r t o f the state. Rather, the shift t o a p o s t c i v i l society is an historically m o d e r n development, a n d they take pains t o describe the p o l i t i c a l a n d c o n s t i t u t i o n a l origins of this shift, a r g u i n g t h a t w e can see the genesis o f postcivil society i n the w o r k o f Rawls and i n the j u r i d i c a l challenge o n the p a r t o f the state to redress the boundaries w h i c h d e l i m i t the private sphere. Recall m y description o f c i v i l society as a flexible envelope w h i c h maintains a distance between the private sphere a n d the state w h i l e p r o v i d i n g f o r a c o m m o n social e n v i r o n ment to w h i c h a society's private spaces are articulated. W e can describe this challenge o n the p a r t o f the state as one o f several structural spatial shifts a w a y f r o m the dense and contiguous spaces w h i c h demarcate b o t h c i v i l society and m o d e r n sociability and t o w a r d an agglomeration o f disarticulated, p r i v a t i z e d , and h i g h l y regulated spaces. M o r e o v e r , this challenge t o the i n t e g r i t y o f the classical m o d e l o f c i v i l society consists, m actuality, o f three m u t u a l l y conversant trends, all of w h i c h f u n c t i o n t o f u r t h e r disarticulate the architectonics o f c i v i l society. T h e j u r i d i c a l challenge t o the space o f civil society is o f key importance because o f the role w h i c h j u r i d i c a l structures play w i t h i n the classical m o d e l , i n s o f a r as c i v i l society is a social space, i t is just so because o f the j u r i d i c a l limits w h i c h define c i v i l i t y a n d a l l o w people to f u n c t i o n sociably. These l i m i t s are n o t prescriptive i n n a t u r e , but rather they are negative: W e are n o t t o l d what t o d o , rather w e are t o l d what not to d o . I n defining the limits o f an i n d i v i d u a l ' s social freedom t h r o u g h a series o f negative limits ( " y o u can d o a n y t h i n g y o u l i k e so l o n g as y o u d o n ' t . . , " ) , the classical

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m o d e l o f c i v i l society n o t o n l y engendered b o t h sociability a n d security it also served t o p r o m o t e a sense o f v i t a l i t y and spontaneity w i t h i n the public sphere/ ^ A s a secure and social space, c i v i l society promotes social density Security promotes social i n t e r a c t i o n amongst i n d i v i d u a l s ; i t allows people t o rest assured t h a t they are safe w h e n amongst others. Tfns is accomplished t h r o u g h the j u r i d i c a l p r o v i s i o n o f a f r a m e w o r k f o r the l i m i t s to tolerable social i n t e r a c t i o n w h i c h are reached and m a i n t a i n e d t h r o u g h one s actions w i t h i n the space o f the p u b l i c sphere. It is m this sense that N e g r i a n d H a r d t argue t h a t the space o f the p u b l i c sphere is pedagogic i n nature A t the molecular level, being m public allows the i n d i v i d u a l to learn h o w t o act amongst others a n d h o w to f u n c t i o n as a discrete element w i t h m the p u b l i c b o d y . This pedagogy is n o t merely directed i n w a r d l y - we also learn h o w t o anticipate the actions o f others w i t h i n the public e n v i r o n m e n t , n o t i n the sense t h a t we can read each other like an open b o o k a n d thus positively predict w h a t someone will do, b u t rather t h a t we learn t o anticipate w h a t others m o r e t h a n l i k e l y will not d o . F a m i l i a r i t y i n this case, does n o t breed c o n t e m p t , i t cultivates b o t h sociability and security. C i v i l society, as a flexible envelope, is n o t s i m p l y vulnerable t o assaults f r o m the j u r i d i c a l r e a l m . A s a h i g h l y contingent and articulated space c i v i l society is open to incursions f r o m either o f its t w o l i m i t s . O n the one h a n d the l i m i t s t o c i v i l society can be r o l l e d back o n the p a r t o f the p r i v a t e spaces w h i c h comprise one o f its t w o f u n c t i o n a l limits. I n this sense the r a t i o n a l - c r i t i c a l f u n c t i o n o f the p u b l i c , at p a r t i c u l a r moments and locales generates a n explosively critical mass o f i n d i v i d u a l p o l i t i c a l subjects o p e r a t i n g against the interests o f the state. T h e destruction o f the Berlin W a l l m 1989 is one example o f this phenomenon, b u t the p o p u l a r o c c u p a t i o n o f the Russian W h i t e House i n defiance o f a (partially) statesponsored c o u p against the p o p u l a r l y elected D u m a and its executive is another such m o m e n t . I n either instance w h a t occurred was a d e l i m i t a t i o n o f the l i m i t s o f the state o n the p a r t o f i n d i v i d u a l citizens acting en masse in a c r i t i c a l l y p o l i t i c a l fashion and should be understood as an expansion o f c i v i l society m the course o f the r e d u c t i o n o f the state. O n the other h a n d , c i v i l society's envelope is also open to c u r t a i l m e n t o n the p a r t o f state, social a n d j u r i d i c a l mechanisms to pressure the l i m i t s w h i c h demarcate the b o u n d a r y between the public and the private ( N e g r i & H a r d t , 1994, p p . 2 3 9 - 2 4 5 ) . T h i s process contains t w o key components: first, as described by N e g r i and H a r d t , a j u r i d i c a l component w h i c h argues t h a t i t is the r i g h t o f the state to legally dictate the limits o f all p r i v a t e c o n d u c t . This is justified by recourse to arguments w h i c h describe the i m p o r t a n c e o f the private sphere f o r the c o n s t i t u t i o n o f c i v i l society T h u s w e must be very w a r y o f arguments w h i c h describe the home and those w i t h m i t , f o r instance, as "resources" o f social importance. I n the classical m o d e , c i v i l society exists as the limit to the private sphere. I n the postcivil m o d e l , the p r i v a t e sphere becomes an extension o f civil society, a n integral

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c o m p o n e n t w h i c h m u s t be subject t o the same c o n t r o l mechanisms as the private sphere proper lest the private sphere break d o w n as a result o m a l i g n a n t actions o n the p a r t o f the private. I n the classical m o d e l , c i v i society insulates the private sphere f r o m the state, whereas m the postcivil m o d e l the perceived legitimate needs o f c i v i l society serve t o extend the state's p o w e r t o observe a n d c o n t r o l i n t o the i n t i m a t e sphere. T h e second c o m p o n e n t t o the d i m i n u t i o n o f the space o f c i v i l society is m o r a l i n j u s t i f i c a t i o n a n d quasi-governmental and p u b l i c i n f u n c t i o n . T h i s c o m p o n e n t consists o f the semi-public m o r a l i t y squads—in A m e r i c a , f o r instance, the " F r i e n d s " o f the A m e r i c a n W a y , the Parents' M u s i c Resource Center, the so-called M o r a l M a j o r i t y — w h i c h abrogate t o themselves the r i g h t to stand m m o r a l judgement o f i n d i v i d u a l actions whether they be public o r p r i v a t e . These groups f u r t h e r their cause b y addressing the state as legitimate representatives o f the p u b l i c and as a functionaries w h o seek to m a i n t a i n the p u b l i c g o o d . W h a t is distressing a b o u t these groups is their d u a l capacity to articulate themselves to p o l i t i c a l parties a n d governm e n t a l b o d i e s w h i l e a r t i c u l a t i n g their interests t o those o f the state T h u s the m o r a l standing o f an i n d i v i d u a l ' s private c o n d u c t becomes o f keen interest t o the state because i t is seen as c r i t i c a l to the state's a b i l i t y to reproduce itself. I n effect private m o r a l i t y becomes a public resource. 5

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Carey (1989) has c o n v i n c i n g l y r e m i n d e d us o f Innis^s most i m p o r t a n t p o i n t - t h a t changes i n the material structures o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n lead to shifts i n p o l i t i c a l a n d economic capacity. This is the d o m a i n where the Internet is o f p r i m a r y importance, and where I w a n t t o situate the significance o f the Internet's presence w i t h i n the o n g o i n g respatialization of the c o n t e m p o r a r y g l o b a l p o l i t i c a l economy. I n terms o f economic structures, the p e r i o d since the late 1960s has witnessed a three-fold dispersion of the p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c space o f the f o r d i s t agreement. T h e centralized a n d harmonized space o f economic p r o d u c t i o n and labor relations has ceased t o be o f importance. Organizat i o n a l l y , c o r p o r a t i o n s have begun t o arrange themselves according to h o r i z o n t a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l algorithms rather t h a n vertical a l g o r i t h m s . Simultaneously they have m o v e d f r o m being n a t i o n a l to m u l t i n a t i o n a l / g l o b a l m scale. T h i s s h o u l d n o t be seen as a " n a t u r a l " e v o l u t i o n o f the i n d u s t r i a l c o r p o r a t i o n . L i p i e t z (1987) has w a r n e d against this type o f a r g u m e n t , p o i n t i n g t o the fact t h a t at other times i n their development i n d u s t r i a l ' c o r p o r a t i o n s have refused the move to go g l o b a l . T h e e v o l u t i o n i n corporate scale f r o m n a t i o n a l t o global was the result o f the i n a b i l i t y oi O E C D c o r p o r a t i o n s to m a i n t a i n their rate o f p r o f i t given: (1) their m a b i l i t y t o increase their rate o f relative e x p l o i t a t i o n o f skilled Western l a b o r given the l i m i t s o f i n d u s t r i a l technology; (2) a r a p i d rise m the cost o f r a w materials, engendered by the o i l crisis o f 1973; and (3) a p r o d u c t s a t u r a t i o n o f consumer markets, w h i c h signaled the end t o the sense of

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limitless demand w h i c h h a d been the economic climate f r o m the end o f W o r l d W a r I I u n t i l circa. Î965. 6

V e r t i c a l l y o r g a n i z e d c o r p o r a t i o n s integrate the v a r i o u s processes r e q u i r e d o f i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n w i t h i n a specific p r o d u c t i v e and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a l g o r i t h m . T y p i c a l l y this is accomplished t h r o u g h the purchase a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n o f companies i n v o l v e d i n materials supply a n d parts m a n u f a c t u r e . Lash and U r r y (1987) have described this f o r m o f bureaucratic o r g a n i z a t i o n as t y p i c a l o f the national c o r p o r a t i o n . T h e y argue t h a t n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s are the largest p r o d u c t i v e enterprises w h i c h can be contained by organized capitalism, f o r they have reached the spatial l i m i t s t o the state's a b i l i t y to govern their activities. They require economies o f scale m order t o m a i n t a i n their relative regional economic advantage. So l o n g as they r e m a i n n a t i o n a l i n scope the state can legislate o r otherwise negotiate the limits t o corporate initiative. A l t h o u g h the n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n o w n s a variety o f p r o d u c t i v e enterprises and extends itself across the economic space o f the state, i t tends to locate the m a j o r i t y o f its interests w i t h i n a single—or few—region(s). T y p i c a l l y the region(s) is (are) selected, by the c o r p o r a t i o n as a result o f the presence o f resources such as r a w materials o r skilled l a b o r , and the p r o x i m i t y o f p r i m a r y markets or ancillary enterprises ( M a l e c k i , 1 9 8 6 ) . The most important manifestation of this process is the emphasis upon the urban locale as a productive center, indeed, the i n d u s t r i a l c i t y is the sine qua non f o r the n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n . I t is the home o f the corporation's labor force, the site o f economies o f scale and the locale o f ancillary and complementary enterprises w h i c h a l l o w the c o r p o r a t i o n t o concentrate its efforts u p o n the regional development o f a n a t i o n a l enterprise. T h u s the need f o r a series o f labor accords; the scale, diversity and concentration o f labor i n v o l v e d i n this type o f organization requires a h i g h degree o f contractual and financial s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n — m other w o r d s " f a i r t r e a t m e n t " — a n d labor peace. M u l t i n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s have no use f o r the concept o f a n a t i o n a l region; an area o f competitive economic advantage w i t h i n a single c o u n t r y t y p i c a l l y does n o t stand u p to scrutiny w h e n placed against the b a c k d r o p o f a p l e t h o r a o f p a r t i c u l a r competitive advantages f o u n d across the entire w o r l d . A s a result the m u l t i n a t i o n a l tends to f o r g o the advantages o f spatial c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n f a v o r o f geographical d i s p e r s e , f o r the extra costs i n v o l v e d i n t r a n s p o r t i n g finished and unfinished goods are far o u t w e i g h e d by the advantages o f dispersion, such as vastly undervalued l a b o r , w h i c h is n o n - u n i o n i z e d , a n d w h i c h continues to be the p r i m a r y factor m m u l t i n a t i o n a l relocation (see Hansen, 1979; Massey, 1978 1979Rhodes, 1986). M o r e o v e r , i n m o v i n g to the m u l t i n a t i o n a l scale, corporations have f o u n d , f o r the m o s t p a r t , t h a t vertical ownership/integration o f a l l steps m a r e g i o n a l l y based economy o f scale is diseconomic. O f m o r e economic sense is the o w n e r s h i p o f those parts o f a p r o d u c t i v e process w h i c h the c o r p o r a t i o n can p r o f i t a b l y c o n t r o l , and w h i c h i t manages best, the rest o f the overall process being detailed t h r o u g h a series o f local subcontracting

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arrangements, this c o m i n g to be spread across the globe (Alliez &C Feher, 1 9 9 0 ) . Hence the emphasis u p o n a h o r i z o n t a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ; by o w n i n g o n l y the key components i n the p r o d u c t i v e process—scaled d o w n as a result o f the use o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l subcontractors—and n o t h i n g else, the c o n t e m p o r a r y i n d u s t r i a l c o r p o r a t i o n minimizes organizational c o m p l e x i t y , ancillary social costs arising f r o m l a b o r , and the huge, l o n g - t e r m economic risk i n v o l v e d m b u i l d i n g a large-scale p r o d u c t i v e infrastructure. T h i s signifies the end o f the concentration o f large numbers o f w o r k i n g bodies w i t h i n a single enterprise, as w e l l as the beginning o f the end o f the p o l i t i c a l i m p o r t o f the large-scale labor u n i o n : w i t h i n the h o r i z o n t a l l y organized c o r p o r a t i o n , labor loses its p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c advantage o f scale (Alliez 6c Feher, 1 9 9 0 ) . W h e n c o n f r o n t e d w i t h strikes, w a l k o u t s , or other pressure tactics, the c o r p o r a t i o n can s i m p l y relocate its p r o d u c t i v e capacity outside o f the r e g i o n — o r c o u n t r y , i f need be—affected b y the labor strife (Hansen, 1979; N o y e l l e , 1 9 8 3 ) . T h i s is o f crucial importance to the nature o f c o n t e m p o r a r y p o l i t i c a l structures, because i t means t h a t one key c o m p o n e n t o f this process—the c i v i l relationship between l a b o r and capital—has been rendered unnecessary. T h i s is n o t the o n l y effect t h a t the spatial dispersion of i n d u s t r i a l processes has u p o n c i v i l society. The capacity o f h o r i z o n t a l l y integrated m u l t i n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s t o relocate signifies their a b i l i t y t o c i r c u m v e n t c i v i l o b l i g a t i o n s — t a x a t i o n rates, e n v i r o n m e n t a l standards, c o m m u n i t y relations—heretofore m a d e u p o n the n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n . As an " i n h a b i t a n t " o f a specific and singularly c o n t r o l l e d e n v i r o n m e n t , the n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n has little to do b u t to act i n g o o d f a i t h t o w a r d the other members o f the c i v i l m i l i e u . H o r i z o n t a l organization and intern a t i o n a l r e l o c a t i o n m a k e these obligations i m m a t e r i a l to the i n d u s t r i a l m u l t i n a t i o n a l , an o r g a n i z a t i o n so large i n scale t h a t its departure f r o m a region can have devastating effects w h i c h last f o r decades. T h u s i n d u s t r i a l c o r p o r a t i o n s o f scale have the a b i l i t y to dictate the terms required of their c o n t i n u e d economic presence (Strange, 1 9 8 9 ) . This is h a r d l y a c i v i l s i t u a t i o n ; the principles exemplified by density are under attack. A Medium

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T h i s process is intensified b y the Internet. R a p i d site-to-site c o m m u n i c a t i o n and the accurate relay o f i n f o r m a t i o n are o f key strategic importance to the m u l t i n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n , w h i c h requires vast telecommunications resources i n order t o m a i n t a i n the logistics o f operating a f a r - f l u n g enterprise across the globe. O f key interest t o me is the effect o f this process u p o n f o r d i s t l a b o r accords. T h e availability o f telecommunications infrastructures, such as the Internet, is w h a t affords i n d u s t r i a l corporations the a b i l i t y t o de-emphasize strategies o f vertical concentration i n f a v o r o f those o f h o r i z o n t a l dispersion. W i t h o u t instantaneous c o m m u n i c a t i o n s capacity i n d u s t r i a l c o r p o r a t i o n s w o u l d s i m p l y n o t be able to r u n as efficiently i n the h o r i z o n t a l a l g o r i t h m as they can vertically. Indeed many

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c o r p o r a t i o n s are using the Internet as a f o r m o f g l o b a l i n t e r n a l comm u n i c a t i o n s n e t w o r k , s u p p l a n t i n g their reliance u p o n the telephone and the f a x . As m u l t i n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s m o v e increasingly i n t o Internetbased c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , their reliance u p o n , and costs derived f r o m commercial telecommunications utilities decreases. A t the same t i m e the a b i l i t y to manage diversified interests and p r o d u c t i v e processes spread a r o u n d the globe increases, given the fact t h a t the Internet is an exclusively d i g i t a l m e d i u m , capable o f t r a n s m i t t i n g any f o r m o f data instantaneously w i t h n o loss o f q u a l i t y o r accuracy due to the nature o f the signal. A n o t h e r m a j o r s h i f t w i t h i n the p o l i t i c a l economy o f c i v i l society has been i n the w a y i n d u s t r i a l products are made. N o less i m p o r t a n t t h a n the new system o f o r g a n i z a t i o n a n d location employed by m u l t i n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a tions the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f d i g i t a l l y controlled machine tools has had significant effects. First, i t allows f o r a flexible assembly line, as tools can be r a p i d l y r e p r o g r a m m e d to produce different commodities. As w e l l the tools can be p r o g r a m m e d t o v a r y w h a t they produce f r o m a standard m o d e l and thus give the cachet o f a h a n d - t o o l e d o r otherwise l o w - v o l u m e p r o d u c t . Second, the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f d i g i t a l machine tools was articulated to a r e g i o n a l spatial shift a w a y f r o m the u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l centers o f m u c h o f the O E C D i n f a v o r o f suburban locales. T h e reasons, argue Massey and M e e g a n ( 1 9 7 8 ) , are three-fold. One, the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f d i g i t a l machine tools a l l o w s p l a n t managers to hire relatively unskilled labor, as the p r o d u c t i v e s k i l l has been assigned to the machine. T h e implications o f this p h e n o m e n o n , k n o w n as " d e s k i l l i n g , " are o b v i o u s : labor loses its most precious b a r g a i n i n g c h i p , the m o n o p o l i z a t i o n o f p r o d u c t i v e skills As a result the a b i l i t y o f labor t o m a i n t a i n its p o l i t i c a l position w i t h respect to b o t h capital a n d government is seriously diminished, and the sociop o l i t i c a l f a b r i c o f c i v i l society is rent. T w o , the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f this n e w technology has altered the scale o f p l a n t requirements. Once r e q u i r i n g large p o p u l a t i o n s o f skilled laborers a n d housing huge machines r e q u i r i n g massive resources a n d a huge i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , c o n t e m p o r a r y i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n has seen itself d o w n sized w i t h o u t a c o n c o m i t a n t r e d u c t i o n i n p l a n t capacity. T h e smaller-sized plants, r e q u i r i n g far less m a t e r i a l resources a n d d r a w i n g u p o n m u c h smaller, less skilled p o p u l a t i o n s , have a l l o w e d i n d u s t r y to m o v e a w a y f r o m u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l a g g l o m e r a t i o n s — w h i c h are c r o w d e d , require a high degree o f i n f r a s t r u c t u r e t a x a t i o n , and are the home o f high-priced u n i o n i z e d l a b o r — t o the suburbs (Massey & M e e g a n , 1978). This is i n m y o p i n i o n , a devastating development. A l r e a d y made p o p u l a r by inexpensive h o u s i n g , the promise o f a " h e a l t h y " social a n d physical e n v i r o n m e n t , and the mass o w n e r s h i p o f the a u t o m o b i l e , the increasing trend to locate i n d u s t r i a l processes t o the suburbs is intensifying their g r o w t h ; the process of i n d u s t r i a l relocation serves to establish an economic base w h i c h is relatively a u t o n o m o u s f r o m that o f the city. Three, the use o f d i g i t a l machine technology isolates laborers o n the shop f l o o r . I n the t a y i o n s t m o d e o f assembly line p r o d u c t i o n w o r k e r s o n

| I

Soaety,

Political

Economy,

and

the

Internet

253

the line interacted w i t h one another, passing the unfinished p r o d u c t f r o m one t o another, p e r f o r m i n g their w o r k i n syncopated r h y t h m . M u c h like the necessity o f a dense social e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t requires social protocols and w h i c h fosters social s o l i d a r i t y , the assembly Sine and factory floor engender w o r k e r s o l i d a r i t y . T h i s solidarity doesn't simply occur because of the c o m m o n structure o f experience; as w i t h c i v i l society's social consciousness, w o r k e r s o l i d a r i t y develops t h r o u g h c o m m u n i c a t i o n amongst w o r k e r s . Deleuze has argued t h a t this was possible so l o n g as the machines w h i c h were used o n the f l o o r were mechanical a n d analogue m nature. I n this e n v i r o n m e n t w o r k e r s m i g h t have been slaves t o the machine, b u t there was space a n d t i m e f o r i n t e r a c t i o n m a d e possible by the fact t h a t the a p p l i c a t i o n o f h u m a n s k i l l to the o p e r a t i o n o f the m a c h i n e — a process w h i c h mediates the social effects o f the machine—caused t e m p o r a l gaps i n the p r o d u c t i v e process. T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f d i g i t a l machine tools has changed a l l this. O n the new shop floor the w o r k e r interacts constantly w i t h the machine, m a i n t a i n i n g the speed o f its process, m o n i t o r i n g its o p e r a t i o n a l parameters, feeding i t the r a w materials i t requires t o f u n c t i o n . In this capacity the w o r k e r has become a machimc slave, operating at the device's pace, m o n i t o r e d by the device (it counts h o w m a n y widgets they make, a n d i t notes w h e n the w o r k e r does n o t make the proper adjustments to the m a c h i n e ) . M a t t h e w s (1989) has argued t h a t the new factory f l o o r c o u l d be the home o f a n e w f o r m of politics o f the p r o d u c t i v e subject. Free f r o m the socio-productive obligations o f the mechanical assembly line, w o r k e r s o n the n e w shop f l o o r s h o u l d be able t o m a k e their o w n schedules and decide w h a t machine they are t o manage f o r any given day, seeing as they are n o longer the m o t o r c o m p o n e n t s w h i c h drive the shop's p r o d u c t i o n . Subjective experience thus becomes m o r e v a r i e d , open to v a r y i n g routines, a n d ultimately—argues M a t t h e w s — m u c h less alienating. I disagree A l i e n a t i o n has t w o dimensions: one can be alienated f r o m oneself as w e l l f r o m others. I have n o d o u b t t h a t this type o f w o r k allows one t o come i n t o contact w i t h one's inner c h i l d . Indeed, w i t h no-one else to care f o r save the machine one is assigned t o , a l l t h a t is left is f o r one to get i n t o t o u c h w i t h oneself. O n the other h a n d , the alienation o f the self f r o m others is n o w h e r e m o r e p r o f o u n d t h a n i n this space. B u r a w o y (1985, p 120) has argued t h a t the i n s t i t u t i o n a l relationships f o u n d o n the shop floor are h o m o l o g i c a l l y related t o the nature o f the p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c apparatus o f w h i c h the factory is a c o m p o n e n t . I t is i n this respect t h a t he discusses the class s o l i d a r i t y w h i c h is engendered b y the line, and w h i c h becomes p o l i t i c a l l y effective o n the line i n the relationships between l a b o r and m a n a g e m e n t and outside the factory, i n the u n i o n h a l l , the city square, a n d the b a l l o t b o x . M e c h a n i c a l assembly line w o r k m a y n o t help one s sense o f self, b u t i t does foster a sense o f class membership and social s o l i d a r i t y . O n M a t t h e w s ' assembly line the w o r k e r is an island, privately m o t i v a t e d , i n d i v i d u a l l y f u l f i l l e d . Each machine is a veritable suburb o f the shop floor.

254

Virtual

Culture

C i v i l society functions t h r o u g h the dense m i l i e u o f the p u b l i c sphere; t h a t space where a l l m a y congregate, where subjective i d e n t i t y and social membership are made p a l p a b l y obvious. T h e wide-open spaces o f the c o n t e m p o r a r y s u b u r b are private b y nature. Congregation occurs m usespecific sites, such as the m a i l , o r the p a r k , where the n o t i o n s o f spontaneous i n t e r a c t i o n a n d social congregation are a l l but designed o u t o f the e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e s u b u r b is a p u r e l y private space, its design principles m i n i m i z e the a m o u n t o f area available t o p u b l i c use. As a result, a n d given the fact t h a t a m a j o r i t y o f people i n Western societies n o w live m the suburbs, we are facing the e v o l u t i o n o f o u r social space such t h a t the socio-material structures o f c i v i l society—the great square, the u n i o n hall, the p a r k bench, a n d , above a l l , the street—are being replaced by the apparatus o f p r i v a t i z e d life. N o w we go to the s h o p p i n g m a l l and the sports c o m p l e x , and o u r c h i l d r e n hang o u t at the K w i k t M a r t . O u r homes are f u l l y detached, and the backyards fenced i n . Joy; n o w I d o n ' t have to see anyone at a l l . i t is m this sense t h a t i w o r r y a b o u t the time w h i c h w e devote to social i n t e r a c t i o n over the Internet. Ï a m n o t t r y i n g t o argue that the N e t is a bad t h i n g . W h a t I a m t r y i n g t o say is t h a t i t tends to a m p l i f y the sense of i s o l a t i o n w h i c h is a p r e p o n d e r a n t effect o f postcivil society. I n this sense the Internet is c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the dispersion o f the social processes w h i c h m a k e up c i v i l society; immediate and spontaneous face-to-face social i n t e r a c t i o n o f necessity does n o t occur w i t h i n the suburb. The distances are t o o great, the spaces t o o spare, the architectonic m i l i e u t o o bare and u n w e l c o m i n g . There is a great deal o f speculation t h a t the Internet w i l l eventually replace the s h o p p i n g m a i l . Soon one w i l l be able to access the W e b site o f any v e n d o r , m a n u f a c t u r e r , o r p r o v i d e r one needs, find a f u l l c o l o r , f u l l - m o t i o n catalogue o f a l l goods and services offered, and arrange f o r purchase a n d delivery, increasingly s o a a l interaction is becoming a mediated practice. A f t e r we shop w e w i l l be able to visit our friends' W e b sites, d o a little c h a t t i n g (perhaps even over the phone), and w a t c h a little television The Internet's presence does n o t cause, a l t h o u g h i t does enable this heightened sense o f privacy and social detachment. M o r e o v e r , the N e t promotes a sense o f sociability, but i t remains t o be seen whether this sociability translates i n t o solidarity. Political and social change over the course o f this century have occurred as a result o f s o l i d a r i t y , b o t h social a n d physical; people get together to protest. T h e y do so w i t h their friends, people w h o m they meet regularly, and w i t h w h o m they have b u i l t a storehouse o f memories. These memories d o n o t tend t o be disembodied and p r i v a t e , b u t rather f u l l y o f the body and social m nature. G u a t t a n and N e g r i ( 1 9 9 0 , p p . 3 8 - 4 6 ) have argued t h a t the emergence o f n e w structures o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( G u a t t a r i , 1995, p p 3 3 ¬ 36) engenders p o t e n t i a l l y r e v o l u t i o n a r y possibilities f o r subjectivity and f o r the p o l i t i c a l alliances w h i c h these n e w subjectivities m i g h t be able to engender. I a m w a r y o f claims o f this nature. I t w o u l d seem t o me t h a t p o l i t i c a l s o l i d a r i t y is a f u n c t i o n o f density—we w i l l fight f o r o u r friends

Civil

Society,

Political

Economy, and

the

255

internet

die f o r o u r friends, rise u p w i t h o u r friends, precisely because we k n o w t h e m a n d we share a c o m m o n a l i t y w i t h t h e m . T o be sure, there are m a n y friendships a n d systems o f alliance w h i c h are daily being made t h r o u g h the Internet. H o w e v e r , the N e t s lack o f spatiality, its lack o f density and its a b i l i t y t o m a i n t a i n distance between people w o u l d appear t o be c o u n t e r p r o d u c t i v e t o s o l i d a r i t y . M o r e o v e r , the N e t allows people to m a i n t a i n their a n o n y m i t y and i t is often this q u a l i t y w h i c h attracts a great m a n y people t o i t . H o w s h o u l d I k n o w w h o is at the other end, and w h e n the chips are d o w n , w i l l people actually strip o f f their electronic guises to stand and be counted? s

Conclusion A t this p o i n t I find m y s e l f unable t o p r e d i c t h o w society w i l l reconceptualize—if at all—social solidarity and c o m m u n a l identity. I f one t h i n g is clear i t is t h a t theory and praxis are n o t i n sync. C o n t e m p o r a r y p o l i t i c a l a n d social t h o u g h t still operates according to logics m o r e p r o p e r l y p a r t o f principles of density and c o n t i g u i t y as opposed to dispersion a n d i s o l a t i o n . For nigh o n t w o h u n d r e d years the ideals o f s o l i d a r i t y , c o m m u n i t y , and I d e n t i t y — b o r n as m u c h o u t o f the satanic mills as they were o f the city square—have i n f o r m e d o u r sense o f p o l i t i c a l ethics, o u r understanding o f the language we speak a n d the identities we occupy. I a m n o t at a l l convinced o f arguments w h i c h l o b b y f o r the end o f the m o d e r n . L i k e N e g r i I believe t h a t w h a t is c o m i n g to the end is the c i v i l , n o t the m o d e r n . T o be m o d e r n is to embrace change, to exalt m one's ability t o m o v e freely, suddenly, a n d s w i f t l y (Berman, 1988). These are principles w h i c h i n f o r m the Internet, and w h i c h the Internet reinforces, a n d I ' m n o t sure w h a t we are able to say a b o u t the N e t , since w e a l l live i n the s h a d o w o f c i v i l society. I

now

find

the

t h o u g h t o f this century

to be

both

attractive

and

inadequate. A t t r a c t i v e because I a m a c h i l d o f the f o r d i s t era, and I h o l d ideals such as s o l i d a r i t y and c o m m u n i t y quite dear. Inadequate because I find these terms a n d the values they are associated w i t h w h o l l y incapable of

explaining

the

spatial

dispersion

w h i c h is

increasingly

a

part

of

c o n t e m p o r a r y culture.

Notes 1

T h u s one

1 S

tempted to describe j a c o b v ( 1 9 8 7 ) as nostalgic for civil society.

2. " I f w e d o not, w e have already admitted the impossibility of creating a w o r l d w h e r e the v e n o u s pleasure supplied by fthc practices found w i t h i n p o p u l a r culture) - . . w o u l d unnecessary" (Radway,

19B4,

p.

be

222).

3 . T h u s w e c a n regard L a c l a u ' s a n d M o u f f e ' s discussion of Western m a r x i s m ^ continual c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h the concept of revolutionary spontaneity in a n e w light. Indeed, as w i t h Negri

one

can

see the pedagogic genesis of an entire body of revolutionary doctrine

at

Virtual Culture

256

Civil Society,

Political

1 m i * * . A ( 1 9 8 7 ) Mirages

and

Economy, and miracles;

the

257

internet

The crisis of global

fordism

London: Verso

precisely the m o m e n t w h e n civil society begins to engender spontaneous a n d free social interaction. 4. T h e C h r i s t i a n C o a l i t i o n , for instance, h a s m effect taken minority control of the policy process w i t h i n the R e p u b l i c a n Party. 5. T h e P M R C ' s

ability to m a k e its crusade a matter o f congressional a n d senatorial

importance is a disturbing example of this. 6. K o l k o ( 1 9 8 8 ) discusses these factors in excellent detail. Sec also L i p i c t z ( 1 9 8 6 ) .

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( w r f s

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,

f

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2). L o n d o n :

(

2

8

9

_

index 1 6 0 - 1 6 6 , 1 7 9 - 1 8 1 , 185, 191, 2 0 3 - 2 0 4 , 2 0 6 , 213, 2 1 8 , 2 4 4 , 2 5 1 , 2 5 5 and communicanon, 1 0 3 - 1 0 4 as organizing term, 126 forms of, 76n imagined, 18, 55, 58, 70 metaphor, 120, 1 2 2 - 1 2 5 nostalgia, 10, 4 3 online, 1 0 3 , 149 standards, 2 0 8 , 2 3 7

ndex Acker, Kathy, 175 A C L U , 196 Agent, 2 7 A I D S , 217, 224 Allor, M a r t i n . 60 Alta V i s u , 189, 200 A m b r o n , Sueann, 175 America Online, 47, 134, 136, 138 American C i v i l Liberties U n i o n , 19 Anarchy, 3 6 , 61 Anderson, Benedict, 1 2 - 1 3 , 1 5 - 1 8 2 5 5 5 70, 76n, 1 2 0 - 1 2 1 , 185 ' ' Anncnberg School of Communication 87 Anonymity, 111, 158, 236. 2 5 5 Anthropology, 120, 130 Anti-semitism, 4 8 A O L , see America Online Appadurai, A r j u n , 68, 76n-77n A q u a n u m Rescue Unit, 129 Auschwitz, 188 Authenticity, 5 9 , 76 Automobile, 26 Aycock, A l a n , 173

56

Boorstm, Daniel, 11 Borsook, Paulina, 1 7 2 - 1 7 5 Bots, 27, 135 Breslow, Harris, 31 Buchignam, N o r m a n , 173 Bukatman, Scott, 178 Bulletin Board Service {BBS), 138. 146 Burawoy, Michael, 2 5 3 Burdi, George, 199 Burgoon, Judy, 146 Bush, George, 189 Buder, Judith, 223 Cable television. 3, 8 Capitalism, 126 Carey, James W . , 3, 7, 9, 11, 2 2 24 29 32 37, 57, 1 0 3 - 1 0 4 , 249 ' ' ' C B radio, 121 C D A , see Communications Decency Act Censorship, 4 8 - 1 9 , 97, 164, 169, 176, 203, Chappel). T o m . 2 2 0 Chat 134, 136, 148 1 5 0 - 1 5 2 , 1 5 4 - 1 5 8 , 164 167, I S O ' C h a t rooms, 146 :

B'nai B'rith, 4 8 , 196 Baker, Jake, 2 0 8 - 2 0 9 , 2 1 3 - 2 1 4 , 2 1 7 - 2 1 8 221, 2 2 4 - 2 2 9 Baklmn, M i k h a i l , 60, 74 1 06 Balka, Ellen, 180 Balsamo, Anne, 1 7 7 - 1 7 8 Barbi, Sid, 174 Barlow, John Perry, 14 39, 49, 177. 2 3 2 Barnes. Barry, 130 Barthes, Roiand, 133, 142. 144 Baudriliard, Jean, 2 2 ;

B a y m , Nancy, 56, 6 3 , 1 0 6 , 111, 117, 1 3 4 - 1 3 5 146-147 BBS, See Bulletin Board Service Bell, Daniel, 2 4 2 . 2 4 6 Bellah, Robert, 4 2 - 4 3 , 4 5 - 1 6 Benedikt, Michael, 36, 206 Beniger, James, 16, 59, 108 146 Berlin W a l l , 2 4 8 Bcrman, M a r s h a l l , 22, 4 1 - 4 2 , 2 5 5 Bersani, L e o , 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 Black Crowes, 129 Blau, Peter, 8 2 - 8 4 , 9 9 Blues Traveler, 129

b O I N G bOrNC, 169, 182 Bolmon, Lee, 220

259

Chicago school of sociology, 81, 2 4 5 ChisJenko, Alexander, 223 Citation, systems of, 28 Citizenship, 2 7 - 2 8 , 30 Civil society, 2 5 - 2 6 , 2 3 6 - 2 4 9 , 2 5 1 - 2 5 4 Civil life, 2 8 Clinton, Bill, 21 Closure. 76 C M C technology, 40, 49, 112 C M C , see C o m p u - M e d i a t e d Commun.cation Coffee shops, 110 Cold W a r . 30 Collectivity, 36 Commitment, 1 6 2 - 1 6 3 C o m m o n memory, 70 tcr

Communications Decency Act f C D A l 1 8 - 2 1 4 7 - 5 2 , 237, 240 C o m m u n i s nanism, 20, 39, 4 3 — i j Communities, 15, 1 7 - 2 0 of fans. 102, 1 0 8 - 1 0 9 Community, 9, 10, 14. 1 6 - 1 7 , 1 9 - 2 0 2 7 2 9 - 3 0 , 3 9 - 4 3 , 45, 52, 5 5 - 6 0 , 6 2 - 6 4 6 6 - 6 7 , 70-73,. 81. 84, 98, 1 0 2 - 1 1 7 ' 119-123, 125-126, 128-130, 136-139 143, 1 4 6 - 1 4 8 , 1J0, 152. 1 5 6 - 1 5 8

virtual, 3 9 - 1 2 , 4 6 , 5 8 - 5 9 , 63, 7 2 , 102, 104, 1 2 1 - 1 2 2 , 129, 134, 146, 149, 1 5 3 , 1 5 7 , 160, 172, 178, 1 8 0 - 1 8 1 , 2 0 7 2 2 6 - 2 2 8 vs. state. 109 CompuServe, 4 7 - 4 9 , 164, 186 Computer Professionals for Social Responsibility f C P S R ) , 4 9 - 5 0 Computer crime, 208 :

Computer-Mediated Communication, 1, 3 - 4 , 7, 9, 2 4 , 30, 3 6 - 3 8 , 4 2 - 1 3 , 4 6 - 4 7 , 4 9 - 5 3 , ' 5 5 - 5 9 , 6 3 , 7 7 n , 85, 1 0 2 - 1 0 8 , 1 1 0 - 1 1 1 , 116, 118, 1 2 1 - 1 2 3 , 125, 1 2 7 - 1 2 8 , 1 3 3 - 1 3 4 , 136, 138, 142, 147, 206

D r Jest, 213, 221 Dungeons and Dragons, 2 3 2 D y s o n , Esther, 1 7 4 - 1 7 5 E-mail, see Electronic mail Ebben, Maureen, 4 , 181 Echo N Y C , 1 8 0 - 1 8 1 E P F , SEE Electronic Frontier FoundaDon Electric Minds, Inc., 10 Electronic community, 62, 6 9 - 7 1 , 7 3 , 98, 148, 166 Electronic mail, 4 7 - 5 0 , 86, 90, 111. 117, 129, 135, 139, 142, 152, 1 5 8 - 1 5 9 , 165, 236 Electronic town square, 87 Electronic Fronner Foundation ( E F F ) , 4 9 Electronic Communications Privacy Act, 4 9 - 5 0 Emoncons, 59, 77n, 147 Erikkson, Torsten, 2 1 4 - 2 1 5 Etzioni, Amitai, 4 2 - 4 5 Face-to-face interaction, 60, 77n, 85, 95, 98, 1 0 6 - 1 0 8 , 140, 1 4 2 - 1 4 4 , 1 4 6 - 1 4 7 , 241. 254

Contiguity, 2 4 3 - 2 4 5 , 247, 2 5 5 C o o l c y , Charles, 2 4 4 - 2 4 5 Copper, R o b b i A b r a h a m . 189 C P S R , see Computer Professionals for Social Responsibility

F A Q , see Frequenriv asked questions Fax, 252 Feedback, j o e , 213 Feminine spaces, 170 Feminists, 38

Critical A r t Ensemble, 2 2 Cross-posting, 6 2 - 6 3 , 67, 6 9 - 7 0 , 7 2 Cultural studies, 2 4 6 - 2 4 7 Curas, Ian, 2 CyberSoaety, ix, 7, 9, 18

community, 179. 182 cyberspace, 1 8 2 space, 178 F e m b a c k . J a n , 147 Film, 7, 56, 73, 76 First Amendment, 4 8 - 5 1 F i l m i n g , 38, 4 9 - 5 0 , 59, 7 2 , 77n. I l l Fordism, 2 4 2 , 2 4 9 , 2 5 1 , 2 5 5 Forster. E . M . , 12

Cybereommumties, 3 9 Cyberpunk, 13 Cybersociety, 2 0 6 - 2 0 7 , 230 Cyberspace, 12, 15, 2 2 , 3 1 - 3 2 , 3 6 - 4 0 , 4 7 - 5 1 , 53, 1 2 1 - 1 2 2 , 133, 135, 144, 160, 1 6 9 - 1 7 0 , 1 7 2 - 1 7 3 , 178, 1 8 1 - 1 8 2 , 185, 189, 199, 2 0 1 , 206, 2 2 3 - 2 2 4 , 2 2 9 , 2 3 2 as public space, 25, 3 7 - 3 9 , 4 9 Cyborg, 170, 1 7 9 - 1 8 0 , 182, 223 Dave Matthews Band, 1 2 8 - 1 2 9 Davidson, J a n , 175 Davis, Erik, 172-173 D c Tocqueville, Alexis, 2 2 - 2 3 D e a l , Terrencc, 2 2 0 Democracy, 2 4 , 26, 28, 29, 38, 40, 44, 125-126, 128-129 Density, 2 5 1 , 2 5 3 - 2 5 5 Dery, M a r k , 7 7 n , 206 Dewey, John, 10, 2 9 , 30, 4 0 , 4 2 , 44, 244 D i a s p o n c communities, 6 7 - 6 9 , 7 6 n - 7 7 n D i a s p o n c experience, 63 Dibbell, Julian, 206, 2 1 3 , 216, 2 2 5 Digital Equipment C o r p . , 2 1 2 Digital Video Disc { D V D ) , 2 Dissent, 36, 4 7 , 4 9 - 5 3 , 68 Doane, M a r y Anne, 170 Dordick, Herbert, 21

Foucault, Michel, 75, 202, 2 1 5 - 2 1 7 , 219, 2 2 1 - 2 2 3 , 236 Free speech, 4 8 - 5 0 , 98; see also First Amendment, Communicanons Decency Act Frequently asked questions, 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 , 147 Friends of the American W a y , 249 Fulk, Janet, 85 Gamehenge, 115, 131n Gays, 38, 1 3 3 - 1 4 4 , 1 9 3 - 1 9 5 Gemeinschaft, 4 0 - 4 1 , 60 Gender, 108, 1 6 9 - 1 7 0 , 1 7 4 - 1 8 0 , 2 2 3 - 2 2 4 Gendered technologies, 170 Genser, K e n , 89, 94 Gibson, W i l l i a m , 3, 206 Giddens, Anthony, 116, 120 G I F , 135, 137, 139, 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 , 144 Goffman, K e n , see Sirius, R . U . Gore, Albert, 4 7 Graffiti, 121 Gramsci, Antonio, 73, 76n, 241, 246 Grateful Dead, 118 Grid, 3-4

260 Griffith, D . W . , 187 Griswoid. Les, 200 Grotstetn, Josh, 3 2 Guattari, Felix, 254 Habermas, Jürgen, 38, 2 3 8 - 2 4 0 Hackers, 5 1 - 5 3 , 111, 2 2 3 - 2 2 4 Hafner, Kaöe, 2 1 2 H a l l , Stuart, 60, 246 Haraway, Donna, 178-180, 223 H a r d t , Michael, 2 4 1 , 2 4 7 - 2 4 8 H a w t h o r n , George E r i c , see Burdi, George Headroom, M a x , 13 Heavy metal music, 188 Hegemony, 7 3 - 7 4 Heidegger, M a r t i n , 185. 191 H e i m , Michael, 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 , 2 0 6 Helping Phnendly Book, 118, 131n Hierarchy, 161, 163 sexual, 176 Hobbcs, T h o m a s , 207, 215, 2 3 7 - 2 3 9 . 244; see also Leviathan Hofstadter, Richard, 191. 194 Hoggart, R i c h a r d , 5, 14 Holocaust. 48 Homeless persons, 80, 85, 8 7 - 9 6 , 9 9 H o r n , Stacy, 1 8 0 - 1 8 1 H o t W i r e d , 169, 173 H T M L , 162, 165 Hutcheon, L i n d a , 1 7 1 - 1 7 2 Hyperlinks, 1 4 8 , 159 Hypertext, 13 i B M , 177 Identity, 2 5 , 2 7 , 4 4 , 5 9 , 64, 6 7 - 6 8 , 72, 74, 107, 144, 1 4 6 - 1 4 7 , 150, 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 . 1 5 8 - 1 5 9 , 166, 1 7 8 - 1 7 9 . 181, 185, 2 2 2 - 2 2 3 , 226, 236, 2 4 5 - 2 4 6 , 2 5 5 politics, 4 2 Illinois Central Railroad, 8 Imagined community, see Community, imagined Immigrant identity, 6 7 Immigration. 57, 198 Indexing, 2 5 India, 5 5 - 7 6 ' image of, 6 3 - 6 6 . 6 8 - 6 9 , 7 2 - 7 3 , 75 Individualism, 23, 27, 4 6 , 82 Industrial Revolution, 9, 22, 24, 123 Information superhighway, 3, 7, 9 Inms, H a r o l d , 12, 14, 249 Interactivity, 6 0 . 147 Internet, 1, 3 - 5 , 7 - 1 0 , 1 2 - 1 3 , 15, 1 7 - 2 2 , 2 7 - 3 2 , 4 7 - 4 9 , 5 2 , 5 5 - 6 4 . 6 6 - 7 6 , 77n, 1 0 8 - 1 1 0 , 1 2 4 - 1 2 5 , 127, 1 3 5 - 1 3 6 , 148, 158, 166, 170, 173, 180. 1 8 5 - 1 8 6 . 1 8 8 - 1 8 9 , 193, 2 0 3 , 2 3 6 - 2 3 8 , 2 4 0 - 2 4 2 , 249, 2 5 1 - 2 5 2 , 2 5 4 - 2 5 5 as system of communication, 2 3 6 - 2 3 7 Internet Relay Chat f l R C ) , 13, 38, 103, 116 1 3 4 - 1 4 3 , 159

index Intimacy, 1 0 9 - 1 1 0 I R C , see Internet Relay Chat Ives, George, 2 1 5 - 2 1 6 Jackson, John Bnnckerhoff, 3 - 4 , 8, 3 1 - 3 2 Jacoby, Russeli, 255n Jameson Frederic, 171 Jazz, 243 Jefferson, Thomas, 177 Jenkins, Henry, 115 Jensen, j o i i , x i , 2 0 - 2 2 Johnson, D a v i d , 166 Jones, Steven G . , 27, 37, 39, 42, 56, 108, 147, 180. 2 0 6 - 2 0 7 Joy Division, 2 J P E G , 135 Kapor, M i t c h , 47, 4 9 - 5 0 , 5 2 Keillor, Garrison, 16 Kerouac, Jack. 2 4 3 Kiesler, Sara, 7 7 n , 85, 134 Kollock, Peter, 147 Kramarae, C h e n s , 4, 174, 181 Ku Klux Klan, 186-188 Kundcra, M i l a n , 31

Leviathan, 4 7 , 2 0 7 - 2 0 8 , 2 1 4 - 2 1 5 , 2 1 7 232, 238, 243 L i b c n a n a n i s m , 2 0 , 170 Licklider, J . C . R . , 10 Lipietz, Alain, 2 4 2 , 249, 256n Listserves, see Mailing lists Liftman, Jonathan, 2 1 2 Lords oi Chaos, 51 Lovink, Geert, 2 3 2 Loved Quail, 94~$5, 9 7 Lurkers, 6 2 . 105 Lurking, 13, 137, 180 Lyotard, 135

M e a d . Margaret, 82 Memory, 31 social, 254 Menget, T o m , 187-189 M c y r o w i t z , Joshua, 36 Microsoft, 3, 5n Migration, see Immigration Mills, C . Wright, 14 Minitel, 86

Organizations, as classification, 2 9 Ortncr, Sherry, 84, 86, 9 8 - 9 9 Otherness, 1 9 1 - 1 9 9 , 203

Mitnick, Kevin, 51, 2 0 8 - 2 0 9 , 2 1 2 - 2 1 3 , 2 2 3 - 225 Mitra, Ananda, 7 3 - 7 4 M n o o k i n , Jennifer, 230, 2 3 2

Pauly, John, 18 Peck, M . Scott, 59 P E N , see Public Electronic Network Pcrsonae, 207, 2 2 3 - 2 2 4 , 2 2 7 - 2 3 2

Mondo 2000, 24, 169, 1 7 1 - 1 7 2 , 176, 182 Moore, T h o m a s , 2 2 0 M o r a l Majority, 249 Morality, 45, 249

and identity, 107 Phillips, K e n , 8 6 - 8 7 , 95, l O l n Phish, 1 0 9 - 1 2 0 , 122, 1 2 6 - 1 2 9 Phish.net, 1 0 4 - 1 0 7 Pierce, William L . , 195 Poole, Ithici dc Sola, 77n Pornography, 51 Posse comitatus, 188 Postman, N e i l , 5 6 , 1 2 2 - 1 2 4 Power, 75, 121, 130, 161, 1 7 8 - 1 7 9 , 221 Private space, 254 Private life, 21, 39

M o r g a n , D a v i d , 80, 85, 87, 8 9 - 9 0 , 99 Morrison, J i m , 220 Mouffe, Chantai, 246, 255n M r Bungle, 2 0 8 - 2 0 9 , 213, 216, 218, 221, 2 2 4 - 225, 2 2 8 , 2 3 2 M T V , 129 M U D s , see Multi-User Domains Multi-User Domains, 4 6 , 103 Multiple realities, 2 5 , 31, 3 2 Multiple identities, 2 5 M u m f o r d , Lewis, 12, 14, 28 Myers, Gustavas, 186 Mythos of the electronic revolution, 7, 21

Labor, 2 4 9 - 2 5 3 and capaal, 2 4 9 - 2 5 2 Laclou, Ernesto, 246, 255n L a m b d a M O O , 2 1 3 . 216, 2 2 4 - 2 3 2 Langer, Elinor, 1 8 6 - 1 8 8 , 195 Laquer, T h o m a s , 170 Lash, Scon, 242, 250 Laurence, Matt, 119 Legion of D o o m , 51 222

Macintosh, Rosemary, 116 M a c k i n n o n , Richard, 18, 4 6 - 4 7 , 106, 2 0 6 - 2 0 7 , 2 1 1 , 219, 2 2 4 - 2 2 9 , 232, 238 Mailing lists, 38, 146 Malinowski, Bronislaw, 219 Maltz, T a m i r , 230 Markoff. John, 2 1 2 M a r v i n . C a r o l y n , 25 Marx, Kari, 125 Matthews, John, 2 5 3 McLaughlin, Margaret. 106. I l l , 147. 163, 207 M c L u b a n . Marshall, 36

261

index

N A F T A , see North American Free Trade Agreement Narrative, 15—16 Narrowcasting, 85 National media, 56, 71 National idennty, 64 National critical discourse, 64 National Information Infrastructure (NTi), 47 Nationalism, 74 Nazis, 1 8 5 - 2 0 4 Negri, Antonio, 2 4 1 , 2 4 7 - 2 4 8 , 2 5 4 - 2 5 5 , 255n Ncgropontc, Nicholas, 3 3 n , 57, 77n Ncibuhr, Reinhoid, 195 Net rape, 206 Nctiquctte, 38, 47, 4 9 - 5 0 , 7 7 n , 117, 147 Nctizens, 2 3 2 Netscape, 77n Nctsplit, 115 Network computer ( N C ) , 31 N e w Y o r k legislature, 49 Newsgroups, see Usenet Newspaper, 16, 25—26, 5 2 North American Free Trade Agreement ( N A F T A ) , 43 Obscenity, 20 Organization as form of participation, 28 Organization, of space, 74 Organizational challenge of community, 147, 149

Pakistan, 65, 68, 71 Parents M u s i c Resource Center ( P M R C ) , 2 4 9 , 256n Parsons, Talcott, 244 Paschal, Donald, 8 7 - 8 8 , 92, 94, l O l n

Prodigy Online service, 32, 4 7 - 4 8 , 134 Proposition, 187b (California), 57, 67 Pseudo-community, 16, 59. 108, 146 Public, notion of, 3 7 Public Electronic Network: (Santa M o n i c a ) , 80-81, 86-98, lOln Public life, 38, 44 Public opinion, 2 4 , 2 6 , 29, 38, 123 Public space, 3 7 - 3 9 Public terminals, and access, 8 6 - 8 8 Race,

107-108

Radio. 3. 7 R a d w a y , Janice, 247, 255n Rafacli, Shaczaf, 6 0 , 136 R a p music, 196 Reading-rooms, 14, 17, 23 Recording industry, 1 2 7 - 1 2 8 Regulation (see also C D A ) , 29 R c i d , Elizabeth, 135, 140, 146, 2 0 6 - 2 0 7 Rcisman. D a v i d , 22 Reison, Michael, 140 Restoration, 32 Rhcingold, H o w a r d , 10, 3 9 - 4 0 , 59, 68, 1 0 4 - 1 0 5 , 107, 110, 121, 129, 1 3 4 - 1 3 5 , 140, 146, 206 Ridgeway, James, 1 8 7 - 1 8 8 Riemens, Patrice, 2 3 2 Rifkin, Jeremy, 1 2 - 1 3 Ritual view o l communication. 7 - 8 , 57, 103 Rogers, Everett, 8 2 - 8 3 . 1 0 l n Rorry, R i c h a r d . 2 3 8 , 244 Ross, Andrew, 5 1 - 5 2 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 4 3 - 4 4 , 46 Russ, Joanna, 178

262 Saiem, Oregon, 95 Santa M o n i c a , sec Public Electronic Network] Sartre, Jean-Paul, 191 Satellite communication, 3 Schmitz, Joe, 17, 3 3 n , 8 5 - 8 6 , 96, 98 Schoedci, R e v . R o n a l d , 189, 191 Schüler, D o u g , 10, 15. 2 5 Schütz, Alfred, 2 5 , 3 0 - 3 2 Scott, Jill, 181 Search engine, 2 5 Security, 2 1 2 SegmentaDon, of community, 73 Self-expression, 2 7 Scnnett, R i c h a r d , 9, 2 1 - 2 2 , 37, 39, 4 1 - 4 2 Sexuality, 170 Shields, R o b . 2 0 S I G G R A P H , 181 Silicon Valley, 175, 177 Simmcl, Georg, 39, 4 2 , 4 5 - 4 6 , 82 Sincerity, 1 0 7 - 1 0 8 Singapore, 4 9 S i n u s , R . U . , 169, 1 7 1 - 1 7 2 Skinheads, 1 8 8 - 1 9 0 , 1 9 3 - 1 9 4 , 196, 200. 202-203 Skinner, Quentin, 2 3 9 Siouka, M a r k , 46 Smith, Christine, 146, 207 Smith. Judy, 180 Soap operas, 76 Sobchack, V i v i a n , 1 6 9 - 1 7 0 Social mobility, 22, 31 Social space, 8, 2 2 Space, 1 2 and motion, 9 physical presence, 9 Spamming, 59, 77n Springer, Claudia, 170 Steinberg, Steve, 2 9 Sterling, Bruce, 51 Stoll. Clifford, 7, 13 Stone, AJlucquèrc Roseannc, 170, 1 7 8 - 1 7 9 , 181, 2 1 1 , 217, 2 2 2 - 2 2 4 , 2 2 6 - 2 2 7 , 2 3 2 Storage, 2 - 5 Structuration, 116, 119 Structured community, 1 2 4 - 1 2 5 Suburbs, 2 5 3 - 2 5 4 Synchronicity, 148 T a y l o r , Charles, 2 0 , 2 3 - 2 4 , 2 6 , 27, 2 9 - 3 0 T a y l o r , H . Jeame, 174 Technopagamsm, 1 7 2 - 1 7 3 Tele-Garden, 1 4 9 - 1 6 7 Telc-roboocs, 1 4 9 - 1 6 7 Telecommunications, Inc., 43 Telegraph, 3, 8 Telephone, 3, 142, 2 5 2 Television, 7, 2 1 , 2 6 , 60, 64, 7 3 - 7 4 , 237 Textuality, 180 of C M C , 5 8 - 6 0 , 64, 74, 76 Thcunisscn, M i c h a e l , 191 TiHich, Paui, 3 0 - 3 2

index Toading, 213, 225, 2 2 9 - 2 3 1 Tonnies, Ferdinand, 3 9 - 4 0 , 45 Tassopulos, Vcnetta. 2 1 2 Transmission view of communication, 7 - 8 , 104 Transportation, 2 - 3 , 5 Tribes, 7 2 - 7 3 T R W , Inc., 212 T u r k i c . Sherry, 25, 32 University of Hlinois-Urbana, 181 Urbanization, 45 Urry, John, 36, 2 4 2 , 250 Usenet, 13, 16, 2 5 , 27, 3 6 - 3 8 , 4 6 - 4 7 , 4 9 - 5 2 , 61, 7 7 n , 1 0 6 , 109, 111, 1 4 7 - 1 4 9 , 156. 164, 1 8 9 - 1 9 0 , 196, 207, 217, 2 2 6 - 2 2 8 , 232, 236 V-chip, 21 Virtual agora, 5 2 collective, 146, 156 commons, 146, 153 community, see Community, virtual crime, 2 0 6 offenders, 224 punishment, 206, 209, 2 2 9 , 231 rape, 206, 214, 2 2 6 - 2 2 8 reality, 176, 185, 2 0 6 . 2 0 8 , 211, 217 sex, 176 space, 5 9 , 61, 1 4 7 - 1 4 8 V o s , Jeff, 194 Waithcr, Joseph, 77n, 134, 136 W E L L , the, 36, 59, 68, 110 White A r y a n Resistance, 1 8 7 - 1 8 8 Whytc, D a v i d , 220 Williams, Raymond, 31, 76n, 109 Wired, 24, 169, 1 7 2 - 1 7 5 , 182 Wise, J . MacGregor, 9 Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 190 Wittig, Michelle, 87, 96, 98 Women (and public space), 38 Women's Online Network ( W O N ) , 181 Women's Opportunity and Resource Development, 181 W O R D , see Women's Opportunity and Resource Development W o r l d Wide Web, 17, 25, 2 8 , 3 7 , 4 9 , 77n. 141, 146, 1 4 8 - 1 5 0 , 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 , 1 5 5 - 1 5 8 , 162, 1 6 6 - 1 6 7 , 173, 1 8 5 - 1 8 6 , 1 8 9 - 1 9 0 , 1 9 3 - 1 9 4 , 1 9 7 - 1 9 8 , 236, 254 W W W , sec W o r l d Wide Web Y a h o o i , 150 Ziff, Bill, 175 Zionist Occupaoon Government. 1 8 8 - 1 8 9 , 191, 197 Z O G , see Zionist Occupation Government Zoline, Pamela, 178