Toasts with the Inca: Andean Abstraction and Colonial Images on Quero Vessels (History, Languages, and Cultures of the Spanish and Portuguese Worlds)

History, Languages, and Cultures of the Spanish and Portuguese Worlds This interdiscipliuary series promotes scholarship in studies 011 Iberian cultures and contacts from the premodern and early modern. periods.

SERIES ED ITOR

Sabine MacCormack, Univers ity of M ichiga n SERIES BOARD

J. N. Hillgarth, emeritus, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies Peggy K. Liss, Independent Scholar David Nirenberg, Rice Univers ity Adeline Rucq uoi , Ecole des Hautes Et udes en Sciences Sociales

TITLES IN THE SERIES

The Mirror of Spa;'" 1500-1700: The Formation of a Myth J. N. H illgarth Bishops, Councils, and Consensus in the Visigothic Kingdom, 589- 633 Rachel L. Stocking Toasts with the Inca: Andem, Abstraction and Colonial Images on Quero Vessels Thomas B. F. Cummins

e

Toasts with the Inca

Andean Abstraction AND Colonial Images ON Quero Vessels

THOMAS B. F. CUMMINS

Ann Arbor

THE llNIvERSITY OF MrcmGAN PREss

Copyright © by the University of Michigan 2002 All rights reserved Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America €) Printed on acid-fcee paper 2005

2004

2003

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2002

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No part of this publication may he reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Cummins, Thomas B. F., 1949Toasts with the Inca: Andean abstraction and colonial images on quero vessels / Thomas B. F. Cummins. p. em. - (History, languages, and cultures of the Spa nish and Portuguese worlds) ISBN 0-47'-II05I-9 (cloth) I.

Queros. 2.. Inca 3rt. II. Series.

3. Acculturation-Peru-Case studies.

l. Title.

F2230.r.D75 C8S 980' .or-dC2.1

2.002-

2001006445

To Kyle, Ian, and Serge

Peru. Hay diversas opiniones sabre la etimologia deste vocabulo. Algunos dicen ... que llegando los espanoles a aquella provincia toparon a un indio y preguntandole que tierra eea aquella, respondi6 Beru Pelu, que ni el supo 10 que Ie preguntaron, nj ellos entendieron 10 que les respondi6. Pero de aqui conjeturaron que se llamaba Peru, y asi Ie pusieron este nombre. -Sebastian de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de fa Lengua Castellana a Espanola, 16II

Peru: Country in which everything is made of gold. -Gustav Flaubert, Dictionary of Received Ideas

Et accepi calicem de manu Domini, et propinavi cunctis gentibus ad quas misit me Dominus; Ierusalem etc .... Et regibus teer isularum qui sunt trans mar etc. -Jeremiah 25:17-nb, as cited by Christopher Columbus in his Libra de fa profecias. 150 I-2.

Acknowledgments

An attempt to repay a debt of thanks that cannot really be measured is here offered to the many people who, through their friendship and advice, sustained my efforts in developing this book. First and foremost are my friends and companions from the beginning: Kyle Huffman, Joan Weinstein, Serge Guilbaut, Carol Knicely, Tom Crow, Barry Braverman, Jane Williams, Mimi Hall, Holly Clayson, Paula Braverman, and Kathleen Corrigan. They formed part of a wonderful, raucous community that we, although now dispersed across time and space, will always share. Without the intellectual support and warm friendship of Sabine MacCormack, this book would not have seen the light of day. I cannot thank her enough. Cecelia Klein saw the potential in the work at its initial stage and was always encouraging. She nurtured the project with insightful critiques and careful readings. Still another debt of thanks is owed to Rolena Adorno, whose work, comments, and friendship have deeply affected this study. I am also deeply appreciative of the support I have received from Emily Umberger and Elizabeth Boone. The community of Andean scholars has been tremendously generous and receptive toward my work. Joanne Rappaport, Bruce Mannheim, Gary Urton, Jorge Flores Ochoa, Juan Ossio, Tom Zuidema, Ramiro Matos Mendieta, Franklin Pease, Frank Salomon, John Rowe, Alan Kolata, Natalia Majluf, and Joanne Pillsbury are just some of those who have contributed in various and important ways to my work. I am also deeply grateful to my colleagues in the Department of Art History at the University of Chicago. They embraced my area of research without question and with an open mind and offered a truly wonderful environment in which to teach and learn. Research could not have been conducted on queros without access to collections and archives in Peru, Europe, Ecuador, and the United States. When I first undertook this project, permission was graciously

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Acknowledgments

given by Dr. Rojas, Director of the Museo Nacional de Antropologfa y Arqueologfa, and by Roger Ravines, then Director of the Museo Nacional de Cu ltura Peruana, to study and photograph the quero collections of their respective musewns. I thank the staff of the Museo Arqueologico (now Museo Inka) in Cuzco, who allowed me to study and photograph that musewn's collection. In Lambayeque, Dr. Walter Alva, Director of the Museo Bruining, kindly allowed me to study and photograph pieces in his musewn's collection. I also thank Senor Enrico Poli Bianchi of Lima; Dr. Horacio Villanueva Urteaga, Director of the Archivo Historico de Cuzco; and the staff of the Archivo Nacional, Lima . In Quito, the director of the national archives kept them open and allowed access even during the most difficult of times. Maria Concepcion Saez graciously made available the collections of the Museo de America of Madrid. In the United States, my requests to study and photograph museum collections were kindly received by Craig Morris at the American Museum of Natural History in New York, and Diana Fane, as always, made a trip to the Brooklyn Museum a wonderful experience. Elena Ph ips at the Metropolitan Musewn of Art in New York shared her time and profound knowledge of pre-Columbian and colonial Andean textiles. Mr. and Mrs. Kuhn and Mr. Alfred C. Glasell also graciously made their collections available for study. Finally, I want to thank Matt Hunter and Carmen Fernandez, who put the draft of this book intO shape, and Collin Ganio and Ellen Bauerle, who were patient editors par excellence.

Contents

Introduction

I

CHAPTER I

Queros, Aquillas, and Cajamarca

14

CHAPTER 2

Andean Festivals and Reciprocity CHAPTER

39

3

Mythical Origins and Inca Queros

59

CHAPTER 4

Conquest and Gifts CHAPTER

80

5

Social Reorder: From Reciprocity to Redistribution 99 CHAPTER

6

From Abstract to Pictorial Images

II8

CHAPTER 7

Pictorial Invention and Political Coercion CHAPTER

140

8

Profane Images and Visual Pleasure: Quero Imagery '73 CHAPTER

9

Commerce and Commodification of Things Andean 197 CHAPTER 10

Colonial Drinking and Quero Iconography 221

xii

Contents CHAPTER II

Images, Ritual, and Colonial Society

270

CHAPTER 12

Queros, Curacas, and the Community 331

Glossary Bibliography Index

369

Plates

379

333

297

Toasts with the Inca

Introduction

.. . the phenomena of counter acculturation must be understood as the mganic impossibility of a culture to modify anyone of its customs without at the same time fe-evaluating its deepest values, irs most stable models. -Frantz Fanon, A Dying Colonialism

This is a story about images, objects, and their interaction within a sphere of radical historical transformation. In the main, the account focuses on the particular aesthetic dynamic between an Andean ritual wooden vessel called a quero and the images painted into the quero's surface. Painted queros were a colonial phenomenon, and they participated in the tremendously complex and violent history that even now has very clear echoes in the cordilleras of Peru. Queros were produced in large quantities in the highlands of southern Peru and Bolivia during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries.' Before that time, however, the quero was already a venerable drinking vessel, and it held a privileged place in Inca art production and ritual. Passed from one hand to another and from one generation to another, the quero carried into the colonial period Andean artistic and social precepts enacted by ritual exchange. The imagery on the preconquest Inca vessel was, by and large, abstract and inextricably linked to an imperial culture. By the term abstract, I mean a set of highly regularized geometric forms that, for the most part, bear no visual relation to objects and beings. Only occasionally and very specifically can one recognize such forms as highly stylized figures . These abstract designs have a linear quality that, I. Since I began this study in 1982, I have seen more than fifteen hundred colonial painted queros. Almost all of them have entered into collectors' hands in (he past 150 years, sold out of indigenous communities during times of hardship or by theft, once a market was understood to exist. Nonetheless, there are still communities that maintain possession of Inca and colon ial queros and use them for appropriate rituals.

2

Toasts with the Inca

among other things, suggests visually the relationship between design and production-the lines appear through incisions in the surface of the vessel, an aspect that is critical within an Inca aesthetic.

This linear abstraction gave way to polychrome pictorialism in the space and time of less than a hundred years of colonial rule. The colonial quero, with figures carved and painted into its surface, came to materialize, among other things, Andean memory, conjuring an image

of the pre-Hispanic Inca for the colonial viewer. An account of the quero therefore cannot be merely about a transformation of style, a visual change incidental to the historical condition of conquest. A critical material relationship, too often bypassed in art history, is the reciprocity between image and object. No visual image exists independently or virtually. It appears on or as the surface of something. This material relationship is always meaningful, although the nature of the relationship is sometimes more immediately apparent than at other times. Whatever the case, the intimate physical interaction between image and object establishes an expanded field of meanings that brings the image into the phenomenological sphere of social interaction and that brings the object into the sphere of the imaginary. Within the particulars of the quero's history, it is in the social sphere of colonial interaction that a field of meaning is reevaluated so as to be at once more and less than it once was.1This field of cultural meaning is revealed as a historical subject not merely by the images and objects but by the traces found in colonial written records. Reading the records is not just an attempt to create a context for explanation, something tangential to intrinsically meaningful qualities of the image and object. The quero, the images, and their circulation come to exist independently and differently within a variety of colonia l written genres. Spanish conquest creates another figuration of the image and vessel, and this figuration is equally a part of the transformation, not a neutral or transparent record of it)

Queros-and here I mean both the vessel and the painted imageswere first caught, as were so many other Andean objects, in the written 1. This kind of transformation is certainly not restricted to the objects and tbeir mode of circulation in the colonized culture of Peru; see N. Thomas, Entangled Objects: Exchal1ge, Material Culture, alld Colollialism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, .1991), 83-]84. 3. For recent scholarly works that treat written documents as a passive medium through which the record of colonial transformation of ind igenous culture can be extracted-albeit from very different perspectives-see j. Lockhart, The Nahuas after the

Conquest: A Social and Cu/tural History of the Indians of Central Mexico. S;xteellth through Eighteenth Cel/iuries (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992.); S. Gruzinski, The Conquest of Mexico (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1:993) .

INTRODU CTION

3

descriptions ofInca customs and history in early colonial chronicles. As we shall see, they play key roles in the narration of pre-Hispanic and conquest histories. Only slightly later, queros were caught in the cross hairs of extirpation discourse. In this genre of colonial writing, queros are figured between the polarities of idolatry and native resistance. As trus genre of writing about Andean colonial practices abounds, it is too easy to accept the structuring concerns of the documents as adequate, even determining representations of colonial society and its material culture.- Extirpation documents, if not read against other genres, reduce colonial interaction to stable but binary epistemological categories. Andean society was convulsed in an ongoing confrontation between idolaters (Andeans) and extirpators (Spaniards), and colonial images were one locus among many in the battle. But if that were all that it was, one would encounter the colonial figure of the quero only as something demonic, a thing of the devil. The quero was seen as that, of course, but it variously-even simultaneously-was much more. The possibility of the same object existing as different and even contradictory things reveals the complexity of this decorated vessel that was (and continues to be) produced in and used by Andean communities. The quero is one of the few pre-Columbian artistic expressions from either Mexico or Peru that transcends the trauma of the conquest and its subsequent cultural suppression. Therefore, the quero's participation in colonial culture cannot be taken as a given. Rather, the quero's ongoing participation in Andean communities allows us to think about the social life of the image in relation to the object and vice versa within the historical frame of colonial relations and the formation of historica l memory.'

The Pre-Columbian and Colonial Quero painting begins precisely at the point where the tightly constructed world of pre-Columbian art-forms, structure, meaning4. See, for example, H. Urbano, "ldolos, figuras, imagenes: La representaci6n como discurso ideoI6gico," in Catolicismo y Extirpadon de ldolatrfas Siglos XV1-XVIIl. ed. G. Ramos and H. Urbano (Cuzco: Centro de £Studios Regionales "Bartolome de las Casas," 1993), 8: "De aqui en adela nte nadie podrfa ignorarlo (el telUa de idolatria). Es punto fundamental para futuros esrudios ." 5. I use the phrase "the social life of" to evoke A. Appadurai's essay "Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value. I> in The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. ed. A. Appaclurai (Cambridge: Cam bridge University Press, 1986), 3--63.

4

Toasts with the Inca

gives way to what Hegel called Western "Spirit" and "Vitality. "· But some pre-Columbian visual forms ceded ground only to return, drawing on ancient tradition and combining with new Western modes of expression. Considering this process of destruction and reconstitution, many underlying tenets of Andean pre-Columbian art are revealed. I do not mean to posit here some kind of historical transcendentalismsome kind of unending unity in Andean art that moves back through time in relation to every event. But because pre-Columbian art presents hardly any history other than chronology, one must look for certain constants that are altered and reconstituted by those historical events now forever hidden to us. This is part of what can be uncovered in studying colonial painted queros, because the events that brought about their transformation are known.

There is, then, a double edge to this study. It opens a path to the art of the past, but it also leads to the understanding of the colonial formation of native art and identity. It takes into account the process through which Andean art first appeared to European eyes, almost exclusively in the guise of idolatry. The discourse of idolatry is a universalizing frame that transforms discrete representational systems into a knowa ble and, crucially, exorcisable entity. Whatever was unrecognizable or profo undly troubling about Andean pre-Columbian art had no place in this mirroring exercise. At issue in this study is how Andeans were able to rearticulate the discourse of idolatry not by assimilating or accommodating but by distilling or condensing the most significant aspects of native representation within a new imagery of queros.7

I am not arguing that the quero represents some kind of material equivalent to a verbal aporia, fissure, or gap that accords access to the contradictions of the prevailing discourse of representation- in this case, idolatry. Colonial society and its cultural manifestations, like any 6. "Mexico and Peru . .. was a purely natu ra l culrure w hich had to perish as soon as the Spirit [dIe West] approached it. America has always shown itself physica ll y and psychica ll y impotent, and it does so ro this day" (G. W. F. Hegel, Lectures on the Philosoph,. of World History, trans. H . B. Nisbet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, (975), I63). 7. In the modern literature on queros, [here is an odd coroUary to the Spanish distaste of the troubling content of pre-Columbian art. Quero imagery is often described as representing the free ing o f the native artist fro m the yoke of the Inca past and as symbo lic of the harmonic unity of and concord between the twO colo nial worlds: see M. Gusinde, "D ie peruanischen Keros," Mitteilungell der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien (Vienna) 46-47 (1967): :lIS; L. Castaneda Leon, "EI Kero, Cronica Popular," Pert~ Folk (Lima) 7 (£980): 2.; F. Anton and F. Dockstader. Pre-Columbian Art and LAter b zdiall Tribal Arts (New York: Harry N. Abrams, I967) , 208. The most recent and in-depth study of queros and quero imagery is much more nuanced and should be read as a companion to this volume: see J. Flores Ochoa, E. Kuon Acze, and R. Samanez Argumedo, Qeros: Arte Inka en Vasos CeremOlliaies (Lima: Banco de Cn!dito del Peru, I998).

b

INTRODU CTION

5

other society and its manifestations, are much greater than the written record. That is why physical objects and their images matter so very much as historical traces. It is not because they reflect some kind of reality; rather, through their heightened materiality (by which I mean their aesthetic value), they draw attention to themselves and their cultural value. It is here that a part of that reality is constituted. Nonetheless, history and art history are too often the stuff of words, something read and then illustrated (reified) by something visual. Although few today would suggest that writing is any more transparent to reality than an image is, it is often argued that reality can be at least glimpsed through the fissures of representation when what is expressed strays too far from what is acceptably or normally voiced. That which is out of the ordinary, an aberration, a mistake, is privileged as an interpretive place of leverage, prying open and piercing the opacity of discourse. The irregular is no longer to be disregarded as incidental, accidental, or marginal. It is treated instead as a kind of parapraxis or slip of the tongue that manifests not only repression but the repressed matter itself. The colonial proliferation of queros might be considered such a place of leverage, where the act of repression and the repressed is visually manifested. The pictorialization of the "past" on queros does in fact signal for some scholars a welling up of Andean resistance. 8 Quero images become transparent, illustrating history's repressed, emerging finally in 1781 into convulsive rebellion. I want to move away from this singular and teleological view of Andean colonial cultural production. The needs manifested by sustained materialization and production of queros far exceed the armed rebellion of 1781. As objects, queros come to occupy a place of agency in colonial society in multiple and simultaneous ways. It is the multiplicity and simultaneity that are important. Queros perform crucial tasks that overlap and are contradictory. They are important precisely because they move beyond the binary paradigm of oppression and resistance that too often expresses an unbridgeable chasm between Spanish colonial and native colonial worlds, bounded by discrete identities, interests, and understandings .•

8. See, fo r example, J. C. Estenssoro Fuchs, «La Plastica colo nial y sus relaciones con la gran rebeli6n ," Revista AlIdina 9, no.:z. (r99r) : 4:15-39. 9. For a very different and important reading of European and Indian relations that form a commo n and mutually comprehensible world, see R. White, Th e Middle Ground: Indians. Empires. and the Republics ;n the Great Lakes Region. 1650-.1815 (Ca mbridge: Cambridge University Press, I99 I ).

6

Toasts with the Inca

Peru and Its Gifts It is only through the habit of everyday life that we come to think it perfectly plain and commonplace that a social relation of production

should take on the form of a thing . . . -Karl Marx, Capital

How the quero as image and object circulated in Andean society is critical to the story. As objects that even today manifest forms of Andean reciprocity and gift exchange, the quero and the aquilla (the quero's equivalent form in gold or silver) were critical participants in Inca and colonial Inca ritual life. Thus, it will be important to outline in this book the operation of queros and aqnillas within the norms of Andean prestation. They not only take on but give meaning within the act of exchange. In fact, the very act of production of queros and aquillas already presupposes the act of exchange, as I shall show in this book. Gift giving and reciprocity are not, however, static categories, immutable to historical conditions. Nor are they acts particular to the Andes or to non-Western cultures. In fact, these concepts are integral to the colonization of the New World and of Peru in particular. The conqnest and colonization of Peru are figured within an economy of the gift. As I shall describe in the following chapters, from the moment of first interaction between the conquistadors and the Inca sovereign, the locus of action is the exchange of gifts in both Andean and European forms. Gift exchange is the very first transitive point of commensurability between otherwise mutually unintelligible speakers. It is a trap that, once entered into, springs shut, forever entangling Europeans and Andeans. For the Spanish conquistadors, however, a gift had much greater force than merely the cultural expression of social and political relations. As I will show, God's gift to mankind gave the Spaniards a moral imperative to colonize and indoctrinate. From the Yucay Valley, near the imperial city of Cuzco, a priest, or perhaps a colonial official, writing in defense of the conquest and against the work of Dominican friar Bartolome de las Casas, articulated the metaphysical nature of a Christian gift exchange and its consequences for Peru in '57I. ... these mountains are filled with it [gold and silver], ... and the earth is mixed with gold dust. What does this mean except that what God did with us and these miserable gentiles is what a father would do who has two daughters: the one very beautiful and fair, very discreet and full of grace

INTRODUCTION

7

and charm; the other very ugly, bleary-eyed, stupid, and brutish. If the first is to marry, she needs no dowry; rather, just place her in the castle, and there gentlemen wil1 come running in competition to see who can marry her. For the ugly, slow, stupid, unfortunate one, this is not sufficient; rather, [it is necessary] to give her a great dowry, many jewels, rich clothes, sumptuous houses . .. . God did the same with them and us. We were once all infidels: Europe, Asia; but in their nature [resided] great beauty, many sciences, discretion. Little was required by which the apostles and apostolic men wed these souls with Christ by the faith of baptism . . . . But these [other] nations were ugly, rustic, stupid, unskilled, dreary-eyed, and in need of a great dowry. And so [God] gave them mountains full of gold and silver, as well as fertile valleys, because [drawn] by their scent, men came, as God wished, to preach the Gos pels and baptize them and make these souls the bride of Christ... . Thus, I say of these Indians [of Peru] that their mines, treasures, and riches were one of the means of their predestination and salvation, because we see clearly that where they are, the gospel goes flying and in competition, and that where there is none [of these riches], it is a means of disapproval, because the gospel will never reach there, as it is seen by long experience that to the land where there is not this dowry of gold and silver, neither the captain nor soldier would wish to go, nor even the minister of the gospel! Then good are the mines of the barbarians, since God gave them to them so that they might carry the faith and Christianity to them for ... their salvation. 1O This is truly a remarkable passage, and so I have quoted it at length. It leaves one gasping as it breathlessly links all elements of Spanroo " •.. todas estas montanas estan lIenas della, y rierras hay [que] en las casas y en los campos y adonde quiera, esta la tierra mesclada con polvo de oro. ,Que significa esto sino que se hubo Dios, con estos gentiles miserables yean nosotros, como sea un padre que tiene dos rujas: la una muy blanca, muy discreta y lIena de grac;ias y dona ires, la otra muy rea, laganosa, tonta y bestial? Si ha de casar la primera, no ha menester [darle] dote sino ponerla en palac;io, que alH andaran en comperencia los senores sobre quien se casanl con ella. A la fea, trope, n~ia, desgrac;iada, no basta esto sino darle gran dote: muchas joyas, ropas ricas, sumptuosas casas, y con rodo eso Dios y ayuda. La mismo hic;o Dios con estos y con DosotroS. Todo eramos infieles: esa Europa, esa Asia; mas, en 10 natural , gran hermosura, muchas cienc;ias, discrec;i6n. Poco fu e menester para que los apostoles y varones apost61icos desposasen estas almas can Jesuccisto por la fee del bautismo. Mas estas naljiones, criaturas eran de Dios; y para la bien aventuraw;a, capaljes deste mauimonio can Jesucristo; mas eran feos, rusticos, tontos, inhabiles, lagafiosos, y era menester gran dote. Y asi, les dio hasta las montanas de oro y plara, tiercas fertiles y deleitosas, porque a este olor hubiese gentes que par Dios quisiesen ir a esta predicaci6n evangelica y los bautisasen y quedasen estas almas esposas de Jesuccisto ....

Toasts with the Inca

8

ish conquest into a single causal relationship, based on the economy of the gift and couched in the great metaphysics of Western civilization. Peru is gendered as the ugly daughter for whom God has had to provide a great dowry. Her precious metals lie in her ground, anticipating the natural desire of the Spanish suitor. Peru's intrinsic allure sets into circulation God's gift of wealth bestowed on these otherwise miserable lands. In exchange, God's gift returns transformed as divine grace and salvation.

These sentiments may seem parochial, a local expression in an obscure document, written by a minor historical character. They are neither isolated nor marginal, however. They find universal expression-albeit perhaps ironic-in the first Spanish vernacular dictionary, published in 16Il. In his definition of Peru, the author, Sebastian de Covarrubias Orozco, writes: Peru: Extremely famous province in the West Indies conquered and

ruled by the Catholic Kings of Spain, from which has been taken enormous quantities of gold and silver. And in exchange, the holy Catholic faith has been communicated to them, so firmly established in those parts as it is in all those places where the Gospels have been preached. I I

Spaniards must not just receive, they must give, freely and most generously. The selfless gift is, of course, not disinterested, as Mauss first demonstrated. But in the case of European history, it has been taken to the extreme. From the beginning, the gift of the Gospels has AsI, digo destos indios que uno de los medias de su

predestina~i6n

y salva<;:i6n fueron

estas minas, tesows y riquesas, porque vemos clara mente que cloude hay va el Evangelio

yolanda y en competen<;:ia; y acloncle no la hay sino pabres. es media de reproba<;:ion porque jamas \Iega alH el Evangelio, como por gran experieDl;ia se ve que, a tierras doncle no ha y este dote de oro y plata, oi hay soldado oi capitan que quieca ir, oi aun ministro del Evangelio. Luego. buenas son las minas entre estos barbaros. pues Dios se las dio para que lIevasen la fee" (Anonymous, EI A"ol1imo de Yucay Frente a Bartolome de las casas, edicion critica del PaTecer de Yllcay [157CJ, ed.I. Perez Fernandez [Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de las Casas," 1:9951. 158-60). The editor attributes this part of the document to an addition written by Juan Polo de Ondegardo. Whether or not this is the case, this appendix captures neatly the intimate relationship between the church and the state. II . "Peru: Provincia famosisima en la India Occidental conquistada y senoreada de los Cat61 icos Reyes de Espana, de donde se ban (raido (antos miUones de oro y plata. Yen cambio desto se les ha comunicado a la santa fe cat61ica, tan asentacla en aq uellas partes, como en las demas clonde se ha predicado el Evangelio" (S. de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de la Lengua Castellano 0 Espatlola [r6II 1, ed. F. Maldonado and M. Camero, 2d ed. [Madrid: Editorial Cascalia, 1995J. 818).

en

INTRODUCTION

9

been a central defense of the apologists for the European conquest, both by those writing in the sixteenth century and by those writing in the twentieth century!' The moral economy of colonialism can never be couched in terms other than these. The greater gift is the gospel, which stamps the generosity of Europeans and makes the Peruvian always beholden!' The economy of the gift is critical, then, to Andeans, the Europeans, and their interactions. It anticipates a structure of social relationships that seems immediately comprehensible, if only by the nature of the gesture. The content of the gift is something else again and is never truly comprehensible or fixed . Within this study of colonial representations, the gift looms before my analysis, which seeks conditions of existence-how quero imagery came to be and to operate in colonial Peru. I want readers to understand how a set of images came to have a place in colonial society and how they took that place through a particular form and iconography. To facilitate that understanding, I will include factors of history-political, social, and economic-not as a background to an explanation of the imagery but as explicative of the imagery's presence or absence as a specific part of the formation of the colonial quero. I show how the social relations of production take on the form of a thing through the habits of everyday life. Here one can look to the concept of the gift as one form of colonial exchange that structures the symbolic of social 12. George Kubler, for example, argues that the sixteenth-century mona stic building campa ign in Mexico was a matter of c ultivation: "conventional interpretation that the Indi an peoples were coerced and exploited to these ends lbuildingl, aga inst their will , and under conditions of slavery, is unsatisfactory . ... It is as if we were to say that the growth of a prize crop of corn results only from the fa rmer's be llicose design aga inst nature; hi s merciless exploitation of water, su n and soil; his ruthless tyranny in depriving the seed of the natura l conditions o f growth. But anyone will agree that the seed is essenti al and that without it, the farmer's pains are for nothing . . . . [The conventional interpretation] amounts to saying that the fa rmer is at fault for subjecting plants to any kind of cultivation" {Mexical1 Architecture of the Sixteenth Century [New Haven: Ya le University Press, I948], 2:'P7. I thank Areti Papanastasiou for bringing to my attemion the ideological underpi nnings of Kubler's passage and its relation to the metaphor of the tended garden as used by the religious orders in the sixteenth-century colon ial Americas. 1:3. Peru has been the focus of this imaginative relationship in opposirion to Mexico. Covarrubias's entry fo r Mexico defines the difference: "Mex ico. Ciudad populosfsima en la Nueva Espana, y real, fundada sobre una laguna. Algunos quieren se haya dicho de los primeros que alIi la fundar on, que se dijeron mexiti. EI propio nombre suyo fue Tenochtitlan, compuesto de Wlchth, que vale la fruta de run a, y tetl que es piedra, porque cuando se comenz6 a poblar Mexico fue cerca de una piedra que estaba dentro de una laguna, de la cual nacia un nopal 0 tuna mlly grande, y por esto tiene mexico por armas y divisa un pie de nopal nacido entre una piedra, conforme a su nombre" (Tesoro de fa LenguQ Castellana,

7P)'

10

Toasts with the Inca

relations and that is physically and visually manifested by the quero as it circulates in colonial society . I also emphasize that a colonial society is not static and that relations shift in form and intensity.

On Image and Matter It is as if art works were reenacting the process through which the subj ect comes painfully into being. -Theodor W. Adorno, Aesthetic Theory

One of the issues I shall argue in this book is that colonial queros become self-referential and therefore self-consciously present in a way that they were not in the hands of the Inca. Colonial queros come to evidence themselves through the historical entrance of painted images onto the vessel. The images, however, are preeminently an art of historical discontinuity and transformation. To get at the quero as a particular form of colonial representation, we must understand that transformation in both its constitutive parts and its manifest appearance, asking a set of interrelated questions that set the conditions of possibility.'4 First, what are the limits and forms of expressibility? Of what is it possible to think? How and in what forms is thinking possible? Second, what are the limits and forms of conservation? What from the past is retained, and what is discarded or censored? Which are the terms that everyone recognizes as valid or as questionable or definitely invalid? What types of relationships are established between the present forms and the body of past ones? Third, what are the limits and forms of reactivation- what forms . of the foreign culture are valued? What is done with them, what transformation is imposed on them, what system of appreciation is applied to them, and what role are they given to play? Finally, what are the limits and forms of appropriation? What groups and classes have access to the imagety, and how is that access institutionalized? How does the struggle to create and take over these images take place between classes, cultures, and ethnic collectivities? These are necessarily questions about ideology and its practice in aesthetic expression. Generally, art historians admit that such ideology 14. Here and in w hat follows, I am paraphrasing Michel Foucault from "History, Discourse, and Discontinuity," Salamagllndi 20 (1972.); 234-35. Important is Foucault's understanding of discontinuity in history and the transformation of knowledge by a set of rules at a given time and for a definite society, in that there can be no g reater discominuity in history or transformation of knowledge than in the construction of a colonial society.

INTRODUCTION

II

exists but consider it tangential to the aesthetic formation of art. These questions are important, rhen, because they ask how ideology is embraced or internalized, not as something external to the image (i.e., somehow loaded onto it by coincident factors of history), but as those factors that are constiruent of the image through a definable range of limits and possibilities that come about by lived experience. Through the habits of everyday life, ideology ceases to be external to Spanish colonial intentionaliry and takes a "natural" form. Through the images that begin to appear on queros, the subject participates in and sometimes even recognizes the process of his or her coming into being as a colonial identiry. It is rhrough these questions that we can discover the creation and meaning of a particular colonial aesthetic. The first three chapters of this book rherefore form a discussion of rhe quero as it existed in the Inca empire. This is not, strictly speaking, an art historical analysis of Inca queros or their imagery. Indeed, the abstract imagery on Inca queros changed and gave way to rhe pictorial forms rhat are the subject of this study. To be examined in these chapters are the associations held by the vessel form in rhe Inca period, which mayor may not have been carried into rhe colonial period, and which mayor may not have been a part of the formation of the new imagery. In other words, if we are to understand colonial painted queros at a number of different but intersecting levels, it is not sufficient merely to analyze the images themselves; it is necessary to study the vessel on which they occur. Only then can the dynamic of signification that exists because of their specific union be understood in its full colonial ramifications.

Chapters 4-12 look at queros and quero imagery within the colonial period, beginning with the early developments of this imagery and its relation to possible Inca sources. This is discussed in the context of the early political formation of colonial Peru. The focus is on the relative freedom allowed native artists prior to 1570. The political events of the last quarter of the sixteenth century mark the end of native autonomy in Peru. This period also marks the beginning of Andean assimilation of Western art at both formal and epistemological levels. Natives not only began making Western-style religious imagery for the newly established Catholic churches but also recognized the potential of Western imagery to express their own concerns. By tracing the historical and cultural changes initiated in this period, we can begin to recognize those factors that went into the formation of colonial quero imagery. The colonial form of quero imagery began to be produced around 1600. In studying this crucial period, we

12

Toasts with the Inca

can see what began to be exorcised from traditional quero imagery and why. At the same time, it is possible to recognize not only what was retained from pre-Hispanic tradition but what was newly introduced from Western sources into quero imagery. By analyzing at a formal level both the conservation and the innovation, it possible to distinguish the transformation of quero imagery at the level of expressive contenta shift from geomettic abstraction to pictorial narration. To understand the development of quero imagery in colonial Peru, it is also necessary to examine why the production of queros could continue in light of iconoclastic campaigns that lasted throughout the seventeenth century. There are two facets to the question. The first has to do with what was and what was not subject to iconoclastic fervor and how queros and quero imagery could at once be prohibited and permitted. The second has to do with the transformation of the production of queros from being made within a traditional context to a situation in which quero production became linked to colonial mining and a part of colonial commerce. The commodification of not only queros but also several other indigenous items ensured their continuation despite any attempts at restriction or prohibition. Only by describing the possibilities for the existence of queros in the colonial period can the subject matter be discussed. If we know the boundaries in which quero imagery could openly operate, we can ask what particular area those images address. We must establish what aspect of colonial native existence the images refer to. This is first analyzed at the level of illustration. We must identify what the various motifs depict. Here, there is recourse to comparative material, both visual and textual, that allows for the identification of the subject matter. - This is a kind of iconographic interpretation, but the intent is to discuss the illustrative content as a point of departure rather than a definitive end. Narrative pictorialism is what is new, and the question is, what intrinsically makes that pictorialism necessary? The pictorial content acts out a certain aspect of native existence, but the question becomes, why was that aspect formed in a mimetic fashion when it had never been before, and why did these images appear on queros and almost nowhere else? What had changed due to the colonization of Peru that made it necessary to objectify that which had been taken as "natural" before? To pose Fanon's statement as a question, what has been modified so as to reevaluate this culture's deepest values and its most stable models? To answer these questions, we must turn to what is outlined in the early chapters of this book. We must look at the terms of expressibiliry,

INTRODUCTION

13

the unitary nature of the quero imagery, as representing both that most stable model and its modification. We must see how Western pictorial narrative is subjected to Andean criteria and investing the pictorial ism with an Andean referentialiry. Yet the very fact that this referentialiry is depicted pictorially means that it has changed. To recognize the change expressed by form, we must look at those aspects of Andean identiry as they were encoded onto queros by the Inca . We must look at the Inca associations and expression of reciprocity/equaliry and hierarchy/ authoriry to see how they came to exist in the imagery. The final part of this study is an analysis of the imagery as a representation of "Andeanness," the sense of a past that is present, palpable, and very real but that is simultaneously disconnected from the imagery, a sense of historical alienation forming a part of native realiry and experience. Here, we can discover the reentrance of Spanish colonial interests and power. There is contradiction in the imagery, just as contradiction appeared in the Inca's use of queros. But here, that contradiction is attached to two very different forms of authority to which the Andean was now subjected: traditional authority and colonial authority. The images-their iconography and composition in relation to associations embedded in the vessel-resolve that contradiction and thus work to implement that authority. The final question, then, becomes, how does this form of "Andeanness" take hold? What is manifested through the imagery and for whom? How does the struggle to create and take over these images take place between classes, cultures, and ethnic collectivities? How is what is represented by this imagery institutionalized? Here, the area of discussion must be broadened, to show that quero imagery is a part of the colonial process that allows a certain representation of " Andeanness" only so that this expression can be limited and controlled . Queros and other forms of Andean cultural representation- investiture ceremonies, masquerades, theater, and textiles-persisted in the colonial period. But as important as the fact of their persistence is the nature of their persistence- their forum and their patronage. These mediating factors between the images and the primary audience ultimately invest these vessels with their colonial content. Colonial content, however, as something that is inherently contradictory, escapes all intentions, and to say that there are controls and limits placed with quero expressiveness simultaneously implies that they are exceeded. After all, as Covarrubias states in his dictionary entry for Peru, cited at the beginning of this book, the place arose out of mutual unintelligiblity to become what it was-a colonial entity.

CHAPTER ONE

Queros, Aquillas, and Cajamarca

The conquistador Francisco Pizarro first met the Inca king Atahualpa on November 16, 1532. The "encounter" is legendary. It does not matter that the Inca resisted forcefully and continuously for forty years and that armed rebellions, large and small, persisted for the duration of colonial rule and beyond. It does not matter that a native population was decimated in less than one hundred years through war, pestilence, and forced labor' or that Francisco Pizarro and his cohort in the conquest, Diego de Almagro, were themselves murdered. What has been forever remembered and is memorialized in the very first image of Peru (fig. 1.1) is the meeting at Cajamarca between Pizarro and Atahualpa. In the woodcut, the Dominican priest Vicente de Valverde gestures to the Inca king, who is seated aloft in a litter. The image is suspenseful, filled with anticipation for what must come next. For an arrested moment, the priest extends his arm in offer, while Atahualpa holds aloft that which he has just received: a bible or a breviary. The book is turned t()ward the viewer so that what is held by the Inca monarch is clearly recognizable. It is the crucial moment of historical possibilities, the moment just before Atahualpa rejects the offer by throwing the object to the ground. It is the quintessential act that gives "just" cause for the Spanish in the narrative of conquest, a narrative that is rehearsed until today.' In the midst of the slaughter that followed, Atahualpa was pulled from his litter and made prisoner. A fabulous ransom was then raised I. Noble David Cook estimates that the population within the borders of contemporary Peru stood at nine million in !p.o. Only nine hundred thousand natives, or one-tenth of me 1520 number, inhabited the same area one hunrued years later. See N. D. Cook, Demographic Collapse, Indian Pem, 1520-1620 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), u6. 2. See N. Wachtel, The Vision of the Vanquish ed: The Spanish Conquest of Pem through Indian Eyes, trans. B. Reynolds and S. Reynolds (New York: Barnes and Noble. 1977), 33-58.

QUEROS, AQUILLAS, AND CAJAMARCA

over the next few months and given to Pizarro. But even that was a failed exchange, merely resulting in Atahualpa's execution. From almost aU eyewitness accounts, the outbreak of hostilities at Cajamarca happened this way, more or less; two armies waiting to start battle were sparked by an outrageous cultural sacrilege committed by the Inca ruler.3 There is one disparate account of this story-one that is normally left out of history books because it does not fit neatly into the general scheme and is discounted as the author's confused conflation of events. This is the account dictated in Vileabamba by Titu Cusi Yupanqui to the friar Marcos Garda in 1570. His words are the historical remembrances of the penultinrate independent Inca sovereign (1560-71). He, too, tells of a failed exchange, but in a different way. Titu Cusi Yupanqui was the son of Manco II, who in 1534 had been set up by the Spaniards as their puppet ruler. In 1536, Manco II turned against the Spaniards, laid an unsuccessful siege of Spanish-held Cuzco, then rerreated first to Ollantaytambo and finaUy to the jungle refuge of Vileabamba. Here the Inca held out for almost forty years, first harassing the Spaniards, then entering into treaty negotiations, then again fomenting rebellion. Here, too, Titu Cusi learned about the events at Cajamarca from the many Inca who had been there. In 1571, a year after he dictated his account, Titu Cusi Yupanqui fell sick and died. The following year, Viceroy Francisco de Toledo sent rroops led by Martin Garda de Loyola, the Jesuit founder's nephew, to root out Titu Cusi Yupanqui's successor and brother, Tupac Amaru, the last autonomous Inca, who was brought to Cuzco and executed three days later. Titu Cusi Yupanqui's account is therefore more than just another retelling of the Spanish triumph at Cajamarca. It is the only version that was willfully recorded by an independent Inca sovereign who rried to reckon the events of the conquest according to his understanding. It is his telling of the encounter between Pizarro and Atahualpa that aUows for a first glimpse of the place that queros, aquillas, and drinking had among the Inca and-in a refracted sense-still have among the Indians of today. 3. See, for example, the first published account that appeared anonymously in Lyon in 153'h "Nouvelles certaines des isles du Peru," or C. de Mena, "La conquista del Peru," which appeared in April 1534 at Seville. Both are published in Las Relaciolles primitivas de /a conquista del Peni. ed. Raul Porras Barrenechea (Lima : Instituto de Raul Porras Barrenechea, 1967), 72-73, 85-86. See also F'. de Xerez, Verdadera relacioll de 10 cOllqllista del Peru)' provincia del Cuzco lIamada Castilla [1 534], CLDRHP, 1St ser., 5 (1917): 56-57; P. Pizarro, Relnciotl del descubrimiellto y conquista de los reinos del Peru [IS7IJ, CLDRHP, 1st ser., 6 (1:917): 32. See also S. MacCormack, "Atahualpa y el Libro," Revisto de In dios 48, no. 1;84 (1988): 693---,1:4.

r6

Toasts with the Inca

Titu Cusi Yupanqui begins by describing the first meeting between Atahualpa and Hernando de Soto, Diego de Trujillo, and Hernado Pizarro in the Inca encampment outside Cajamarca. Titu Cusi Yupanqui imbues the events of this first meeting with a different meaning than that given in Spanish accounts, one that is not seen as disconnected from the subsequent battle at Cajamarca. He writes: my uncle Atahualpa at that time was in Cajamarca, [and] he received them [de Soto and Hernando Pizarro] very well, giving to one of them a golden cup in which to drink the beverage that we use. The Spaniard, in receiving it in his hand, poured it out, which

enraged my uncle. After this, the two Spaniards gave my uncle a letter or book or I do not know what, saying that it was the quilca [image-writing] of God and of the king, and my uncle, as he felt offended by the spilling of the chicha, which is what our drink is called, took the letter or whatever it was [and] threw it away, saying, "How do I know what (it is that] you give me? Leave, get out of here!" and the Spaniards returned to their companions.4

Titu Cusi Yupanqui is the only author to suggest that the Spaniards presented some kind of writing to Atahualpa during this first meeting.' As 4. « ••• mi tlO Atagualtpa que a la sazon estaha en Caxamarca, el qual los resciui6 rnuy bien y clando de beber a1 uno dellos con un vasa de oro de la bebida que nosotros usamos, el espanol en rescibienclolo en su mano, 10 derram6, de 10 qual se enoio mucho mi tio; y despues desto, aquellos dos espaiioles Ie mostraron al dicho. mi tio Wla carta 0 libra, 0 no se que, diciendo que aquella era la quillca de Dios y del rey, e mi tfo como se sinti6 afrentado del derramar de la chich a, que ansi se llama nuestra bebida, tomo la carta 0 10 que era, y arrojolo par alii, diciendo 'Que se yo que me dais ahL Anda vete.' Y los espaiioles se volvieron a sus companeros'" (Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui, "Instrucci6n del Ynga D. Diego de Castro Tito Cussi Yupallgui para el muy ilustre Senarel Licenciado Lope Garda de Castro. Gobernador que fue destos Reinos de l Pini. tocante a los negocios que con su Majestad en su nombre par su pader ha de tratar, la cual es esta que se sigue," in En el eflcuentro de dos mUlIdos: Los Incas de Vileabamba. ed. M. del Carmen Martin Rubio [Madrid: Atlas, 1988], 128). 5. Diego de Trujillo, in his eyewitness account, says that de SOto went with a few men to meet with the Inca ruler, camped just outside Cajamarca. Arahualpa kept him wa iting, and Pizarro, fearing that de Soto had fallen into a trap, sent his brother Hernando with another contingent of soldiers, among whom was Diego de Trujillo. Hernando met up with de Sow at Atahua lpa's camp, and together they were allowed an audience with the mca leader. Holding a pair of sma ll golden cups, Atahualpa offered one to Hernando Pizarro while he drank from the second. Then Atahualpa took two silver cups and gave one to de SotO and drank from the other. Hernando Pizarro, noticing the change, told Atahualpa that there was no difference between de Soto and himself and that they were both captains of the king of Spain, who had sent them to teach and spread the faith. See Trujillo, Una Reladoll inedita de la cOl1quista: La Cronica de Diego de Tru;ilIo [ca. 1571] (Lima: Instituto Raul Porras Barrenechea, 1:948; reprint, 1970), 52.

QUEROS, AQUILLAS, AND CAJAMARCA

I7

such, he conflates the acts of exchange on this day with those that occurred on November I6. He does this, however, not because he is confused about the chronology of the events of the two days but because he sees them as a continuum" The events of the first meeting are a prelude to the confrontation that takes place the next day. [The Inca and his army] broke camp, not with weapons to fight or armor to defend themselves, but with tumis, which is what we call our knives for hunting new llamas, which is what we call our live~ stock, and lazas [most probably ayllus, or bolas], and they said it was for the horses that appeared for the first time ever; and they

took the tumis and knives to cut off their heads and legs, not paying any account to the so few people [the Spaniards] or who they were. And when my uncle

arrive~

at Cajamarca, the Spaniards

received him . .. and said that they had come by order of the Viracacha to tell them who he was. And my uncle, as he heard what they said, paid attention to them and kept silent and gave one of them something to drink in the same manner as described above, to

see if they would spill it out like the other two. It was just as before, they neither drank it nor paid it any heed . And seeing how little importance they paid to these things, he said, "Since you pay no importance to me, I wish nothing to do with you." And so, he

arose, furious, and cried as if he wished to kill the Spaniards. And the Spaniards who were there on alert seized the four gateways that were in the plaza where they were, which was walled all around ) Among aU Spanish chroniclers, little attention is given to the vessels of chicha offered at this first meeting. There is no agreement among them as to whether the corn beer was drunk or not. What is usually stressed is how Hernando Pizarro rushed on horseback toward the Inca ruler and how the imperious Atahualpa remained motionless while some of his guards flinched. for which they were put to death-an indication to the Spaniards of Atahualpa's absolute authority and cruelty; see Pizarro, Re1acioll del desc.ubrimiellto y canquista, 2.9. See also J. Hemming, The Co"quest of the blCQ (New York: Harcourr Brace Jovanovich, 1970), 549 n. 35· 6. For a discussion of Titu Cusi's narrative as a coherent structure devised according to Andean modes of thought, see F. Salomon, "Chroniclers of the [mpossible: Notes on Three Peruvian Indigenous Historians," in From Oral to Written Expression, ed. R. Adorno (Syracuse: Syracuse University, 1982), 12.-r6. 7. ". .. lev3nt6 su real, no con armas para pelear, ni arneses para se defender, sino can tomes y lazos, que ansfllamamos los cuchillos nuestros para cazar aquel genera de nuevas llamas, que ansI Uamamos eI ganado nuestro, y elias 10 decfan par los caballos que nueva ~ mente habian aparecido; y llevaban los tomes y cuchil los para los desollar y descuartizar, no haciendo caso de tan poco jente ni de 10 que era; y como mi tio llegase al pueblo de Caxamarca can toda su gente ... los espaiioles los recibieron ... Ie dejeron, que venlan por mandado del Viracocha a decides como Ie han de con~er, y mi tio como les oyb 10 que dedan, atendi6 a ello y callo, y dio de heber a uno dellos de la manera que arriba dije, para ver si se 10 derramaban como los otfOS dos. Fue de la misma manera, que oi 10 bebieron ni

18

Toasts with the Inca

Titu Cusi Yupanqui then goes on to describe the capture of Atahualpa and the slaughter of his guard. He adds one more unique feature to the events, saying that Atahualpa was stripped naked by the Spaniards and kept tied with a chain around his neck for the first night of his capture. Titu Cusi Yupanqui mythologizes these events; that is, he imbues them with a narrative structure that connects the discrete historical acts not within a strict chronological framework but by an internal logic based on a sequence of ritualized events that express Andean social codes of behavior. For instance, he makes sure that the reader is aware that the weapons taken by the Inca army, tum is, are ritual weapons used for the ritual hunt and slaughter of llamas. The stripping of Atahualpa and the binding of his neck as a prisoner are also references to ritual aspects of Andean warfare. 8 Finally, golden cups (aquillas: fig. 1.2) filled w ith chicha are twice offered and twice refused, making it impossible for Atahualpa to reach any accord with the Spaniards.' The emphasis Titu Cusi Yupanqui places on the drinks offered in golden cups marks the profound rlifference between his telling ' and Spanish accounts. In his account, these acts are not incidental elements as they are in the Spanish texts. In Titu Cusi Yupanqui's account, Inca cups replace the Spanish book as the object in a failed exchange between Incas and Spaniards, a fatal act that initiates the battle. The hicieron caso; e visto por mi tlo que tan poco caso hacian de sus cosas: 'Pues vosotros no

haceis caso de mf, ni yo to quiero haeer de vosotros.' Y anSI se levant6 enojaclo y alz6 grita, a guisa de querer matae a los espanoles, y los espaiioJes que estaban sabre aviso tomacol1 cuatro puertas que habfa en la plaza clande estaban, 1a cual era cercada por todas partes" (Titu Cusi Yupanqui, "lnstcuccion del Yoga D. Diego de Castro Titu Cussi Yupangui, n l2.9-3 0 ). ~ 8. Titu Cusi's description of the battle and capture are based on ritual aspects of

Andean warfare that predate even the Inca. It is, I believe, no coincidence that most of the major elements of his account appear in the presentation scene in Mache art. In relation to the offering of drinks in cups, tumi-blade knives, and prisoners stripped naked and bound with a rope around their neck; see C. Donnan, Moche Art of Peru (Los Angeles: Museum of Cu ltura l History, University of Ca lifornia , Los Angeles, ~979), 158--13. Eq ually important, the roles of the narrative were impersonated by Mache elite; see W. Alva and C. Donna n, Royal Tombs of Sipon (Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1993), 127-42. Titu Cusi mentions a chain rather than a rope, which is probably a Spanish element. The coat of arms conceded to Francisco Pizarro in 1537 included a portrait of Atahualpa "con una algolla de oro a la garganta" (Antonio Paz y Melia, Nobiliario de Conquistadores de Indios (Madrid: La Saciedad de Bibli6filos Espafioles, 1892.],46). This image was painted on the portals of Pizarro's houses. 9· Frank Sa lomon ("Chroniclers of the Impossible," f4--1:5) has already suggested in a brief study of Titu Cusi Yupanqui's work that his narrative progresses through a series of symmetrical actions between the Inca and the Spaniards-excluding Atahualpa's meeting with the latter Spaniards-that encode the events of the conquest with a magic (mythic) structure.

QUEROS, AQUlllAS, AND CAJAMARCA

19

book thrown to the ground by Atahualpa, which in all Spanish accounts signals hostility, is of so little importance in Titu Cusi Yupanqui's account that it does not even appear in the fateful events of November 16. In fact, by using reported speech ("I do not know what" and "whatever it was"), Titu Cusi Yupanqui emphatically disavows knowledge of what the book is or represents even though Titu Cusi did know what the book was and what it represented when he dictated his remembrances. In fact, Titu Cusi Yupanqui even describes his own conversion and christening at the end of his tale, a tale that is being written down as he speaks. At the beginning of his account, Titu Cusi Yupanqui feigns knowledge of what the book was and what throwing it on the ground meant not because he wants to be historically accurate but because he consciously passes to the Spaniards the burden of incomprehensibility that leads to war. It is they who provoked discord by failing not once but twice to understand or respond properly to the Inca's gesture. Titu Cusi Yupanqui therefore makes it clear that offering a drink in an aquilla or quero is not a simple act. H is text highlights the fact that it is an act ritual in nature but with such strong political, social, religious, and material underpinnings that its sacrilege is used as an opening metaphor for the outbreak of hostilities and the undoing of imperial Inca cultural and social forms. Within the context of Titu Cusi Yupanqui's written narrative, the metaphor of exchange appears as a trope because it has been subjected to a European literary form to signal the displacement of Inca rule. But the act is still an Andean metaphor, and if the metaphor is reversed and placed back into an Andean context, then filled queros, properly exchanged, were a sign of Inca rule and all that it implied. <0 In other words, Titu Cusi Yupanqui's account suggests that the quero and aquilla occupied a primary place in the imperial Inca symbolic structure. Titu Cusi Yupanqui's account reveals only that queros and aquillas were used as symbolic agents in social and political discourse. These vessels were, however, real objects. They had to be produced, and production constitutes a crucial part of the reality of the quero and aquilla. Who made Inca wooden queros, the antecedents to colonial queros, and roo Tieu Cusi Yupanqui's metaphor is, of course, abour the destruction of Tahuantinsuyu, bur Nathan Wachtel has written: "toda la historia colonia l de los Incas, de los Aztecas, etc., no es sino una destrucci6n de sus estructuras tradicionales. Ahora bien, dado el estado de las fuentes, y las dificllirades para un amilisis ditecto, no serfa posible proceder ala inversa, es decir, interrogarse sobre los procesos de descomposicion de las estructuras?" (Sociedad e ide%gia [Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, T973J. 55).

Toasts with the Inca

20

who made such metal vessels (aquillas) as the ones offered by Atahualpa to de Soto and Pizarro? What was the relationship between these craftsmen, and what was their relationship to the bureaucratic structure of Tahuantinsuyu? Quero production must be gauged within the overall production of these craftsmen, so that the status of the quero/aquilla can be determined as an imperial object in the context of the production of other Inca sumptuary goods.

Queros and Aquillas: Their Place in Inca Production When the Spaniards entered Cuzco fresh from their victory in Cajamarca, they found a city basically intact. Nearly forty years later, Pedro Pizarro still recalled this first glimpse of Cuzco with full wonderment and tecounted that he found, among other things, collcas (warehouses) that were so full and so numerous that he had neither the time nor the space to mention them all. He does, however, go on to describe the contents of a few: "wooden cups and plates of gold and silver were found here, which were a thing of wonder, although the Indians did not value them highly, as I later discovered, because they hid the best."n This is the only reference to queros, "vasos de palo," being stored in collcas in Cuzco or elsewhere. Other early chroniclers, however, mention woodworking among the different occupations of Inca artisans. Francisco Falcon, for example, writes that among the artisans that the Inca placed in each of Tahuantinsuyu's provinces, some were "querocamayocs."l.l Falcon translates the word querocamayoc as "carpintero." However, the term qtterocamayoc is much more restricted than the European word carpintero implies. Damian de la Bandera makes this clear in his 1557 description of the three crafts that were or had been practiced in Guamanga Province. There were metalsmiths, who had now left to serve the Spaniards; potters; and carpenters, who "make cups in which they drink, and they do not make anything else, because u. " .. . vasos de palo y platos de oro y plata que aqui se halla era cosa de espanto aunque fue aquello que los indios no 10 tenian en mucho segu n despues emend!, porque 10 mejor esconrueron" (Pizarro. Re/aci6n del desclibrimiento y conqllista. 74). 1.2.

F. Falc6n, "Representacion hecha por eJ licenciado Falcon en Concilio Provincia l

sobre los daiios y molestias que se hacen a los indios" 11567], CLD RHP. ISt seL, II (1918) : 149. See also Anonymous [attributed to Bias Valera] , "Relacio n de las costumbres antigua s de los naturales de l Peru" ll550]. in Tres Relaciones de antigiiedades peruanas, ed. M. Jimenez de In Espada (Asuncion. Paraguay: Editorial Guarania, 1950), 181; F. Guaman Poma de Ayala, EJ Primer Nueva Cor61lica y Bum Gobiemo fca. 1615], ed. J. Murra and R. Adorno, trans. Jorge Urioste (Mexico: Siglo XXI, 1980), fol. 191 [19 3].

QUEROS, AQUILLAS, AND CAJAMARCA

2I

they [the Indians1 do not use doors in the houses or even windows, benches, tables, or anything else from carpentry. "'3 Before the Spaniards arrived, woodworkers did make other things for the Inca, such as tianas (small, benchlike seats), litters, spear shafts, and carefully carved firewood for sacrificial fires. '4 This work gave some of them the status of full-time specialists, a status that meant they contributed to the Inca nothing more than their specialized labor." But as Bandera's statement makes clear, one of the principal services that querocamayocs provided the Inca was the manufacture of wooden cups. Moreover, the term querocamayoc implies that queros were one of the most important items produced by these artisans. The general sixteenth-century Quechua terms meaning "carpenter" are llacllac and llallcaycamayoc. These words derive from a tool used by the woodworkers, called a llacllona- an adze. ,6 The only word used to define a carpenter by an object of production is quero. ' 7 The 1.3. hacen vasos en que Ia beben, e de otra [cosal no les sirven, porque no lIsan puertas en las casas ni menos ventanas ni bancos ni mesas ni otra cosa de carpinteria" (D. de la Bandera, "Relacion general de la disposicion y calidad de la Provincia de Guamanga" [15571 , RGI I ['965J, 1761. 1.+ For litters made in Cuzco. see I. Ortiz de Zuniga, Visita de la Provincia de Leon de Hualmco [1562.] (Huanuco: Universidad Naciona l Hermilio Valdi1iin. 1967). J:2.6. For lances, see P. de Castro, "Aviso de el Modo que Avfa en eI Gobierno de los Indios en Tiempo del Inga ... n [ca. "I572], in Etniay Sodedad. ed. M. Roshvorowski de Diez Canseco (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1977), 136. For carved firewood. see M. de Estete, "La Relacion del Vinje que hizo el Seiior capitan Hernando Pizarro por mandado de su hermano desde eI pueblo de Caxamarca a Parcama y de alH a Jauja" rT534], in Verdadera re/ado/l de la cOl1qtfisra del Pen/, ed. Francisco de Xerez, BAE 26 (1853): nR-46; B. Cobo, Historia del Nuevo MUlldo [1653]. BAE 9I-92 (1956): bk. 12, chap. 33, p. 133. Cobo mentions a particular group, Chicha, who brought a reddish firewood to Cuzco from" distance of two hundred leagues. They c..1rved it and brought it to burn in the plaza in the presence of the Sapa Inca and his ancestors. It is likely that this was a specialized type of tribute and that the Ch ichas were not considered querocamayocs; see J. Murra, The Economic OrgalIization of the {llca State (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1980), 155. 15. Cabo writes: " En lugar de tributo trabajaban los oficiales en servicio del Inga. de la religion. 0 de sus caciques, cada uno en el ofieio que sabfa, como labrar ropa, oro, plata . . . en hazer vasos de barro y madera .... M.ientras se ocupaban en cumplir sus tasas y tributos con estos oficios y trabajos ... eran sustentados a costo del dueiio ... " (His/aria del Nuevo Mundo. bk. 12., chap. 2.7, p. II9). 16. Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo. bk. n, chap. 2.7, p. 207; D. de Santo Tomas, Lexicon 0 vocablilario de la /eng/lQ general del Peni II56o] (Lima: Instituto de Historia, Universidad Nacional de San Marcos, 19P), 73> 12.6, 306; Anonymous, Vocablliario y phrasis el1la le1tglla Gel1era/ de los indios del Peni /lamada Quiclma, y ell la lellgua espOIiola ... [15&61, ed. Amonio Ricardo (Lima: Edicion dellnstituto de Historia, San Marcos, X95I) , H, I24; D. de Torres Rubio, Arte de la Leltglla Qlfichlffl (Lima: Francisco Lasso, 161:9), n.p. 7..7. In the earliest Quechua -Spanish dictionary, qlfero is listed as a word meaning "wood," and qllerocamayoc and I/acl/aca are listed as the Quechua words meaning "carpenter" (Santo Tomas, Lexicon, 73. }06.) The term meaning "wooden cup" is quero vicchi. K •••

22

Toasts with the Inca

word quero is translated as "vasa de madera para beber" [wooden cup for drinking] in both an anonymous 1586 dictionary and Diego de Torres Rubio's 1619 dictionary." In Gonzalez Holguin's dictionary, published in 1608, quero is listed twice, under two different spellings. The spelling quero is translated to indicate a wooden vessel, and the spelling qquero is translated to indicate any rype of wood that can be used for carpentry.'- According to Holguin's orthographic rules for Quechua phonetics, these are two complete.ly different words, with the double consonant signifying an ejective stop.,oUnfortunately, Holguin was not consistent in his use of special characters, and he sometimes writes a stem two or three different ways." This is clearly the case with his spellings quero and qquero, because in the Spanish-Quechua section of his dictionary, he identifies a "vasa de madera" as a «qquero. ":!.l. The dictionary entries suggest that the word quero was a synecdotal term. It referred to both the quero vessel and the material from which it was made, and the word was used to categorize generally the carpenters (querocamayocs) who made a variery of wooden objects for the Inca." For example, a group of craftsmen from the northern Huain which qlfero is an adjective meaning "wood" and modifying the noun vied,i, "cup." The translation of quero as a genera l word meaning "wood" seems to be a regiona l variation of the Quechua dialect of Chinchasuyu, where Domingo de Santo Tomas spent most of his time in Peru and learned Quechu3 (see Raul Porras Barrenechea's preface in Santo Toma s, Lexicon, XV). It reflects the dispersion of Quechua inro coloniz.ed non-Quechua-speaking areas and the concomitant loss of semantic distinctions. The regional meaning of the word is made clear in the anonymous Vocalmlario ),phrasis published in ]"586, where when qllero is translated by the word madero-referring to wood used to make something-it is fo ll owed by the gloss "(chin)," which means that this was the word's meaning in Chinchasuyu . 18. Anonymous, Vocablllario y phrasis, 75. :J57; Torres Rubio, Arte de 10 Lellglla, r6T9·

]"9. D. Gonzalez Holgufn, Vocabll lario de fa leuglla general de todD Perti lIamada Quic/mo a del illca [1608] (Lima: Universidad de San Marcos, (989),205--0. 20. Gonza lez HolgUin, Vocablilario de la JCllgl/O general, 9-10. 21. See B. Mannheim, Tbe Language of the lnka since the European 111110sioll (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991), 1}6. 22. Gonzalez Holguin, Vocablliario de 10 lel/gtto general, 689. In Torres Rubio's dictionary, the word meaning "vasa de madera " is also spelled two different ways: "quero" in the Quechua-Spa nish section; "cqueco," indicating a glotta l stop, in the Spanish-Quechua section. Torres Rubio was probably copying from Holguin's dictionary, bur nevertheless there seems to have been conhlsion about the relation between the word signifying the vessel and tbe material from which it was made. 2} . In contemporary Q uechua, quero still refers only to "vaso incaico de madera," wh ile madera is translated as " kurku"; see A. Cusihuaman, Dicciollario Queclma: CUZCQCollao (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanas, (976), 115, 258. Mariusz Zio lkowski has suggested, based on Santo Tomas's dictionary, that quero is exclusively related etymologica lly to the material wood and that the proper term for the vessel was quero IJiccbi; see Ziolkowski, "Acerca de algllnas funciones de los keros y los akillas en eI Tawantinsuyu inca ico y en eI Peru Colonia l, n £Studios Latil1oamericol1os (Wroclaw) 5 (1979): 12.-.14. Vic-

QUEROS, AQUILLAS, AND CA)AMARCA

nacopampa District and stationed in Cuzco made wooden litters, called rampas, for the Inca, yet these specialists were called not "rampacamayocs" but "querocamayocs," like all other woodworkers who fashioned Inca sumptuary goods. It cannot be the meaning of quero as "wood" that alone gave this title to carpenters, because the Inca had another word, kul/u, that meant "madera para labrar alga" [wood for making something]." Neither kullu nor any other Quechua word for wood appears in the context of defining a carpenter's craft or what he produced . For the Inca at least, the metonymical relation between the woodworker and the vessel seems to have been based on a hierarchy of social value among the things he produced. The term quero implies the relations of production between the carpenters and the state, by signifying the material (wood) that was transformed into one of the most important cultural artifacts (the quero vessel) for Inca consumption." A similar concept is implied by the term meaning "master weaver," cumbicamayoc. Cumbi is the fine cloth of tapestry weave that was most prized by the Inca . The word cumbi, like quero, signifies both object and material, and the artisan is classified in terms of that relationship.,6 It is probable that many of the skilled woodworkers either came from or had kin relations with groups who lived in the montana, or eastern slopes of the Andes, from where most of the wood came." Even chi-which Ziolkowski claims feU into disuse in less than thirty years-is defined in Gonzalez Holguin's Vocablllario de la lenglla general and in the anonymous Vocabulario y pbrasis of 1586 (87) as "callgilon. " In an Aymara dictionary of the same period, the definition of vicchi makes clear that in the sourhern sierras, it was not a drinking vessel: "vicchi-ollita boqui ancha por donde echan la quinua 0 mail. mascado para la chicha" (L. Bertonio, Vocablllario de la leI/gila aymara [1611.]. ed. J. Plarzmanll [Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1879J. vol. 1:38+ 24. Gonzalez Holguin, Vocablflarjo de la icnglfa gel/eral, 576. 25. See, for example, Falcon, "Representacion, " 149. 26. Santo Toma s makes this clear in his uses of the term camayoc: "los indios ... usan Il1UY frequentamente deste nombre camayoc que propriamente significa official 0 a([tfice de qualquier arte 0 officio que sea, y hablase por eI juntandolo con el nombre, que significa la materia principal del officio que quieren signi.ncar, componiendo y haziendose un Hombre con el, v.g.: quero significa 'madera,' que es la materia de que se usa eI carpilltero, quero camayoc significa 'carpintero'; guacin significa casa, que es la materia principal del albafiir, guasi camayoc significa 'a lbanir'" (Gram matica 0 Arte de la LCl1gllo General de los lltdios de los ReylJos del Pert; [:1560) [Cuzco: CenCTO de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Ba rtolome de las Casas," 19951. 1)3). In both cases, objects-the cup and the house-are also considered to be the primary material of the profession. 27. John Murra infers that the Lupaca of the Lake Titicaca region, as well as other altiplano groups, had woodworkers in the montana; see Murra, "'EI 'control vertical' de un max imo de pisos ecologicos en 1<1 economia de las sociedades andinas," in Visita de /a ProlJim;ia de Leon de HU0ll11CO ell 1562 por liilgo Ortiz de Zliiiiga (Huanuco: Universidad Nacional Hermilio Valdizan, 1972), 442-43. Also, in the repartimiento of San Francisco de Arunrucana y Laramati within the jurisdiction of Guamanga was a pueblo ca lled Santiago

Toasts with the Inco

today, one of Peru's most isolated and traditional groups of Quechuaspeaking Indians lives on the wooded eastern slopes near Cuzco, and its members call themselves "Q'eros." Their colonial and contemporary isolation belies their integration within the Inca Empire. Not only are there remains of Inca roads and buildings in the area, but the Q'eros count themselves as collateral descendants of the Inca. The wooden cup, or queeo, is still one of their most important prestige items.los

No information directly linking this group to the specialists who provided queros for the Inca is found in Cuzco or at any other Inca site. There are, however, ethnohistorical data for a group of Indians called "Queros" who were querocamayocs. This group lived in the montanas of the north-central sierra province under the jurisdiction of the Inca center, Huanacopampa.'9 The members of this group were originally named "Yachas," but the Inca called them "Queros" because of their proximity to the wood and their ability to work it.l° The earliestvisita (Spanish demographic and economic inventory) carried out in this region (in 1549) provides testimony as to the kind of things and the number of workers given to the Inca . The province was required to provide Cuzeo with nearly a thousand workers. Most, about eight hundred, lived permanently in Cuzeo and either built walls de Queros "[que} se llarno aSl porque hay una arboleda de alisos, par esto Ie nombraro n asf y no dan los indios otra razon " (l. Monzon, "Descripcio n de 1a tierra del Repartimi emo de Sa n Francisco de Atunrucana y Laca mati. Encomendado en Don Pedro Cordova, Jurisdiccion de Ia Ci udad de Guamanga " [I586], RCf I [T965]: 230). The tribute items given to the Inca from this region included firewood and other unspecified services. However, as Damian de la Bandera notes, queros were made in this province. 28. See S. Webster, "The Social Organization of a Native Andean Commu nity" (Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1972.), H, 35, 74, 86. 29. O rtiz de Zuiliga writes (Visita, 1:9I, 293-94): "dijo que esre principal es de la parcialidad de los yachas que se llama queros y que en riempo del ynga ellos y los del repartimiento de Juan Sanchez y de Garda Sanc hez era n todos un cuerpo y habfa en ellos miJ indios y que Guascar ynga yen su tiempo fueron dividos que los tres pachacas que estan can los chupachos 10 hizo por si para que fuesen yan aconas que sirvisen juntamente can los chupachos que servian de los mismo y esto hizo el dicho Guascar ynga cuando se alzo par senor y rey de esta tierra .. . son queros camayos de radas las parcialidades de la banda del Rio de Paucar Guaman son carpinreros." 30. Ortiz de Zluiiga records ( Visita 1.:45): "en tiempo del ynga dijo lCristoba l Xu lca Condorl que los indios chupachos de 13 parcia lidad de este cacique eran cuatro guarangas que es cada guaranga un rnillar y los queros que antes soHall Barnarlos yac has ." Yacha is a Quechu a word and may not have been the ethnic name of this group. The shift fro m Yacha to Quero may therefore imply the kind of labor serv ice that this group prov ided the Inca. Yacha means "wise or knowledgeable person," but in at least o ne colonial document, it refers to agricultural proficiency in particu lar. The change from Yacha to Quero therefore may signify the shifr in empha sis from an agricultural to a craft contributio n by thi s group. See N. Wachtel , "Les Mitmaes de la Va llee de Cochabamba: La Politique de Colonisatio n de Hu)'ana Capac," journal de fa Societe des Americal1istes (Paris) 67 (I98o-S1.): 299.

QUEROS, AQUILLAS, AND CA]AMARCA

25

or planted fields. There were also forty carpenters, who made "plates, cups, and other things for the [Sapa] Inca and took them to him." " In a later visita to the same region, Cristobal Xulca Condor, the curaca (regional leader) of the Queros, testified that they had contributed to the Inca "bebedores de palo" that were taken to Huanacopampa, Bombon, and Cuzco,J' From both reports, it is clear that finished wood crafts given to the Inca were fashioned locally and taken to provincial centers and to Cuzco. Archaeological remains at Huanacopampa reveal that Inca-style queros were used at the site, probably made by querocamayocs from the Huanaco Province (fig. 1.3).33 Whether other querocamayocs remained in their communities or were brought to Cuzco and other Inca centers to work,H there is a remarkable degree of uniformity in the ptoduction and appearance of queros. The uniformity is based on an Inca aesthetic that emphasized geometric design and repetition. Approxinlately two-thirds of all Inca queros are between fourteen and seventeen centimeters in height. Two vessel shapes were used. One form has its narrowest circumference at the base, expanding until it reaches its maximum at the lip. The second form has an hourglass shape, with the narrowest circumference in the middle of the vessel. Both types were found together in an Inca grave from a single cOntact period at Ollantaytambo, so the typological difference does not suggest a sequential development." Wrirten accounts record that Inca queros were made and used in pairs, a system of production confirmed by archaeological evidence. When recovered from undisturbed sites, both types of quero are almost always found in pairs, with each vessel in a pair having the same form, decorative design, and size as the other,3' The mode of incised surface decoration is used to create only a limited number of designs. Normally, the surface area is divided into two, 3I. "Fueles preguntado que servicio hada esta dicha provincia de los chupachos al ynga en eJ CU1.CO y fuera de eJ ... y dijeron [que] ... daban cuarenta carpimeros para hacer platos y escudi llos y arras cosas para eJ ynga y 10 lIevaban al Cuzeo" U. de Marl, "La visit3cion de los pueblos de los indios Chupachos en r549" {I549), ill Visita de la Provincia de Le611 de Hll(illllCO el1156zJ ed. J. Murra [Lima, 1967], 1:306). 31.. Ortiz de Zuniga, VisitO J 1:37. 33. See C. Morris and D. Thompson. Huaulfco Pampa (London: Thames and Hudson, (985), fig. 50. 3+ For example, queracamayoes were also placed in the provincial capital of Jauja; see Estere, "La Relacion," 341-42.. 35. See L Llanos, "Informe sobre Ollanraitambo," RMN 5, no. 2. (1936): 12.3-56. 36. See, for example, Llanos, "lnfonne"j D. Menzel, Pottery Style and Society ;11 Allcient Peru: Art as a Mirror of History ill the l ea Valley, 135O-I570 (Berkeley: University of California Press, J976), 230.

Toasts with the Inca

three, or four horizontal registers. The designs are created by finely incised, thin, straight lines that are joined at angles to form abstract rectilinear patterns. The spacing of these lines creates one of two types of design. In one, the lines are carved closely together, so that the raised and recessed areas are almost equal and create a rhythmic pattern of repeated geometric shape (fig. 1.4). In the second, the incised lines are spaced further apart, so that they appear as the outline of the solid geometric shape of the raised area within them (fig. 1.5). Since these two designs can be found on the same quero, they do not signify the work of different areas or craftsmen. The most common design is produced by the first pattern of incision and shows a series of four to six concentric squares arranged horizontally around the vessel (fig. 1.6). The second carving sryle is usually used to create a vertical or horizontal row of chevrons and/or diamond shapes (fig. 1.7). Other, less common designs include (r) a cross in the interior of crisscrossing diagonal lines or (2) a simple vertical row of lines. The only representational motif consistently used on Inca queros is still highly abstract and occurs on the upper register, covering about a third of the surface area (fig. 1.8))7 Employing the same rectilinear sryle, a series of alternating heads and arms repeat horizontally around the quero. The anatomical features of the head are defined by two geometric shapes, either squares or diamonds, that form the eyes and by a wide rectangle that forms an open mouth displaying square upper and lower teeth. The triangular structure of the head is defined by the diagonal lines that form the outline of the arms. The hand is indicated by three rectangular figures joined at an angle to the diagona ls so that they are horizontal to the surface plane and occupy the area of the head's chin. The regulariry of Inca queros is in keeping with the Inca creation of a unified visual and material culture to be experienced throughout the administrative and ritual centers of Tahuantinsuyu. Visual uniformiry, intensi£ed by abstraction, certainly can be understood as an exercise of Inca political power on culture. The geometric motifs cut into the quero's surface manifest this aesthetics of politics. The designs are immediately recognizable as Inca and distinct from local traditions. Yet Tahuantinsuyu was not just a secular political apparatus meant to extract local resources. Power itself was divine, and in the first instance, the divine was substantiated in the person of the Sapa Inca. The manifested presence of the sacred was revealed in many other ways and 37. See H. Crespo Toral. "Queros Ecuatorianos," Humanitas Boleti" ECllatoriallo de Al1tropologia (Quito) 7 (1969-70): r6-r8; L. Nunez, "Los Keros del None de Chile," Al1trop%gia (Santiago, Chile) I (1963): 82.-83.

QUEROS, AQU ILLAS , AND CA JAMARCA

forms, and it can be argued that the incised method of decorating t he quero's surface may have also referenced this quality of the Inca aesthetic, an aesthetic equally rooted in Andean cosmology. Inca quero images do not lie on d,e surface. They are revealed by being cut into it. The design is therefore always latent within the wood, just as the vessel form is latent in the block of wood. It is even possible that each pair of queros comes from a single wood block, so that each vessel is materially as well as conceptually related to its partner." This is at least indicated by Garcilaso de la Vega, who writes, "they had ... cups for drinking, all in pairs: be they big or small, they had to be of the same size, of the same form, of the same metal-gold or silver-or wood. "}9 The querocamayoc, in this sense, releases the quero from its natural state, bringing both the object and its image into being simultaneously. The vessel and its design are interdependent in relation to their substance. The geometric abstraction of the motifs visually heightens this relationship. The intricate spacing of lines creates a pattern of light and shadow such that one first recognizes forms embedded in the material, as part of the wood itself, something that is not only visual but tactile and sensed as one holds the vessel. There is an indissoluble integrity between appearance and substance. 40 Similar concepts operate among the various media of Inca visual art. Inca stone sculpture found around Cuzco and other Inca centers is often carved in a highly abstract, geometric style. These are sacred sites (huacas) in the landscape, and the stone is cut in situ to reveal that sacredness (fig. 1.9). The stone is rarely sculpted into the likeness of something seen elsewhere. The act of cutting the stone alters its natural state, but it never looses the material appearance as stone. The geometric abstraction emerges from the natural rock formations of which it is a part. The sun casts shadows emphasizing the sharp angles and straight lines of the sculptural forms, but this only intensifies the integrity }8. In an origina l and important paper on the physical and technical properti es of queros, one pair of colonial queros has been demonstrated to have been cut from the same tree, see E. Howe, E. Kaplan,]. Levinson, and E. Pearlstein, "Queros: Analisis fecnicos de queros pinrados de los per'odos Inca y colonial," leonos; Revista pemana de cOllservacioll, arte y arqueoJogia 2. (.£999): 3
Toasts with the Inca

between the material and its worked appearance." The sculpture manifests a highly charged place in the socioreligious world of the Inca, a place where ritual attention is focused . The visual nature of this manifestation does not disassociate the sacredness of the substance from which it is produced nor the natural environment that encompasses it. Inca tapestry-woven textiles (curnbi) also have geometric abstract designs similar to those on queros and stone sculpture (fig. 1.10). More important, like the queros, the designs do not lie on the surface but are embedded within the object itself, are a part of the textile's structure." Appearance and obj ect emerge simultaneously in the generative act of weaving. The abstract designs are even more intrinsic to the curnbi cloth than the quero designs are to the wood. There is no real distinction between ground and image in cumbi; rather, they are structurally integrated at the moment of their mutual production. The quero, cumbi, and stone huaca are not the same things, and they operated variously in Inca culture. Moreover, abstract motifs, such as tocapu (a category to be discussed later), signified concepts external to the object on which they appear. Yet abstraction can also be seen to call attention to the object itself- what it is, what it consists of, how it is used. Inca abstraction therefore may be more than just the visual expression of the aesthetics of cultural uniformity by a political entity. Abstraction may also be an index of a type of referentiality existing within the Andean cosmological concept of camay. Camay can be considered the supernatural vitalization of all material things for w hich there is a supernatural prototype, camac. People, animals, and natural and cultural objects are the concrete manifestations of this essence and energy. The name of Pachacamac, t he great coastal deity, incorporates the-word camac, and Pachacamac is translated by Salomon as "who charges the world with being." The generative capacity of camay is not, however, restricted to just the great Andean deities, such as Pachacamac. Lesser earthly manifestations, such as local huacas, could animate smaller entities. Even the master craftsmen of Tahuantinsuyu are associated, through their special skills, with the capacity to infuse the objects of their production with this essence of being. Such titles as cumbicamayoc, querocamayoc, 4L See M. Van de Guchre, "Carving the World: Inca Monumenta l Sculpture and Landscape" (Ph.D. diss., University of Uiinois, 1990); C. Paternosto, The Stone alld the Thread: Andean Roots of Abstract Art (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1996). 42. Mary Frame suggests that many Andean abstract textile designs are images of fab~

ric structures and are in a sense self-referential to the material itself, through which a seconda ry code of mea ning is derived; see Frame, "Las imagenes visl1aJes de las estrucruras rexti les en eI arte del Antiguo Peru," Revista Alldilla n., no. 2. (I994): 295- 372.

QUERQS, AQ UlllAS, AN D CA ,AMAR CA

and q";p,,camyaoc, used throughout Tahuantinsuyu to refer to master weavers, master woodworkers, and master record keepers of knotted cords (quipus), all include the term camayoc. Translatable as " specialist," camayoc literally means "possessor of a specific force or energy [camay]."" Such tides as wmbicamayoc and querocamayoc imply a relationship between craftsman and object that may have suggested more than a craftsman's knowledge or capacity to physically produce a cultural object. The craftsman may have been understood as imbuing the object with its essential properties. The Inca concept of the object, its ontology, exceeds utilitarian function . Each object substantiates camay in a material, visual form. Each object is brought into being and exists with all others, participating phenomenologically in the events of the world. Often, the object is d,e only material participant of what otherwise cannot be experienced direcdy through the sense of sight. For example, a vessel is revered and kept because either the Inca or a deity has drunk from it;•• the vessel is a tangible manifestation of the exchange and its future obligations. Other objects, including bodies of the dead, kept in Andean communities are not kept as heirlooms. They constitute participants in and therefore "witnesses" to past events. Their existence potentially allows a speaker to recount the past as something known firsthand." Equally, a body of an ancestor can speak for the will and decision of the dead through the voice of a living descendent. The social life of an Andean object begins with the productive act, just as it does for the human being and seemingly everything else. In this sense, the object can be an intermediary of social relations, perhaps even participating equally in the formulation of those relations. This does not mean that every type of object has the same social effect or 43. See F. Sa lomon, introduction to The Hlfa rochirf Manuscript: A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Religiol1. compoFrancisco de Avila, trans. F. Sa lo mon and J. Urioste (Austin~ University of Texas Press, 1991), 45 n. 33. See also G . Taylor's fundamenraJ essay 011 the concept of camay ("Cal11 ay capac et camasca dans Ie malll1scrir quechua de Hl1arochiri," Journal de la Societe des Americonistes [paris] 63 [I976J: 231-44) and H. Lechtman's discussion of Andean metallurgy and weaving and rhe concept o f ca may in relation to the surface of Andean objects as the "visually apprehended aspect o f an object . .. [evea ling its inner structure " ("Andea n Value Systems and the Development of Prehistoric Metallurgy," TeclmoJogy and C"lture 2.5, no. 1 [1984]: 33). 44. See F. de Avila, comp. , The Huarochiri Manl/ script: A Testament of Ancient and Co lonial A"dean Religion [ca. 1608], tran s. F. Salomon and G. Urioste (Austin: University o f Texas Press, 1991), lID. 45 . See R. Howard-Malverde, The Speaking of History: '··WiIlapaakllshayki" or Quechua Ways of Tel/iug the Past Institute of Latin American Studies Research Papers, no. 2I (London: University o f London, Institute of Latin American Studies, 1990), 39-83.

30

Toasts with the Inca

value. Some objects are more significant than others. Cumbi cloth was one of those more significant objects, and so were aquillas and queros.

Wood, Metal, and Clay: The Common Production of Inca Craftsmen Queros were not the most prized possessions of the Inca. According to Pizarro, the best things had already been hidden by the time he arrived in Cuzco. Yet the quero certainly was one of the most significant cultural forms produced by woodworkers for the Inca. Moreover, Pizarro notes that he saw not only wooden cups but also gold and silver ones. These surely were aquillas, metal cups that had the same vessel shape as the quero and were also made in pairs. Inca woodworkers, metalsmiths, and potters not only made the same vessel type but usually used the same decorative designs, such as the motif of stylized arms and heads (fig. LIl).46 Whether or not querocamayocs worked alongside their counterparts, the production of these vessels by each group was guided by the same general standards, as a part of Inca cultural policy. Vasa is the only word consistently used in Spanish sixteenth- and seventeenth-century texts to categorize the production of metalsmiths, woodworkers, and, to a lesser extent, potters. Vaso generally refers to a drinking cup," and in the earliest Sparush-Quechua dictionaries, vasa is translated as "upiana ." Upiana, an equally general term that also refers to a drinking cup, derives from the verb "piani, meaning "to drink." In every clictionary, however, the specific entries following vasa or "piano are quero, aquilla, and mate. Quero specifically refers to the wooden cup, "vaso de madera"; and aquilla refers to the same vessel type when made in gold or silver. 4' Mate is the term for a vessel made from a gourd. There is no specific Quechua entry for ceramic quero-shaped vessels; although, sanu~ a word meaning "clay," is listed for the "vaso de barro en general." The lack of a specific term for ceramic queros

46. Usually there is a difference between the lips of wooden and ceramic queros. But in the example of the ceramic quero with the stylized head-and-arms motif, it seems that the form of the wooden quero was also copied. See C. Julien, Ha tuIlqolla: A View of Inca Rule from the Lake TitiCLlC4 Regioll, University of California Publications in Anthropology, no. IS (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 187-88, 202. 47. Sebastian de Covarrubias Orozco gives severa l definitions for vaso but says, "mas comunmence que todos, en el que bebemos" (Tesoro de la LeI/gila Castel/ana, 953). 48. Santo Tomas, Lexicon, 223; Torres Rubio, Arte de la Lellgua; Anonymous, Vocabulario y pbrasis, 92; Bertonio, Vocabulario de la lengua aymarQ 24. j

QUEROS, AQUILLAS, AND CA,AMARCA

31

coincides with the fact that they are rarely mentioned in an imperial context except when referring to the beginning of a new emperor's reign-that is, before he could accumulate his own precious metal vessels. The archaeological record demonstrates that fine ceramic queros were made, but their almost complete exclusion from colonial texts indicates that they had much less prestige than had metal or wooden cups. The specific dictionary entries for vasa are substantiated by the chroniclers, such as Bernabe Cobo, Francisco de Toledo, and Martin de Murua. When the chroniclers give Quechua equivalents for vaso, they use the terms quero, aquilla, and, to a much lesser degree, mate.49 They never use the term upiana. Guaman Poma and Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui afford the best evidence, as they are both native authors whose texts are partially bilingual. They often use just the Spanish word vasa, but when they give the Quechua equivalent, they give quero, aquilla, and, occasionally, mate)O Even in the mid-seventeenth century, the bilingual sermons of Francisco de Avila reveal that the Quechua phrase for the Inca's "vasos de beuer" is translated as "aqquilla, qquerun."F It seems, therefore, that when the Spanish word

49. For example, Alonso Ramos Gavilan writes. "cuando son de madera L1aman quero ya los de plata aquillas" (H;stor;a de Nllestra Seliora de Copacaballa [1621J [La Paz: Academia Boliviana de la Historia. 1976], 2.6) . 50. Guaman Poma de Aya la. Nueva Coronica. p. 49. fol. 60 [601; p. 16J, fol. 188 (190); p. 164. fol. 189 [191}; p. 165. fol. 191 [19Jl; p. 287. fol. JL.f. [JI6J; p. J08. fol. 3H tJ36]; p. 755, fol. 741 [809J; p. l Oll., fol. HOI lUll]; p. 1022, fo!' :rt2I {JI3I1; J. de Santa Cruz Paehaeuti Yrtmqlli, Relacioll de antigiiedades deste reyno del Pin/lea. 16151 (CUlCO; Centro de Eswdios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de las Casas" and lnstitut Fran-;:ais D'Etudes Andines. 1993), I 94, 239·

51. In the sermon for the fourth Sunday of Advent, in which Avila treats the Christian metaphysics regarding tempora l material wealth, he specifically mentions the drinking vessels of the Inca. In the Spanisb version, be writes: Y Luego tIas esro todo se acaba, nada permaneee. Que es de los fngas antiguamente tan temidos? Que es de su plata, y oro? Sus vestidos de clImbe real? Sus vasos de beller? Sus ehaeras? Sus palacios? Sus mujeres? Ya no sa bemos ni aun sus l1ornbres. In tbe Queehua version, the objects of mention are nominalized according to their proper Quechua terms. Chaymantari lIapnm Ylllahina eaccpas ppuchuean, manam ynta llapas tacyanehu. Mayrni cunan ilaupaehica manchafcca, yupay chafeea Yneaeuna? Maymi eollqquen, ecorin? toccapuccompinclina. aqquillan, qquerun, ehacran, hatun huacin, huarmincuna? Mana nam futillantapas yaehachieehu. See F. de Avila, Tratado de los Evollgclios que 1westra Madre la iglesia propone ell todo el alio desde la primera domfl1ica de adviento hasta la lfftima m;ssa de Difuntos, Santos de Espafia y D11adidas ell el nuevo rezado ... (Lima: Geronimo de Contreras, r648), vol. 1:43.

32

Toasts with the Inca

vasa is used in the chronicles to describe an object made by either a metalsmith or a woodcarver, it most often refers to a quero or an aquilla. Metalsmiths make up the overwhelming number of references to craftsmen in the chronicles. Although they fashioned a variety of objects for the Inca, the Spanish describe them first of aU as making "vasos de oro y plata." " Even the metalsmiths in Cuzco who forged the legendary life-size gold and silver garden in the Coricancha are described in general as "artisans who wefe in Cuzco serving to make cups of gold and silver."" The very gold and silver taken from the mines is also said to have been dedicated to making these cups: "where the [Sapa] Inca had mines, he ordered as he wished that they mine the gold and silver for his cups and for other things of his set of plates." 54 The importance of making these vessels for the Inca is underscored by the duties of the metalsmiths working on the south coast, whete the Sapa Inca commanded . . . that the Indians who were metalsmiths were reserved from tribute a nd did not have to do anything but make the vessels for his service or for whom he commanded and that they be permitted to make objects for their own gain, sllch as UIPUS, which were large women's pins, or chipanas, which were bracelets for the arm.H 52. Falcon, "Representacion," 144; Anonymou s, "Relaci6n del origen e gobierno que los Incas ruvieron y del que habia antes que ellos senoreasen a los indios de'ste reino y de que tiempo y otras cosas que a el convenfa declaradas par senores que sirvieron al Inga Yupanqui y a Topainga Yupanqui a Guainacapac y a Huascar lnga" [ca. 1580], CLDR HP, 2d ser., 3 (1920): 82.. Pedro de Cieza de Leon says that in Jauja "auia grande numero de plateros, que labrauan vasos y vasijas de plata y de oro para el servicio de los ingas y ornamentos del templo" (Cronica del Penl, Printera Parte [I553J [Lima: Pontificia Universidad Carolica del Peru, 1984], chap. 83, p. 24. 53. " ... oficiales que estuviesen en eI Cuzco sirviendole de hacer vasos de oro y plata" (F. de Samillan, " Relacion del orlgen, descendencia, polirica y gobierno de los Incas" [1563J, in Tres Relaciolles de alltigiiedades peruallas, ed. M. Jimenez de In Espada [Asuncion, Paraguay: Editorial Guarania, 1950], 107). 5+ " ... donde eI (Sapa] Inca tenia minas mandaba que Ie pa recia, para que Ie sacasen oro y plata para sus vasos y arras cosas de su servicio" (Piza rro, Relaci611 del descubrimleI/to y conquista, 66). In a very similar passage, Martin de Murua says, "Tupac lnca Yupanqui descubrio mucha mica .. . de la cual mando hacer ricas vaxillas y vasos presiosos y de mllcila estima para sacrificios y para magestad de Sll casa" (Historia general del Pent: Origen y descendellda de los In cas [ca. 16151. ed. Manuel Ba llesteros-Gaibrois [Madrid: Coleccion Joyas, 1962-64], bk. 1, chap. 25, p. 60). 55. " ... mand6 . .. que los indios que fuesen oficiales de oro y plata fuesen reservados de tributo y que no hiciesen mas de hacer vasijas para SLI servicio 0 para quien el mandase y que les permitia que pudiesen haeer obms para sus gra njerlas, como hacer topos, que eran alfileres gra ndes de mujeres, 0 chipanas que eran brazaleres para los brazos" (Castro, "Aviso," 135).

QUEROS. AQUILLAS. AND CAJAMARCA

33

Most chroniclers state that the Sapa Inca had dominion over all gold and silver," but whether or not the preceding statement is accurate, it stresses the primary importance of the manufacture of vessels for the Inca by these coastal craftsmen who were otherwise left free to practice their craft as before." In a similar fashion, woodworkers and, to a lesser extent, potters are also categorized as making "vasos" for the Sapa Inca. Bernabe Cabo says, in place of tribute, the artisans worked in the service of the Inca . .. , each in the craft that he knew, such as weaving clothes, gold and silver taking these metals from the mines and working them, making cups in clay and wood. and the other crafts.s&:

Cabo copied this passage almost verbatim from Francisco Falcon. However, Cabo made a significant change, because Falcon's text reads, "the craft that he knew, such as weaving clothes and making buildings or working the mines of all kinds of metal and making cups of gold and silver and things of wood and clay."59 Cabo, unlike Falcon, does not explicitly state that metalsmiths made vessels. Perhaps the difference is not a copying error but a reflection of the colonial reality in which Cabo was writing. His text is almost ninery years later than that of Falcon. According to the passage by Bandera quoted earlier in this chapter and written ten years prior to even Falcon's work, metalsmiths had already 56. For example. one chronicler writes that guards were placed at the mines to ensure that nothing was taken; see P. Sancho de la Hoz, "Relaci6n para S.M. de 10 sucedido en la conquista y pacificacion de estas provincias de la Nueva Castilla y de la calidad de la tierra" [1 550], CLDRHP, 1st ser .• 5 (1917), 198. Santillan is even more specific, saying, "e1 oro y plata que sacaban de las minas, y chipanas y brazaletes, todo esto 10 lIevaball al Cuzco sill que quedase cosa en pader del curaca. porque no podian tener cosa alguna del la si no fuese dado por el inga" (<
34

Toasts with the Inca

forsaken their native production and had gone to the newly established Spanish cities to ply their trade; only the potters and carpenters remained working in a native context. The vasos that had once been made by all three groups were now made only by the carpenters and potters to whom Cabo makes direct reference. Be that as it may, Cabo's and Falcon's observations suggest that all three crafts were recognized to some degree by reference to the production of these vessels. This is probably the reason that metalsmiths and carpenters are often classified together. Juan Polo de Ondegardo, one of the most perspicacious investigators of Inca institutions and organizational modes/>o wrote, "there are craftsmen, among whom are silversmiths and others who make beautiful things of wood. ",. There are many more Spanish references to metalsmiths in terms of what they made than there are to woodworkers, and there are even fewer to potters, but this may have much more to do with the Spanish interest in precious metals and the skilled craftsmen who worked them than with anything e1se. 6' Nonetheless, the production of vasos was a principal concern not only for querocamayocs, as their title infers, but for these other craftsmen as well. This point is important because it is not immediately suggested by other historical or archaeological evidence. From archaeological remains and the earliest sixteenth-century inventory of Inca objects, it would appear that the major item of production for ceramicists and metalsmiths was a large vessel, probably called an urpu,6 ) used to store and transport corn beer (fig. Io12). This evidence 60. Nathan Wachtel ("Les Mitmaes," 2.98) notes that Polo de Ondegardo prided himself o n being one of the first Europeans to have understood the Andean system of vertical complementarity between the agricultural production of the sierras and lowlands and how this created kin and socia l bonds over great distances. 61. " ... oficiales ny, e avra entre ellos, como plateros y de labrar cosas galanas de palos " U. Polo de Ondegardo, "Relacion de los fundamentos acerca del notable dailo que resulta de no guardar a los indios sus fueros" [15711. CLDRHP. 1st ser., 3 [J9r6]: no). An anonymous Jesuit also seems to relate these two crafts, in a rhetorica l form of w riting in w hich like things ace paired: "que en todos los pueblos haya de todos oEicios y oficiales y maestros . . . aqui tejedores de lana. ah. de algodon, aculla plnteros, alH carpinteros" (A no nymous, "Relac ion de las costumbres," J8r). 62. See Murra, Economic Organization, 157. 63. Gonzalez Holguin defines IIrppu as "cantaro muy grande mayor que nico" (VocabIIlario de la leI/gila general, 357); tticco as "cantaro mediano mayor que es humihua " (J40); and Immihua as "camarillo media no, cuelli angosto, manual para lIeva r agua, 0 chicha" and JmmiJlIIalli as "echar chich a de tinaja, 0 vaso grande en pequei'io para podedo lIeuar " (201). Another term chat might have been used to name rhe aryballoid vessel is ilia CillO, "tinajon grande de chicha" (224). A l1lacmanlIIa is a "gran borracho, 0 bel1edor." The Huarochirf Manuscript (Avi la, Hllorachir! Manuscript, II!,) mentions timt the Inca offered gold and silver urpus to their huacas. Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui (Relacioll de tll1tigiiedades, 239) mentions queros and urpu s together as necessary objects for Andean festive drinking.

QUEROS. AQU ILL AS. AND CA JAMARCA

35

needs to be examined to integrate the production of the storage vessel and the drinking vessel as something relational rather than discrete. In the records oflnca gold and silver objects first collected and sent to Spain, there is hardly any mention of vasos, queros, aquillas, or any other drinking cup, Spanish or Quechua. The object most frequently collected and recorded is identified by the Spaniards as "a large jar with two handles and a head of a dog and two spouts. "6, This is a very accurate description of the urpu, an aryballoid-shaped jar tbat bas two looped handles on each side, a small nodule in the shape of an animal's head placed just below the vessel's neck, and a spout at the lip.6, Unfortunately, these vessels and any cups that the Spaniards did collect were melted down for bullion before or soon after they reached Spain. 66 Clearly though, these vessels impressed themselves on the Spanish imagination. The immense riches from Peru were emblematized by a golden urpu in the coat of arms of the conquistador Juan de Porras, conceded to him in 1535 by Charles V in recognition of his participation in the conquest of Peru and of the "mucha cantidad de oro y plata" that he found in Cajamarca and CUZCO. 67 The frequent mention of urpus (Spanish tinajas) and the lack of reference to vasos in these records is probably due to the urpu's size and weight. Only the largest and heaviest objects are listed in these records. Nonetheless, the frequency of metal urpus in these early records aligns very well with the numerous ceramic urpus and urpu shards found in the archaeological record. Ceramic quero fragments are also found in all major Inca sites, but urpu remains are so frequent that they have been characterized as being "the Cuzco-Inca shape most copied abroad," and it has been argued that "if ceramics were to symbolize Inca rule, this shape was its most important symbol. "68 6+ "... lIna tinaja con dos asas y una cabeza de perro y dos picos" ("Plata del Peru que Truxo a su Cargo Diego de Fuentemayor en la Armada de Que vino por Capitan Gen~ era] Blasco Nunez de Vela," Libros de ClIeuta y razon pertellcielltos ala Tesoreria de la COl1tratacioll, aFios 1535-1549. in La Imp rellta ell Lima (1584-1824), ed. 1- Medina [Santiago: Casa del Autor, 19051. 1:171-72.). In the "'Relaci6n de Oro del Peru Que Recibimos de Hernando Pizarro ... 1534" (La Imprel1lo, vol. 1:(63-67), only the word ti/1o;a is used, without the additional description. In this account and the one regarding silver, almost all the objects taken to Spain were "tinajas." In none of the texts is there a mention of vasos or anything like them. However, Polo de Ondegardo ("Relaci6n de los fllndamentos," 101) asserts that "vasos" and "cantaros" were part of Atahualpa's original ransom. 65. Compare "Urpu ... cantara muy gra nde 0 tinaja" (Santo Tomas, Lexico", 372). 66. See S. Lothrop, In ca Treasure as Depicted by Spanish Historians (Los Angeles: Southwest Museum, 1938), 46. 67. A. Paz y Melia, Nob iliario, 93-94, lamina "-xxxvii i. 68. Julien, Hatul1qolla, 251.

Toasts with the Inca

While the number of urpu shards may indicate to the modern archaeologist the presence of Inca rule, this does not necessarily translate into its status as an Inca object. These jars had a high status within Inca culture, as attested by their manufacture in gold and silver"> and by the uumber of ceramic pieces that cacry some of the Inca's most complicated and beautiful designs. The importance of the urpu was relational to the quero and aquilla: the urpu was used to store or transport corn beer, whi le the quero and aquilla were used to consume the beer during socia l intercourse or ritual action. In the Inca's male initiation

ceremony, boys were given two small vasos from which to drink and were offered chicha, while young girls who assisted in the ceremony carried the urpus or "cantaras" from w hich these cups were filledJo

The relationship between the quero and the urpu is clearly represented in a ceramic figurine collected at the sanctuary of Pachacamac on the central coast (figs. 1.r3 a--o). A seated male wearing an Inca tunic holds a quero in his right hand and has an urpu strapped to his back. The urpu is secured by a woven belt that goes across the man's chest, through the two handles, and over the small nubbin formed on the urpu by the animal head. The urpu's function here is clearly to transport the corn beer to be drunk in the quero. The figure's seated position and the cup held in his hand imply that the urpu has already served its purpose. The quero, held in acrested motion, suggests an act of drinking or exchange. The act, either impending or just completed, is further indicated by the position of the left hand. It touches the belt as if to secure it and maintain the even distribution of the urpu's weight on the figure's back while the cup is offered or raised. The plastic representation of this action comes from a ceramic tradition of the central north coast,?' but it depicts the Inca role or status that the urp u had vis-a-vis the quero and aquilla. This relationship is also reflected in the decorative designs of the quero and urpu. Metal, wooden, and ceramic Inca queros all have decorative designs that repeat or meander horizontally around the vessel. As in the case of the colonial vessels, this means that part of the design always remained visible and therefore suggested the whole no matter which side was 69. In the Huarochirf Manuscript (Avila, HI/arochirf Manuscript, 111), the Sapa fn ca makes offerings o f go ld and silver urpus to all the huacas. 70. See C. de Molina, Re/acioll de/as fab l/las y ritos de los Incas [1573], CLDR HP, 1St ser. ,.I (:1916): 6I.~7. 7r. See J. Jones, Art of Empire: The Inca of Peru (New York: Museum o f Primitive Art, 1964),2.8.

QUEROS, AQUILLAS, AND CAJAMARCA

37

obscured by the hand.'" This implies the active use of these queros in social or ritual occasions. At least a part of the vessel's design would be visible no matter how the cup was picked up or passed. The designs on the urpu suggest something else. As seen on the modeled figure, the ideal place of the urpu was on the back, and because of the nubbin formed on the urpu by the animal head, it is evident that the same side was always visible when the urpu was carried. It therefore cannot be a coincidence that this half of the vessel carries the design, while the side that was always obscured is left blank except in the most elaborate pieces. Furthermore, the abstract and/or stylized vegetal motifs used on the urpu are primarily predicated on a vertical design. As with the queros, the surface decoration of the urpu corresponds to the active function of the vessel and clearly marks its role in relation to the quero. The design features on the objects therefore imply their use, and because the quero/aquilla and urpu were used together, their designs articulate a relationship between these two types of object. Their relationship was built into their 'design: it was present, as it were, at the level of their manufacture, perhaps as an element of camay. The urpu was a significant object of Inca production, but its functional role was secondary to the quero . In this sense, one can understand why ceramicists and metalsmiths are consistently categorized as creating "vasos," while tinajas, the Spanish word for urpus, is rarely used to describe their production. Furthermore, this suggests why woodworkers are often associated with these two other crafts. The only item produced in common by all three craftsmen was the drinking vessel. The vessel, as an indicator of what Inca craftsmen made, suggests its importance as an object in the Inca culture. The quero/aquilla had no commodity value. It was made to be used to effect a sociopolitical discourse that was carried out through ritual actions. The vessel's place within those rituals determined the material significance that is reflected in the Spanish descriptions of Inca craft production. What is gained by studying the vessel at the level of its production is the understanding that the meaningfulness of the quero/aquilla beyond utilitarian use is already present at the vessel's inception. The quero/aquilla is embedded in the ritual and mythic discourse of drinking as a significant participant. 72. There is a type of metal quero, stenuning from Chimu tradition, that is modeled in the form of a human head. In this case, as in the case of the head·shaped queros of the colonjal period, this general observation does not ho ld tfue.

Toasts with the Inca

Tiro Cusi Yupanqui's account of the events at Cajamarca is a part of this discourse. The quero/aquilla as an object of state production moves to center stage as the substantiation of the crystalline moment of first interaction . This role is preordained, just as the Spanish role of written text came to be preordained in the official act of contact." One must try to move back before that moment to locate the quero/aquilla in Andean and Inca imperial myths and rituals. How and why was the quero/aquilla used by the Inca? Why was the vessel accepted by Andeans as a legitimate form to materialize the intersection between Inca mythological claims and the reality of Inca rule?

73. See P. Seed, Ceremonies of Possessioll ;11 Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492-r640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 6.9-99·

T

CHAPTER T WO

Andean Festivals and Reciprocity

The status of the quero and aquilla in Inca production allied with the Inca's heightened emphasis on the production of corn as Tahuantinsuyu's quintessential religious and social crop.' Not only was there massive, state-organized corn production in areas like the eochabarnba Valley, but entire populations were permanently resettled from higher elevations, where tuber crops were grown, to rhe valley floors, where corn could be intensively cultivated.' More important, even though maize was eaten as a food during the meal, its symbolic importance was recognized in drink. The distinction was clearly marked by the temporal and categorical organization of Inca ceremonial feasts. Only after the meal had been eaten would tbe second part of the feast, rhe drinkjng, begin) The preeminence of drink over food in Inca feasts is a common feature in all Andean celebrations, as is attested by almost every Spanish chronicler who mentions the subject. For example, an anonymo us Jesuit writes, "they began their feasts and banquets, in which eating was very little ... but drinking was extreme.". This statement might be r.

J. Murca, "Rite and Crop in the Inca State, " in Culture in History: Essays il1 HOllor

of Palll Radin (New York: Columbia University Press, (960), 398-40I. 2. Such resettlement took place, for example, in the Janama rca Va lley; see T. O'AItroy, "Empire Growth and Consolidation : The Xauxa Region of Peru under the Incas" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, I98r), II ( ; Provincial Power ill the lnka Empire (Washington, D.C.: Smithsoni an Institution Press, .I992).

3. Bartolome de las Casas w rites, "Nullca jamas bebiall sin que de comer hobiesen acabado" (De las anfiguas gentes del Pen; [ca. 1557] , C LDRHP, 2d ser.) I t [19391: 128). See also J. de Betanzos, Sliwa y llarracion de los I/lcas Capacnma que (tleroll seliores de la ciudad de Cuzco y de todo 10 a ella subietado [1551] (Madrid: Atlas, 1987), chap. 13, p. 158; Garci laso de la Vega, Comelltarios Reales de los Incas [1609-17] (Buenos Aires: Emece Editores SA, 1943), bk. 6, chap. 22., p. 52. This organization is still basically followed in Andean feasts, although the introduction o f trago, hard g rain alco ho l, has altered the pattern somewhat (Gary Urton, personal communicatio n with the author, 1982). 4- « •• • comenzaban los cotlvires y banquetes en que eI comer era muy poco .... Pero el beber era extremado " (Anonymous, "Relaci6n de los costumbres an tiguas de los naru-

39

Toasts with the Inca

interpreted as the hyperbole of a priest trying to combat native drinking. Nonetheless, this anonymous Jesuit was judicious and balanced about what constituted custom in a society. He prefaces his remarks by saying: the customs and manners of a nation and the people of its republic ought to be measured not by that which a few indi viduals or

addicts do but rather by what the whole community keeps or what they feel they ought to keep and by the laws that they have and carry OLIt ... . In the first place, drunkenness and intemperance in drinking wa s li ke a characteristic passion of these people)

In this light, the jesuit's statement is more than just hyperbole. Aqha (corn beer) was the important element in these feasts, and it was drunk using queros and aquillas. The feast existed only through its performance, so that whatever else the quero and aquilla might be or express must be read through their participation in the feast. The Andean feast must be the focus and a point of departure for understanding these vessels as social objects, things that parricipate in the life of a community. But what was an Andean community? In the terms in which the quero or aquilla participated, it is sufficient to call it an ayllu, a collectivity of a number of lineage groups, each also called an ayllu. Each lineage group reckoned itself through descent from a specific ancestor. The ayllu as a collectivity in turn recognized itself through the descent from a common, oftentimes mythological ancestor. 6 As a totality, the ayllu was organized into moieties, called "Hanan" and "Hurin" in the southern sierras.

The lineage groups of both Hanan and Hurin were ranked in order of age a~cording to an originary genealogy. Each moiety had a curaca, or leader, such that there was a Hanan curaca and a Hurin curacao rales del Peru" [ca. 1:5501, in Tres Relaciones de Ql1tigiiedades peruallas, ed. M. Jimenez de la Espada (Asuncion, Paraguay: Editorial Guarania, 1950), T77. 5. "Los costumbres y usos de una nacion y gente de su republica, no se IHlO de medir por 10 que algunos particulares 0 viciosos hacen, sino por 10 q\le toda la comunidad guarda 6 sienre que se debe guardar, y par las leyes que tienen y ejectuan . ... Primeramente, la embriaguez y la destemplanza en el beber fue como una propia pasion desta genre" (Anonymous, "Relacion de las costumbres,» 175). 6. The literature on the Andean concepr of ayllu is vast. My condensation is from F. Salomon, introduction to The Hllarochirf Manuscript: A Testament of Ancient and Colonia/ Andean Religioll. compo Francisco de Avila, trans. F. Sa lomon and G. Urioste (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991), 2I-2. 3; J. Ossio, Parelltesco, Reciprocidad y jel'arqufa ell Los Andes: Una Aproximaciol1 a /a organizaciol1 social de la comunidad de Allda111arca (Lima: PontiEcia Universidad Catolica del Peru) 1992), 2.14-30I.

ANDEAN FESTIVALS AND RECIPROCITY

These elements of Andean social organization, well known to Andean scholars, are important to the discussion in this book, for several reasons. First, the Inca themselves were divided into Hanan and Hurin as was every province of Tahuantinsuyu.7 Second, the social and symbolic categories of Hanan and Hurin continued into the colonial period and are important elements for understanding colonial quero imagery. Third, Andean feasts were spatially organized according to Hanan and Hurin affiliation and the age ranking of each lineage group. Finally, the production and use of queros in pairs is inextricably connected to the symbolic categories that represent this social organization.

The Ayllu Feast: Reciprocity and Authority Andean feasts were usuaUy held to honor a deity, to mark some aspect of the agricultural calendar, or to celebrate a special event, such as the first haircutting of an ata, a child born with a reverse whorl in his or her haiL' Whatever the specific focus of a feast, it was normally organized in a fashion similar to other feasts, to express the various relations among the constituent elements of the ayUu community. The feasts were ritual acts of reciprocity, reaffirming that the cosmic and social order of the community was inexorably rooted in the social relations of production. First, the feasts provided a communal means of venerating and propitiating the people's deities and/or progenitors. Second, tbey conveyed communal solidarity. Third, when the entire community participated, the feasts indicated the curaca's elevated status and marked his obligation to the community by his responsibility to hold feasts. In all tluee cases, the relations were forged by some form of kinsbip and were ritually consummated by the mutual exchange of food and drink. The intent of the exchange of food and drink was to signify that one gave and received back that which was needed to maintain the vitality of the community's subsistence economy. In the metaphysical sphere, deities (huacas) were actual ancestors or mythical progenitors, who were fed and given drink in return for the hea lth, propitious 7. For a fuller discussion {bat takes into account regional differences and the importance of a dual and quaternary structure, see M. Piirssinen, TallJalltillslIY": The /lICQ State and Its Political Organization, Srudia Historica 43 (Helsinki: SHS, 1992), 304-71. 8. See F. de Avila, comp., The Huarochiri Manuscript: A Testament of Ancient alld Colollial Andean Religion [ca. 16081. tra.ns. F. Salomon and G. Urioste (Austin: University of Texas Press, 199:r), 151-53.

Toasts with the Inca

weather, and bountiful crops that they provided . At the ayllu and moiety levels, members, by exchanging toasts, were reminded of their obligation to aid one another in personal and communal work, to sustain their shared livelihood. The curacas and the ayllu/moiety members also exchanged toasts, which, along with the curacas' obligation to host the feasts, signified that the curacas acknowledged the services they had teceived from the community. 10 return, the community recognized the curacas' authority to oversee ritual ceremonies, coordinate communal tasks, and redistribute land and resources" The last exchange in the feast represented the most tenuous aspect of social relations. Here, the relationship between curaca and ayllu entailed the willingness of the community to render to the curaca more labor value than they received from him. It marked their agreement to forgo the real reciprocity conducted between themselves in exchange for periodic symbolic reciprocity with the curaca in the feasts, for the sake of a stable social and political structure. At the village level, this act also signified the fact that the curaca's position was not absolute. Although the curaca's economic role was in fact redistributive in function rather than truly reciprocal, he had to perform his end of the bargain if he wished to continue receiving the goods and services of his community. At this stage of social and polirical organization, the curaca had no power base for his authority other than the community itself, of which he was a kin member. The differentiation between reciprocity and redistribution was therefore not acknowledged . They were seen as one and the same: the condition of all social and economic relations on which the community's survival rested depended on the fulfillment of all obligations, and this condition was always couched in terms of reciprocity. The precariousness of this relationship only became apparent in the early colonial period, when the norms of Andean behavior were forcibly disrupted. For example, during his 1566 visita to the north coast, Gregorio Gonzalez de Cuenca outlawed the curacas' right to dispense aqha. He almost immediately rescinded the order, after receiving a barrage of complaints from the local curacas, who outlined the law's disastrous effects. The curaca Don Juan Puenape, the segunda persona of Jequetepeque, carefully explained, " [the prohibition] will be cause not to obey, and we will not be able to work the community field and house service, bring the Indians together for mita [corporate labor within the ayllu], or anything else necessary to govern this repar9. See K. Spalding, Htlorochiri: All Andean Society lIuder Inca and Spanish Rule (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, £984). 6o-7I.

ANDEAN FESTIVALS AND RECIPROCITY

43

timie1lto [a distribution of Andean labor], because through [our] giving food and drink to the Indians, they obey their curacas and leaders. »'0 In a similar petition, Don Cristobal Lloco, the curaca of San Pedro de Lloco, underscored the paramount importance of aqha in the feasts: "through aqha, the Indians obey us, which they will not do if it is not given to them.» n It is evident from these statements and similar ones from the sierras" that the obligations of the curaca were necessary and that if they were not carried out, the curaca became ineffectual. The apparent fragiliry of the curaca's authoriry, however, was revealed only after the Spanish arrival, when the integrity of the feasts was violated. Prior to this disruption, the feasts acted as an integrative force, conflating all relationships into one celebration that conceded as natural the interdependence and alliance between all entities-huacas, curacas, and ayllu members. The same mode used to express the internal alliances of a community was used to express the external alliances between different communities. Feasts were used to signify the interdependent relations needed for common defense, "trade," and large projects involving corporate labor. However, as long as these alliances were conducted among roughly equal communities who shared whatever benefits derived from the alliances, a permanent political hierarchy between the communities was not formed . '3 In this sense, the relationship between allied communities was distinct from that between the curaca and his community, where unequal hieratic relations permanently existed. Between the curaca and the ayllu, the symbolic reciprocity conducted in feasts subliTO ..... . sera causa que (no) obedescan ny podremos hazer b sementera de comunidad y obms de la casa della ny juntar los indios que se dan mira ny otras casas necesarias al gouierno deste rreparrimiento porque mediante dar de comer y beber a los yndios obedescan a sus caciques y pr:incipales'" (Archivo General de lndi as, Justicia 458, fol. 194 TV, cited in P. Netherly, "Loca l Level Lords on the North Coast of Peru'" [ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1977], 216). JI. " . . . mediante Ia chicha nos obedescen los yndios 10 qual no harlan si les faltase" (Archivo General de lndias, Justicia 458, fols. 19-toV-194H, cited in Netherly, "Local Level Lords," 216). ro!. For example, the higWand curaca Cristoba l Xulca Condor explained "que Ie hagan los indios alguna casa, junta los indios y les habla y elias se 1a hacen y les da de comer y beber en todo el tiempo que en ello trabajan y no les da otra paga y es 10 que se usa entre los caciques y la misma orden tienen en ellabrar de las chacaras'" (1. Ortiz de Zuniga, Yisita de fa Provillicia de Leou de HUQlIlICO [1562] [Huanuco: Universidad Nacional Hermilio Va ldiza.n, 1967-72], r:44). 13. See, for example. the description of the political organization of the Chinch a Valley in C. de Castro and D. Ortega Morejon, "Relacion y declaracion del modo que este valle de Chincha y sus comarcanos se governavan antes que oviese yngas y despues q los hobo hasta q los (christian)as entraron en esta tierra" (1558], in Quellell zur Kliiturgeschichtc des priikolumbischcl1 Amerika, ed. H. Trimborn (Stungart, 1936),236-38.

44

Toasts with the Inca

mated the inherent hierarchy of age rank among lineage groups as well as the curaca's authority and redistribution of goods, so long as all obligations were fulfilled. Among allied communities, each group retained its relative autonomy, and a feast by one group for another did not automatically signify the fulfillment of anticipated obligations. This relationship is recounted in mythic terms in a Huarochirf manuscript written in Quechua at the beginning of the seventeenth century. In this telling, the Inca sovereign has difficulty subduing some particularly obstinate rebels and calls all the huacas of Tahuantinsuyu to Cuzco. They assemble in Cuzco's main plaza, Huaycapata Plaza, where the Sapa Inca asks for their aid. He beseeches them, asking rhetorically why they thought he had given them food, drink, and other gifts. Almost all of the huacas remain constant and rebuff his request for help. Only Maca Uisa, the son of the all-powerful huaca of Huarochirf, acknowledges the Sapa Inca's plea, but in exchange for Maca Uisa's help, the Sapa Inca enters into an alliance by which he must worship Pariacaca, Macah Uisa's father, and give fifty men to serve him.q The mythic narrative transforms and inverts the rea l sociopolitical relations between the people of Huarochirf and the Inca . It nonetheless demonstrates that the feasts in the plaza were the main forum where ideal social and political contracts were forged, according to willful reciprocal behavior." More importantly, the myth, although recounting relations in Tahuantinsuyu as an already well-coalesced state system, provides testimony concerning the incipient development of the empire and the role that feasts and drinking had in it as a means of signifying sociopolitical relations. Here, it occurs in a myth recorded in a community subjugated by the Inca. Spanish accounts gathered in and around Cuzco also privilege the feast as major narrative element in the telling of Inca history. Although these Spanish texts are filtered through language and cultural barriers, their consistency in relation to the Huarochirf mythic account allows for a study of the feast as it was used to narrate Tahuantinsuyu's coming into being.

t

a

t

1 tI o

s

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n (l

Ie p, C

The Inca Feast: The Rise of Tahuantinsuyu In their beginning, the Inca were only one of a number of small ayllu communities in the southern sierras. There is no reason, archaeological

£S, La. ed.

!4. Avila, Huarod1iri Manuscript, 114-1.6.

15. For a detailed analysis of dlis process, see M. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, "Reflexiones sobre la reciprocidad andina," RMN 42. (1976): HI-54.

est: (H,

ANDEAN FESTIVALS AND RECIPRO C ITY

45

or otherwise, to suppose that they possessed any distinct advantage over their neighbors. Their rise to power cannot be credited to Inca innovation; rather, it is attributable to their ability to exploit an already existing situation, theoretically open to all Andean communities. Inca growth was contingent on fulfilling mutual obligations with other communities and then manipulating those communities to Inca advantage. ,6 This aspect of Inca development was neither disguised nor purged from Inca "history." Rather, Inca "history" is divided into two periods or stages. The distinction between the two is most often marked by the exploits of the Inca's principal cultural hero, Pachacuti, the eighth ruler-in particular, by his defeat of the Chanca. After this victory, Pachacuti is attributed with renovating Cuzco (especially the Coricancha, the temple of the sun), establishing a uniform code of law, and initiating the worship of his predecessors. More precisely, he is credited with devising the political, social, religious, and economic structure of Tahuantinsuyu as it was when the Spanish arrived. '7 What is significant ,bout these mythohistoric exploits is the role the Andean feast had as Tahuantinsuyu shifted from being a small ayllu community to an ,xpansionist imperial entity. Whether Pac hac uti was a mythical figure or a historical one is herefore unimportant. What we know of Inca historical recollection is L conflation of real events and mythohistorical interpretation filtered hrough Spanish genres. What is important for understanding how the nca interpreted their development is that Pachacuti's reign personifies he conceptual transition of Cuzco from a small ayllu commun ity based ·n alliances to a political organization with absolute power. Juan Polo de Ondegardo articulated the empirical aspects of this hift when he tried to reckon the development and length of Inca his)fy. H e gives a span of no more than four hundred years, up to the ' ign of Pachacuti, when the Inca were a small ayllu community ,ehetria) whose sphere of influence did not extend past the Yucay valy (just to the north of Cuzco) and Urcos (even closer, to the south). lChacuti's defeat of the Chancas- accomplished with the aid of the anas and Canches, who, Polo says, "went with Inca to the war

I6. See M. Rosrworowski de Diez Canseco, "Una Hipatesis Sobre eI Surgimiento del rado Inca," in EI Hombre y fa Cll itllra Andi11a, Acta y Trabajos, vol. I (Lima : Editora sontny, 1~n8). 89-100. See also R. Schaedel, "Early State of the Incas," in The Early State,

1. Claessen and P. Ska lnik (The Hague: Mouton,

(978),1.89-91..

Bemabe Cobo w rites, "[Pachacllti) ordena la republica con el concierro, Jeyes }' atutos que g uard6 rodo el riempo que duro de enrollees hasta la venida de los espafioles" istoria del N llevo MlIlIdo [I653], BAE 91-92. [r956J: bk. I:l, chap. 12., p. Tr-78. 17.

Toasts with the Inca

[because they were] paid and not as subjects""-formed the base of all other Inca victories. Polo goes on to say that because each province defended itself without the aid of any other, "the major challenge was to subjugate the neighboring areas of Cuzco, because all those conquered joined with the Inca, and they [the Inca] were then always much stronger. "19

Prior to defeating the Chanca, the Inca dealt with their neighbors not on the basis of force but through alliance. This is suggested by Polo's remark that the Canas and Canches were paid, not forced, into Inca service. Paid is not the correct term, however. M iguel Cabello Balboa records how the Inca formally contracted their early alliances. Describing the reign of SincID Roca, the second Sapa Inca, Cabello Balboa says: His rule and dominion did not extend six leagues in circumference,

although this area was heavily populated by natives of various languages and names [and] tills [Sapa Inca] found the style to attract these nations w ithout anyone ever being annoyed in his court and house, which was usually to have a table and filled cups for those who wished to come.l. O

Cabello Balboa describes in general "the style, " the form of recompense, by WIDch alliances such as the one needed to defeat the Chanca were maintained in this early period . The term style supposes the notion of reciprocity expressed by the table and cups kept filled for expected guests. This is what is meant by "pay" in an Andean sense. Sinchi Roca is credited with this institution, but it was a traditional expression of reciprocity that he was obliged to make as the leader of only one of a number of small communities." The real "pay" that Polo mentions for rS. ". .. fllceon con los ingas a la guerra pagados y no por via de seiioria " (J. Polo de Ondegardo. "Relacioll de los fu ndamentos acerca del notable dana que resulta de no guardar a los indios SlIS fu eros" [157]], CLDRHP, 1St sec., 3 [19r6J. 46). 19.

"Tada 1a dificultad que nbo fue en conquistar aque llas comarcas del Cuzco

porque codes los conquistados iban con ellos y eran siempre mucho mas fuerza " (Polo de Ondegardo, "Re laci6n de los fundamentos/' 47). 2.0. "Su mando y seii.o rio no se estendia seys leguas en circuito aunque esta distancia estau a muy poblada de natu rales de varios lenguas y nombres este allo eI esrilo para atraer y entrerener estos naciones sin que su Corte y casa a nadie jamas enfadase, que fu e tener de ordinario mesa puesta y vasos Ilenos para quanros a elias se qu isiesen llegar" (M. Cabello Valboa, Mis celdnea Antarctica: Ulla historia del Pent antigllo r ~586] [Lima: Instituto de Etnologia, San Marcos, I9511. bk. 3. chap. n, p. 2.74)· :!.I. By saying that Sinchi Roca "alia eI estil o," Cabello Va lboa implies that Sinchi Roca fou nd the custom of holding such banquets useful , rather than creating the institution.

ANDEAN FESTIVALS AND RECIPROCITY

47

the Canches and Canas came from the distribution of war booty or from whatever other material gain came from the alliance. The Incas' relatively equal or undifferentiated status with neighboring groups during this first stage of Inca history is confirmed by another obligatory reciprocal act. Cieza de Leon records that during Sincha Roca's reign, neighboring villages began to see the "good order" t hat the Inca had created in Cuzco and wished "to sign treaties with the Inca." However, these "treaties" were contracted among equals and through reciprocal acts that the Inca could not refuse. Leon records, for example, that "a curaca of the village that they call Zanu ... implored Sinchi Roca with all the vehemence that he could put into it that he [Sinchi Roca] take a daughter he had ... [for] he wished [Sinchi Roca] to receive her to give her as the wife to his son. "22 The request to have Sin chi Roca's son and heir, Lloque Yupanqui, marry the daughter of the Sanu curaca went against the wishes of Sinchi Roca's father, the dynastic founder Manco Capac, who had established marriage between brother and sister among Inca rulers. Yet Sinchi Roca feared that if he did not accept, the Sanu curaca and all neighboring curacas would consider the Inca inhuman or selfish. Sinchi Roca held council with the other Inca nota bles and decided that he should accept the marriage, "because until they had more force and power, they ought not to be guided in that case by what his father [Manco Capac] had commanded. "1..3 The Inca could not afford to be seen as selfish or inhuman men by those outside the bounds of Andean society. They were compelled to a marriage exchange with an outside group just as they were compelled to hold feasts to form alliances. The Inca acknowledged in their own" history" that at this stage, they did not have the "fuerza y potencia" to stand alone as a social group unrelated to others through true reciprocal acts. As Polo de Ondegardo's observations suggest, the Inca acquired this force and power through a strategic combination of alliances and victories, epitomized by Pachacuti's defeat of the Chanca. Juan de Betanzos, the Spanish husband of Atahualpa's sister, recorded, possibly from members of Pachacuti's lineage group .!2.. u . . . un capitan del pueblo que lI aman Zanu ... rogo a Sinchi Roea, can gran vehemencia que en ella puso. que tuviese par bien que una hiia que el tenia. __ la quisiese recibir para darla par mujer a SlI hijo" (P. de Cieza de Leon, EI Seliorfo de los Incas, ed . Manuel Ballesteros Gaibrois [lss-d [Madrid: Histotia 16, '[985]. chap. P. p. HI). 23. u. • • • porque hasra que tuviesen mas fuerza y potencia no se habian de guiar en aquel caso por 10 que su padre {Mallco CapacJ dejo mandado" (Cieza de Leon, EJ Seliorfo de los II/cas. chap. 3I, p. HI ).

Toasts with the Inca (panaca), '4 the earliest and most complete account of Pachacuti's defeat of the Chanca. His version may therefore be the closest to the Inca form of historical reckoning. It sheds a different light on why the Chanca victory was a transcendent event by which the Inca divided their "history." In his account, the feast held by the Inca is transformed from being an act of reciprocity alone to also being one of superiority and power. Betanzos portrays Pachacuti as an isolated leader of the Inca clan. He is even abandoned by his nearest kin-his father, Inca Viracocha, and his brother. Pachacuti asks aid of the neighboring curacas and is refused unless he can show that he has sufficient forces of his own. Completely alone, Pachacuti prays to the supreme Inca deity, Viracocha Pachayachachic, who appears to him in a dream. He consoles Pachacuti, telling him that he will help. On the day of the battle, Pachacuti goes out with the people of Cuzco to face the Chanca. Suddenly, out of nowhere, armies of men, never before seen, appear from all four directions and join with the Inca to rout their enemy." This account is important because Pachacuti is said to have reworked Inca history after this victory. It is probable that certain traditions of the event were suppressed while others were constructed to explain Inca growth and sovereignty. Yet Betanzos's narrative reveals that "re-creating history" in the Andean sense meant more than the mere reconstruction of past events for personal or dynastic aggrandizement. The events of Pachacuti's reign were "re-created" to convey the profound sociopolitical transformation of the Inca from a small ayllu community to an Andean imperial state. Betanzos's narrative differs profoundly from that of Polo de Ondegarda, as Betanzos's emphatically rejects the notion of external aid, -alliance, or reciprocity. Pachacuti's victory is there portrayed as being gained solely through the Inca's own resource. Encoded into a, perhaps, historically strategic victory over a chief competiror is the ontological distinction between the Inca's prior and subsequent relations to nonInca groups. The victory is a transcendent event in Inca "history" because it established the Inca as a social and political entity that was not predicated on reciprocal relations with other people. And as we shall see, the feast conducted by the Inca implied hereafter this change. The collapsing of the transformation into one mythohistoric event belies the longer historic process, disclosing the Inca's ideological projection of how they went about constructing Tahuantinsuyu. It is Z-.J-. R. T. Zuidema, The Ceque System of Cuzco: The Social Orgallization of the Capital of the l11ca (Leiden: Brill. J964 ), 3I. 25· Betunzos, SIIII1(/ y l1arraciol1, part I, chaps. 7 and 8, pp. 23-30.

ANDEAN FESTIVALS AND RECIPROCITY

49

important, then, to follow Betanzos's description of the events that followed the victory and systematically changed the nature of Cuzco . The neighboring curacas, who first refused to aid Pachacuti, join with him after they see the supernatural armies supplied by Viracocha Pachayachachic. In the final Inca victory over the Chanca in their homeland, the supernatural forces are no longer needed, as Pachacuti leads an allied force. The alliance, however, is formed only because the Inca have already proved themselves supernaturally invincible. After the final victory, Pachacuti invites the allied curacas to share in the war booty. He maintains the traditional standard of reciprocity, even though the relations between them have implicitly changed, since Pachacuti now acts from an uncompromised position of power and superiority. To place Pachacuti's ascendancy within the norms of ayUu behavior, Betanzos records that the curacas ask Pachacuti to be their sovereign: "At the time the curacas said goodbye to Pachacuti to return to their lands, they pledged him what he would wish to receive of their help and favor and [that they were] his vassals, and that they wished he take for himself the crown [tassel] of state and be [Sapa] Inca. ",6 Pachacuti refuses the offer to be their leader, saying that it would not be right to take the tassel (mascaipacha) while his father, the Sapa Inca, still lives. He asks the curacas to do two things for him. First, they should go to his father, who fled to the Yucay Valley, to pay their respects and do whatever he commands. Second, since the curacas have said that Pachacuti is their friend and brother, they should come when he bids and do whatever he asks. The curacas respond that they have no other leader than Pachacuti and will do whatever he wishes. The Spanish terms seiior and vasallo used by Betanzos accurately convey, I believe, the changed nature of the relations occurring in the narrative itself. Whereas the curacas were originally able to choose whether or not to aid Pachacuti against the Chanca and chose not to, they now pledge to fulfi ll whatever request might be forthcoming; the traditional right to assess a neighbor'S request before complying is completely foreclosed. Moreover, Pachacuti precludes that this relation is based on his attributes as a single powerful leader. Instead, he establishes it as a relation between the office of the Sapa Inca and its subordinates, the curacas. This is seen by Pachacuti's determination to receive the crown from his father lawfully rather than by seizing it. In no 26. ", .. al riempo que del se despedian los ta les seilores para irse a sus tierras Ie rag· aron que los quisiese rescibir debajo de su amparo e merced y por SllS tales vasallos, e que qllisicse tamar la borla del Estada y ser eJ Ynga" (emphasis added) (Betanzos, Suma y nor· radon. part I, chap. 10, p. 46).

Toasts with the Inca

50

instance does he denigrate the political position of Sapa Inca, which is above personal attributes, positive or negative. As an individual, Viraeocha, Pachacuti's father, is a failed leader, who Pachacuti later humiliates. As the Sapa Inca, however, Viracocha, even during llis personal humiliation, does not have to ask a pardon from Pachacuti for having tried to killllim, as long as Viracocha Inca says he did it "in name of the city of Cuzco and those curacas that were present there. "'7 Furthermore, Pachacuti binds the curacas to the Inca polity rather than to himself, by first commanding them to go to his father while he is still in the Yucay Valley. They pledge their allegiance to Viracocha because, regardless of his personal qualities, he is the Sapa Inca. Viracocha Inca receives the curacas in the town of Calca. As the Sapa Inca, he sits on his tiana (throne) and commands that "vasos de chicha" be brought out and served to them. Viracocha therefore fulfills the traditional obligation established by Sinchi Roca. In exchange, he receives the manpower to build a village for himself. At the same time, he pledges, albeit deceitfully, to give up his crown to Pachacuti, making the curacas witness to the beginning of the transfer of power." Again the action goes beyond the simple narrative, marking a second but concomitant ontological distinction between the ayllu community and Tahuantinsuyu, this time concerning resources and property. Pachacuti becomes Sapa Inca after a series of events ending in Viracocha's forced abdication. Nevertheless even after the abdication, Viracocha still receives a substantial amount of labor from the curacas, and, more important, the pueblo they build for him is his. The notion of holding property as a fiefdom is alien to the ayllu concept in which land and labor were held in common and were periQdically redistributed. Viracocha Inca, however, not only personally possesses property but unconditionally receives labor to sustain it. This indicates the transformation from ayllu norms of communal property, including that of a curaca, to the Inca state system of owned and retained wealth. While the social and eeonomic relations within the expanding Inca polity were being radically transformed from their ayllu origins, certain outward signs of ayllu reciprocal relations were formally maintained. Paramount among these were the feast and the distribution of specific 27· " . ..

en nombre de In ciudad de Cuzeo e de aquellos senores que allf esraban pre-

sentes" (Becanzos, SlI1I1a y lIarracioll, part I, chap. 1:7, p. 83). 28. The actual transfer of rule does not occur until after Pacllacllti rebuilds Cuzeo. The curncas are again sent to Inca Viracocha to bring him to CllZCO to place the crown on Pachacuti's head. See Betanzos, SW11a y narraci6n, chap. r8, p. 8+

ANDEAN FESTIVALS AND RECIPROCITY

prestige items. In Betanzos's text, they are the leitmotiv that signals the transfer of villages' communal resources to the Inca storehouses in Cuzco. The process is heralded by Viracocha's offer of cups of chicha to the curacas before they begin to work for him. Under Pachacuti, this transfer is systematic. With it, Pachacuti transforms Cuzco from an ordinary village to a powerful city ready to begin conquest. After Pachacuti arranged the internal organization and renovation of Inca deities and their shrines, he set into motion a two-step enrichment of Cuzco. He instructed the curacas to plant certain of their lands for Cuzco's benefit. Then, Pachacuri asked the curacas to provide the labor to build collcas (warehouses) in Cuzco to be filled with the produce from these fields. In exchange, Pachacuti gave to the curacas Inca women, two sets of clothes, and gold and silver jewels. A year later, Pacbacuti called the CUracas to Cuzco, telling them he needed the collcas to be filled with textiles. First, he held for the curacas a great banquet, assembled in Cuzco's main plaza, with enormous quantities of aqha provided. After a six-day drinking feast, the curacas returned to their communities, where men and women as quickly as possible wove the cloth that the Sapa Inca required." Betanzos's description of Pachacuti's activities is essentially a miniaturization of the economic foundation of Tahuantinsuyu . The Inca first accumulated from the subjugated populace the food and textiles that in turn were used to sustain and reward those who worked on state projects.'o In exchange, the Inca hosted large communal banquets. More important, the account by Betanzos presents the historical shift from alliance to domination as a natural shift devoid of conflict. The curacas willingly submitted themselves and their communities to Inca authority and turned over a portion of their resources to Cuzco. The story omits the process by which the curacas make their decision, thereby presenting a peaceful transition that acknowledges only harmonious relations. Harmony was accomplished because the nature of the sociopolitical relations between the curacas and the Inca were now posed in the form of curaca/ayllu relations rather than relations between two autonomous ayllu communities. Tbe curacas asked Pachacuti to be tbeir leader and rendered to him their communities' labor, produce, and goods. In return, they received his authority as "son of the 29. See Beranzos, SlIma y narrati01l, part 1, chap . .J2, pp. 56-57; chap. J 3, pp. 60-63 . 30. « . . . medianre 1a com ida que ansi tuviese, queria ed ificac la ci udad del Cuzco de :anterfa ... y tenia en si, que teniendo bastimientos en tanca cantidad que no Ie faltasen, lue podia Ie dar la genre que el quisese hacer y edificar los edificios y casas que ansi eedificar queria n (Beranzos, Slll11a y narration, part J, chap. 12., p. 57).

Toasts with the Inca

sun" and his ability to organize labor projects, lead an army, and redistribute stored goods. This transformation of relations was codified by the drinking feasts.

Propriety, Feats, and Power As a forum for symbolic reciprocity, the feasts expressed the varying nature of the social and political relations in an ayllu community . Under Pachacuti, the feast was used to signify that relations between the Inca and curacas were similar to the curaca's relations to his community . The rough parity of allied communities became a politically hieratic and economically unequal relationship. There is, however, a profound distinction between the nature of the curaca/ayllu and the Inca/curaca relations. The curaca's authority within his community was conditional, and he had to perform obligatory feasts to maintain his authority. The ritual exchange of toasts in these feasts asserted that the community was first of all sustained by the reciprocity conducted by kin groups of which the curaca was member and from which he derived his authority. In contrast, the Inca's authority was absolute, deriving from a corporate base (the imperial control of various peoples and resources) that the individual community could not effect. The Inca's efforts to maintain ethnic identity among conquered groups, even when moved ahout, ensured that tllis remained the case. In tllis sense, the Inca conducted their feasts from a position of absolute, rather than conditional, authority. The mythic form of authority within the drinking feast is suggested in an account about the ninth king, Tupac Inca Yupanqui, recorded by the native author Joan Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui. The Sapa Inca is said to have overheard complaints that he had not provided sufficient food or drink for his guests during an annual feast. In response, the Inca monarch ordered that ti,e guests at the fo llowing year's feast be plied with a great quantity of aqha, served three times a day in enormous queros. As punishment for the previous year's complaints, however, no one was allowed to leave the plaza to urinateY This story is unique to Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, but like most of his text, the story is based on Andean mythic structure, in which social practices are personified through the actions of an individual. In tlUs case, standard social practice is twice violated by the Inca emperor, 31. J. de Santa Cruz Pachacllti Yamqui, Relaci611 de autigiiedades deste reyno del Pin; [ca . .1615], ed. P. Ouviols and C. Itier {CllZCO: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de las c.'lsas" and Insritut Franc;a is O'Etudes Andines, 1993) , 2.39.

d

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ANDEAN FESTIVALS AND RECIPROCITY

who does not provide sufficient food or drink and then punishes those who complain. Normally, such a fault would break the fictive bonds of reciprociry existing between a curaca and his people, a point discussed earlier. However, the Inca is portrayed here as above such constraints. Not only is there no fallout from his lack of generosity during the first feast (except for whispered complaints unfortunately overheard by the sovereign), but he is able in the following year to punish those who have complained, even though, under traditional rules, they had the right to do so. The punishment comes only in the form of forced drinking from oversized queros and the discomfort from being unable to relieve oneself. It points to the primacy that drinking had in these feasts. More important, the story illustrates that although the Inca held the obligatory feast, he is able to control and manipulate this fundamental act of reciprociry to assert political and meraphysical authoriryY The Sapa Inca held the obligatory feast, but at his own pleasure. Those who complained were punished within the feast itself. The Inca were thus able to finely tune the venerable notions of reciprociry !ncoded in the fea sts. Both the curaca's traditional obligation to hold :he feast and the feasts conducted between two allied communities ,ecame opportunities to display Inca authority and ro demand subervience.

The Inca's abiliry to do this stemmed in part from the fact that the ifferentiation between reciprociry and redistribution was already supressed in the feasts hosted by the curaca for the community. The Inca )uld mediate the disjunction between state redistribution and ayllu 32.. The form of the Inca's punishment, not aUowing his guests to urinate, suggests )re than mere physical discomfort. The Sapa mca threatens the subsistence of his guests breaking the chain of acts required for a bountiful agricu ltural yea r. Urine is equated th sufficient water supply, as is recorded in a prayer to irrigation sources: "madre fuente, una,O manantial , dame agua sin cessar, orina sin parar" U. Perez de Bocanegra, Ritual 111111ario e iftstituciol1 de (;lIras para admillistrar a los naturales de este rey1l0 los Smltos 'ramentos (Lima: Geronymo de Contreras, 163rj, I n). HlUuan urine conceptuaUy is part I water cycle and fecundity, especiall y during drinking feasts. An eyewimess details that ing such a feast in Cuzco's main plaza, there were "dos vertedores .. . que debian ser hos para la limpieza y desaguadero de agua de las lluvias que cainn en la plaza ... [que} -ian todo eI dfa orines, de los que en ellos orinaban" (M. de Estete, No ticias del Pen; 5], CLDRHP, 2-d sec., 8 [I92--f]: 55) . The relation between drinking chicha, urinating, warer is also depicted in a sma ll silver bowl now ill ClIzeo's archaeological museum. rhe lip is a smaJi urpu that empties into the bowl. The liquid passes into a small male :e standing in the center, who urinates into a jar that forms the earth's opening. Such a : tion represents the process, so graphically described by Estete, by which the cultura l !ance, chicha, is transfo rmed back into its natural stare, thereby completing the cycle ~ n s uring sufficient rain for the next harvest. The Sapa Inca's punishment is therefore ;ht with greater reprisal than just temporary discomfort; he metaphoricaUy threatens :ry li velihood of those who complained.

Toasts with the Inca

54

reciprocity by rendering it equivalent to ayllu norms through formally employing the symbolic system of the ayUu. There is, then, a real difference in the sociopolitical significance of the feasts held by Pachacuti as described in Betanzos's text and the significance of the feast held by Sinchi Roca as mentioned by Cabello Balboa. The feast held by the Sapa Inca as the leader of an imperial state was a demonstration of the state's power.

An Imperial Inca Feast and the Gift of Queras Thus far, I have discussed the Inca feast primarily in terms of its appearance in imperial " historical" accounts. The meaning of the feast as revealed by these accounts is equally apparent, however, in the descriptions of specific Inca rituals, such as the Citua ceremony. Moreover, the aquilla/quero there appears as an element of the Inca's manipulation of the ayUu concept of reciprocity as manifested in their feasts. The Citua ceremony was a purification rite related to the advent of the rains and first plowing, both portents of certain metaphysical dangers to agricultural production." Under the Inca, however, this ritual not only rid the empire of all metaphysical ills but also manifested the harmonious but hieratic political and religious relations between the Inca and their subjects. For this ceremony, all the provincial huacas or their images were brought to Cuzco by their curacas and priests. They, along with all other foreigners and lame or deformed people, were then expelled from Cuzco for a dista nce of two leagues. During their absence, Cuzco was ritually cleansed of all illnesses, which were symbolically carried out of the city by four groups of one hundred warriors. Beginning in the center of the plaza, each group exited in one of the four directions of Tahuantinsuyu. Carrying torches and chanting, tbey ran to where they met non-Inca groups who took up the torches and chants, carrying them to rivers where they bathed and deposited the torches. This was done so that all disease and bad fortune would flow out of the empire into the ocean. The Inca in Cuzco then celebrated by themselves in Huaycapata Plaza, where they sat in two groups facing each other, divided according to their Hanan and Hurin affiliations. At a prescribed time, they aU were gIven sancu, a maize dough cake mixed with the blood of H. See R. T. Zuidema, WEI Usbnu, n Rellista de 10 U"iversidad Complutellse (Madrid) 08 (1979)' 335·

ANDEAN FESTIVALS AND RECIPROCITY

55

sacrificed llamas, which they ate, swearing their allegiance to their principal deities and to the Sapa Inca. This, as well as traditiona l feasting and drinking, transpired in the first four days of the festival. On the morning of the fifth day, the representatives of all the conquered nations reentered Cuzco dressed in their very finest regional clothes and with their priests carrying their huacas. They came to the central plaza, Huaycapata Plaza, where they found the Sapa Inca surrounded by his relatives, forming a single social unit [bereft of) HananlHurin distinction. The foreigners then took their place in the plaza according to their suyu affiliation within Tahuantinsuyu, or "place of four suyus!! ; Chuchasuyu, Continsuyu, Collusuyu, and Antisuyu. First, they paid respects to the Inca deities . Then, the sun god's principal priest gave them sancu to eat as a sign of their submission and loyalty to the Inca and the sun. A two-day drinking feast fo llowed, after which those who were to return to their provinces asked permission of the sun, the thunder, and the empetor to leave. This was granted on condition that the huacas that had been brought that year were to remain in Cuzco, while those left the previous year could return. The curacas, in recognition of their coming (i.e., their loyalty), were given gifts and granted privilegesprivileges that they had enjoyed previously under their own right, such as being carried in litters. The huacas were also given fields and servants to till them, which supplied the produce for their sacrifices. At the same time, sancu was sent back to those provincial huacas and curacas who had not come to Cuzco, so that their loyalty could also be pledged. Finally, to ensure that its message penetrated all parts of the empire, the ritual was carried out simultaneously by a ll Inca governors in provincial capitals." Several points about the relation between the Inca and their subjects are revealed in the feast. First, the Inca represented themselves as responsible for the care and prosperity of the entire empire. Second, the Inca conllated within a single purification ceremony the possible dangers created by the oncoming agricultural season and the political dangers of disloyalty. By first bringing to Cuzco and then expelling the provincial elite and their huacas and by placing the primary purification rites under the tutelage of Inca deities, the Inca emphasized the preemi34. See C. de Molina. Relacioll de las {abu/as y ritos de los lucas (1 5731. CLDRHP, Isr ser., .l (1916): 35-37; J. Polo de Ondegn rdo, "Los erfores y supersticiones de los indios sacadas del (mrado y averiguaci6n que hi zo eI Licenciaclo Polo " [15541. CLDR HP, 1St set., 3 (:1916) : 23; j. de Acosra, Historia natural y lItoral de las Il1dios [1590] (Mexico: Fondo de Cu lcura Econ6mica • .1940). bk. 5. chap. 23. pp. 4II-12..

Toasts with the Inca

nence of their spiritual authority." The only task performed by the nonIncas was that of being drones. By running to the rivers, they completed the rirual process initiated in Cuzco by the Inca. Then, when the provincials were allowed to reenter Cuzco, the Inca presented themselves as a single, united group in which the social divisions of HananlHurin were combined to form an indivisible sociopolitical body surrounding the emperor. J6

The provincials, however, had a dual identity that marked their individual origins and their common relationship created by the state . First, they were required to display their ethnic distinctions by being obliged to wear their native dress Y Second, they were made to stand in the plaza according to their suyu affiliation-a sociogeographic distinction dependent only on a common relation to Cuzco. The provincials' political and religious submission to the Inca was then codified by the ingestion of the sanCll and the oath that they swore. Finally, to show that the authority of the Inca was equally present wherever they might be, the Citua ceremony was carried out under the auspices of the tocricocs (Inca governors) in the provincial capitals. The non-Inca elite who attended this festival did not go away empty-handed. Not only were they given food and drink during the feast, but in exchange for the labor that it took to come so far a distance," they were given gold, silver, and textiles. This act of compensation is important. It formed a crucial part of the complex of interaction berween the Inca and non-Inca that took place in the feast and hy which 35. For a description of the hieratic relationship beginning with household deities and culminating with the paramount Inca deities in CUKO, see F. de Avila, "Relacioll que yo .. .

hice . . . acerC3 de los pueblos de indios de este 3rzobispado dande se ha descubierto la idolat-ria y hallado grande cantidad de fdolos, que los dichos indios adoran y ten Ian por sus dioses," in La [mprenta ell Lima

(lJ84-I8~4J,

ed.

J. Medina (Santiago: Casa del Auror,

I90-J.),1: 386- 88 .

36. The image of a united and invincible force formed by the union of Hanan and Hurin Cuzco dates mythologically ro the origins of these moieties. According to one chron· icier, Inca Pachacuti Yupanqui (the Sapa Inca to whom most Inca insti tutions are attrib· uted), when anacked by Ayamarcos, assembled his troops. First, he divided them into two groups, which were later called Hanan and HllI.' in Cuzco. Then, he formed them into a sin· gle body, so that when united, no one could defeat them. See P. Sarmiento de Gamboa, His· toria de los Inca s [I572.] (Madrid : Miraguano Ediciones, .1988), I05. 37. All foreigners had to wear native costume emphasizing their difference from and subservience to the Inca in Cuzco. This is especia ll y true for the curacas, who were given clothing gifts of Inca design "que los indios [hunu curacasl suelen traer para que las tuviesen par in signias del clicho cargo" (F. de Toledo, "Info[Jllaciones que mando levantar el virrey ToJedo sabre los Incas" [I570-72J, in DOll Francisco de Toledo supremo organizador del Perli, ed. R. Levillier [Buenas Aires: Espasa Calpe, I9"0], 2:97-98) . 38. Cristobal de Molina (Re/acioll de las (abu /as y ritos, 57) writes, "en recompensa del trabajo que habia de veni.r de tan lejanas partes."

ANDEAN fES TI VA LS AND RE.CIPROCITY

57

traditional village norms were transformed and encoded with imperial signs of authority and hierarchy. The transformation was accomplished not only by the exchange itself but by the contents as well. Almost all sixteenth- and seventeenth-century chroniclers write that the Inca distributed such items at major festivals and important ceremonies. The exchange value of textiles is well known. At one level, they served as symbols of personal status within the political hierarchy for Inca and non-Inca alike. At another level, the gifts symbolized the entrance of the local elite into the new political hierarchy at a subservient position. This act of "generosity" toward the local lords was meant in either case to fulfill the Inca's obligation to them as regulated by Andean social codes structured by the notion of reciprocity as conducted within feasts . In return, the Inca received the non-Incas' obedience and the rendering of the goods and services under their curacas' control.l9 While the Inca followed the norms of Andean social codes, the act of exchange, like the feast itself, was controlled by them. They determined, within the cultural boundaries of Andean society, the appropriate content of the exchange . W hat the Inca gained was what they needed most: the labor to construct and maintain Tahuantinsuyu. Such labor was the quintessential part of communal reciprocity, which was in theory returned in kind. The Inca, however, did not return in kind. To the curacas, the Inca returned the curacas' services in the form of imperial gifts: textiles, gold, and silver. Damian de la Bandera equates this exchange with a European mode of recompense, writing, "the Inca paid such curacas, just as the king [of Spain] pays his corregidores, and the pay was some of his clothes or some cup of gold or silver when the curacas went to see him, as way of payment. ""0 These items were not payment in a monetary sense, but in addition to the obligation to hold the feast, they were given, as Bandera says, "por via de merced." The phrase implies not 39. See j. Murra, "' La Funci6n del Tejido en varios contextos sociales y po liticos," in Formaciones ecol1omicas y pof[ticas del mlllldo alldillo (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, (975), ]65-70. 40. "EI inga pagaba los tales caciques ansi como eI rey paga a sus corregidores, y la paga era alguna ropa de su vestir, 0 algun vaso de oro 0 plata, cuando Ie iban aver, por via de merced" (D. de la Bandera, "Relacion general de Ia disposici6n y calidad de la Provincia de Guamanga" [15571, RGI I [1965]: 178). The same passage appears in Anonymous, "Relaci6n del origen e gobierno que los Incas tuvieron y del que habra antes que ellos seiloreasen a los indios desre reino y de que tiempo y orras cosas que a ei con venia declaradas par senores que sirvieroll al lnga Yupanqui y a Topainga Yupanqu i a Guainacapac y a Huascar Inga" [ca. Is SoI, CLDRHP, 2.d ser., 3 (1920): 72. .

Toasts with the I11ca

only payment but gifts given by a lord to his vassalsY The gifts materialized the Inca's reci procity as expressed through the feast. Two properties had to be fulfilled by the objects that the Inca gave. First, they had to be something that the curacas would accept as suitable. Second, for the Inca, they had to be something that could be used to express the changed nature of the exchange act without altering its form. The notion of reciprocity still needed to be maintained while the implementation of Inca sociopolitical hieratic order of the redistributive economy was put into play. This determined the appropriateness of the objects that the Inca dispensed . This act of reciprocity introduces the importance of the quero as an object of imperial production and a means to understanding it. Whereas Molina simply says that gold and silver were given, Damian de la Bandera qualifies this, saying that they were in the form of cups (vasos). Moreover, from other reports and archaeological evidence, we know that wooden cups, queros, were given in addition to their gold and silver counterparts (aquillas). Queros and aquillas were important in Inca feasts beyond their utilitarian function. Like textiles, which are perhaps most often mentioned in Spanish texts, the meta l and wooden queros played an essential role in Inca political and social strategies. To understand how and why the quero could be used in the feasts as an imperial gift expressing the nature of Inca sociopolitical strategy, the object must be studied beyond the context of when it was given and used. It already comes to that context charged with certain properties. Some have already been discussed in terms of their production and use, but the object also participates variously as a discursive element in Inca myth and political reality. The aquilla and quero bring this myth and reality to the Andean table each time they are presented in Tahuantinsuyu.

4I. S. de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de la Lellgffa Castella11a 0 Espanola [16:r.t1, ed. F. Ma ldonado and M. Camero, 2-d ed. (Madrid: Edimrial Casta lia, 1995). 749.

CHAPTER THREE

Mythical Origins and Inca Queros

Queros and aquillas provided, among other things, a physical manifestation of Tahuantinsuyu's legitimacy. Although that legitimacy may have been an internal expression for the Inca themselves, it is no less important because of that. Inca beliefs about their development cannot be cynically disengaged from the material aspects used to achieve it. Neither Inca mythology nor their reworking of it, no matter how recent, was simply disingenuous imperial propaganda. The Inca needed to project for themselves a legitimate identity in relation to the Andean past. The Andean past did not, however, mean history in the sense of a linear sequence of events. Rather, it meant a foundation in shared cosmological origins. Without such a "history," the Inca could not explain their existence to themselves or anyone else, and their rise to an Andean power would have been outside any common understanding and impossible to sustain. OraHty provided the primary forum for such historical recounting. Myth conveyed the cosmological time and space of Tahuantinsuyu's sociopolitical development and territorial growth . These oral narratives were not without material referents. In fact, such referents were all around to be experienced and seen. The landscape as well as objects and ruins were all recognized as both evidence of the past and protagonists in the oral accounts. More important, objects and their forms take on the metonymical function of representing and relaying the abstract relation between present social organization and "past" as expressed in myth. Together, oral myth and physical object create a coherent whole by which the meaning of myth is tangibly conveyed in the sense that the object is both past and present simultaneously. The immediacy of speech is given authenticity to narrate the past through objects that are either truly ancient or replicas of suggestive forms that evoke the "past." Such is the Inca's relation to Tiahuanaco-an ancient and large Andean megaHthic center near the southern shores of Lake Titicaca (ca . 200-Iooo A.D.)- and in particular to Tiahuanaco-style queros. 59

60

Toasts with the Inco

Tiahuanaco and Inca Building Style There ace two interrelated sets of Inca origin myths. The fust explains the specific beginning of the Inca dynasty, when Manco Capac and his siblings emerged fcom the caves at Tambo T'oqo near Pacaritambo. This origin is linked to a second set of myths that explains not only Inca but all Peruvian peoples' origins. It involves the re-creation and repopulation of the world by Viracocha, the Incas' manifold creator deity, aher he had destroyed it by a devastating flood. Once the waters had receded, Viracocha went to the site of Tiahuanaco. There, he fashioned fcom stone the progenitors of all the ayllus of the world and painted them in their different ethnic dress. Viracocha then sent them out through caves and subterranean rivers to where they emerged in their present native lands. Cave openings, lakes, and rivers were forever aherward venerated as each group's place of origin.' In this account, Tiahuanaco's fuins and statues 3re incorporated into Inca mythology to (I) account for their existence by explaining their creation; (2) link aU local places of origin to Tiahuanaco; and (3) give substance to the Inca's claim of dominion over their subjects, through their common creation at Tiahuanaco by the Inca deity Viracocha.' It was, of course, this very deity who aided Pachacuti in his paradigmatic victory over the Chimca. This mythic construct was possible because by the year 1400, Tiahuanaco was a semi-abandoned ruin. Although regarded as a sacred p lace, it was disembodied from any specific historical recollection. In See J. de Betanzos, SumQ Y norraciol1 de los 11lcas CapacTtf1lo que {1feron seliores de C1fZCO y de todD 10 a ella subjetado [I557J (Madrid: Atlas, '1987), chaps . 1 and 2., pp. II-LS; P. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia de_los Incas [1572.] (Madrid: Miragllano Ediciones, 1988), 207-rD; C. de Molina, Relaciol1 de las {abu/as y ritos de los It,cas [I573]. CLDRHP, 1St ser., I (.l916): l2.-15; J. de Acosta, Historia lIottlral y moral de las Indios [1590] (Mexico: Fondo de Culrura Econ6mica, 1940), hk. I, chap. ~5) p. 64; ]. de Santa Cruz Pachacmi Yamqui, Relaci611 de.alltigiiedades deste reyno de/ Pi", lea. ]6151, ed. P. Duviols and C. Ilier (Cuzco: Cemro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de las Casas" and lnstitut Fran~ai s D'Etudes Andines, (993), 192-93; B. Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo (1653], BAE 9T- 92 (1956): hk. I}, chap. 2, p. lSI. 2. See L. Millones, Los Dioses de Sa1lta CTltZ (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Cat61jca del Peru, [978), 9-1}; J. Sherbondy, "El regadio, los lagos y los mitos de origen," AI/panchis (Cuzco) 17, no. 20 (1982): }-33. Tiahuanaco continued to be regarded as a universal place of origin and a political centralizing force in the early colonial period. During the Taqui Onkoy uprising thac spread throughout central and southern Peru in the 1560s and 1570S, Tiahuanaco was believed to be one of the most important huacas thar wou ld unite the Andes and restore native rule; see, for examp le, the fourth question and the response by Bartolome Berrocal in "[nformaciones de Servicios (ailo 1570) ," in Las l11(orl1laciones de Cristobal de Albomoz: DOClIlllentos para el estudio del Taki Ongoy, ed. Luis Millones (Cuernavaca: Centro Intercultural de Documentaci6n, Sondeos, 1971), 79. L

la cit/dad de

MYTHICAL ORIGINS AND INCA QUEROS

6r

1609, GarciJaso de la Vega wrote, "the natives say ... that they do not

know who made it." 3 Tiahuanaco, as a place already ancient and venerated but open to any interpretation, was providential in furthering Inca claims of supremacy. Tiahuanaco's "portal of the sun" became for the Inca the doorway to a structure that had been made for a stone image of Viracocha. 4 This construct of past and present may have been taken further; the similarity between the portal's central image and sixteenth- and seventeenth-century descriptions of Viracocha have often been cited in support of the modern thesis that the Inca's concept of Viracocha evolved from this Tiahuanaco image.' The evidence of a forma l relation between the descriptions and the images is convincing, but the relationship is not necessarily the result of an evolutionary process sustained over five hundred years by some substratum of shared beliefs . We have no specific idea of what the portal's central image originally meant, and neither did the Inca. It was as much a matter of interpretation for them as it is for us. The interpretive frameworks, however, are very different. The Inca may have intentionally patterned their descriptions of Viracocha after the imagery at Tiahuanaco. They admitted as much in regard to their building style. Pachacuti is said to have been inspired by Tiahuanaco's ruins as a source for the transformation of Cuzco into a sacred and imperial city. Bernabe Cabo records: Pachacuti came to see the magnificent buildings of Tiahuanaco, whose style of stonework he greatly admired, having never seen such manner of buildings; and he commanded his builders to

observe and study well this building style because he wished that the works that were to be built in Cuzeo were of that type of construction .. .. This king [Pachacuti], having increased his empire by many and extensive provinces, decided, with d'le time remaining to him, to illuminate the provinces by building in their principal towns magnificent temples and palaces and some strong castles in

the style of buildings that he had seen in Tiahuanaco-as [is seen by] the buildings in Vile.s, in Huarco de Limatambo, and in the 3. "Los naturales dizen ... que no saben quien las hizo" (Garcilaso de la Vega. Com entarios Reales de los Jl1cas [.£609] [Buenos Aires: Emece Editores SA, T943]), bk. 3, chap. 1, p. 132. See also Pedro de Cieza de Leon, C/"6l1ica del Pertl, Prill/era Parte rT5531 (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Cat61ica del Peru. 1984). chap. 1.05. 4- See P. Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Quil1quel/{/rios 0 Historia de las gllerras civiles del Peru [ca. r6ooJ. BAE 165--67 (1963--64): 244-45. 5. For an wlcriricnl summary of these arguments. see A. Demarest. Viracocha: The Nature and Antiquity of the AI/dealt High God (Cambridge: Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, 1981), 54--62.

Toasts with the Inca great fortress of Cuz.;::o; in sum, the most sumptuous constructions that there were in this kingdom, whose ruins last even now, are,

among the Indians, said to bave been built by Paehaeuti 6 As this passage suggests, the Inca tried ro imbue not only Cuzco but their provincial centers with the aura of Tiahuanaco by stylistically copying the ancient site's masonry. The degree ro which Inca and Tiahuanaco stonework is actually alike is not at issue here.? Rather, it is the association between the two that is relevant. By saying that their masonry style derived from Tiahuanaco, the Inca gained a tangible sign of an originary cultural heritage by which they legitimized their divine rule. This was possible because, although those who had built and lived in Tiahuanaco were long forgotten, the remains of Tiahuanaco's monumental architecture and sculpture invested the site with its mythological stature. According to Cabo, "they adored it from time immemorial. ,,' Tiahllanaco's material remains enabled the Inca to speak of their relation to the "past" as a part of their religious, social, and political present.' The place of the quero and aquilla in Inca culture can also be seen in this regard. The quero had a preeminent role in Tiahuanaco's material culture. w A similar importance in Inca culture cannot be coinciden6. "L1ego Pachacutic a ver los soherbios edificios de Tiaguanaco, de cuya f<'ihrica de piedra labrada quedo muy admirado, por no haber visto jamas tal modo de ed ificios, y mand6 a los suyos que advictiesen y nOtasen bien aquella maner
Howard-Ma lverde. The Speaking of History: " Willapaakllsbayki n or Quechua Ways of Telling the Past. Institute of Latin American Studi es Research Papers, no. 2.I (London: University of London, Cemer of Latin American Studies, (990). to. See S. Ryden, Archaeological Researches ;11 the Highlands of Bolivia (Goteborg: Edanders Bokrryckeri Akiebolag, 1947), 69; W. C. Bennett, "Excavations at Tiahuanaco," Anthropological Papers of the American Musellllt of Natmal History 34, no. 4 (19H): 406; A. Kolata, Tbe Tiawanaku: Portrait ofatt Andean Civilization (Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1993), IZ..j.-2.5·

MYTHICAL ORIGI NS A ND INCA QUEROS

tal in light of the importance that the Inca accorded to Tiahuanaco. Nor can it be coincidental or a mere matter of formal evolution that the Inca quero is regarded today as the Inca shape most tied to its Tiahuanaco precedents. U Variations of the quero form persisted in a number of cultures after Tiahuanaco's demise, and Inca imperial drinking and toasts could have been conducted in any number of other vessel types. However, the Inca found in the Tiahuanaco quero a vessel form that could be used in state ceremonies that linked expression of sovereignty to cosmic origins. Just as the Inca claimed to have looked at Tiahuanaco's masonry as a source for their own building style and associated Tiahuanaco statuary and buildings with the Inca god Viracocha, Tiahuanaco queros provided a connection between the present and the past.

Tiahuanaco Sculpture and Inca Queros Around 1570, Diego de A1coba~a traveled to Tiahuanaco, where he questioned the natives about the meaning of the ruins. He was told that its buildings were dedicated to the Inca god Viracocha (Hazedor del Mundo). He mentions in the context of his description of the huildings that there were statues near them, some of which were described to him as "drinking with cups in their hands."" There are no existing statues at Tiahuanaco showing figures actually drinking. There are, however, sculptures that appear to be holding queros in their left hands, probably the statues mentioned by Diego de Alcoba~a. It is significant that Alcoba~a says the natives of Tiahuanaco themselves described the statues as having "cups in their hands." In this respect, it is nor so difficult to imagine that the Inca also made a similar identification. The sculptures that seem to have queros in their hands-most especially the Bennett Stele, EI Fraile, and the Ponce Stele (figs. 3.1 and 3.2)-are massive, columnar human forms. The large planar surfaces were carved in intricate patterns that were painted to look like textiles." The formal focus of these images is not on these intricately designed horizontal patterns carved in low relief. Rather, it is on the hands and the objects held in them. Carved in high relief, they represent 11. See J. Jones, Art of Empire: TI,C Ill ca of Pem (New York: Museum of Primitive Art, 196"-1-), 1~); S. Linne, "Keru: Inca Wooden Cu ps, n Etlmos (Stock ho lm ) 1:4. nos. 2--1-

(1949): 12412.. " . . . bebiendo con vasos en sus manos" (D iego de A1cobac;a. from a letter cited in Ga rcilaso de 1a Vega, Comentarios Rcales, bk. 3, chap. I, p. 132.). 13. Originally the statues were paiuted; see G. Kubler, The Art and Architecture of Ancient America (Baltimore: Penguin, I97S), 32.:l·

Toasts with the Inca

the only overt action of the figure, with the arms held parallel to the side until they bend at the elbow and cross over the chest. The horizontal movement breaks the figure's otherwise complete verticality. It thereby draws attention to the two hands clutching the objects, and where the hands rest is the almost exact center of the image. This focus is further heightened by the break with the horizontal textile designs that are predicated on a series of tiered registers composed of symmetrical figures and divided by the central verticals of the figure's front and back (fig . 3.3). This symmetry is violated by the hands in two interrelated ways. First, each hand holds a different object. Second, and more important, the hands themselves are not symmetrical. The left hand holds the quero by pressing it against the chest with all five fingers horizontally placed across the vessel's surface and pointing in the same direction. The object in the right hand, sometimes identified as a strombus shell, is held in a different and anatomically distorted way. The four fingers are shown in horizontal rows coming around from the back of the vessel. The thumb is in an opposable position, pointing in the opposite direction of the figures. What makes this gesture impossible anatomically is that the fingers and thumbs all face the wrong directions. The fingers face toward the right, and the thumb faces toward the left; thus, they are positioned as the fingers and thumb on a left hand would be. In other words, a second left hand is shown on the right arm. This distortion and its rupture of the figure's otherwise perfect symmetry can be interpreted as being intentional for several reasons. First, it is repeated on several similar sculptures. Second, the representation of the "right " hand on these statues is taken directly from the artistic lexicon of other Tiahuanaco figures holding an object in each of their outstretched arms. In these figures however, the right and left hands grasp objects with the thumbs in the opposable position and widl all fingers pointing in the anatomically correct direction. A grasping hand wim the thumb pointing toward me right and the fingers toward the left was recognized at Tiahuanaco as a left hand. It would have been difficult, of course, to transpose onto these statues the right hand of the laterally outstretched arms without resorting to some convoluted formal means to cormect it to the arm. This does not mean that the sculptor took me left hand from these other figures and used it here for a right hand because of any artistic inability. As can be seen by the rendering of the natural left hand, the sculptor was perfectly capable of giving the "right" hand an anatomically correct grip. Yet he did not. The gesture of the" right" hand was intentional and was taken from the cor-

MYTHICAL ORIGINS AND INCA QUEROS

pus of Tiahuanaco imagery to show that both hands were to be read as left hands. It cannot be said what this gesture originally meant at Tiahuanaco. But it does not seem that the anatomical peculiarity of the "right" hand was meant to intensify the significance of the object held in it. Rather, it may have assigned it whatever properties were encoded with the notion of left." Certainly it would have been read by the Inca in this manner, because right and left were also important conceptual categories for symbolically denoting ritual, social, and political status throughout the Inca empire and especially in the area of Tiahuanaco!5 As we shall see, the hand holding a quero in Inca ritual determined the sociopolitical significance of the vessel. It is significant that at Tiahuanaco the Inca saw images "with cups in their hands," which seemed visually to intensify such ri tual gestures. These were the statues that the Inca claimed were created by their god Viracocha to populate the world. Moreover, as discussed in the following chapter, the Inca used queros to initiate the conquest of the people whom the Inca said these statues represented. Inca queros, in a sense, signified the Inca's divine authority to conquer these people or bring them under Viracocha's dominion . What the Inca believed they saw represented in these statues is therefore important because within Inca imperial mythology, the origins of their divinity were in part tied to Viracocha and his activities at Tiahuanaco. Tiahuanaco's remains had a profound influence on the Inca. More important, the sculptures appearing to hold queros as well as any ceramic queros unearthed in or around Tiahuanaco (fig. 3.4) must have had a profound impression upon the Inca quero's symbolic value in its relation to Viracocha's origin at Tiahuanaco and the foundation of the Inca imperial dynasty!' This importance is explained in one Inca myth q. The possible symbolic properties of the hands are not isolated phenomena in Tiahuanaco art; rather. as George Kubler (Art alld Architecture, 32.3) has observed, Tiahuanaco sty le in general "be longs to the tradition of conventional signs ordered more by semantic needs than mimetic relationships." '[5. See L. Capoche, Relaci611 general de la villa imperial de Potosi [ISS5], BAE T:!.2. (I959): 140. 16. If, in fact, the Inca did look at ceramic Tiahuallaco queros and interpreted the obiects held by the startles as queros, this might expla in, in part, why the Inca simu ltaneously used two vesse l forms, as found in a single grave at OUanta)'tambo. The quero-Iike objects held by the statues at Tiahuanaco have straight sides, while the ceramic queros have the hourglass shape. Both these forills are found at Ollantaytaillbo. Interestingly, only wooden queros were made in either form. Ceramic queros all have the hourglass sbape, while the few surviving gold and silver Inca queros have straight sides. It is possible that the hourglass form had less prestige under the Inca and that this is reflected by the material.

66

Toasts with the Inca

written by a native author who places all three elements- Viracocha, queros, and Inca dynastic origins-in a single narrative context. Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, in an account infused with Christian thought, explicitly connects Viracocha with the foundation of the Inca dynasty. His account also reveals how the sovereign Inca acquired Viracocha's aquillas!? Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui says that Viracocha preached througho ut Collasuyu, including Tiahuanaco. The only place where he was well received, however, was in Pacaritambo, by the curaca Apotambo. In gratitude, Viracocha left a wooden staff that, when Apotambo's children were born, turned into a golden tupa yauri, a ceremonial hatchetlike scepter. This auspicious transformation marked that these children were to be the Inca dynastic founders, Manco Capac and his brothers and sisters. At their parents' deaths, Manco and company set out to conquer new lands, eventually settling in Cuzco. They took with them the golden tupa yau ri and "rwo small golden aquillas called tupa cusi from which Viracocha had drunk. "., These vessels became symbolic of Inca dynastic rule because, as shall be discussed, tupa cusi were presented along with a tupa yauri to the new Sapa Inca at his coronation. The tupa cusi linked each Inca king to Viracocha because, according to the myth, the cups (unlike the tupa ya uri, which was transformed from a wooden staff at Manco's birth) were the same ones used by Viracocha, who brought them with him from Collasuyu-the suyu in which Tiahuanaco was located.'9 The relation between the Sapa Inca's tupa cusi and the aquillas seen or found at T iahuanaco can only be suggested through the symbolic associations implied in this myth. There is, however, concrete evidence Cera mic was the least important, wh ile metal was the most prestigiolls. Wooden queros were between the fWO extremes and therefore used both forms by which lesser or greater

status was indicated. 17. For the Christian aspects of Sama Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui's m=:tnuscript, see P. Ouviols, "Estudio y Comenrario Emohisrorico," in Reladoft de a1ltigiiedades deste reyno del Pint, ed. P. Ou vio ls and C. Itier (Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos u Bar~ tolome de las Casas" and Institut Franc;ais D'Etudes Andines, 199)),1..£-94. 18. u . . • dos aquillas de oro pequeil0s con que ahia bevido el dicho Tunapa (V i ra~ cocha1 se lIamo tupa eusi n (Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqu i, Relncioll de antigiiedades. I94). 19. It is not coincidental that in this myth, these cups were brought by Vi racocha under the name of "Tunapa." These queros have the sa me title, tupa ellTi. as the cups that Aya rcachi waS sent to fetch in tbe dynastic origin myths. The re lation of these twO mythic figures to these cu ps is consistent within Andean mythic structure, beca use Ayarcachi and Tunapa are eq uivalent in that they have the sa me function of representi ng disorder. See H. Urbano, Wiracochn,' Ayar. Heroes y Fllllciones elt Las Sociedades AI/dinas (C uzco: Centro de Estud ios Rura les "Bartolome de las Casas," ,I981), xxvi ii , xxix, liv-lvii; L. Vallee, "EI discllrso mitico de Sa nta Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, " AI/pal/chis (Cuzco) 1"7, no. 20 (I982): I n- I ).

MYTH ICAL ORIGINS AND INCA QUEROS

that the Inca at least looked to Tiahuanaco ceramic queros as a formal source and as a means of investing Inca ritual and material culture in Cuzco with Tiahuanaco's aura.

The only edifice in Cuzco specifically mentioned as having been built in imitation of Tiahuanaco is Sacsahuaman, a megalithic structure of gigantic proportions. '0 It is possible that the construction of Sacsahuaman above Cuzco resembled the Akapana. This massive tiered structure in the beart of Tiahuanaco's ceremonial center is described by Cieza de Leon as a man-made hill built on great stone foundations ." The Inca associated Sacsahuaman with Viracocha by naming one of its entrances in his bonor." But even more to the point, they endowed Sacsahuaman with a relation to Tiahuanaco that went beyond just topographic and architectural similarities. In 1934, Luis Valearcel found at Sacsahuaman, in an excavation near the base of the tower called "Muyumarka,» a ceramic quero decorated with Tiahuanaco designs." Believed at first to be an authentic Tiahuanacan vessel, it was cited as proof of the coexistence of the rwo cultures, because it was found with objects of undoubtedly Inca origin." The quero has both shape and imagery similar to that found on Tiahuanaco queros. It is not a Tiahuanaco quero, however, but a finely crafted Inca copy based on a Tiahuanaco modeL's It is probably not a coincidence that only a ceramic Inca quero carries a Tiahuanacoid motif, as most Tiahuanaco queros seen by the Inca would have been ceraffilC.

The Sacsahuaman quero indicates that the Inca were not looking just at Tiahuanaco's maSOnty. They were also looking at Tiahuanaco artifacts and intentionally duplicating their form and imagery. In at least one instance, the Inca even transplanted this imagery onto a decidedly Incaic ceramic form, the urpu; the relation in Inca ritual berween the quero and urpu makes this transference logicaL" 20. See Cobo, Historia del Nllevo Mlflldo, bk. I2, chap. Il, p. 82; Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, bk. 3, chap. I, p. 1}2. 21. Cieza de Le6n, Cronica del Penl, Pr;mera Parte, chap. 105. See also Kolata, Tiatual1akll, [0-4-29. 22. See Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales. bk. 7, chap. 28, p . .150. 23. L. E. Va lcarcel, "Sajsawaman redescubierto (JV)," RMN .. , no. 2 (1935): .163-64. 24. Valdrcel, "Sajsawaman," .163-6 .. ; F. Buck, "Cuzco-Tiahuanaco," RMN 4. no. 2 (1935): 1.11-14· 25. See P. Means, "Nota Polemica: Cuzco Tiwanaku," RMN 4. no. 2 (T935): 206-8; D. Browman, "Towa rd the Development of the Tiahuanaco (Tiwanku) State, n in Advances ill Andeall Archaeology, ed. D. Browman (The Hague: Mouton, [978), 337. 26. The urpu shard in evidence also comes from an unknown site in the Cuzco area and it ha s been suggested that the urpu and queco were made by the same arrisr. See Buck, "Cllzco-Tiahuanaco," [13.

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Toasts with the Inca

Both the ceramic quero and the urpu shard are extremely unusual in the Cuzco archaeological record." Such rarity suggests a highly specific use, somehow furthering the Inca's incorporation of Tiahuanaco into imperial ritual and myth." Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui gives us an example of just such a rituaL" He says that water was brought from Lake Titicaca in a special vessel. The water was used to anoint the infant and future Sapa Inca, Inca Roca, as a remembrance of the place from which Viracocha had come. From that time on, the Inca had this water brought to Cuzco's plaza, a space filled with sacred sand and dedicated to Viracocha .' o The water was placed in the center in a vessel called a coricacca. Since cori refers to gold, this vessel may preclude the ceramic vessels under discussion. Nevertheless, the quero and urpu were probably used in a similar type of ceremony (perhaps also dedicated to Viracocha) taking place on Sacsah uaman." The quero materialized a mythic association between Tiahuanaco and Inca culture. Employed in imperial investiture and political ritual, the forms of quero and aquilla vessels visually conjured such associations, thus working to forge Inca originary claims.

Queros in Dynastic Origin Myths: Royal Marriage and Investiture The origin myth written by Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui posits the Inca as specially chosen by Viracocha and therefore as being different from all other Andean peoples. This difference was manifested in a rigidly hieratic sociopolitical structure, with the Inca regarded as a distinct ruling class. To instantiate this order, the Inca needed to socially distinguish themselves from all others while at the same time retaining close ties with the native elite in a way acceptable to the ayllu communities as a whole. This 27. David Browman cites only a handfu l of other examples, one of wh ich comes from Cuzco, and severa l are of dubious authenticity. One, however, is said (Q have been found at rhe Inca tem ple on the Island of Titicaca; see Browman, "Development of the Tiahuanaco (Tiwanaku) State," 337. 28. See R. T. Zuidema, "Bureaucracy and Systematic Knowledge in Andean Civilization/' in The Inca and Aztec States, 14oo-T8oo, ed. G. Collier, R. Rosaldo, and 1- \Vinh (New York: Academ ic, 1982.),439-46. 29. Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio/l de antigiiedades, 2TI. 30. See J. Polo de Ondegardo, El MUlldo de los lllcas [r571.], ed. L. Gonzalez and A. Alonso, (Madrid: Historia r6, 1.990), 97-IOI. 31. Massive offeri11gs of ceramic Tiahuanaco qlleros were made on a lower terrace of the Akapana berween A.D. 530 and A.D. 690; see Kalata, Tiawa1taku, 2+ The Inca may have been aware af such ancient offerings and ma y have tried to emulate them at Sacsa huaman, even copying Tiahuanaco qlleros.

MYTHICAL ORIGINS AND INCA QUEROS

could not be achieved solely through myths and claimed associations to the past. Specialness-tupa-also had to be demonstrated by social, political, and ritual enactments. The paradigmatic sign of the social and political difference between the Inca and all other Andean peoples was the marriage between the Sapa Inca and his sister. Significantly, that the Sapa Inca's marriage occurred on the same day as his investiture, at which he received the pair of golden aquillas, or tupa cusi. The acceptance of these vessels was meant, in part, to link the person of tl,e Sapa Inca with Manco Capac and ultimately to Viracocha, who had given them to the Inca dynastic founder. However, the presentation of tl,e tupa cusi during the coronation ceremony signified more than that and referred to a sociopolitical aspect of the Sapa Inca's rule. What exactly was expressed by the vessels can only be fully understood within the context of the entire investiture ceremony, beginning with his marriage. Manco Capac is credited with establishing the royal custom of marrying a sister. However, this tradition could not be followed by his inlillediate successors. Sinchi Roca felt compelled to marry his son to the Sanu curaca's daughter. He could not follow Manco Capac's wishes for the marriage between bromer and sister among Inca rulers, because the Inca could not afford to appear selfish. By accepting this outside marriage, Sinchi Roca was obliged to forsake a part of Cuzco's autonomy. According to the story, the group sending a daughter as a bride gained access to the residence of the community that received herY Through a tradition of patrilocality, the Sanu came to settle in Cl1Zco. Under Pachacuti, the Inca's authority became absolute, Cuzco's autonomy was uncompromised, and contracted imperial marriages became completely controlled by the Inca. After Pachacuti filled Cuzco's collcas with produce from non-Inca fields, he conlillanded that each of the curacas be given one of his female relatives and fine textiles, gold, and silver. In one sense, these gifts were Pachacuti's symbolic fulfillment of reciprocity with the curacas. Yet the content of the gifts did not imply reciprocity, at least not in regard to the women. Pachacuti commanded that tbey become their principal wives. The marriages would produce heirs who were kin to bam the Inca and the local community, thereby insuring that "none of them would ever rebel and that there will be perpetual friendship and alliance between them and the people of Cuzco . ".13 32. See P. de Cieza de Leon, EI Seiiorfo de los 111cas, Seglll1da Parte de la Cro"ica del Penl [ISH] (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, I967), chap. 31, pp. I09-IO.

33 . "... nunca ninguno dellos en sus dfas se Ie rebelaria e que habcia entre ellos e los de la ciudad del Cuzco perpetua amistad y confederaci6n" (Beranzos, SlIl11a y narracioll, chap. [2, p. 57).

Toasts with the Inca

The marriage that Inca Sinchi Roca once felt obliged to contract was thus forced en masse by Pachacuti on the sons of non-Inca curacas. Such a policy was established with the express aim of penetrating nonInca elite structures to gain continual access to their resources without threat of rebellion." At the same time, any notion of reciprocity through an equal marriage exchange with the Inca is symbolically foreclosed by the marriage of the ruling Inca monarch to his full sister as his principal wife. Almost aU accounts of Inca history credit the dynastic founder Manco Capac with originating this institution, but, as we have seen, the Inca explained away their inability to follow his example as resulting from their necessity to continue expected patterns of marriage exchange. This explanation belies the historical reality-albeit not entirely- that the Inca politically could never have afforded this incestuous marriage until they were capable of imposing it. Not until Cuzco (personified by Pachacuti) was able to compel the sons of curacas to marry Inca women as their principal wives could the Inca also initiate the Sapa Inca's marriage to his sister. Thus, Jose de Acosta's statement that this type of incestuous marriage was relatively new in Talmantinsuyu and that Pachacuti's son, Tupac Inca Yupanqui, was the first Inca to marry his full sister has a particular ring of truth. " At the point 34, There is no synthetic study of the extent of sLlch marriages during the later stages of Tahuantinsuyu, The practice of creating alliance through these marriages certainly was a part of Inca strategy: see R. T. Z uidema, The Ceqlle S,'stem of ClfZCO: The Social Organi· zatioll of the eafJitaf of the Illca (Ledien: Brill. 196-+), 246-50; "La politica matrimonial incaica segun Juan de Betanzos: Un ejemplo emplicando a los reyes Inca Roca y Yahuar Huacac," in Arqlleologfa, Al1trop%gia, e Historia en Los Al1des: HOII/enaja a Maria Rost· lVoro1()ski, ed. R. Varon Gaba i and J. Flores Espinoza (Lima: instituto de £Studios Peru· a~os, (997),289-300. It may be the case that the children of these marriages carried names that corresponded to the form of the contract. The principa l curaca of Lambayeque was made to live in Cuzco for a while, at which time he had a son by a wife of unrecorded ori· gin. The name of his san, Cumbe CuttO, was completely distinct from the names of his ancestors. The name Cumbe is probably a coascal variation of the Quecbua words c/mmpi or cmnpi, which refer to the imperia l textile given by the Inca to loya l curacas. The name Cuzco refers, of course, to the ciry of the boy's birth. Together, Cuzco and Gumbe imply the means by which the Inca penetrated the power structure of this north valley; see M. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Curacas y slIcesiolles (costa /lorte) (Lima: Imprenta Minerva, 1961), u. 35· Acosta, Historia 11atural y moral, bk. 6, chap. 18, p. -+88, See also C. Vaea de Cas· tro, Relacio/l de la descendellcia, gobierno y conquista de los Illcas [ca. 1541-42j (Lima: Edi· ciones de la Biblioteca Universitacia, 1973) 45i Cabo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo, bk. 14, chap. 7, p. 2.50. Cobo copied most of his information from Acosta, but he adds that the rest of the Inca nobi li ty cou ld marry their half sisters and that the Sapa Inca's marriage to his full sister was "muy modern a."

MYTHICAL ORIGINS AND INCA QUEROS

71

in which Pachacuti forced marriages of foreign curacas' sons with Inca women, Pachacuti's own son and heir was betrothed to his sister. Other chroniclers, including Cieza de Leon, record that Inca rulers prior to Tupac Inca Yupanqui had married their sisters. However, the entire cult of royal ancestor worship was at some time in Inca history completely reorganized into the panaca system (an act usually accorded to Pachacuti). These early incestuous marriages were probably declared retrospectively so that, like the mythological union of Manco Capac to his sister, Mama Coya, they gave legitimacy both to each royal panaca and to the new marriage institution itself. Relaxation of this fundamental exogamic law is rare, and it seems to have fulfilled for the Inca roughly the same function that it did for the other stratified societies of similar sociopolitical development. In the African societies of the Swazi, Bantu, Lundu, and Luba, for example, royal incest occurs as part of what is termed "sacred kingship." Inca rule can also be termed a "sacred kingship," for a number of similar reasons, not the least of which was the Sapa Inca's claim to be the "son of the sun." The instinltion of royal incest in both African and Inca society was used to help elevate the ruler to this status. The marriage was one of the primary and constitutive signs of power. In a single act permitted only to the sovereign, it joined the contradictory states of social belonging and social separation that are inherent aspects of rulership in early state societies." As a sign of social cohesion or belonging, African royal incest was not necessarily meant to produce a superior stratum of rulers, because the heirs to the throne were not the sons of the marriage between brother and sister. Rather, the marriage referred to the cosmic powers of fertility and fecundity that the dominated people attributed to this exceptional union. In Inca mythology, fertility is associated with the paradigmatic incestuous pair of Manco Capac and Mama Coya. They are credired with leading Andean men and women out of nature into

}6. My description of African royal incest and its implications is based on M. Abeles, "Sacred Kingship and the Formation of the State," in The Stlldy of the State, eds. H. Claessen and P. Sbluek (The Hague: Mouton, 1:981), 1-1+ I do not agree, however, with that study's idealistic conclusions . The similarity between these African kingdoms and the Inca is not restricted to just tbe same ideologica l institution of "sacred kingship." They also share a simi lar economic structure; see J. Murra, The Economic Organization of the Inca State (Greenwich, Conn.: JAl Press, .1980), xix-xxv. Of course, this does not mean that othet societies with comparable economic structures will also have the same ideological fea~ tures.

Toasts with the Inca

culture by teaching them agriculture and weaving." Moreover, all Inca sovereigns presented themselves as the keepers and providers of the people's welfare. The incestuous marriage therefore benevolently represented the creation of a harmonious world and cosmic order dependent on the ruling class . At the same time, the marriage denoted separation and difference, because the incest prohibition still pertained to everyone else, including all other members of the royal clan. The sole transgression by the sovereign Sapa Inca, whose title means "Unique Inca," was a sign of absolute autonomy. He was literally unique, beyond the exogamic rules that structured the rest of society; and as the embodiment of state power, he appeared liberated from all dependence on reciprocity. It is therefore not coincidental that the Sapa Inca's coronation and his marriage to his sister occurred together on the same day as parts of a single ceremony)' The royal investiture politically set the Sapa Inca above all others. The marriage placed him outside all kinship ties that were at the base of aU ayllu community reciprocity, be it between ayllu members or between the ayllus and the curacao Therefore, upon assuming the throne, each new Sapa Inca left his father's panaca, the lineage into which he had been born, and began a new one. His brothers, sisters, and other close relatives remained within their father's panaca. While not inheriting rule, they retained all the wealth that the dead Sapa Inca had accumulated during his reign. The new Sapa Inca, like the Lere king in Africa who incestuously married but without the customary dowry, had no claim to the wealth of his father's clan)9 Instead, his wealth had to be accumulated through the means accorded to an absolute ruler: conquest and/or agricultural expansion. The marriage between brother and sister therefore signified at this level that the position of the sovereign was absolute and outside the reciprocity of Andean society expressed in the normal patterns of marriage exchange. 37· See Garcilaso de la Vega, Comel/tados Reales. bk . .£, cha p. .£6, pp. 42-H. 38. See Cieza de Leon, EI Seilorfo de los Incas. chap. 7. p, 22. Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui (Relacioll de antigiiedades, 243) describes only two marriages between brother and sister, that o f Manco Capac and Mama Coya and that of Huayna Capac and Coya Mama Cu~i Rimay. Only in the latter case does he say that the coronation and marriage took place on the same day. 39. Pedro Pizarro writes: "tenian par ley, .. que el Senor [Sapa Inca] que dellos sefiorfa Ie em balsamaban ... y a estos Seiiores les d eja ban todo el servicio que habian tenido que vida. , . y ternan senaladas sus provincias que les diesen sustentos. EI senor que entraba a governar se habra de servic de nuebos criados; las vajillas habfan de ser de palo y de barro hasta en ramo quellas hiciese de oro y plata y siempre se aventajaban los que entraban a governar," (Relacio1t del desculnimiellto )' COltqu;sta de los rei110S de Pen' [:IS7Il. CLDRHP, Ist, sec.. 6 (1917] : 42).

MYTHICAL ORIGINS AND IN C A QUEROS

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Several interrelated points need to be made. First, this marriage marked the very special sanctity and power of the sovereign, a status accompanied by a number of other unique privileges and signs. However, as already noted, the institution of this marriage and the elevation of the Inca leader's unique status occurred within the transformation of Cuzco from an ayllu community to a ceremonial city at the center of Tahuantinsuyn. Marriage between brother and sister was therefore not just an internal sign meant to demarcate the ascendancy of a leader among the Inca .' OIt also marked the Inca elite in general as a superior group w ho were permitted to marty the normally prohibited half sister by the same father. 4' The Inca elite characterized themselves as a select group by prescribing ideal marriages that broke with the normal pattern of kinship restrictions. Marriage between brother and sister was the quintessential example of these ideal marriages-a corporate sign that stood for the new hieratic relations between elite and noneliteY In Peru, the royal marriage expressed the profound difference between the reciprocal ayllu economy, based on kinship ties, and the state redistributive economy, based on class distinctions. This difference is implied by the title of the Inca sovereign, "Unique Inca,)) meaning one w ho is outside of any other socia l category. His divine status represented, in general, the arisrocratic class that held sway over Tahuantinsuyu. The Sapa Inca's unique marriage was a metonymic device that represented the new state order. Or, as Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yarnqui so succinctly states in mythological terms, first Manco Capac married his sister "because he did not find his equal and did not want to end his caste, but for the rest [of his people], it [incestuous marriage] was not permitted in any form, because they prohibited it before; thus he began to make the 40. Marfa Rostworowski has argued that the Inca's institutio n o f this incestuous marriage was meant to secure an orderly tra nsfe r of power from one generatio n to the next; see Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, "Succession, Cooption to Kingship, and Royal Incest among the Incas," Soltthwcstem Journal of Allthropo/ogy (Albuquerque) 16, no. 4 (1960): 417-27. Apart from the fact that it did not achieve this goal-witness the civil war between Atahualpa and Huasca r-the incestuo us marriage between brother and sister is such a radical disjunction in social conventio ns [hat its practice carries much mo re profound significance, as I have argued, than merely being a means of producing a clearly defi ned heir to the throne. 41. See Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo, bk. 14, cha p. 7. p. 2$0. 42. The external representation of Inca polity to no n-Inca groups by these marriages does not necessarily conflict w ith the internal social organization of Inca Cuzco according to Col1ana , Cayao, and Pa)'an marriages as described by Zuidema (Ceql/e System of Cuzco, 196). In both cases, rhey are ideal ma rriages meant to represent different ideologica l aspects of Inca society and state. This is seen by the fact that the Sapa Inca ma rried non-Inca women as his secondary wives.

74

Toasts with the Inca

moral laws for the good government of his people. "'l At the same time that Manco established social order, he placed himself outside it.

Royal Marriage, Coronation, and Queros The sovereign's marriage to his sister paradigmatically reaffirmed the sociopolitical framework that ordered the empire. By its dual expression of social belonging and social separation, it mediated the contradictions between reciprocity and redistribution, parity and hierarchy, and peace and war that were inherent in Tahuantinsuyu's formation. Uniting the Sapa Inca's marriage with his investiture was a crucial element of this expression. In this part of the ceremony, he was invested with symbolic objects called tupa, meaning "anything royal that touches the king. "<4 The objects themselves expressed the mediation of these contradictions, but in different terms. The new Sapa Inca received the distinctive emblems of a sovereign. He was crowned with the mascaipacha, red woolen fringe that hung from a headband and over his forehead. To either side of the fringe was a white feather. The individual red tassels of the mascaipacha were said to represent the heads of curacas of nations brought forcibly under the suzerainty of Tahuantinsuyu. 45 The two feathers-one taken from the right wing of a male corequenque bird and the other taken from the left wing of a fema le corequenque bird- represented the moiety division of Hanan and Hurin.46 As such, the physical head of the Sapa Inca became the metaphysical embodiment of Tahuantinsuyu's political and social organization. The new ruler was also given two other objects expressing this organization: the tupa yauri and tupa cusi. Unlike the mascaipacha, 43. " . .. por no abeT hallado su ygual, 10 uno por no perder 13 casta ya los demas no los consenrieron por ningun modo, que antes 10 prohebieron, y ussi comen~6 poner Jeyes morales para eI buen gobierno de su gente" (Santa Cruz Pachacuci Yamqui, Relaci6n de alltigiiedades, 197). 44. "Dize casa rea l ql1e toea el Rey" (D. Gonza lez HolgUIn, Voca/Ju/ario de la leI/gila gel1eral de todo Penillamada Qqllichu(f 0 del Inca [r6oS] [Lima: Universidad de Sa n Marcos, 1989], 3.,p). 45. See M . de Munia, Historia general del Penl: Orige" y descel1dcllcia de los 111(.(15 lea. 161"5], ed. Manuel Ballesteros-Gaibrois (Madr:id: Colecci6n Joyas, 196"2.-6... ), bk. I, chap. 9, p. 35; R. T. Zuidema, "The Lion in the City: Royal Symbols of Transition in Cuzco," journal of Latin Americalt Lore (Los Angeles) 9. no. I (1983): 69-70. 46. See D. de Esquivel y Navin. Noticias Cro11016gicas de la Grall Cil/dad del CllZCO [1750j (Lima: Biblioteca Peruana de Cultura, 198o), 1:2.0; Garcilaso de la Vega. Comelltarios Reales, bk. 6, chap. 28, pp. 63-6+

MYTHICAL ORIGINS AND INCA QUEROS

75

however, they were not, as a class of objects, the unique prerogative of the Sapa Inca. Rather, they were corporate emblems of the Inca elite and represented the actions through which the ideal state represented in the Sapa Inca's crown was brought into being. The specific names of these objects refer to the items left by Viracocha for the dynastic founder Manco Capac, and, as I shall show, they signified specific but antithetica l qualities of the Inca ruler. The first of rhese objects, the tupa yauri, was a scepterlike staff. Shaped like a pickax, the same type of ritual weapon, called simply a yauri, was given to the Sapa Inca as heir to the throne when he was initiated into manhood during the Huarachicui ceremony. As the yami was placed in the heir's hands, the cry "Aucacunapac! " was given by those who were gathered around him. The cry meant "for tyrants, traitors, the cruel, the treacherous, and the disloyal. "47 The relation of the herr's ya uri and the red woolen fringe of his future crown was made clear when the youth was taken next to the mountain Anaguar. He was required to run up the slope to show he was fleet and brave in war. On coming back down, he carried the yami, which had tied to it a bit of wool as a sign that he would take the hair and heads of his enemy in battle. 4s The heir's initiation occurred as part of the broader ceremony in which all male Inca youths passed their test of manhood. Besides having their ears pierced to wear the distinctive ear ornaments of the Inca, the other male youths were tested as warriors and received similar but less precious yami staffs.49 The tupa yami given to the new ruler at his coronation was therefore a symbolic weapon representing in general the Inca's military conquest and control, commanded by the Sapa Inca and symbolized by the unique fringe of his mascaipacha. 50 47. Ga rcilaso de In Vega, Comel/tarios Reales, bk. 6, chap. 1.7, p. 61. . 4R. See Cieza de Leon, Ei Seilorio de los Incas, chap. 7, p. 1.I. 49. According to Titu Cusi Yupanqui, the tupa yauri, or royal yau ci, was made of gold, while those received by the other Inca youths were a mix ture o f copper and silver; see lnga D iego de Castro Tinl Cusi Yupanqui, "lnsrru ccion del Ynga D. Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui para el mlly ilustre Senor el Licenciado ... " in Ell el ellcuentro de dos ml/n~ dos: Los Incas de Vileabamba, ed. M . del Ca rmen Martin Rubio (Madrid : Atlas, I9S8), r83- 84. For a description and analys is of the yauri, see J. Larrea, uEI Yauri: Insignia lncaica," in Corona In caica (Cordoba: fac ultad de Filosofia y Humanidades, Universidad Nacional de Cordoba, 1960), 59-94. So. Juan Larrea ("EI Yauri," 59-94) demonstrates that rhe ya uri was not an actual weapon but was rehired to the ritual tllmi knife. In another essay, he suggests that the mas~ ca ipacha's shape derived from the shape of the tumi blade; see uLa Mascaipacha, Corona del Imperio Incaico," in Corolla Incaiea (Cordoba: Faculrad de Filosofia y Humanidades, Universidad Nacio nal de Cordoba, 1960), l.l9-S1..

Toasts with the Inca

The second object given to the Sapa Inca represented the benevolent, peaceful, and productive aspects of the state. It was the pair of golden aquillas, or tupa cusiY As in the case of the tupa yauri, a similar set of aquillas had previously been given to the heir and to all other Inca males during their initiation ceremony. The aquillas were used by the youths at this time to toast Inca deities and relatives, as well as to toast each other to express the social bonds of Hanan and Hurin by which they were divided. The tupa cusi given to the new emperor were, however, like the tupa yauri, an emblem of royal investiture. Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, for example, says that Inga Yupanqui "at last died, and he left his son Ingaruca in command of his state, as his oldest son and heir, giving to him in his hand the tupa yauri, tupa cusi, and crown as sign of leaving [him) the kingdom." 5' Golden aquillas were one of the principal objects that expressed the Sapa Inca's rule. They signified two concepts of Inca authority: its divinity and ability to leash destructive power to avoid chaos and to create stability, peace, and social order. More important, the name for the queros handed to the new sovereign, tupa cusi, linked his succession and the nature of his authority to the divine origins of the Inca dynasty. Queros or aquiUas called "tupa cusi" occur in only two contexts in all Spanish and native texts: the coronation of the Sapa Inca and Inca origin myths. I have already shown that tupa cusi linked the Sapa Inca to Tiahuanaco and the god Viracocha in one set of Inca origin myths. The second body of Inca origin myths also includes note of these vessels, but it does not directly mention Viracocha or Tiahuanaco. These myths narrate the origins of the Incas as emerging from the caves at Pacaritambo. Tupa cusi playa key role in these myths, but here the cups represent bringing wanton destructive power under control. The myths reveal that tupa cusi presented to the new Sapa Inca signified more than his divine origin. They also represented an important aspect in the sociopolitical role of the leader. According to the variations of these myths, Manco Capac emerged with his three brothers, four sisters, and their ayllus from the caves of 51. See Santa Cruz Pacbacuti Yamqui, Relaci611 de antigiiedadesJ 214; Murua, Histo· ria general del PeTit: Origell, hk. T, chap. 22, p. 54. MlIrI.1a actually ca lls the vessels "tupa cusi napa ." 52. "AI fin se muri6 y dex6 a su hijo Ynga Ruca en el senorfo de su estado como a hijo mayor y eredero, entregandoles en su mano eI topa yauri y ropa cussi, y a ([opa pichllC 11ao([o [mascaipachaJ en serial de dejaci6n del reyno" (5a ma Cruz Pachacuri Yamqui, Relaci6n de antigiiedades, 214). See also Murua, Historia general del Pertt: Origcn.

MYTH ICAL OR IG INS AND I.NCA QUEROS

77

Tambo T'oqo near Pac.ritambo. Together, they began wandering toward Cuzco in search of a suitable place to live. One of the brothers, Ayarcachi, was particularly strong and belligerent. His ferocity and Cntelty toward those who accompanied the Inca, as well as toward whomever they met, was such rhat at last Manco Capac and his siblings found themselves alone. Recognizing the danger of their brother's truculence and antisocial behavior, they conspired to get rid of him. They asked Ayarcachi to return to Tambo T'oqo to retrieve "the golden cups called tupa curi and certain seeds and the napa that is our insignia of leaders."53 On entering the cave, Ayarcachi was trapped inside by his brothers. His chaotic and destructive power was thereby controlled or suspended. Almost immediately, Manco Capac and the rest began to regret the loss of Ayarcachi's military prowess. This prowess was later restored, however, when Ayarcachi appeared in the form of a bird to Manco Capac on Huanacauri, a mountain near Cuzco. There, he promised to aid Manco Capac in war as long as his brothers and their descendants worshiped him. Ayarcachi then instructed Manco Capac on how to take the crown and how to initiate young males into manhood. During the Inca initiation ceremony, young men dressed like Ayarcachi and climbed Huanacauri, where rhey paid homage to him and asked him to make them brave in war." More important, the story of Ayarchachi episode links togetber, in a single narrative, the initiation of all Inca males with the coronation of the Sapa Inca. Thus, the connection between tbe objects given out during the Huarachicui ceremony and those at the royal investiture is substantiated. The tupa cusi, along with rhe seeds, appear in the myths not as signs of military prowess but as rhe elements rhat bring about the control of Ayarcachi's destructive and antisocial nature. Although he was later deified and worshiped to aid Inca youths in battle, Ayarcach.i's courage did not take on the destructive force of his previous behavior. Rather, the aggression of Inca warriors was held in check so that it 53. ", .. los vasos de oro lIamados wpa cusi y ciertas semillas y el napa que es nuestra insignia de senores" (Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia de los Incas, 256). See also M. Cabello Valboa, Misceltil1ea Anttirtica [1:586J (Lima: Instituto de Etnologfa, San Marcos, 195I), 261; Murua, Historia general del Pent: Origell bk. 1, chap. 2. p. 22. On this occasion, Murua cal ls the cups only "tupa cusi n and does not use the word Ilapa as he does w hen they are given at the Inca's coronation. Sa rmiento says that the napa was a llama statue with a red cloth on its back that was carried before the Sapa Inca whenever he left his house. Murua wr ites "copa cusi napa" as if referring to one item, but the phrase may just be lacking a comma. H. Cieza de Leon, Ei Seiiorfo de los inctls pa rt n, chap. 7, pp. 18-2.3 . J

J

Toasts with the Inca

could be constructively used when needed as a means to expand and maintain the empire.

This check or restraint was the social order embodied by the authority of the Sapa Inca." Such order was needed if the Inca were to be more than destructive warlords. To have and even increase agricultural production-the backbone of all Andean civilizations-the Inca needed to balance an image of aggressive power with an image of stable productive force . This is evident in the conflation of military and agricultural concerns in the Huarachicui ceremony.>6 It is also evident by the aquilla and corn seeds used to lure Ayarcachi back to Tambo Toqo. Until Ayarcachi's antisocial nature is controlled, agricultural production is impossible because the Inca find themselves alone-the ultimate sign of destitution in Andean society. The corn used to make aqha and the cups in which it was drunk imply more than agriculture; they imply the drinking that signified the social contract that made agriculture possible. Such a contract was internal not just to the Inca but to the state: the cups and seeds imply the tacit nonsanguinary means by which the Inca socially and politically assimilated non-Inca groups into Tahuantinsuyu. The Inca did not offer an equal alliance but rather promised that the entrance into Tahuantinsuyu would end the chaotic and anarchistic warfare that existed among the smaller competing communities-just as the Inca had constrained their own internal chaos. At one level of meaning, the tupa cusi given to the new Sapa Inca at his coronation signified the "peaceful" and benevolent aspect of Inca expansion and rule. They stood for the order that it brought about and recogn ized that wlmitigated military prowess could not alone forge and maintain Tahuantinsuyu. Moreover, the cups as a pair represented, as I shall show, the form of this social order: the moiety division of Hanan and Hurin. The tupa cusi materialized in a different, more accessible form the dominion of the Sapa Inca over this social order as expressed by the corequenque feathers in his crown. The feathers, however, were considered unique and were plucked only for the coronation. In contrast, aquillas similar to the tupa cusi were used every year to reiterate the 55· For example, a military capta in who disobeyed the Sapa Inca's command not to go pasr a certa in geographic point was put to death because he did not follow orders; see J. Polo de Ondegardo, "Relacion de los fundamenros ncerca del notable dailo que resulta de no guardar a los indios sus fuecos" [:r.571] , CLDRHP. !st ser. , 3 (19J6): Il5. 56. See D. Shacon, "The Inca WarachikllY Initiations," in EI1C11lturatioll ;11 Latill American: All Altth%gy, ed.]. Wilbert (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publi~ cations, University of Califocnja , 1976), 2.34-35.

MYT HI CA L ORIG INS AND INC A QUERO S

79

monarch's dominion over the empire, through one of the paramount provincial curaca's obligations to the Sapa Inca. The Hunu curacas, of which there were theoretically two in each province, one Hanan and one Hurin, were each required to give the Inca ruler one golden aquilla every year." In other words, every year, the Sapa Inca received a golden aquilla from the Hanan side of every province and one from the Hurin side. Brought together as a pair in his hands, they represented the complementarity of the social whole of Tahuantinsuyu. These ann ual gifts of aquillas restated the dual aspect of the Sapa Inca's rule. Inca rulership was thus headed by a semidivine figure whose uniqueness was expressed on the day of investiture by his marriage to his sister. But it was also rulership that, as expressed by the tupa cusi, acknowledged in the investiture ceremony itself the necessary relations between Inca and non-Inca for a peaceful state.

57. See F. de Toledo, "Informaciones de las idolatrias de los Incas e indios y de como se encerraban ... " (1571) , in Colecciol1 de doctl/Jlentos illeditos relativos al descubrimiellto '" sacadas en su mayo/' parte del Real Archivo de las Indias (Madrid, 1874 ), 2 T:172.

CHAPTER FOUR

Conquest and Gifts

The tupa cusi were mainly for the internal consumption of the Inca in Cuzco, appearing in Inca representations, myths, and rituals, produced by and for themselves. They were a part of the remcation of their divine nature as embodied in the person of the Sapa Inca. One does not find such detailed accounts of Inca myth and ritual collected outside the immediate Cuzco area. The Inca, nonetheless, did make manifest the coherence of their sovereignty in Inca centers throughout Tahuantinsuyu, employing the same set of symbols and rituals. The process began with conquest itself, in which aquillas and queros had a primary role in expressing the nature of the Inca enterprise. Both Inca and non-Inca informants to the Spaniards agree in otherwise rare unanimiry as to the way that the Inca initiated the incorporation of new territories. According to the general description compiled from a 1563 questionnaire sent out by Hernando de Santillan, Inca conquest began with the arrival of the Sapa Inca and his army at the "border" with the non-Inca. The Inca, however, did not initiate hostilities. Rather, the Sapa Inca negotiated--either face-to-face or through a messenger-with the curacas of the area. The Sapa Inca explained to them that he had come in peace. He wished only to bring the curacas' territory under his protection, to give them peace and the benefit of his knowledge and laws, and to be recognized as the "son of the sun," who had sent him to be their sovereign. If the curacas submitted peacefully to these requests, the Inca bestowed on them certain gifts. If they did not, he promised to kill them all. The gifts that the curacas received for their peaceful submission were "golden cups and cloth from Cuzco. '" 1. " . . . vasos de oro y ropa de Cuzco" (F. de Sanrillan, "Relaci6n del arigen, descendencia, politica >' gobierno de los Incas" [r563], in Tres Re/aciol1es de Qntigiiedades pemalias, ed. M. Jimenez de Ia Espada IAscuncion, Paraguay: Editorial Guarania, I950), 46). The same passage appears almost verbatim in Anonymous, "' Relaci6n del arigen e gobierno que los Incas tuviecon y del que habra antes que ellos seiloreasen a los indios deste reino y de

80

CONQUEST AN D GIFTS

8,

Santil"ln's general account of Inca conquest ritual is perhaps structured according to Spanish institutions and most particularly by the Requerimie1'1to.~ But in whatever manner the Inca acts were reconfigured by Santillan to parallel Spanish practices, they did occur. The Inca initiated relations through the offer of this set of objects, as confirmed by specific accounts given by witnesses from two very different geographic areas. In '558, for example, the south coast curacas of the Chincha Valley told Cristobal de Castro and Diego de Ortega Morejon that the Inca Capac Yupanqui had conquered their area some one hundred and fifty years before. The Sapa Inca came with a large army. He told the curacas that he had come as "the son of the sun" for their well-being and that of the world . He did not wish to have the curacas' gold, their daughters, or anything else. The Sapa Inca had more than enough, and he had even brought gifts for them. In exchange, the Sapa Inca wished to be recognized as their sovereign. He then gave them clothes brought from Cuzco, golden aquillas, and many other things that the curacas did not have. The curacas of the valley gathered together and decided to receive the Inca leader as their leader on account of the good treatment he had shown them.' In the central highlands east of Lima, Alonso Poma Guala, the son of the curaca of the Hurin Huancas, testified in '570 that his great grandfather, Apu Guala, had told him how the Inca first brought the Jauja region under their authority. Tupa Inca Yupanqui brought an army of ten thousand men and camped on a hill. Apu Guala, unsure of que tiempo y OlIas cosas que a eI converua declaradas por senores que si rvieron al Inga Yupanqu i }' a Topainga Yupanqui a Guainacapac y a Huascar Inga" [ca. 1580], CLDRHP, 2-d ser., 3 (1920): 58-59· 2. See P. Seed. Ceremollies of Possessioll ill Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492-r640 (Cambridge: Cam bridge University Press, 1995).69"""99. 3. C. de Castro and D. Ortega Morejon. "Relaci6n y declaraci6n del modo que este valle de Chincha y sus comarcanos se governaron antes que oviese yngas y despues q los hobo hasta q los (ehcistian)os entraron en esta tierra" [.£5581. in Qucllell Zlir Ktllturgeschichte des priikolumbischell Amerika, ed. H. Trimborn (Stuttgart. 1936). 237. I have interpreted the passage " Ies dio [opa que traya del Cuzco y cocos de oro" as "clothes from Cuzeo and golden aquillas." The word coco means "thistl e" in Quechua, and cocos were used in ritual battles during the Inca initiation ceremony; see C. de Molina. Relaci61l de las fabu/as)' ritos de los Incas [I573], CLDRHP, Ist ser .• I (I9I6). 78. In Spanish. coco means. among other tbings. "coconut." Because the Chincha VaUey craftsmen were Doted for making mates (drinking vessels formed by splitting gourds in half like coconuts). thi s translation makes the most sense. The Chincha curacas probably interpreted the aquillas given by the Inca in terms of the mates, with the Span ish translation coming out as "cocos. " This is certa inly what coco meanr in northern Ecuador, as is found in the "Testamento de Cluist6bal Cuatin, Principal del Pueblo de Tuza" (Archivo Historico del Banco Centra! del Ecuador, Ibarra , I592. Ibarra Siglo XVI), which li sts as part of the testaror's goods "dos cocos de plata que en lengua del Cuzco se llama aquilla" {fol. IV).

Toasts with the Inca

the Inca's intentions, went to speak with Tupa Inca Yupanqui, who assured him that he had come in peace. Apu Guala then pledged himself and his people to the Inca. Alonso Poma Guala added that he was told that "Topa Ynga gave his great grandfather some fine shirts and cloaks and some cups in which to drink, which among themselves they call aquillas. "4 The incorporation of each new territory seems to have begun in the same way. Peaceful submission was first requested and then, if accepted, rewarded by gifts. For refusal, the Inca promised total destruction.' John Murra has interpreted the textiles given by the Inca on such occasions as an act of generosity that initiated a cycle of obligatory "reciprocity," by which the new territory symbolically entered, on an unequal basis, into the redistributive Inca economy! Certainly the presentation of precious metal vessels normally used in feasrs to express such reciprocity can be interpreted as much in the same way, if not more so. The aquillas also implied the closure of more or less equal reciprocity. As seen by the Ayarcachi episode discussed in chapter 3, the cups demonstrated the Inca's ability to control unmitigated and chaotic destructive power. The curacas' acceptance of these aquillas and thus the suzerainty of tbe Inca also stayed this mythical, destructive force, which in reality the Inca threatened to use in the form of their army. By restraining their force, the Inca displayed themselves as people of goodwill. They came in peace and good order and demonstrated tbat they did not engage in arbitrary acts of destruction. The offer and acceptance of the cups therefore marked not only entrance into whatever Tahuantinsuyu meant but also the order of the Inca's enterprise. For the intent of tbe Sapa Inca's gift of aquillas to be understood by those who received it, its transactional significance could not rest solely within Inca imperial mytbology. One could harrlly expect non-Inca groups to be fully conversant witb its broad outline, let alone its nuances. However, the structure and symbols of Inca mythology and customs did not spring full-grown from the heads of Manco Capac or 4. u . . . el dicho Topa Ynga. oyo decir este testigo [Alonso Porna Guala], que habra dado al dicho su bisagiielo [sic] unas cam isas y mantas ga lanas y WtOS vasos que bebiese, que /laman entre ellos aquillas" (F. de Toledo. "Informac iones Acerca del Senoclo y Gob+ ierno de los Incas" [1570-72], CLERC 16 [181h): 205--6). 5. There is amp le evidence of the Inca's unmerciful attacks on dissenting groups. For the use of this threat were his gifts not accepted, see C. Vaca de Castro, Relacioll de la descelldel1cia. gobiemo Y cOllqllista de los Incas lea . .1541-42] (Lima: Ediciones de la Bibli oteca Universitaria, .1973), 35-36. 6. J. Murra, "La Funcion del Tejido en varios contextos socia les y politicos," iu Fo rmaciones ecollomicas y po/fticas del mwtdo andi1,o (Lima: Instituto de Estud ios Peruanos, I975), I70.

CONQUEST AND G IFT S

Pachacuti. They derived from more ancient, Pan-Andean, traditions whose transmutation was personified in the rule of these quasi-mythical Inca leaders. Betanzos's comments about the use of queros are thus especially important in clarifying how curacas might have perceived the implications of this particular gift object. Most of Betanzos's text is a rather straightforward retelling of Pachacuti's history as he received it from his Inca in-laws. Only very occasionally does he intervene with an explanatory comment for his readers. He does so in his account of the Inca calendar and their rituals as organized by the Pachacuti Yupanqui . One ritual commemorated the fecundity that the waters gave to the land. The Inca went to where the two rivers bordering Cuzco joined. There, they poured aqha from a cup into the rivers; at the same time, they drank from another, to show their

participation, with the waters, in the consumption of the libation. Although drinking with the waters is an important calendrical ritual, Betanzos interrupts the narrative to explain ritual toasting in a

broader social context. He says that "the Incas and all the others throughout this land had a custom and habit of good breeding." Whenever a person of high status (sefior or sefiora) went to visit another, he or she brought two cups in which they drank aqha . If the visitor was female, she brought the corn beer in an urpu strapped to her back; if the visitor was male, the host provided the beer. First, the host and guest each drank from the cups carried by the guest. Then, the host brought out a second pair of cups and they drank again. Betanzos identifies this as "the greatest honor that is used among them." He then explains what happened if this was not done: "the person who went to visit someone took it as an insult if he were not honored by being offered a cup of chicha . It was cause for him to never visit again. It was equally an insult to offer the drink to the other and to have it be refused ."7 It is clear that the cups given by the Inca to the curacas at conquest stemmed from this custom, which Betanzos says was Pan-Andean.' At the level between two sejiores, the exchange of drinks in two sets of 7. ". .. rienen una cosrumbre y manera de buena crinnza estos senores e todas los dem:ls de toda Ja tierra .. . la mayoc honora que emre elias se usa ... tienense por afrentada la persona que ansi va a visitar al otro y est.1 honora no se Ie hace de da de a beber y excusase de no Ie ir mas aver y ansi mismo se tiene por afrentndo eI que da a beber a otto y no Ie quisiera rescebir" U. de Betanzos, Suma y ltarraciol1 de los lucos Capacrulla que (ueroll seilores de fa ciudad de C/lzeo y de todo 10 a ella slIbjetado [I5P] I.Madrid: Atlas, 1987], chap. (5. p. 71.-73)· S. Domingo de Santo Tomas also menrions tbis custom in re lation fO a socia l hierarchy, in "De algunos terminos particulares de que los indios desta tierra uSavatl en algunas cosas," chapter 23 in his Grallllluitica 0 Arte de /0 Lenglla Gel/eral de los Indios de los Reyllos del Peru ['-[560] (Cuzco: Centro de Estud ios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de la s Casas," I995), q~--t2..

Toasts with the Inca

paired cups was a great honor. The refusal to extend or accept the drink was an equally grear insult and gave ca use to not visit again. For the Inca, the acceptance or rejecrion by the curacas meant either peaceful or hostile relations. There is, however, a significant difference between these two acts. The beverage that was offered and either accepted or refused defined the nature of the seiiores' relationship, but each participant had and kept his own pair of queros. In contrast, at the imperial level of Tahuantinsuyu, the cups themselves were the defining element. The shift marks the differences between a relationship that was freely accepted and subject to change depending on circumstances and one that was demanded and sealed in perpetuity. The exchange of aqha among seiiores was an act in which the object of exchange was immediately consumed. It was thus transitory, defining the amicable disposition between the two parties only at the time of its consumption. The next time the seiiores met, the drink might be refused for whatever reason, thereby signaling a new state of affairs. The Sapa Inca's gift of the aquillas signaled, in contrast, that the curacas and their community had now entered into a permanent, hieratic relation with the Inca. The aqha might be drunk from the queros initiaring this new bond, but the queros remained in the community as the constant material reminder of the community's new but unalterable relation to the state. Moreover, the cups, like the string of Damocles' sword, held in abeyance the destruction that the Inca could call into play should the curacas renege on their promises. Cieza de Leon provides an example of this process in his description of the Colla's incorporation into and subsequent revolt against Tahuantinsuyu. According to Cieza, Inca Viracocha went toward Col.lasuyu with an army, to aid one side of a civil war between the two Colla lords, Cari and Zapana. His aim was to bring Collasuyu under the suzerainty of the empire. By the time he arrived, Cari had already defeated Zapana. Inca Viracocha offered to give Cari one of his daughters to marry. Cari refused, saying that he was too old and that she should marry a young man, from whom there were plenty to choose. The refusal notwithstanding, Cari told Inca Viracocha that he recognized the Sapa Inca as his lord and friend and would obey him in all that he ordered. Then, in the presence of aU the other nobles, Viracocha commanded that a great golden cup be brought forth and an oath of homage was pledged between them in this manner:

they drank a bit . .. and then the Inca took the cup ... and, putting it on top of a smooth-faced stone, said, "Here is the sign of our

CONQ UE ST AND G IFTS

agreement, which neither YO ll nor I will touch or move, as a sign that what was agreed is true. "9

The two leaders paid homage to the sun, and after a feast, the golden cup was taken to a temp le "where were put similar oaths that were made between kings and nobles. "'0 Cieza indicates that the pledge made by Cari to Viracocha was not an isolated incident but rather a standard practice and that the cups used to make the pledge were kept in a building used to commemorate such pacts. In this light, Santillan's complete passage about Inca conquest becomes clearer. ... and thus the majority of curacas came out in peace, and to them

[the Inca] bestowed honors and gave cups of gold and clothes from Cuzco; and in memory of their obedience, he commanded that there be made in each province a house for th e said curaca next to

one made for himself; and as for those who did not obey him of their own will, he subjugated and forced them with complete rigor and cruelty to his [ule."

Santillan does not say so, but considering what Cieza de Leon writes, it seems likely that the cups given by the Inca to the curacas were placed in the house built for the Sapa Inca, or possibly the pair was split, with one kept in the curaca's ho use and the other in the Inca's. The construction of Inca provincial centers, eventually equipped with a variety of sumptuary goods representing the Inca's sociopolitical estab9. " ... mand6 traer Viracocha Inca un gra n vaso de oro y se hizo eI pleito homenaje entre elias desta manera: bebieron un raro ... y ll1ego el Inca tomo el vasa ... y, ponien· dolo encima de una piedra muy lisa, dij o: ' Ia senal sea eS£a que este vasa se este aquI y que yo no Ie mude ni ru Ie toques, en senal de ser ciecto 10 asenra do'" (P. de Cieza de Leon EI Seliorio de los In cas (1554] [Madr id: Historia 1:6, 198.f], chap. 43, p. 136). 10. " . . . donde se polllan los semejantes juramentos qu e se hacia ll por los reyes LIncas] y senores [curacas} " (Cieza de Leon) EI SCliorio de los Incas, chap. 43, p. 1:36). Whether or not such temples were built is unclear. However, in his 1598 will, Diego Collin leaves to his son Diego a house (casa) "que se llama cl1scohuasi" (Archivo H istorico Nacional, Quico 1598, caia 7 Ill·:!.:!. r657. "Aucos dc los Indios de Panza leo contra el Colegio de la Compania de Jesus." fol. 3.lV). What this house is exactl y is not clear, but the name cliscohllas; (ho use of C UlCO) suggests some special relationship co the Inca and ma y indicate the type o f rem· pie mentioned by Cieza de Leon. u. uy asi los mas caciqucs ysenores Ie saHa n de paz, y a estos les hada mercedes y daba vasos de oro y ropa del Cuzco, y en memoria de aquella ohedencia mandaha que toda aquella provincia hiciese una casa para eI dicho cacique junto a la que bacia edificar para sl, ya los que no Ie obedescian de su voluntad, can todo rigor y crueldad los subjetaba y con· strenia a su obedencia ... " (Sa ntillan, " Relaci6n del origen," 46-47). j

j

j

86

Toasts with the Inca

lishment, may have been initiated by the building in a local pueblo a structure commemorating the treaty and perhaps housing the queros that signified the nature of the treaty. The twin structures established the relation of the curaca to the Inca, and the queros marked the ultimate authority of the Sapa Inca, who had received similar cups, tupa curi, during his coronation, as a sign of divine authority. The aquillas given by the Sapa Inca expressed the bond between the non-Inca and Tahuantinsuyu." The breaking ofthat bond gave the Inca "just" cause for retribution. When, for example, Cari of Collasuyu rebelled, Tapa Inca Yupanqui- Inca Viracocha's grandson-entered the area and forcibly put down the uprising. He imposed harsher conditions than before and sent Cari to Cuzco, where he was punished, having first been asked if this was how he kept the promise sworn to Tapa Inca Yupanqui's grandfather. ' 3 Cieza de Leon mentions just one quero given to Cari by the Sapa Inca . However, it is most likely that two cups were presented. In almost every other chronicle, the number of cups given is plural, and when that number is quantified, it is always two. Betanzos, Garcilaso de la Vega, Cabo, and others all insist that queros were manufactured in different materials but always in pairs. Betanzos's description implies, and Garcilaso makes explicit, that by making and using matched vessels, there was parity in the amount drunk." The parity marked the amicable and reciprocal relations that defined the visits between senores and the feasts held at the community level. The cups, not the aqha, expressed the insoluble bond that was being contracted . Although equal in size and material, the cups were being held by individuals who personified the new state of hierarchy. The parity normally expressed in an exchange of toasts was slightly altered to indicate a relation of real superiority and inferiority as the curaca acknowledged the Sapa Inca as his lord. I2.. Garcilaso de )" Vega states directly that objects were kept to memorialize the person and the event. Descri bing the June celebration of Inti Raymi in which the cumeas and rhe Inca celebrated a series of toasts using aquiUas and queros, he writes, "Esms vasos [queeos and aqu illas] porque el <;apa Inca los habra (ocado con la mana y con los labios, los tenian los curaeas en grandissima veneraci6n, como a cosa sagrada; no bevfan en eUos ni los tocavan, sino que los pOlliau como a ida/os donde los adoraball en memoria y revereucia de Sit Illca qlle les 'JObia tocado" (Comentarios Reales de los Incas (16091 [Buenos

Aires: Emece Ediciones SA, 1'43J, bk. 6, chap. 23, p. )-I; emphasis added). 13. See Cieza de Leon, EI Seiiorio de los incas, chap. 55. pp. I8:t-82. 14- Garcilaso de la Vega writes: "tuvierOIl ... los vasos para beyer todos herman ados, de dos en dos: 0 sean grandes 0 chicos, han de ser de un talllai'io, de una l11isl11a hechura, de un mismo metal, de oro 0 plata, 0 de madera. Y esto hazian par que huyiese igualidad en 10 que beyiese" (Comentarios Reales, bk. 6, chap. 2.}. p. 53).

CONQUEST AND GIFTS

The drinking between the Sa pa Inca and the curaca codified the nature of their relationship. It also marked the changed nature of the curaca's position in his community. The curaca who accepted the Sapa Inca as his sovereign gained, in certain cases, more power and prestige than he had before. But by accepting this status, he acknowledged through the toast that his source of authority no longer rested solely within the community and that he and his community were ultimately bound by Inca laws.

Queros and War: "In Hoc Signo Vi1tces" The quero/aquilla was explicitly used as a sign, albeit a peaceful sign, of the Inca's gradual domination and incorporation of almost all Andean peoples. The Inca aquillas and queros did not carry Tiahuanaco designs, but implicit in their form was a mythic connection to Tiahuanaco through Viracocha and Manco Capac. The Inca claimed that their divine sovereignty wo uld create peace and order for those who accepted them and their queros." The queros and aquillas, made in pairs, already implied social order and amicable relations, yet at the same time, they connoted restrained but potential disorder and destruction. The mythic figures who retrieved or gave the queros, Ayarcachi and Tunapa (Viracoeha), represented the obverse of cultural and social order. They signified excess, rebellion, and chaos. This mythic opposition and its mediation also operated in the world of Tahuantinsuyu's social and political relations. The antithesis to the peaceful and fruitful, though subservient, status of non-Inca peoples in Tahuantinsuyu was the real chaos and disorder that would follow in devastating war and reprisals if the queros were not accepted. As the ritual gesture formed the nexus between the parallel planes of myth and reality, queros also were a countersign and grim reminder of the consequences of violating or not welcoming Inca peace and social order. Those who had opposed the Inca and thereby created disorder were themselves literally rransformed into the ritual objects they rejected, signifying this chaos and its being put right. The paradigmatic example is found in the war with the Chanca, the victory over whom marked the metamorphosis of Cuzco. Pachacuti commanded his forces to kill the two curacas who had led rhe Chanca forces and "to make 15. See j. Mur ra, The Economic Organization of the [/lca State (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1980), 31.

88

Toasts with the Inca

their heads into cups for drinking." ,6 The antithesis between these cranial cups and the queros offered by the Inca to evoke the social order of Hanan and Hurin is clear. These two Chanca leaders were the curacas of Hanan and Hurin Chanca," and the transformation of their heads into drinking vessels (mates) restored the imbalance that their opposition engendered. The events of the war with the Chanca are still primarily within the mythic domain of Inca " history." Yet it seems that most Andean armies were divided into two forces , each led by a moiety curaca, and that when the curacas, as the principal offenders, were captured, their heads were removed and turned into drinking vessels. I~ Guaman Poma, for example, says that Auqui Tapa Ynga Yupanqui was a valiant warrior who gained a great deal of territory for his father, Inca Yupanqui. He cut off his enemies' heads, which he gave to his father "in order that he could see them and could celebrate his son's victory." '. Sarmiento de Gamboa is more specific, telling how Pachacuti threatened to cut off the head of the curaca of Collasuyu and drink from it in celebration of victory over him.'o Cabo records a slight variation on the theme. The curacas of Vileabamba, when they realized that they could not resist Inca Pachacuti's forces, preempted the Inca's course of action. They cut off the heads of their own captains who had badly advised them and took them to the Sapa Inca themselves. Pachacuti, seeing the heads, told the curacas that he and his father, the sun, pardoned them and received them under their protection because of "their attempt to demonstrate their loyalty. "H Traitors and rebels, the most disruptive of all social elements, received the same punishment. Cieza de Leon says that Huayna Capac -decapitated all the curacas involved in a rebellion near Cuzco." Guar6. ". .. de sus cabezas hizo mares para beber" (M. de Munia, Historia general del Pen!: Origen y descendellcia de los In cas lea. (6151. ed. Manuel Ba liesteros·Gaibrois (Madrid: Colecci6n Joyas, 1962-64), hk. 1., chap. f9, p. 75). 17. See P. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia de los II/cas [1572] (Madrid: Miraguano Ediciones, 1988), pp. 84-85; R. T Zuidema. The Ceql/e System of GIIZCO: The Social OrgalIizatio11 of the Capital of the II1Cll (Leiden: Brill, 1964), 103-6. 18. For armies divided by their moiety group w ith each led by its curaca, see M. Rostworowski de Diez Ca nseco, Estructllras Al1dinas de Poder: Ide%gra religiosa )' polftica (Lima: Instituto de Esrudios Peruanos, 1983), 107-13. 19. ". .. para que los uiese y se bolgarse de la victoria de su hijo " (F. Guaman Porna de Ayala, EJ Primer Nueva Cor61lica )' Buell Gobiemo [ca. 1615 J, ed. J. Murra and R. Adorno, trans. Jorge Urioste [Mexico: Siglo XXI, 1980], p. l31, fo l. 154 (1541 ). 2.0. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia de los Illcas, chap. 37. p. ro4. 2.I. « . . . buena intencion y fidelidad que l1lostraban" (S. Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo [1653J, BAE 9I-:92 r19561: bk. 12, chap. n, p. 80). 22. Cieza de l eon, EI Seiiorfo de los incas, chap. 65. p. 219; chap. 68, p. 228.

CONQUEST AND GIFTS

man Poma twice writes that traitors were punished by having their heads turned into mates for drinking, their teeth into necklaces, their bones into flutes, and their skin into drums. With these objects, the Inca drank, danced, and sang in celebration of their victories."' Guaman Poma first mentions this punishment in specific regard to traitors who assassinated by means of poison. In this case, the punishment was in symmetric juxtaposition to the primary means of administering the poison: tainted aqha served in a quero. Murua notes that to counteract this threat, the Sapa Inca only drank from wooden queros; wood was believed to be an antidote for the poison." Evidently, Tubalipa, Atahualpa's brother who the Spaniards made Sapa Inca after Atahualpa's death, did not use such cups. Pedro Pizarro says that the Inca general Challicuchima pledged the new Sapa Inca with a cup of chicha according to custom. Presumably departing from polite custom, he slipped poison into the drink, and Tubalipa died in Jauja eight months later." Alonso de Mesa, who was with Pizarro at Cajamarca, testified in 1572 that the Inca always killed enemy captains, sinchiwna, and curacas who either resisted them or who they believed might rebel. They cut off their heads and drank from them. The Inca also cut off their arms, taking out the bones and filling the skin with ashes. When the heads were not being used as drinking vessels, they and the severed arms were placed over a drum that was made from the victim's stomach. When the

2.3. Guamnn Poma de Ayala, Nueva CorolliC4. p. 16}, fols . I87 [189]-I88 (1901; p. 1.87, fol. 3'4 []I6J. 1.4. Murua. Historia general del Peni: Origell, bk. 1.. chap. I, 344--1-5. The ambiguous or contradictory understanding of the quero as the antidote to a poison possibly hidden in the aqha offered in the cup goes to the he:lrt of the implicit danger of the Andean gift. This implied danger, however, is heightened in the political gifti ng by the Inca. Whether or not the relation between gift and the offer of something to drink is universal in terms of expressing the contradictory nature of the gift-that it is at once both free and consrraining-the English word gift derives, as Marcel Mauss points out, from a single word with two meanings: "present" and "poison " ("Gift, Gift" [t9:!.4], reprinted in The Logic of the Gift: Towa rds an Ethic of Gellerosity, ed. A. Schrih [London : Routledge, 19971. :!.9)· Mauss goes ro say: "oue ca n see thar the uncertainty abou t the good and bad nature of presents could have been nowhere greater than in the case of the customs of the kind where gifts consisted essentially in drinks taken in common, in libations offered or to be rendered. The drink-present can be a poison; in principle, with the exception of a dark drama, it isn't; but itcan always become one " (30) . See also M. Ma uss, The Gift: Forllls alld FlIIlctiolls of Exchange if! Archaic Societies, trans. w. D. Halls (19:!.3-!.4; reprint, London: Routledge, 1:990), 62.-63; E. Benveniste. "Gift and Exchange in the Indo-European Vocabulary" l~9.. 8-49}, reprinted in Logic of the Gift. 3}--I-42.s. P. Pizarro, Relaciol1 del desclibrillliento y conquista de los reinos del Pen, [I 571:], CLDRHP, 1:St. sec., 6 (l9r7): 55-57.

Toasts w ith the Ill ca

drum was beaten, all the body pa rts made a sound." Mesa's testimony comes in the context of his description of a macabre event he witnessed in Cajamarca. He tells how he entered the room where Atahualpa was kept captive. Mesa found a human head encased in gold with a gold spout in its mouth. Mesa took the thing to Pizarro, who asked Atahualpa whose head it was. Atahualpa responded that it was the head of his brother Huascar, with whom he had just fought a civil war. He then filled the head with agha and drank it in front of everyone." The real internal conflict and sibling rivalry between Huascar and Atahualpa has a precedent in the actions of Pachacuti as recorded by Betanzos. When the curacas urged for a third time that Pachacuti take the mascaipacha for himself, he refused because he believed that his father would leave it to his brother Urea when he died. However, Pachacuri told the curacas that if Viracocha Inca did this, he, Pachacuti, would take the mascaipacha from Urco's head and his head with it. Pachacuti then took a quero filled with agha and emptied it onto the ground, saying that Urea's blood would spill in the same manner as the chicha." In this account, an analogy is suggested between the guero and the head and between agha and blood, or order and disorder. The conflict is peacefully resolved by Inca Viracocha, who confers the mascaipacha on Pachacuti. Nonetheless, Inca Viracocha and hence his chosen heir Urea are symbolically defeated. The analogy between vessel and body becomes gendered as well. Inca Viracocha is forced to drink from a used and dirty container because Pachacuri tells Inca Viracocha that what he had done against him, Viracocha had done as a "woman." "Woman" here is a metaphor for submission and defeat, as seen in another account of Pachacuti's contest with his father and brother. This time,

26. Alonso de Mesa, in F. de Toledo, "Informaciones del Virrey Toledo Verificados en j auja, Cuzco, Guamanga, y Yucay" [J 57~7Z.] , CLDRHP, 2d ser., %. (191.0). 27. See Toledo, "Infonn aciones del VirreyToledo," I05-46. See also C. de Mena , "La conquista del Peru " [r534], in Las Relaciones primitivas de la cOllqllista del Pent, ed. Raul Porras Barrenechea (Lima: In stitu to Raul Porras Barrenechea, I967), 8'-90; M. de Estete. "La Relacion del Viaje q ue hizo el Senor capita n Hernando Pizarro por mandado de su hermano desde el pueblo de Caxama rca a Parcama y de allf a jallja" [I534}, in Verdadera relacioll de la cOllquista del Per/i, ed. Fra ncisco de Xerez, BAE 26 (1853): 338-46. juan de Betanzos (SI/llla y lIarradon, c hap. 3, p. 2.lI) records that Huascar threatened to do the same" . . . Ie mateis y me traigais Sll cabeza porque he de beber en ell a. ... " 28. Beranzos, Sumo y lIarracioll, pt. J, chap. IS, p. 82. Later, Betanzos llses the same metaphor in discussin g the war between Hliascar a.nd Atahualpa (Sumo y lIorradon, pr. 2, chap. 4, p. 213) .

CONQUEST AND GIFTS

91

Pachacuti actually fights his brother Urco, who is killed, and his warriors are brought to Cuzco as prisoners of war but dressed as women.'9 The filthy bowl from which Inca Viracocha is forced to drink in Betanzos's account is in itself a feminine sign. Women prepared and carried aqha in bowls, which they took to the men, who drank it from queros.'o That Inca Viracocha had to drink from a container that was dirty was also part of the Andean ritual process that corrects and puts back in order that which is in disarray. Enumerating the Inca's laws, Guaman Poma says that the punishment for those who were lazy and dirty-whether in their fields, homes, or personal hygiene-was public penance in the plaza. There, the culprits were forced to drink from two large queros or mates the filth they had allowed to accumulate." Inca queros and aquillas expressed both reward and punishment, promise and threat, in relation to order and disorder in Tahuantinsuyu . Disorder represented opposition to Inca policies and was not just a metaphysical duality within mythic structure. A part of the social and political objective of the Inca Empire was to achieve a peaceful hieratic level of authority that could coordinate the economic transfer of ayllu resources to the state. State economic, social, and political transformation was not seen as distinct from tbe metaphysical sphere of Inca religion. Neither the Inca nor any other Andean group articulated such a dichotomy. The growth and consolidation of their vast empire were seen as a material affirmation of the claim to supreme divinity. The Inca underscored that their divine power had been materially won and was sustained by an earthly force. The queros were given out as peaceful gifts, but they also tacitly conveyed a threat. If the threat became a reality, the heads, teeth, arms, and stomachs of those who 1.9. See Sa rmiento de Ga mboa, Historia de los Incas, chap. 30, pp. 98-~9i chap. 37, pp. r03-6. This metaphor was first interpreted by R. T. Zuidema, in "The Lion in the City; Royal Symbols of Transition in Cuzco," JOllrnal of Lati" American Lore (Los Angeles) 9. no. [(1983); 60-63' For women as signs of conquest in genera l, see I. Si lve[blan, "Andean Women in the Inca Empire," Feminist Studies 7 , no. 3 (1976); 37-61. 30. This opposition of vessels is most strongly voiced in the Inca initiation ceremony. Each male youth had a female counterpart who made and carried in a large vessel the chich a that the young men used in cups to (oast their deiries and relatives; see C. de Molina, Relaciol/ de las fab,lIas)' ritos de los Incas [ I573]. CLDRHP, Ist ser. L (T916): 62.-63. 67--?1 . In general, the women strapped the urpus to their backs and carried the food and aqha to the plaza for a feast. They set the urpus down and S:l.t back-to-back with their husbandsfem:l. le in symmetrica l opposition to the male-and served them . See B. de las Casas, De las fl1!tigllas gentes del Pen' [ca . .1550], CLDRHP, 2d ser., 2 (I939), 1.27-28; Cabo. Historia del Nuevo Mill/do, bk. 14, chap. 5. pp. 2.44-45· }I. Guaman Poma de Aya la, Nueva Corol1ica, p. 1'63, fol. 191 [192.]; p. 2.87, fol. )15

[3,6].

Toasts with the Inca

92

contested the Inca's will would be transformed into grisly vessels, jewelry, and musical instruments used in ceremonies commemorating the consequence of resistance and insubordination. In either case, queros/aquillas or transformed heads symbolized the incorporation of a community into Tahuantinsuyu and the subordination of ethnic autonomy to it.

QuerolAquil/a Designs and Conquest As an object of exchange, aquillas and queros materially manifest certain religious and political relations. The extent to w hich the relations were visualized by their embossed or engraved designs is more difficult to determine. No textual references attach significance to the cups' designs. In fact, chroniclers rarely comment on their appearance. Rather, they remark on their production in pairs and the different material in which they were made in conjunction with their ritual uses. Nonetheless, there is a consistency in the vessels' decoration, based on linear geometric abstraction, suggesting that they do partake in Inca visual signification. Some designs, especially evident on ceramic examples, may have been tocapu (fig. 4.1), similar to those found on textiles and other Inca media (fig. 4.2). It is also possible that wooden queros had inlaid, painted tocapu designs, although none have been found archaeologicaUy in a purely Inca context)' The color variations of tocapu on textiles and their geometric structures suggest that they may have visualized abstract Inca concepts. For example, individual designs are often divided into two or four geometric parts (fig. 4.3). Alternately, four discrete tocapu or color zones arranged so as to form a greater whole design. These divisions and arrangements, be they bipartite or quadripartite, have conceptual parallels in Inca social and political forms, such as Hanan and Hurin or Tahuantinsuyu. The monochrome concentric rectangular motifs engraved on wooden Inca queros (fig. 4.4) may bave a potentiallinguistic correspondence in the Quechua grammatical forms for "I" and

32. Tocapu designs are said to have decorated queros; see Anonymous, Vocablllario y

phrasis

ell /0 lellguo General de los indios del Pent lIo111oda QllichuQ, y e ll 10 IClIgtlQ espaiio(a . .. [I5S6]. ed. Antonio Ricardo (Lima: Edici6n dellnsrituto de Hjstoria, San Marcos, 1951), 84_ Eric Boman purchased a pair of queros that came, supposed ly, from an Inca grave site at La Paya in the Catchaqui Va lley. They have tocapu designs painted on them. These cups mayor may not be from the Inca period, but if they are, they substantiate the entry in the 1586 dictionary; see Boman, Antiquites de la region Al1dil1e de la Repllbfique Argentine et dEl Desert d'Atacama (Paris, r908), 1:2T5-T6, 233- )5.

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"we." Noqa is the Quechua term for "I" and also forms the root of the two forms for "we": noqanchis and noqayktl. They express the inclusive and exclusive forms of plurality. If one conceives of noqa as the single entity that can become multiple in a relational form to other entities- such that it can be at once a member of a partial group and/or a member of an entire group of a set, depending on how the group is defined. One might think of a series of concentric rectangles as abstractly visualizing this principal. The center rectangle is the discrete entity, bounded by an ever increasing field of an encompassing unity, moving from the center to finally become an entire field of bounded forms. The image is based on a field of expanding relations that are at once like and unlike. The shape is the same, but the dimensions are different. Hierarchy and equality exist simultaneously. The ritual use of queros in certain Inca ceremonies did in fact expand from the use by the Sapa Inca through a series of toasts that increasingly expanded the social group, as we will see in the next chapter. It is impossible to say with any certainty whether any of these Inca concepts were visualized in the vessels' designs. The impossibility resides, in part, in the lack of written interpretations, which is, in turn, due to the multivalent quality of tocapu. Tocapu forms signify contextually both in terms of the object in which they occur and the narratives attached to the objects themselves. More important, most quero and aquilla designs seem to differ from other forms of tocapu. As I already discussed, quero designs are usually composed by continuous lines that transverse the surface at a diagonal or else undulate horizontally in clearly defined registers around the vessel (fig. 4.5). These abstract designs may not have communicated any specific meaning. Rather, like the standardization of Inca crafts in general, the geometric abstract designs on queros and aquillas may have served to distinguish Inca decoration as a universally recognized imperial design found in aU Inca centers and different from local motifs. However, one motif, occurring on the uppermost register of about twenty-five percent of Inca wooden queros and aquillas and occasionaUy on ceramic vessels, departs from the strict geometric abstraction and is partially representational. It suggests that at some level of understanding, some designs did reference Inca concepts expressed by the ritual production and use of quero and aquillas in pairs. The mode of representation ranges from the clearly recognizable (figs. 4.6a-<:) to the highly schematic (figs. 4.7a-<:) representation of a frontal human head and two arms. AltllOugh the form of the arms is similar to the defining element of the Inca key design on textiles (fig. 4-3), its contextual relation to the quero/aquilla allows for a more specific reading.

Toasts with the Inca

94

The formal construction of this motif is in keeping with the overall linear geometric designs on queros. In fact, some examples have elements so abstracted that the motif can only be read in relation to the more clearly representational examples. Compare, for example, figures 40Gb and 4.7b . Although only the eyes and the mouth define the schematic head, the bared teeth form the focal point of the design and give it a decidedly stark countenance. This feature has precedence in Andean imagery. An anthropomorphic figure from a Paracas textile, for example, is depicted holding a trophy head by the hair. The head is frontally posed, and the eyes are seemingly open and formed by square outlines. The month is a rectangle with rounded edges. Three vertical lines divided by a central horizontal line show that the mouth is open and the teeth are bared. A similar trophy head is found on Nazca textiles and ceramics, and trophy heads in general are depicted throughout Andean imagery." We do not, however, have to go so far afield in Andean history to find that one of the primary elements in representing a decapitated head was bared teeth. Gu.man Poma, though working in the European medium of pen and paper, makes clear that the Andean association between depictions of teeth and trophy heads still persisted in the late sixteenth century. In general, Guaman Poma's images of live figures, when not talking, are shown with their mouths closed. When the mouths are open, either as an indication of speech or death, the teeth are not shown or are indicated by one or two cursive lines (fig. 4.8) . However, in the illustrations of Inca age grades and occupations, Guaman Poma shows the figme of an Inca warrior holding a decapitated head by the hair. The mouth is open, and the upper front teeth are in prominent profile (fig. 4.9) . As no other image in his work bears this trait, its appearance here cannot be regarded as mere chance but must be seen as an intentional element for depicting a decapitated head.H Just because bared teeth appear on the queros does not necessitate tl,at a decapitated head has thereby been represented. Still, it is striking that within this schematic design, the only carefully articulated human anatomical parts are those that correspond precisely to the ritually transformed human parts of resistant or rebellious leaders. The head transformed into a vessel, the teeth made into a necklace, and the arms made into instruments are all displayed on these queros. What is more, .:n. See j.

Tello, Usa de las Cabezas HlIma l1as (Lima: C.. sa Editora, 19J8) , 37. espe-

cially fig. 8.

H. For the significance of detai1 in Guaman POllla's drawings, see R. Adorno, "On Pictorial Language and the Typology of Culture in a N ew World Chronicle, " Semiotica (The Ha gue) 36, nos. I and 2. (1 98 1): jI-r06.

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the head and arms are arranged so as not to suggest a whole or complete human body. They are instead portrayed as discrete units with no organic connection. Their relation to one another is artificial and dependent on the design itself. In other words, these features purposely appear disembodied. It cannot be discounted that their disembodied appearance results from the formal quality of the design. By geometrically reducing an image to a few lines, the artists rhythmically repeated this design around the vessel in the same manner as the purely abstract designs. Yet the choice to represent these particular features and not others strongly suggests that they did have meaning. The choice suggests that they are not only a synecdoche for the human body but a metonym referencing a complex of ritual actions directly associated to the aquilla/quero. The images certainly had the ability to express the consequences of defying the Inca,J5 while at the same time appearing on vessels ritually used to affirm and express the "benefits" of Inca rule. This contradiction, or rather tension, between accord and discord, order and disorder, was a basic element in both Inca mythic descriptions and sociopolitical uses of the quero. The only sculptural figure appearing on Inca queros and aquillas also seems to suggest these concepts. It is a three-dimensional, reptilian figure placed vertically on the vessel's surface, its head peering over the lip of the vessel (fig. 4.10) ..,6 This type of vessel is less frequent in the archaeological record, but it too was distributed throughout Tahuantinsuyu, both as a quero and as an aquilla. A particularly striking examp le of gold and silver was found in the tomb of a curaca just south of Quito (fig. 4.II). The silver vessel is decorated with two gold bands, and the back of the figure is inlaid with gold. 37 3). It seems that the Inca did make an association berween victory and human representa tion. According to Cieza de Leon (Crollica del Penl. Primera Parte [Lima: Pomificia Univcrsidad Catolica del Peru, 1984), chap. 82., p. 2.39), use ve una fortaleza [cerca de Piscobamba] ... y por muchas partes della estan figurados rosteOs y ralles humanos .... Y dizcn algunos indios que los Ingas en sen .. 1de triumpho, por auer vencido cierto batalla, mandaroll hazer aquella memoria." The building and images predated the Inca, and Cieza goes on to say that other Indians gave him a more cOllvincing explanation about its origins and meanings. Nevertheless, tbe first passage demonstrates that this type of imagery could be associated with Inca victory whether the Inca made it or not. 36. This vesse l shape is called the" Arica type" aher the place where it was first recovered; see j. Rowe, "The Chronology of Inca Wooden Cups," in Essays ;11 Pre-Co/llmbian Art (Iud Arcbaeology, cd. S. Lothrop et al. (Boston: Harvard Uni versity Press, I96r), 3J 9"""26. 37. The tomb was discovered by workmen digging a well on rhe property of Presley Norton. Whetber it was one of a pair is unknown, as some of the objects from the tomb were distributed among the workmen (Presley Norton, personal communication with the author, I988).

Toasts with the [nca

Bertonio, in his 1612 Aymara dictionary, defines the term katar; quero as "vasa que tiene par asilla un leon" [a cup that has a lion handle].>' The modeled figure on the Inca queros and aquillas is in the location of a handle, but its shape is amorphous, resembling a quadruped reptile as much as a puma (the term leon was used by the Spaniards to designate the Andean mountain lion, called a puma in Quechua).l9 The word katari, however, also is listed separately in Bertonio's dictionary as "vivora grande," so Bertonio's Spanish translation of katari quero at first seems to be based on his own iconographic interpretation of the figure on these vessels.'o In the mid-nineteenth-century Quechua dictionary compiled by Tschudi, eatari is listed as "the name of a small very poisonous snake from the family of Chersophes. "., Although here again katari refers to a reptile, the figure on the Inca queros camlOt be considered a snake. In the 1586 Spanish-Quechua dictionary, the word !laesa is translated as "a certain serpent like a basilisk. "., The word may refer to any number of tropical American lizards of the genus Basiliseus of the iguana family, but in sixteenth-century Peru, a giant serpent was a general attribute of Antisuyu, the jungle area of Tahuantinsuyu. Moreover, the area of Antisuyu is populated by the European form of the biblical basilisk composed by the body of a cock, the tail of a serpent, and the head of a feline in Guaman Poma's "Mapa Mundi." The relation between this hybrid creature and the modeled figure on katari queros is suggested by an entry in Gonzalez Holguin's dictio38. L. Bertonio, Vocablliario de la leI/gila aymara [J.6I:!.J, ed. I879),2.90.

J.

Platzmann (Leipzig;

39. Anonymous, Vocabillario y phrasis [5+ J

40. John Rowe ("Chronology," .l96I) suggests that this type of quero is nOt part o f the Inca tradition, because dle preponderant number of examples fo und in an archaeological

t;,.ontext come from the Arica area. However, a number of Inca Stone vessels found in and around Cuzeo have almost identical figures peering over the rim. Moreover, there aee wooden queeos with such figures that supposed ly came from the Cuzco region. Finally, a numbet of colonial painted queros that also have these modeled figures have a recorded tradition in the highlands as early as r612. It is possible that the Inca incorporated the Arica figures after they conquered the area, although it is more likely that it was already a highland tradition dating perhaps to Tiahuanaco. Whatever rhe case, these figures were a part of Inca quero decoration. For an example of stone vessels, see R. Carrion Cachot, "£1Culro al Agua en el antiguo Peru: La Paccha e1emento cu ltural panandino,'" RMN 2., no. 2. (1955): plate XlI, figs. g, h, and i. For queros, see J. Larrea, Arte Peruano (Sevilla: Tipografra de Archivos, 1935), plate :16; M. Portugal, "AcqueoJogia de la Paz, '" Arqlle%gio Boliviano (La Paz: D.p., 1957): fig. Lf7; S. Linne, "Kerus: Inca Wooden Cups,'" Etlmos (Stockholm) q. nos. 2.-4 (19~9): fig. I . For a full discussion of the Arica queros, see L. N uilez, " Los Keros del Norte de Chile," Antropo/ogia (Santiago, Chile) r ("1963): 74' 41. J. J. von Tschudi, Die Kechua-SfJrache: Dritte Abtheillfllg, (Vienna: Worterbuch, 18H), as cited in V. Liebscher, "Keros Definition, Typologie, und Zeitliche Einordung" (master's thesis, Universirat Ti.ibingen, 1983), 39. 42.. "Cierta serpiente como Basilisco'" (Anonymous, Vocablliario y fJhrasis, 53).

b

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nary. He translates the term /laesae katari as "vivora como basalisco que mata";~j that is, the word katari, as in "katari quero/' is modified by llaesa, meaning "a serpent like a basilisk that kills. " The sculpted image is not a puma as Bertonio suggests in his translation. It is a hybrid creature-perhaps based on a real lizard-that to the Spaniards at least resembled the basilisk. But even more important to understanding what seeing the image might have meant is the relation between /laesa and katari. Llaesa as a verb form has a different meaning. Holguin defines llaesani as "Pasmar a otro hazede turbar de rniedo, 0 contrarIe, 0 desmayarle, 0 elarle la sangre como el que vee un leon cerca, 0 serpiente, meaning "to astound or frighten someone as someone who sees a puma or serpent close up. " .... The author of the 1586 dictionary defines this fear in a more exact way. Llaesani and llaesayeuni are translated as "veneer 0 sujectar" [to conquer or to subjugate," Ilacsaca as "vencido 0 sujecto" [conquered or subject] . The Spanish words oprimir and oprhnido are translated as "Ilacsani" and " llacsansa."45 In other words, the figure on these queros is directly associated with fear and conquest. Moreover, this fear associated with seeing a puma or a serpent up close is doubly suggestive because a basilisk is a combination of the two, and the puma and the serpent (amant) were emblematic of Inca rulers. 46 These traits are further recognized in the seventeenth-century Spanish definition of a basilisk as an African serpent that could kill by sight and had dominion over all other serpents." The metaphoric relationship between the Sapa Inca and katari in relation to pre-Hispanic queros can only be suggested by linguistic evidence. However, the selective use of traditional European images by colonial quero artists makes this connection concrete. The only pictorial image that the quero painters borrowed directly from European sources consistently beginning at least at the end of the sixteenth century is the basilisk (fig. 4.12a) .4" It is significant that the basilisk figure usually appears in a composition that is commonly used in these two groups and simply substitutes for the figure of the Inca. For example, in II

43. Gonzalez HolgUin, Vocabulario de la lellgua ge/leral, 20] . _1+ Gonz:i lez HolgUin, Vocabulario de la lel/gua general, 1.07. 45. Anonymous, Vocobulario y phrasis, 53. 167. 46. See Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cor6l1ica. pp. 64-65, fo1. 83 [83}. 47. " . .. can su vista y resllella mata. Llam6se regula, 0 por la di adema que tiene en la cabeza, a par la excelencia de su veneno e imperio que tiene en todas las demas serpientes ponzoiios3S" (S. de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de fa Lel1gll0 Castellollo 0 Espaiiola [.l6uj, ed. F. Maldonado and M. Ca mero [Madrid: Ediwrial Casta li a, 1995], I70. 48. The O ld Testament basilisk is also associated with fear and conquest as recorded in Psa lm 91:13. In medieva l Christian art, Christ appears trampling the basilisk as a sign of triumph over death and ev il.

Toasts with the Inca

the rainbow motif, a coya (Inca queen) appears under one rainbow (fig. 4.I2b), while beneath the other, where the Inca normally is placed, a basilisk appears. The peculiarity of using a European figure by colonial quero painters therefore makes sense. Although it is a Spanish figure, the word basilisk was used by Spaniards to translate katari, and the katari as a composite mythic being embodied the metaphoric power of the Inca. The sculpted katari figures on pre-Hispanic queros and aquillas and their association with terror and conquest cannot be mere chance.

Like the incised designs of disarticulated heads and arms, they represent the paradox of the Inca's peaceful and benevolent offer. If their offer was refused, the Inca did not retire back to Cuzco; instead, they attacked with devastating force. The intent of the Inca was not, however, to be perpetually at war. While queros and their designs could serve to remind Andeans of the consequences of resistance or rebellion against the Inca- acts that would destabilize the cosmic order-these vessels were most often used by the Inca to effect the peaceful integration of non-Inca into the empire. This use extended beyond the initial gift of queros to a curaca and was constantly reinforced in Inca ceremonies. The perpetual ritual use of queros and aquiUas in Inca ceremonies was perhaps even more significant, as it

allowed the Inca to manipulate traditional q uero symbolic associations so as to transform an expression of ayllu independence into an expression of allegiance and subservience to Tahuantinsuyu .

CHAPTER FIVE

Social Reorder: From Reciprocity to Redistribution

Queros and aquillas had a crucial place in Tahuantinsuyu. Their form, material, decoration, and use materialized key concepts that intersected through religion, legitimacy, origin, and subjugation. These concepts had currency among Inca and non-Inca alike. Queros and aquillas evoked Andean norms of reciprocity expressed within the social organization of Hanan and Hurin. In Inca feasts, however, queros and their exchange refigured these norms to stand for an imposed hierarchy. At issne are the means through which the Inca ritually coordinated the ayllu with Tahuantinsuyu and how their drinking vessels transformed expressions of Hanan and Hurin to signify the authority and hierarchy of the empire.

Hm,an and HuTin: From Ayllu Member to State Subject The " laws" promulgated by the Inca in regard to the ayllu simply codified preexisting traditions. It was not the Inca's intent to disrupt ayllu patterns of behavior. It would be a mistake, moreover, to assume that Inca regulations were mere formalities meant only as imperial propaganda for consumption by elites. This would especially be a mistake in regard to their "law" insisting that curacas hold fiestas for the community. Here, the Inca stated authority over the curaca and the community without violating ayllu standards. BIas Valera says that the Inca commanded curacas to hold feasts two or three times a month in the village plaza. Guaman Poma adds that this was to ensure that the needs of the lame, the sick, the orphaned, and widows were attended. Both note that the custom originated before the Inca and that the Inca only restated it.' The Inca probt. Bias Va lera, cited in Garci laso de la Vega, Comel/taTios Reales de los l11cas [1609] (Buenos Aires: Emece Edirores SA, T.943), bk. 5. chap. n, pp. 245-46; F. Guaman Poma de

99

100

Toasts with the Inca

ably did insist that the ayllu feast be continued, but it was not an empty ideological demonstration of "Inca omniscient benevolence in action. "2 The Inca took control of the Andean feast as a means of validating authority. By demanding that curacas hold communal feasts, the Inca as well as the community held the curaca responsible if this requirement were not fulfilled. ' In the early colonial period, curacas lost their authotity if they did not perform this obligation. The community withdrew its labor support. The same would have occurred if a curaca had not fulfilled this duty under Inca rule, and the Inca had no interest in supporting or imposing a curaca who squandered his authority. His role at whatever level was to bind his community to the Inca, bringing the community's resources under Inca access. If the curaca could not perform this function, the Inca had no reason to object to his dismissal. However, the Inca did have an interest in asserting that the curaca's authority was linked ultimately to the authority of Cuzco. The Inca preempted the role of the communal feast as something expressing and affirming, both to the ayllu and to the curaca, the traditional basis of the curaca's authority. By simply making de jure under Inca rule what was already de facto, the Inca demonstrated the inversion of this basis: authority now came from above as well as below. In other words, the authotity of the curaca in Tahuantinsuyu was now conditional on two accounts. The curaca had to satisfy his obligation to the ayllu community and his obligation to the Inca. There is ample evidence that the Inca removed and replaced disloyal curacas for "reasons of state," but by tillS "law" Ayala, EI Primer Nueva Corol1ica y Bltell Gobiemo [ca. 16.15]. ed. J. Murra and R. Adorno, tr~ns. J. Urioste (Mexico: Siglo XXI, 1980), p. 166, fol. I92 [194]; C. Vaca de Castro, Relaci6n de fa descel1dencia, gobiemo Y cOllquista de los Incas [ca. 154I-.P.] (Lima: Ediciones de la Biblioteca Universitaria, '1973), 37. See chapter I I in this book for a discussion of the colonial interpretation of the custom. 2 . J. Murra, Th e Ecollomic Organizatioll of the Illca State (Greenwich, Conn .: .TAl Press, I980), 9+ 3. In ISlh, Garda de Melo, resident of CUlCO since "I nS, answered a questionnaire sent by the king in which he said in regard to Inca civi l and criminal law that "los caciques estaban obligados ncomer en la plaza en publico. y sus indios can eUos, y el que no 10 hacia, Ie quitabal1 el cacicazgo." AJi of Melo's testimony was read poim by poinr to Damian de la Bandera, Cristobal de Molina, and Francisco Cocamaita of Hurin Cuzco and Francisco Quiqua of Hanan Cuzco-both more than sevenry yea rs o ld. All of them agreed with Melo's statement about the feast. See J. Medina, ed., La Imprenta ell Lima (1584-18:14) (Santiago: Casa del Aurar, :1904-5), 1:187-99. Antonio Herrera y Tordes il1as seems to have copied thi s passage ve rbatim in Historia Gel/eral de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas y tierra finite del Mar Oceallo [T6IO-IS] (Madrid : Editorial Maestre Franco, 1952.), vol. 2., decada ), bk. 4, chap. 2., pp. 2.83-84.

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the Inca appropriated the traditional expression of conditional authority between ayllu and curaca, demonstrating that the Inca judged the curaca's fulfillment of both ayllu and Inca conditions of authority. The Incas posed themselves as the final arbiter of the curaca's position from both ends of the sociopolitical spectrum. The Inca may have altered the sociopolitical significance of feasts; however, the feasts' form of communal expression at the ayllu level did not change. Taking place in villages outside immediate Inca control, these feasts still celebrated the community's relationship to their huacas and ritually expressed the necessary bond of reciprocity between moiety factions. As is made clear in the Huarochirf Manuscript, moreover, these feasts confirmed the community's ties to their curaca o Yet by encoding the curaca's role at this level with the hierarchy of Inca authority, the feasts sponsored by the Inca could legitimately be connected to and seen as an expansion of the ayllu feasts. Moreover, by maintaining the HananlHurin structure of the ayllu feast, the Inca could transform the feasts held in Cuzco and Inca provincial centers to express in traditional terms the new hieratic structure of religious and political authority. The social expression of reciprocity between moieties could be transformed by the moiety associations themselves to express the nature of the Inca state and everyone's place in it. The nexus between feasts and moieties was as fundamental to Inca society at an imperial level as it was to the rest of Peru at the ayllu level. The relation between feasts and moieties as complementary parts within the Inca symbolic structure and social practice is suggested by the fact that HananlHurin organization and feasts often have a common mythological origin. Martin de Murua, for example, records that Inca Roca, the sixth Inca king, was the first to command that his people eat and drink publicly in the plaza. At the same time, he divided his people into two ayllus, which were thereafter forever called Hanan and Hurin suyu.-l Garcilaso de la Vega, in a more detailed account, credits Manco Capac, the dynastic founder, with these institutions. He says that Manco and his wife/sister gathered people from the north and the south of Cuzco. Manco had some members build the city, w hile others were sent to collect food for the feasts. Manco then divided Cuzco into Hanan and Hurin, which meant "Upper Cuzco" and "Lower Cuzco." Those who followed the queen lived in Hurin Cuzco and were called "el 4. M. de MUIll
10>

Toasts with the Inca

bajo." Those who followed Manco lived in Hanan Cuzco and were called "el alto." The division did not signify any advantage of one group over the other; all were equal, born of the same mother and father. Manco created rhe division only to commemorate that one group followed him and one group followed his sister/wife. The single difference and acknowledgment of superiority was that the people of Hanan Cuzco were considered firstborn while those of Hurin were considered secondary children. Garcilaso offers a metaphor for this division, a metaphor which, as we shall see, is important in understanding queros and aquillas as an imperial sign. Garcilaso writes that Hanan members were like the right arm and Hurin members were like the left arm in matters of preeminence of place and office, in remembrance "that those of the high were brought by the male and those of the low were brought by the female." 5 Garcilaso's account begins with the feast and then goes on to explain that the moiety division of Hanan and Hurin Cuzco found expression in the opposition of north to south, right to left, above to below, and male to female. He ends by saying that this division was made in all rhe towns, large and small, throughout the empire. The "barrios" and lineages were called Hanan ayllu and Hurin ayllu, and the provinces were called Hanansuyu and H urinsuyn 6 Almost all Peru had some form of a moiety system that generated categories of expression in terms of high/low, right/left, and malelfemale.7 As such, the imposition of Hanan and Hurin could be accommodated by non-Inca groups in Inca state activity, as it was analogous to their own social and symbolic structures. The Inca could synchronize regional moiety organization throughout the empire by giving the divergent peoples of Tahuantinsuyu a single social identity when 5. ".. . los del alto atrafdos por el varon y los del oajo por]a hembra" (Garcilaso de In Vega, Comelltarios Reales. bk. I, cb(lp . .r6, p. 43)· 6. Garcilaso de 1a Vega, Come1ttarios Rcales bk. I, chap. r6, p. 43. 7. In the Huanuco region, the moiery division was termed allattga and ichoq, or "right" and "'eft"; see J. Murra, "La Visita de los Chupachos como fuente ernoI6gica," in Visita de la Provincia de Leon de Hllal1l1co en 1562 por bilgo Ortiz de Zlllliga (HU3.11 llCO: Universidad Naciona l Hermilio Valdizrln, .(967), r:398. In the Lupaca region, the division was ca lled alassa and //100550. or "upper" and "lower." In the CalIej6n de Huaylas area, the terms for "agricultural ist" and "herder"-llasca and lIaclloz-seem to have been used; see P. Duviols, "Huari y Il acuaz., agricultores y pastores: Un dualismo prehispanico de oposicion y complementaridad," RMN 39 (1973): 165. On the north coast, Holtan and Hllrill were not llsed to describe the moieties in colonial documents, which suggests to Patricia Netherly that these categories were indigenous and not jusr an Inca imposition; see Netherly, "Loca l Level Lords on the North CO:.lst of Peru" (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, r977), 133. For an overview, see M. Parssinen, TawolltillSIlYII: The J/1CO State alld Its Politicol Organization. 5cudia Historica 43 (Helsinki: SHS, r992.), 304-71· J

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10 3

they were gathered for state purposes' For example, the workers brought to Cuzco were placed in moiety quarters that corresponded to their own at home .. As this was the case in Cuzco, one can assume that similar arrangements were made for those who performed temporary or permanent service in Inca provincial centers. In Cuzco- the political, social, and religious center of the empire-this ritualized division found its most elaborate expression. Apart from special feast days, the communion of Hanan and Hurin through drinking was incessantly staged in Cuzco's main plaza through drinking. Pedro Pizarro describes what he saw in Cuzco when it was still the imperial Inca capital. Each day, the mummified bodies of all past Sapa Incas were brought into the plaza . There, they were seated in two rows facing each other, divided according to Hanan and Hurin. '0 Each mummy was accompanied by male and female servants, and the mummies and their attendants sent toasts to one another as moiety representatives of Hanan and Hurin. U Aqha was poured into large jars (verquis) made of either gold, silver, or clay, one set before each mummy. When 8. For example. the orgaJlization of Tahl1antinsllYu into four sociogeographica l areas and the subsequent division into moieties seem to have been the principles by which the massive agricultural projecc in Cochabamba was organized in terms of land distribution among the foufteen thousand Indians who were brought from all over the empire; see N. Wachtel, "Les Mitmaes de la Vallee de Cochabamba: La Po Litique de Colonisation de Hu ayna Ca pac," ]ollmai de fa Societe des Americal1istes (Paris) 67 (1.980-81) ; 30.1"""'9. In other places, the Inca used the local moiety system as if it were Hanan and Hurin. In the construction of the important Huan3copampa Bridge, the work was divided among the loca l populace according to their moieties, called alluollea and ieboc. Inca mitmaqkll1ta labor may also have been llsed in the initia l construction of the bridge, however; and the closest group of these colonists was divided into Hanan Pi llao and Hurin Pillao. As such, the two moiety systems would have been conflated in this wo rk project. See D. Thompson and j. M urra, "'The Inca Bridges in the Huanllco Region," American A1ltiquity (Washing· ton, D.C.) 31, no. 5 (1966): 6 32-39. See a)so Parssinen, Talllantil1SIIYll, 228-35, 352-62 . ,. See Jeronimo Roman y Zamora, Repltblicas de Indias [1575], CLERC .14-15 (r&97) , 28. Murra (Economic Organization, II9 n. 92) cites this reference as an example of the state's attempt to cteate continuity between village social structu re and that of Cuzco. 10. " . . . sentandose en ringlera cada uno seglio de su antiguedad" (P. Pizarro, Relacioll del descubrimiento y conqltista de los reinos de Peru lI57I], C LDRHP, 1St ser., 6 [19171: 66-68) . Pizarro's text is ambiguous because be does not qua lify whether there was one or two rows. However, "segull de su antiguedad" implies two rows because tbe Inca dynasty was not reckoned simply in chronologica l terms. The first fi ve Sapa Inca belonged to Hurin Cuzco, the next five to Hanan Cuzco. The arrangement by age thus sllggests an arrangement by moiety and two rows facing each other. This isconfirmed by the arrange· ment of the mummies for a ceremony taking pl ace on a plain outside of Cuzco in which they were seated so tha t "de una banda y de otra se formaba un gran ca lle ... de treinta pasos de aucho" (B. de las Casas, Dc las alltigllt1S gentes del Pen; [ca. ISSO), CL DRHP. 2-d sec., I I ['9391,63..... ). II. See C. de Molina, Relaci61l de las (abu las y ritos de los In cas [157 3], C LDRHP, l'St iCr., r (19 16); 44.

Toasts with the Illca

these vessels were full , they were emptied into the opening of a round stone that was a part of an usnu (throne and altar complex) set in the center of the plaza ." Here, a golden image of the sun sat on a tiana and, like the mummies, was given food and drink.'J This image was in the middle of the plaza, between the rwo rows and probably at their bead. Its centrality marked the right and left, the Hanan and Hurin sides. The reigning Sapa Inca also joined the ceremony when he was in Cuzco. He sat on the usnu in the center of the plaza, next to the sun idol and at the head of and between the two rows of mummies." Together, "the sun and the Sapa Inca" sent cups of chicha to the mummies, and in large ceremonies, such as the Citua ritual, members of the mummy's panaca sat " together but divided into two groups, with Hanancuzcos on one side and the Hurincuzcos on the other, and spent the whole day eating and drinking. ))15 Not only were the ro yal mummies of the two moieties present, but the heads of the panacas were also present where they toasted the sun, the Sapa Inca, and each other.'6 The exchange of toasts followed the pattern described by Betanzos. Two queros or aquillas were used. One was used by whomever sent the toast, and the second quero was

1:2. For the identification of the stone as part of the usnu, see R. T. Zu idema, "Shaft Tombs and the Inca Empire,'" j otlrlta/ of tbe Steward Anthropological Society (Urbana) 9. nos. 1.-2 (1:977-'78): 158-60. 13. Piza rro, Relaci611 del descllbrimiellto y conqllista. 66-68. Parts of the Piza rro manuscript are illegible. Since Bernabe Cobo copied it almost verbatim, however, we ca n recollstruct the missing parts; see Cobo, Historia del Nllevo MIll/do [I653], BAE 9I-92 (1956) : bk. 3, chap. 10, p. I64_ [4. " ... e1lnca sa lfa (a 1a plaza] a ponerse en eI suyo [Jugar] porque era junto al sol" (Cabo. Historia del Nuevo Mundo. p. 80). Guaman Porna (Ntfeva Coroll;ca, p. 371. fol. 398 1400]) ca lls the usnu "'trona y asiento del Inca" in an iUusrration of Manco Inca seated on the usnu in Cuzco. This illu stration and the illustration of Atahualpa on tbe throne at Cajamarca (357, fol. 384 ()86J) depict the Sapa Inca frontally and in tbe center of the composition. His position divides all other figure s, primariJy in profile. to his right and left. This composition is no accidem but registers in a two-dimensional space the three-dimensional arrangement of ritual space divided according to Hanan and Hurin and separated by the central position of a deity, Sapa Inca, or curacao See M. L6pez-Baralt, "'L'l Persistencia de las estructuras sirnb61icas andinas en los dibujos de Guaman Porna de Ay., la," JOllmal of Lath' American Lore (Los Angeles) 5. no. T (1979): 83-.1IT; R. Adorno, "Icon and Idea: A Symbolic Reading of Pictures in a Peruvian Chronicle," Indian Historian (S an Francisco) 11., no. 3 (1979): 27- 50. 15. " ... cada uno de la ca Udad que tienen dividos, los Hanancllzcos a su parte y los Hurincuzcos a Ia suya y este dia entendfan en s610 comer y beber" (Molina, ReJacion de las (abu/as y ritos, 43-44)' 16. Each mummy was accompanied in the smaller daily feasts by a "capidn," a descendent of the dead Inca's lineage who rook charge of [he Sapa Inca's estate when be diedj see J. Polo de Ondegardo, " Relaci6n de los fundamentos acerca del notable dano que resulta de no guardar a los indios sus fueros" [157IJ, CLDRHP, rst ser., 3 (r'I6): I2.3-24.

SOCIAL REORDER

10 5

received by whomever was invited." The toasts could be between two individuals or twO groups. In this sense, these daily feasts replicated on an imperial level the traditional feasts that were held at the ayllu community level. The expression of communal solidarity now also expressed, at one level, the closed ranks of the Inca royalty as the spiritual and political head of the Tahuantinsuyu. Bartolome de las Casas notes that Pachacuti Inca introduced this custom in Cuzco "in order to be in accord with the simplicity of the ancient ways. "" We have already seen that Pachacuti's actions personified the transformation of Cuzco from being just one ayllu community among others to being the paramount imperial capital. His reign marked the ascension of the Inca as a socially elite and distinct group, through the institution of the ruler's incestuous marriage and the creation of the panaca system. Las Casas's statement that Pachacuti also introduced these feasts signifies that they, too, were used to codify within traditional terms this imperial panaca organization. At the same time, the division of everyone else in Tahuantinsuyu into Hanan or Hurin provided the necessary "harmonious" and "organic" ideological link with the imperial elite, because traditionally the only difference between Hanan and Hurin was their expression of superiority and inferiority, which meant nothing more than precedence in ritual space and action." All ritual activity in state centers-be it in Cuzco or the provinces-could be simultaneously staged so that all those present had an equal social identity that partially mitigated the decimal system of hierarchy. Moreover, Inca centers themselves were constructed so as to produce this image. Within their plazas, the Inca were able to impress on a large number of non-Inca the notion of HananlHurin and its ritual associations of high/low, right/ldt, male/female, and superior/inferior. At the same time, they were able to assert the central and absolute position of Inca religious and political authority.

Quero Exchang",:JhfLQjftf,:om _Equality to Jfierarchy

-

The expression of hierarchy began at the very first meeting between the Sapa Inca and the ruling curacao In this encounter, the Sapa Inca's gift 17. See Polo de Ondegardo, "Relaci6n de los fundamentos," I23-24; Piz.1rro, Relacioll del descubril1liellto y conquista, 66-68; Las Casas, De las alttiguas gelltes del Pent, Il.7-28.

I8. ". . . por sec con forme a la simplicidad de los antiguos" (Las Casas, De las amigllQs gClltes del Pent, 127-28) . .(9. Garcilaso de la Vega, Comel/tarios Reales, hk. I, chap. 16, p. 4); Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo, bk. n, chap. 24. p. 112; J. de Matienzo, Gobiemo de PeY/1 {I S67] (Buenos Aires: CompaiHa Sud Americana de BiUetes de Banco, 19TO), pt. I, chap. 1, p. 16.

Toasts with the Inca

106

of queros and the toasts that were drunk in them symbolically established the curaca's place in the sociopolitical order of Tahuantinsuyu. The initial pact was followed by the integration of the new territory into Tahuantinsuyu's economy, the establishment of the Inca's chain of command, and the building of state centers. When all was in place and the collcas were filled, the feasts could be held, and the levels of authority could be periodically reaffirmed by state gifts. The content of the gifts remained the same, primarily textiles and queros. But instead of signaling entrance into the state, the gifts were now received by the curacas "as compensation for their labors. "2.0 Toasts were here made in aquiUas and queros given to the curacas as material reminders of their perpetual obligation to fill Tahuantinsuyu's coffers. The gift of these cups therefore had a similar purpose to the queros given at the curaca's very first encounter with the Inca. Their materiality signified the permanent state of political and economic relations expressed by the feasts. This relationship between the cups and the feast is implicit in a comment of an anonymous chronicler. Tbe Inca bad a custom for winning the will of the vassals, which was to periodically hold feasts, to which many attended, where they drank, which is the joy of aUthese barbarians, and there, with his hand, tbe [Sapa] Inca gave the curacas the cups in which they drank, which was a sign of great favor, and he gave them some of his own clothes and silver cups.2.1

Certainly these gifts, like the feasts themselves, were given to balance the Inca's due; yet they were meant to merge this notion of reciprocity with that of state hierarchy and redistribution. This ideological shift is recognizable in Francisco Falcon's description of Inti Raymi-the winter solstice festival held in June. At this time, the state's part of the harvest was transported either to Cuzco or to Inca provincial centers. The curacas accompanied this transport and, depending on their rank and/or distance from Cuzco, reported to the Sapa Inca or the tocricoc in the closest provincial capital. In return, the en recompensa del rrabajo" (Molina, Relacion de las (ablllas y ritos, 57) . "TenIno costumbre los Ingas para ganar las volumades de sus vasa llos hacer

:!.C. " . • .

21.

fiestas algunas veces, a las cuales acudfan muchas gentes donde bebfan, que es la felicidad de rodos estos barbaros, y alii con su mana eI Inca a los caciques les daba mates 0 vasos de chich a que bebiesen, que eran gran favor, y daba les ansi mismo ropa de la propia para vestir y vasos de plata" (Anonymous, "Relacion del origen e gobierno que los Incas tlIvieron y del que habia antes que ellos senoreasen a los indios deste reino y de que tiempo y otras casas que a ei convenia declaradas par senores que sirvierOll al Inga Yupanqui y a Topainga Yupanqui a Guainacapac y a Huascar luga" [ca. 15&0], CLDRHP. 2-d sec., 3 [1:92.0]: 81).

SOC IAL REORDER

I07

visiting curacas were given textiles and queros. The queros, however, were not all alike. They were, of course, made in pairs, but the pairs were made of either gold, silver, or precious wood. The material of the quero depended on who ("quien era") the curaca was." In other words, the quero's material corresponded to the sociopolitical rank of the individual curaca." Not only did the vessel physically represent in general the set of relations between the subjugated curacas and the Inca, but the material of the vessel demarcated the different levels of that hieratic order." The exact correspondence between rank and material is not known.'s lt may have fluctuated according to a variety of criteria; however, it seems that golden queros (aquillas) were given to Hunu-ranking curacas (leaders of ten thousand). Silver queras went to Waranga-level 220. F. Falcon, "Representacion hecha por ellicenciado Falcon en Conci lio Provincial sobre los danos y molestias que se hacen a 105 indios" [I5671, CLDRHP, 1St ser., 2. (1~J18): I 53-54. This informati on is copied almost verbatim by Bernabe Cobo (HistoTia del Nuevo Mundo, bk. 12., chap. 30, p. 1.25); see also G. Dfez de San Miguel, Visita becha a la provin· cia de ChUCliito por Gard Dfez de San Miguel [I567] (Lima: Casa de la Culwr:l, I96"4), 7I. 23. In discussing tianas, Gunman Poma says that the Inca used three categories of material-gold , silver, and wood-as one of the means of distinguishing the rank and sta· tus of someone who could sit on the tialla , or sear o f authority. Tianas in severa l museums demonstrate that the metal ones were usu aUy, if not always, covered with sheets o f gold or silver over the wooden base, 3 5, for exampl e, the tiana of M useum fur V6lkerkul1de, Berlin, ace. no. VA4H82. Size (height) was a second indicator; see Guarna n Porna de Ayala, Nueva Corollica. pp. 419""2.2, fol s. .J52. [.J54j-456 [.+5 8). 2.+ The relation between rank and the vessel's material may have originated with or was at least coincident with the menllS by which the rank of a roya l mummy witbin rhe panaca system was denoted in the feasts in Cuzco. The mummies had verqllis (the vessels into which the aqha was poured) Illade of either gold , silver, or clay, each one according to the mummy's wish; see Pizarro, Relaciol1 del descllbrilllieflto y cOl1qllista, 67. Ie is extremely doubth.1 that the Inca would have left the material of such important vessels to individua l whimsy. It is more likel y that the three materials of the verquis--clay here substituting fo r wood--corresponded in some way to the tripartite division of CoUana, Payan , and Collao, a marriage and kinship system that denoted political hierarchy. See R. T. Zu idema, The Ceqlfe System of Ctlzco: The Social Orgal1ization of the Capitol of the Il1ca (Leiden: Brill, 1:96"4), .JI-67; "Hierarchy and Space in lncaic Social Organization,'" Etlmobistory 30, nO.2([98} ): 50-H· 2.5. After living forty years in Peru, the conqui stador and chronicle r Diego de Trujillo understood the eq uation berween rank, drinking vessel, and its material, as is demonstrated by his account of the meeting that Hernando de Soto and Hernando Pizarro bad with Ata hu alpa. Trujillo says that Atahualpa first greeted Pizarro with a pa ir of golden queros, from which they both drank . Arah ualpa then toasted de Soro with a silver pai r. Pizarro noticed the discrepancy, saying [0 Atahualpa " que de ml al ca pitan Soto no hay diferencia" (Tru jillo, Una Relaciol1 iltCdita de la Conqflista: La CrollicQ de Diego de Tn.t;illo [r57 r] , ed. Raul Porras Barrenechea [Lima: Instiwro Raul Porra s Ba rrenechea, 1948; reprint, 1970], p.). TrujiUo credits Pizarro with ;lL1 astuteness abo ut Andea n signification that he could not possibly have had in rB I , but Trujill o's hindsight validates Falcon's assessment of the correspondence betwee n the vessel's material and a curaca's sociopolitica l rank.

r08

Toasts with the Inca

curacas (leaders of one thousand), and wooden queros may have gone to Pachaca-Ievel curacas (leaders of one hundred).'· Size and decoration may have given a greater range to a specific material's use, because Garcilaso de la Vega says that all Indians had matched queros made of gold, silver, or wood, some large and some small, depending on rank." Whatever the case, the queros that one held in the plaza defined one's place in the sociopolitical hierarchy of Tahuantinsuyu. In this sense, there is a parallel between these queros and the textiles, which were given together. By their abstract geometric tocapu designs and the quality of the weave-a category comparable to the material of the cup--the textiles marked status as well as geographic origin." Queros, however, denoted, by their manufacture in pairs, a concept different than status in a hierarchy. The concept was an ideal of equality and reciprocity, expressed in exchanged drinks with ones moiety connterpart. This parity was foreclosed, however, at the outset of negotiations between Inca and curaca, by the natnre of the contracted relationship. The Inca also transformed the parity that this duality expressed in the feasts, but not by disregarding the moiety associations of reciprocity implied by the paired queros. Rather, the Inca emphasized the already implicit notions of inequality and subservience that were encoded into the moiety division, by politicizing Hanan and Hurin's ritual expression of superior/inferior, right/left, and male/female. Supposedly signifying no more than ritual precedence, these signs provided the cultural nexus by which the innate hieratic relations between ayllu structure and Inca state structnre were made legitimate. In other words, already embedded within Hanan and Hurin was a system of signification that could, within the shared cultural arena of the feast, render an equivalence between state hieratic relations and ayllu community relations. The equivalence was necessary if the Inca were to establish their claim to authority according to traditional terms, and this equivalence was made through the exchange of queros. The con£lation of these twO disparate sets of relations had its clear26. See F. de Toledo, "lnforma(:iones de las idolatrias de los Incas e indios y de como se enterraban ... " (CS7I], in Colecci61l de doell/nentos ;I1Cditos relativos of descltbrilll;cllto . socadas ell 51/ mayor parte de Real Archivo de 1l1dias (Madrid: !l.p., 1874), :n :I71-7:!.. 2.7. Garcilaso de In Vega, Comelltarios Rea/es, bk. 6, chap. 23. p. 53. 2.8. See R. T. Zuidema~ "'Bureaucracy and Systematic Knowledge in Andean Civilization," in The Inca alld Aztec States. 14°0-1800, ed. G. ColJier, R. Rosa ldo, and J. Winh (New York: Academic, 1981.). 447-49- As textiles and queros were given together, there may have been a coordination between their design. because the tocapu design is said to have been used to decorate both; see Anonymous. Vocabulario y phrasis enla ICl1glla General de los indios del Penf Ilamada Quiclma, y eft la ICl1glla espaiiola ___ {1S86]. ed. Antonio Ricardo (Lima: Edicion del Instituto de Historia. San Marcos. I9P), 84-

SOCIAL REORDER

est reptesentation during the Inti Raymi festival in June, when the curacas brought the fruit of their harvests to Cuzco and other centers. The Inca gave them queros, whose material demarcated an individual's sociopolitical status in Tahuantinsuyu. However, this act was coordinated with the greater Inti Raymi feast that was held to honor the winter solstice. Through this winter solstice feast, the Sapa Inca reiterated his claim to divine authority as a direct descendant of the sun. According to Garcilaso de la Vega, the Sapa Inca went with all his kin to Huacaypata Plaza, Cuzco's main square, before dawn on the first day of the festivaL" All but the Sapa Inca divided themselves into Hanan and Hurin and then arranged themselves according to age and rank.3 0 At the same time, the non-Inca, visiting curacas gathered in the same order in the contiguous plaza called Cusipata Plaza . Facing the rising sun, the Sapa Inca stood alone, holding two large "vasos de oro, que llaman aquillas," filled with aqha. He raised the cup in his right hand and, as the firstborn, offered it to the sun, his father. At the same time, the Sapa Inca invited all his kin to drink. From the golden quero (aquilla) in his right hand, the Sapa Inca poured the contents into a golden basin in the usnu that drained through a subterranean channel into the Coricancha. In this way, the sun was seen to drink the aqha . The Inca drank a few drops from the quero in his left hand. He then shared the rest with the Incas in H uacaypata Plaza, so that each royal member could partake of the aqha "sanctified by the hand of the sun or the Inca or both, and thereby transmitting their virtue to each of the recipients. "F The curacas in Cusipata Plaza were also given aqha, but it was not blessed by the sun or Sapa Inca. The ~Iessed aqha was reserved only for the Inca . Garcilaso ends this part of his description of Iuti Raymi by saying that it was but a foretaste of the drinking that was to come. However, prior to any additional drinking in the plazas, everyone solemnly proceeded to the Coricancha, the temple of the sun. Before continuing Gaccilaso's narrative, it is important to point out

two critical remarks he makes concerning the toasts. First, like Betanzos m his explanation of specific Inca ritual, Garcilaso feels obliged to 29. Garcilaso de 13 Vega, Comelltarios Reales, bk. 6, chap. 21, pp. 48-50. 30. A similar ceremony dedicated to the vernal equinox took place just outside ClIZCO.

In that ceremony, the Inca nobility were arranged in two rows, and the Sapa Inca stood at the head of and berween them, facing the sun; see Las Casas, De las Qlltigl/QS gentes del

Perti,63-64 · 31. u . . . sancrificado por manD del Solo del Inca, 0 de ambos a dos, comunicasse su virrud al que Ie fues sen echando" (Garcilaso de la Vega, COll1cntarios Reales, bk. 6, chap.

21, p. 49).

lIO

Toasts with the Inca

explain to the reader the general significance that toasts from two queros had in Peru. Garcilaso, however, adds that the exchange of queros expressed amicable relations not only between friends but also between people of different rank." Second, Garcilaso is careful to explain that only the Inca exchanged toasts directly with the sun. As such, the Inca represented themselves- to the curacas standing in Cusipata Plaza-as both the direct descendants of the sun and his earthly intercessors, through whom the curacas were required to act for the sun's fertilizing power.

This second aspect was even more forcefully demonstrated when the curacas and Inca reached the Coricancha. Only the Incas were allowed to enter. The curacas remained outside, because although they were Indians of high rank, they were not "children of the sun. » Inside the Coricancha, the Sapa Inca, as both secular and religious leader, gave to the image of the sun the queros that he had just used to toast the rising sun. The other Incas entering with him, who were not priests themselves and were not allowed to perform any priestly fW1Ctions, gave their queros to the sun's priests. Then, these same priests went outside, where the curacas also gave them their queros. At the same time, the curacas turned over a variety of other gold and silver objects, representing the various domesticated and wild animals of their province that were owed to the estates of the sun. In general, the order by which the queros were turned in to the priests marked the descending hierarchy of relations to this Inca deity. After giving these offerings to the sun, the Inca and curacas returned to Huacaypata and Cusipata Plazas. There began the final and longest part of the celebration-the drinking. A vast quantity of aqha was brought into the two plazas, where everyone readied themselves for the general celebration. In this part of Garcilaso's description of the feast, we find the clearest exposition of how the Inca used queros to merge the moiety associations of HananlHurin with the descending authority of state hierarchy).' In the center of Huacaypata Plaza, the Sapa Inca sat on a golden tiana on the usnu, facing the gathered curacas in Cusipata Plaza. His 320. In another section, Garci laso relates his own encounter with the Sayri T upac in Lima. Sayri Tupac gave Garci laso an interview before he well{ off [0 Spain. Sayri Tupac offered him a sma ll quero and dmnk from another, as a sign of friendship and greeting between a royal Inca and someone of his close famiJy. The dimensions of (he sma ll aquilla described by Garci laso are similar [0 the small wooden quee~s from the colonial period, and

it is probable thOlt curacas used them for personal greetings similar to the exchange between Sayri Tupac and Garcilaso. H. Garcilaso de la Vega, C011lelltarios Reales. bk. 6, chap. ~3, pp. 53-55 .

SOCIAL REORDER

III

relatives surrounded him but were divided into their Hanan and Hurin affiliations. Before the general drinking commenced, the Sapa Inca initiated the celebration with a series of toasts, just as he had begun the celebration to the sun. Now, however, the Sapa Inca offered t he first toast to the military captains who had proved themselves in battle, even if they were not "senores de vasallos" (curacas) . Second, the Sapa Inca toasted those curacas from the neighboring areas of Cuzco on whom the dynastic founder, Manco Capac, had conferred the title "Inca" (or, more properly, "Inca-by-privilege"). They occupied a position of prestige second only to Incas of royal blood. More importantly, they swelled the Inca's ranks and enabled them to staff many of the provincial bureaucratic and military positions. Finally, the Sapa Inca toasted certain other curacas. In accord with Garcilaso's attempt to portray all levels of Inca authority as benevolent and caring only for the common good, he says that these curacas were those most beloved by their people. In all probability, they were high-level leaders, either Hunu or Waranga curacas. The last toasts thus went to those curacas who controlled the provinces at a level immediately be.low Inca administrators. The hierarchy of Tahuantinsuyu is very much in evidence in these toasts. By the order in which they were made, they suggest descending stages of material power and political authority, just as the quero's material signi£ed a curaca's rank. This vertical form of political toasts-expressing real hierarchy, authority, power, and prestige-was equated with the socially horizontal juxtaposition of Hanan and Hurin traditional associations of right/left, high/low, and superior! inferior, also indicated by the exchange of toasts. The Sapa Inca- semidivine and socially distinct from all otherssat in the center of the plaza, representing the indivisible authority of Inca society and state. As such, he did not actually present the cups to those he was honoring. Rather, he sent them through his blood relatives. Each of these Inca carried two aquillas to one of the members of the group being honored. Saying first, "the Sapa Inca invites you to drink and I come in his name to drink with YOU,"34 they offered one cup to their guest and drank from the second. This order and form of toasting originated within ayllu feasts. In Huarochiri, for example, a feast for the local huaca, Llocllay, involved a toast with two queros. The priest of Llocllay held out one quero and said, "Yayanchicmi an cusasonqui" [Our father invites you]. The other quero was taken into Llocl lay's temple, where its contents were poured 34. "EI <;apa Inca te embfa a combidar a bever, y yo vengo en su nombre a bever contigo" (Garcilaso de la Vega, Comel1/orios Reales, bk. 6, chap. 2}, p. 54).

II2

Toasts with the Inca

into another vessel while the priest said, "Paimi opian" [It is he who drinks]. Then, a series of toasts was given among ayllu members in order of prestige.'! The quero was kept and worshiped because LlocUay had drunk from it, just as queros were kept and venerated in Tahuantinsuyu if the Sapa Inca had drunk from them. In Cuzco, the Sapa Inca was recognized as "the son of the SlUl," the huaca incarnate who drinks with the sun in the Coricancha. But it was not he who then emerged as the priest to share a toast. Rather, his kinsmen went out to offer the toasts, just as LlocUay's priest had done, and they said almost the same thing as "Yayanchicmi an cusasonqui ." The feast's traditional expression of reciprocity was formally maintained because these Inca went to those they were honoring according to their moiety affiliations. The Incas went as either Hanan or Hurin Inca and appeared before and toasted with the appropriate member in the opposite moiety." Yet while the traditional form of toasting and its religious and social implications were retained through the exchange of matched queros among Hanan and Hurin members, the hierarchy by which the series of toasts was staged had precedence and conveyed the real intent of the exchange. Both Hanan and Hurin Inca offered the cups at the same time to their moiety counterparts in the next descending prestige level. By acting simultaneously, the Inca maintained their identity as a distinct group. This identity was necessary because the toasts were carried out in the name of the Sapa Inca, whose central position and absolute authority personified the metaphysical union and apex of all political levels and social divisions in Tahuantinsuyu. When captains, Incas-byprivilege, or curacas received the quero from the Sapa Inca's kin, they did not look at him but raised their eyes to the sun, giving thanks for the honor shown them by the Sapa Inca, the son of the sun. Moreover, when the non-Inca returned the toasts with their pairs of queros, they did not exchange them with their Inca moiety counterparts who had brought the first cups. Rather, they offered them to the Inca himself. Implicit in these exchanges was the recognition of imperial authority and hierarchy. Moiety affiliations provided the social nexus through which these different levels could be linked in a traditional manner. The hierarchy climaxed with the Sapa Inca, who embodied both Hanan and Hurin and 35. See F. de Avila, comp., The Huarochir! Manuscript: A Testament of Ancient and Colollial Andeall Religion [ca. I608J. trans. F. Salomo n and G. Urioste (Austin: University

of Texas, 1(991), chap. 21, p. no, 209_ 36. See Garcilaso de la Vega, Camel/tarios Reales. bk. 6, chap. 23. p. 53.

SOCIAL REORDER

II)

thereby marked the shift from reciprocity to redistribution. In an act with similar purpose to his marriage to his sister, which signified the closure of reciprocal relations, the Sapa Inca individually sent toasts to and received toasts from the principal representatives of the major political and social divisions of Tahuantinsuyu. The real reciprocity of moiety relations was therefore symbolically foreclosed by the exchange of drinks that had originally been used in feasts to celebrate such reciprocity. Moieties' symbolic associations of superior/inferior, high/low, and right/left sealed this foreclosure. Superior and inferior position in the context of these toasts signified one's sociopolitical position within the Tahuantinsuyu, just as the material of the vessel did. Garcilaso says that in this and similar feasts, the toasts always came from a superior to an inferior as a sign of grace and favor. The terms superior and inferior are used by Garcilaso to signify more than rraditional Hanan or Hurin meanings. They have an explicit political content, because he says that the inferior returned the toast in a second set of queros "in recognition of his vassalage and servitude." 37 The terms mastery, vassalage, independence, and servitude imply political status and suggest more than Hanan's and Hurin's ritual associations of inferior and superior as signified by the spatial division of right and left. Here, the metaphors for Andean moieties are explicitly equated with sociopolitical ra nk in Tahuantinsuyu. Right and left, in other words, come to indicate superiority or inferiority in terms of real political position. Politica l status was expressed in the way the queros were exchanged. The means of exchange relied on the metaphor of Hanan and Hurin that Garcilaso de la Vega uses to describe Cuzco as a social structure and imperial city. He describes the foundation and spatial organization of Cuzco using a traditional metaphor likening Hanan Cuzco to a right arm and Hurin Cuzco to a left arm. In his description of the physical exchange of queros, this spatial metaphor becomes a gesture of decidedly hieratic significance. The superior participant (always an Inca), in offering the first toast to the inferior (captain, Inca-by-privilege, or curaca), presented the quero with his left hand (arm). When the inferior later returned the toast, he held the offered quero in his right hand, thereby acknowledging his own vassalage and his companion's superiority. The pair of cups expressed social parity; the way they were used expressed political position. Garcilas.o adds tllat in cases of equal rank, both parties offered the 37. "' . . . en recolloscimienro de su vassalbje y servitud" (Garcilaso de Ja Vega,

COl1lentarios Reales. bk. 6, chap. 23. p. 54).

Toasts with the Inca

cup in the right hand. Such an exchange between equals did not pertain to this first set of toasts. In the general drinking that followed, such exchanges did occur as the various relations between Incas, captains, and curacas were toasted according to personal friendships, the proximity of their provinces, and other connections. Nonetheless, the tenor of these subsidiary toasts, even among equals, was set by the toasts begun by the Sapa Inca. In other words, the various relations among different groups in the empire were expressed in the same form of exchange, thereby establishing that their relations were also predicated on the sociopolitical structure of Tahuantinsuyu . In every instance, Hanan and Hurin's expressions of high/low, superior/inferior, and right/left-used to organize Andean feasts-were reimagined to manifest the status of relations between Inca and nonInca. It was a status based on hierarchy and domination, differentiation and inequality, limited redistribution (rather than reciprocity), and absolute (rather than conditional) authority. The inherent contradiction of an imperial state formed out of Andean social institutions could be symbolically expressed and resolved through the meaning and use of queros. Such affirmations were not restricted to the rituals celebrated in Cuzco. Provincial centers were built so as to accentuate the plaza as the principal area of interaction between Inca and non-Inca, and Garcilaso adds that the Inti Rayrni festival was held in them. But more important, this form of toasting was not restricted to dus single ceremony. Just as Falcon says that queros were given out during other important imperial feasts, Garcilaso says that this manner of toasting was always used in similar feasts. Gareilaso de la Vega's realm of experience did not extend outside Cuzco or the sphere of imperial elites, but it is not so difficult to believe him in this particular case. Provincial centers were systematically filled with a material culture whose form and style originated in Cuzco. J ' 38. To furrher mark the hegemony of Cuzco's cultural aurhority throughout the provinces, the Inca filled their centers with a material cu lture similar to that of Cuzco. Provincial craftsmen employed by the state did not draw on local form s for ceramics and other luxury items but faithfully replicated the form s and designs used in Cuzco. Even in recently conquered areas, the Inca immediately transformed c raft productio n in rheir principa l centers according to imperial Inca style; see A. Meyers, Die Inka in Ekuador: VlllersllclJIIllgel1 Ollb(lIId ilm:r material/ell Hillterlassenschaft (Bonn: Bonner Amerikanistiche Studien, I976), +r96. Allowing for some regional variations, Inca ce ramics are so standardized that a whole vessel can often be reconstructed from a single shard. See J. Rowe, All introduction to the Archaeology of Cuzco (Cambridge: Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, T9-H ), .. S.

SOC I AL R.EORDER

115

Such replication surely means that the items were to be used in the same way there as in Cuzco. The quero shards found almost exclusively within the confines of the imperial centers, as well as the gold, silver, and wooden queros recovered from the graves of provincial elites, indicate that these vessels existed throughout the empire and that they were used in celebrations like Inti Raymi." The queros and aquillas that Falcon and others claimed were presented to curacas were certainly regarded as prestige items. Given in feasts held in part to meet traditional obligations, the queros also appear almost as a reward for services rendered. But prestige and reward are general terms for which theoretically any number of objects could have been used. The act of exchange, however, involves an appropriate choice of gift; the object given is not arbitrary. It is chosen because its associations have an active pact in the construction of social strategies.",0

The quero/aquilla offered by the Inca was not an arbitrary choice. Its symbolic associations were used from the outset to articulate Inca social, cultural, and political strategies. The quero was appropriate first of all because it embodied the traditional nature of Andean reciprocal exchange. Used in feasts that were the paramount arena of all Andean social and ritual life, they were exchanged in toasts that were returned in kind . The Inca, however, used the quero/aquilla to codify and transform this ephemeral expression so that it signified a state alliance, by permanently giving the cups as reward for services demanded. At this 39. For the location of quero sha rds found primaril y within inca centers o r high-level narive e1ire compounds, see T. D'Altroy, "Empire Growth and Consolidation: The Xauxa Region of Peru under the Incas" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 198r), .~6, 129-30; C. Julien, HtltllltqOl/tI; A View of Inca Rille from the LAke Titictlca Regioll. University of California Publications in An th ropology, no. 15 (Berkeley: University of Ca lifornia Press, 1983), 187-38. For silver and wooden queros found in the graves of Inca el ite from lea, see D. Menzel, Pottery St" le alld Society in Anciellt Peril: Art as a Mirror of History ill the l ea Valley, 1350-1570 (Berkeley: University of Ca lifornia Press, 1976), 223-2.6, 2.30-3T, 2 36,240. An anonymous Jesuit gives a general description of the Inti Raymi feast in which he says that it was held in CUKO ICy las que estaban muy lejos, en 10 mejor de su provincia." The Sapa Inca was seated in a preeminent position "yen las tierras donde no esraba el rey asisria su virvey tocrico," and "aqui renovaban eI homenaje y juramento que tenian hecho de obedecer primeramente a los dioses y a sus min istros, y luego al inga y a sus ministros." Cuencas of all levels were present, and "todos puestos por su orden y antiguedad y sentados, y luego un grandlsimo numero de pueblo, que habia concllrrido de diversas partes" (Anonymous rattri buted to Bias ValeraJ, "Relacion de las cosrumbres antiguas de los naturales del Piru" [rnoJ, in Tres Reiaciofles de alltigiiedades perualltls. cd. M. Jimenez de la Espada [Asuncion, Paraguay: Editorial Guara nia, 1950], I72-73). 40. See I. Hodder, "Toward a Contextual Approach to Prehistoric Exchange," in Contexts for Prehistoric Exchange Studies ill Archaeology (New York: Academic Press, ry82), [ 72.

Toasts with the Inca

u6

level, the gift still represented a reciprocal act, albeit an unequal one. The queros were exchanged a second time within the feasts, aud this second exchange qualified the nature of the first. Through the series of toasts, the Inca used the queros' existing symbolic associations to trans-

form both the queros' and the feast's venerable expression of the ayllu's reciprocal relations and the conditional authority of their curacas, to express state hierarchy and redistribution. The equality or parity signified by the queros' production in like pairs comes to signify, by their use, one person's rank in regard to another. The toasts were still made with two cups, but each cup was held so that the metaphors of above/below, right/left, and inferior/superior all referred to state sociopolitical status. As in the toasts that began with the Sapa Inca and then extended to others, the Inca was at the apex of sociopolitical authority, from which all authority descended in order of rank. Perhaps this ever inclusive ranking is alluded to by the concentric rectangles on queros. Whatever the case, this system could be used throughout the empire without affecting its form or significance. The tocricoc could substitute for the Sapa Inca in celebrations held in the provinces, as he represented tbe highest level of authority present." The hieratic order of the empire was preserved and reproduced in ritual form . Traditional terms always fixed one's place in the ascending and descending tiers of authority. In each exchange of queros, between whatever levels of sociopolitical status, the sliding scale was registered by whether the quero was offered in the right or left hand. By conflating in a simple act the moiety associations and the state's decimal hierarchy, the Inca created a formal, nonlinguistic means of equating the two social divisions of the empire in a way that suppressed their contradiction. \rhe gift of queros and aquillas and the ritual toasts took place primarily between Inca and non-Inca local elites. The non-Inca elites were, after all, the group that the Inca needed to co-opt and integrate/However, we should not underestimate the impression that such rituals made on the rest of the non-Inca populace in attendance. By seeing their kin honored by the Inca in the same form they used to celebrate their own community relations, their own "allegiance" to or "participation)'

in Tahuantinsuyu could be conceived in traditional and legitimate terms. The labor contribution of non-Inca to the state could be made explicable in traditional terms to fellow community members when those who served in Inca centers and attended Inca rituals returned to 41.

See Anonymous, "Relneion de las costumbres," 1:72.

SOC I AL REORDER

their home communities. In this way, the ideological penetration of the Inca, as we have seen it in myths, could be accomplished in local communities without the dissipation of Inca imperial sumptuary goods or architecture. The Inca could maintain their aura as an elite group represented by rheir material culture without entirely alienating the workforce d,at produced it. It was, in the end, a precarious enterprise sustained by fragile equivalences and military power. Until the arrival of the Spaniards, however, it worked well enough to allow the Inca to conquer, effectively control, and use the reSOurces of the largest empire in the Americas.

CHAPTER SIX

From Abstract to Pictorial Images

On July 26, I533, Francisco Pizarro ordered the execution of Atahualpa in Cajamarca. Scarcely six months later, in Cuzco, Pizarro witnessed the investiture of the new Sapa Inca, Manco Capac II. The coronation was replete with traditional standards of Inca display. The plaza was filled with people, and the day was spent drinking and rejoicing.' But on this day, Inca tradition also came face-to-face with a new reality. At a certain point in the festivities, Pizarro and his secretary entered the plaza. They approached the new monarch, w ho was seated on his tiana and surrounded by his captains and relatives. Pizarro saluted the Inca leader, then Pedro Sancho read the requerimiento, translated into some form of Quechua. The Incas first heard a brief history of the Western world, including the donation of Inca lands by Pope Alexander to the Spanish crown. This was followed by the demand that they acknowledge the church and the pope as their spiritual leader and recognize the king of Spain as their sovereign . The Incas were then warned that if they did not accept these conditions, the Spaniards had the legal right and moral justification to wage relentless and devastating war against them.' It must have been a sobering moment when these native elite, semidivine by their own reckoning, were asked if they understood what had just been read. Whatever they may have actually heard, thought, or believed, Spanish accounts record that they replied that they did underL See P. Sancho de la Hoz, "Relaci6n para S.M. de 10 sucedid o en 13 conquista y pacificacion de estas provincias de la Nueva Castilla y de 13 calidad de la tierra" [1550]. CLDR HP • .1st ser., 5 (1917): I71.-73; M. de Estete, "La Relaci6n de Vi:.lje que hizo eI Senor capitan Hernando Pizarro por mandaclo de su hermano desde eI pueblo de Cnxamarca a Parcama y de alii a Jauja" [In-+], in Verdadera re/aciolf de la cOllqllista del Peril, ed. Francisco de Xerez, BA£:2.6 (18.0): 345. 2. On the history and use of the reqllerimief1to, see P. Seed, Ceremollies of PossessiOI1 ;11 Europe 's COl/quest of the New World. I49z-r640 (Cambridge: Cambridge Universiry Press, I99S), 69-99.

!I8

II9

FROM ABSTRACT TO PICTORIAL I MAGES

stand, and those who surrounded Manco Capac II stood and declared themselves vassals of the Spanish king. Then Manco arose from his seat and offered Pizarro "un vasa de oro" as a sign of his compliance} Less than three years later, in April 1536, a different oath was sworn, again with Manco as central actor. in Lares, fifteen leagues outside of Cuzco, the Inca leader, now fully disgusted with the Spaniards, gathered around him most of the principal curacas still loyal to him. Two "vasos muy grandes de oro" were set before him, and then Manco spoke. I am determined not to leave alive a single Christian in all of Peru,

and for this I wish

to

lay siege to euzco: those of yo u who wish

to

join me in this must do so with your life; drink from these cups and not by any other condition. of

For the next thirty-six years, Spanish rule was contested, first by Manco and then by his sons, who held out in Vileabamba with their followers. Not until after the Spaniatds had settled their own quarrels was the viceroy Francisco de Toledo able to roust the last autonomous Inca leader, Tupac Amaru, from Vileabamba and execute him in Cuzco on September '4, 1572 . These Spanish descriptions of Manco's coronation and his subsequent revolt are sign ificant beyond the history they record. They are a reminder that it was not just the native population that had to accommodate and learn a new culture and language. Spaniards, too, had to learn the language of the Inca; perhaps more importantly, many of them had to learn indigenous social codes through which they could negotiate with their new subjects on a nonverballeve!.' Certainly, the monolinguist Francisco Pizarro, when he accepted the vessel from the Inca, understood, in some sense, the significance of 3. Sancho de In Hoz, "Relaci6n," 172-73. See also J. Hemming, The Conquest of the I"ca (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1:970), n.6-36. 4. "Yo estoy determinredo de no dejar cristiano con vida en tada la tierm y para esta qui era primero poner circa en el Cuzco: qu ien de vosotros pensare sirvirme en esro ha de poner sabre ta l caso In vida; beba por estos vasos y no can otra condici6n" (Anonymolls, "Relaci6n del Sitio del Cuzeo y principia de los Gllerras Civiles del Peru Hasta la muerte de Diego de Almagro " [1539], CLDRHP, 2d ser., TO [1(934), 8). 5. The clearest example of Spanish understanding of the correspondence between verbal :tnd nonve rbal expression is found in the work of the Dominican lexographer Domingo de Santo Tomas. His grammatical explanations of Quechua terms are often followed by ex:tmples invo lving nonverbal socia l interactions among Peruvians, such as hrend gestures made on greeting one another. See Domingo de Santo Tomas, Grammatico 0 Arte de 10 Lel1gl/Q General de los Indios de los Reyl/os del Peni [.1560] (Cuzco; Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de las Casas," 1995), T41-.j.2.

no

Toasts with the Inca

Manco's gesture. Such understanding also accounts for why an anonymous chronicler could begin his slOry of Manco's revolt with the symbolic exchange of aquillas. The exchange is almost as important to his narrative as the failed exchange of aquillas in Titu Cusi Yupanqui's account of the beginning of the Spanish conquest! In both texts, the performance of an Inca ritual gesture initiates the unfolding of events. Perhaps most telling of all is the process of negotiation carried out between the Spaniards and the Inca in Vileabamba. In I557, the viceroy Andres Hurtado de Mendoza sought a treaty with Manco Capac's son and successor, Sayri Tupac. The viceroy selected Juan de Betanzos"the great linguist and interpreter"-to go 10 Vileabamba with Juan Sierra, Sayri Tupac's mestizo cousin. They lOok with them a set of gifts for the Sapa Inca: some velvet and damask cloth and two cups of gilded silver.' As one who had six years earlier described the significance of exchanging queros, Betanzos was well aware of the appropriateness of these gifts in the process of negotiation. 8 Norms of social behavior had to be learned by both sides. The lion's share fell, of course, 10 Andeans. Still, Spaniards had to accommodate as well. They learned to appreciate the significance of exchanging queros and to recognize this act as a mode of Andean expression in which they could participate. Thus, at the outset of thinking about a shift from incised abstract to painted figural designs on queros, it is important to stress that there was outward continuity in the act of exchange, an act through wh ich the vessel gained a part of its 6. The Spanish author of the anonymous text cou ld nor have w itnessed rhe pledge sworn to Manco, although it is possible that he heard it from a native who had been pres-

ent. Nonetheless, the significance of this symbolic act was clear enough to him that he refers to it again as an explanation of why an Inca captain, who had taken the oath, committed suicide rather than

be taken prisoner by the Spaniards in their recapture of Sacsahuaman

(Anonymolls, "Relaci6n del Sitia del Cuzco," 23). 7. Actually, Betanzos never reached Sayci Tupac. Only Juan Sierra, the son of Sayri Tupac's aunt, Beatriz Huay llas, was allowed to meet the Sapa Inca, and he gave him the gifts in the name of the viceroy. See Diego Fermindez, Primera y segzillda parte de la Historia de Pertt [.1571}, BAE 164-65 (1963), 76-78. S. John Murra suggests that the Spon iards may have understood the appropriateness of the gift of the textiles to Sayri Tupac; see "La Funci6n del teiido en varios contextos sociales y politicos," in Formaciones eco1l6micas y polftiCtls del mlllldo alldino (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1975). 16+ However, as I have discussed, both textiles and queros were given together as a single gift in such negotiations. Juan de Beta nzos records, fo r example, that before meeting Pizarro in C1jamarca, the Inca sent "dos vasos de oro " as a sign of great love and "deseo de ver[losJ" (SlIma y narracioll de los Incas Capac/'III/a que (ueron seiiores de la cil/dad de CllZCO y de todo '0 a ella sllbjetado [I SSI ] [Madrid: Atlas, 19871, ,65)·

FROM ABSTRACT TO PICTORIAL IMAGES

12I

significance despite the disjunction caused by Spanish colonization. At the same time, continuity was not immutable. It was, rather, composed of a set of possibilities that could come into being ouly through native compromise with colonial reality. The quero images are a part of such negotiation. They are derived in part from European pictorial traditions, but they are informed, iconographically and compositionally, by Andean traditions and contexts. They could come to voice an aesthetic of resistance to Spanish acculturation and domination.' Yet this aesthetic could also work toward the incorporation of native life into the colonial enterprise . Whatever means were used to express native concerns in a colonial context, they could be turned against Andeans. This possibility marks the complexity of any native attempt to retain integrity in the colonial period (and beyond)!O When Manco offered Pizarro the golden cup in Cuzco, it was a legitimate act carried out in accord w ith native conventions. When Pizarro accepted it, it was a disingenuous act. The Spaniard participated in the exchange not because he respected or believed in Andean rules of etiquette but because it signified to the Inca in their own terms the acceptance of a new set of relations demanded by the Spaniards." Any analysis of colonial quero imagery must take into account that, from the very first, part of Spanish strategy was to turn native expression back on itself for a variety of colonial purposes ." In some Spanish adaptations of native expression, Indians appeared to themselves as active participants in the 9. Colonial iconography, including that on queros, seems to have had a place ill the rebelUoll of I78o; see 1- C. Estell ssoro Fuchs, "La Phlstic;t coloni;tl }' sus relaciones con la gran rebelian," Revista Alldin(l 9, no. 2 (I99:r:): .P'j-39. 10. Kubler notes, for example, that Inca resistance in Vileabamba relied heavily on suppl ies acquired ITom Europeans and their Indian allies and that "acculturation was advanced by the very fact of resismllce" ("The Quechua in the Coloniru World," in Hand· book of So11th America" I1rdi(l11s. ed. J. Steward, Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnol ogy Bulletin I43 [Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, I946J, 2:344). n. For a discussion of the calculated use of native signs by Spania rds as a part of the conq uest process in Mesoamerica, see T. Todorov, The COl/qlfest of America, trans. R. Howard (New York: Harper and Row, 1984), 98-123. Todorov, however, gives no agency to native manipul:uion of symbolic technology. For the other side of the coin, see V. Rafael, Contracting Colonialism: Tralls/ation (Iud Cbr;stiall COl/version ;11 Tagalog Society IIlIder Early Spanish Rule (Ithaca: Cornel l University Press, 1.988). n.. This is not an isolated colonial cultural phenomenon of the sixteentb century. For example. Carlo Ginzburg notes that a ninereenth-cenntry English colonial administrator recognized the potential of the Ch inese and Bengal custom of fingerprinting as an efficient method of identification of natives th roughout the colonies. Ginzburg then comments: "Imperial officials had appropriated the conjectural know ledge of the Bengalese and turned it against them" {Cllles. Mytbs, and the Historical Method, trans. J. Tedeschi and A. Tedeschi (Brutimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1:989], I.!2) .

I22

Toasts with the Inca

formation of colonial culture and society, sometimes in their own victimization as a means to salvation. I}

This certainly is the gist of the defense of the conquest quoted at length in the introduction to this book. Lacking any sense of irony, the author of the defense suggests that the natural wealth of the Andeans was God's means of attracting the conquistadors and the priests who followed after them. A different chronicler narrates the inevitability and fatalism of the Spanish conquest through the voice of Atahualpa. He writes that when Pizarro asked Atahualpa why he had made his brother's head into a cup, Pizarro was told that Huascar had once boasted that he would drink from Atahualpa's head, so Atahualpa now drank from Huascar's skull. Atahualpa, reflecting on his own state of affairs, added that Pizarro would soon enjoy drinking from the heads of both Huascar and himself!' Such images cannot be the whole story. If so, they would suggest that Andeans had no real agency in colonial reality and its representations. That images appear on queros means the Andeans were active, not just reactive. Queros and aquillas are Andean objects of meaning that are not external to their culture but are produced and used within it. Colonial culture exists dialectically in the sense that colonialism is a shared culture that is not static!' It is not just a matter of extreme polarization between victimization and resistance, Catholicism and idolatry, exploited and exploiter, and so on. These are real binary categories, but they tend to present colonial society as only something bifurcated, Spanish and Indian. Colonial society is more fluid than that; yet 1:3. Using only European language sources, Richard Trexler offers a description of this process for sixteenrn- and sevemeenth-century Mexico. Unfortuna tely, he is restrained by his sources so chat his narives appear (0 be agendess. See Trexler, "We Think, They Act: Clerica l Readings of Missionary Theatre in Sixteenth-Century New Spa in," in Understanding POP"lar Cliiture: Europe {rolll tbe Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century. ed. S. Kaplan (New York: Mouton, 1984), 189""""21.7. For a much more nuanced and dynamic analysis, usi ng both Nahuurl and Spa nish sources, see L. Burkhart, The Slippery Earth: Na/ma-Christian Moral Dialoglle il1 Sixteellth-Century Mexico (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1989); Holy Wedllesday: A Nahlla Drama from Early Colollial Mexico (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1 9~); "Pious Performances: Christian Pageantry and Native Identity in Early Colonial Mexico," in Native Traditions ill the Postconqllest World, ed. E. Boone and T. Cummins (Washington, D.C. : Dumbarton Oaks, 1998), 361- 82. 14. See C. de Molina [Sochamre, pseud.}, Relacio11 de l1Iuchas cosas acaescidas en el Pert; . . . ell /a cOllqllista y poblazoll destos reillos [1552), CLDR HP, 1st ser., (1916) : 154. IS. See A. Nandy, The In timate Enemy: Loss alld Recovery of Self IIl/der Colonialism (Delhi : Oxford University Press, 198)), 5; W. Taylor, "Colonial Religion and Quincenrennial Metaphors: Mex ican Santiagos and Cristos de Can"," in Mesoamerica alld Chicano Art, Clf ltlfre and Idelltity. ed. R. Dash, \YIillamette Joumal of Liberal Arts, suppl. sec. 6, (.r99..J), 33; G. Urton, The History of a Myth: Pacariqtambo and the Origi/l of the 11lkas (Ausrin: University of Texas Press, J.990), 62-63.

FROM ABSTRACT TO PICTORIAL IMAGES

12 3

it can never be forgotten that colonial society begins with contestation, a factor that remains at the heart of colonial society and the exercise of power.

At the Walls of Ollantaytambo When Manco swore to drive the Spaniards from Tahuantinsuyn, he laid siege to Cuzco, nearly succeeding. Later, Spaniards claimed that only the miraculous intervention of Mary and Saint James foiled his attempt. Not so long before, the Inca god Viracocha had miraculously appeared on behalf of the Inca, turning stones into an army of men to help defend Cnzco against the Chanca. Now, the Spaniards turned the sacred stones of Cuzco to their own purposes, bnilding tbeir churches on the foundations of Inca temples and palaces. Their visions retold the history of Cuzco so as to establish the power of a new religion. One might say that to the victors belong the miracles. Manco was thus forced to retreat from Cnzco. He first withdrew to Ollantaytambo, refitting its defenses to be effective against the new Spanish weapons and calvary.·6 Manco is also said to have had his portrait painted on a high rock facing the approach from Cuzco." A large figure wearing an Inca tlneu (tunic) and helmet and standing with arms outstretched is still visible at O llantaytambo and has been since at least 1844, when Rudendas sketched the site (fig. 6.1)." The head is a simple oval shape, and the torso is defined by the rectangular form of the uncn. The legs and arms are simple stylized lines. Whether or not this is the "portrait" of Manco mentioned by Gnaman Poma, it is clearly in keeping with Inca stylized conventions for rendering the human figure on ceramics and on colonial queros (fig. 6.2) . The rock painting, in and of irself, is not withont precedent. Garcilaso de la Vega describes a painting commissioned by Inca Viracocha, located on a high pinnacle outside of Cuzco." The composition consisted of two condors. One faced south, its back to Cuzco and its head tucked beneath its wing. The second was turned towa rd the city, its 16. See J.*P. Prorzen, Il1ca Architecture and Construction at Ollol1taytalllbo (Oxford: Oxford University Press, I993), u--26. 17. See F. Guaman Porna de Aya la, EI Primer Nueva Corol1ica y Buell Gobiemo [ca. 1615], ed. J. Murra and R. Adorno, trans. Jorge Urioste (Mexico: Siglo XXI, 1980), p. 377, fol. 406. 18. See Prorzen,lllco Architecture, 268, fig. 15.12. I9. Garcilaso de la Vega , Come17tarios Reales de los II/COS lr609J (Buenos Aires: Emece Editores SA, 1943), bk. 5. chap. 23, pp. 273-]4.

Toasts with the Inca

wings opened, as if in flight and ready to swoop down on its prey. The painting commemorated the defeat of the Chanca. The first condor symbolized Yahuar Huaca, the Sapa Inca who, in Garcilaso's version of the story, fled Cuzco when the Chanca attacked . The second represented his son, Inca Viracocha, who defended the city against the Chanca.'o Manco's painting at Ollantaytambo might then be understood within this tradition of Inca rock painting. However, it is simultaneously different. As a portrait of Manco, the painting joins the form of representation to its specific reference by visual resemblance. The nature of Manco's image does not rest first of all on a metaphoric relationship between the visual image and its ultimate referent, as is the case for the image in the painting described by Garcilaso de la Vega. The Ollantaytambo painting, no matter how stylized, was to be read as being the human likeness of Manco and as evidence of his presence in OUamaytambo. The primacy of visual resemblance between subject and representation as the basis for the understanding of the image is much more in line with a European presentation of the royal person than with Inca presentation. Inca kings did have images that stood for them, but these images did not necessarily take human form . In fact, the correlation between the king and his image was based on a relation of lcinship rather than any visual similitude. During the reign of each Inca emperor, his alter ego was carved in stone. The carved image was called huaqui, meaning "brother." It received the same veneration as the Sapa Inca himself, both while the ruler was alive and after his death." Each huaqui was different and took various nonhuman (mostly animal) forms: for example, a bird (Indi) was used for Manco Capac's statue, and a fish (Huanachiri Amaru) was linked to Sinchi Roca. Polo de Ondegardo discovered many of these statues with the mummies of the Sapa Incas." The Sapa Incas were not represented by statues reproducing their human appearance." Rather, the huaquis expressed a number 20. Garcilaso de la Vega attributes the Chanca War to the reign of Yahuar Huaca and the usurpation of the crown by his son Viracocha. Most other chroniclers attribute these events to one or two generations later or to the reigns of Viracocha and his son, Pachacllti (Comen tarios Reales, bk. 4, chap. 2 3, pp. 220-22.) 2I. See J. de Acosta, Histo ria natural Y lIloral de los Indias [1 590] (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1940). bk. 5, chap. 7, p. 227. 2.2.. See P. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia de los Incos [1572J (Madrid: Miraguano Ediciones, 1988), 63-84. 23. The images used by the Sapo. Inca are related to similar effigies called camaqllcl1 thac operated at the ayllu level and belonged to curacas and fOlUlders of lineages; see P. Duviols. "Camaquen upani: Un concept animiste des anciens Peruviens, It in Amcrikonis· tische Studic11: Festschrift {iiI" Hermanll Trimbom, eds. R. Hartmann and U. Oberem {St.

FROM ABSTRACT TO PICTORIAL IMAGES

of associations of the Inca leader and themselves. Thus, they could be carried in processions in and of themselves as a means to end rain or bring good weather." To whom, then, was the human figural representation of Manco at Ollantaytambo addressed? Clearly, it was painted in part to be seen by those who had joined Manco at that refuge. But the symbolic form of an animal-perhaps a condor with open wings-could have been equally effective for them. The image at Ollantaytambo was thus not to be seen only by Andean eyes. Royal imaging was being refitted to face a non-Andean enemy-an enemy with new weapons, new strategies, and new eyes. Ollantaytambo was reconceived as a defensive fortress in light of Spanish warfare. Is it not then also possible to suggest that Manco's image, understood by some to be his portrait rather than a huaqui, was also somehow already in dialogue with the Spaniards? Should we not see this picture as both addressed to them and serving as an Andean reflection of the Spaniards' own images? After all, the painting faced the direction from which the Spaniards would come, and it would be seen by them if they attacked Manco's newly devised defenses. As Manco's rearticulation of Ollantaytambo suggests, there seems to have been an almost immediate and dynamic response to Spanish technological and symbolic forms. It is perhaps just coincidence, yet the only painted queros excavated from an Inca context come from a bnrial at Ollantaytambo, most probably made at the time of Manco's occupation of the site. '5 The queros suggest an expanded interest in pictorial imagery, an interest that may have been stimulated in part by Spanish pictorial display. However, the interest in this case seems to have been Augustin: Haus Volker und Kulturen, 1978), 132-45. Animal imagery below the levels of Sapa Incas and curacas also metaphorically expressed kin relations and reciprocity. When a new house was built in a village erected by communal labor, "los primeros palos que en elias ponian lIamauan macssas que quiere dezir cunados 0 yemos eran pintados call figuras de culebras, leones, y osos . ... Estos palos tcayan los yemos a cunados del que hazia la casa y de allf tomauran el nombre los pa los y eran los primer:os estes yernos 0 cuilados que a porfia subian a asentar la demas madera y para qualquier casa que se auia de hazer se jUIltaua todo el pueblo porque era fiesta de beber" (Anonymolls, "Une petite chronique retrouvee: 'Erroces, rites, supersticiones y ceremonias de los indios de 13 provincia de Chinchaycocha y otras panes del Piru'" [16031, ed. P. Duviols, jOl/rltal de la Societe des Alllerical1istes [Paris] 63 [1976]: 28 ... ). Here animal imagery was directly related to kin relations and co drinking feasts at the most elementary level of Andean community life. 24. See Acosta, Historia 1Iatural), 1I10ral, bk. 5. chap. 6, p. 22.7. 2.5. See J. Rowe, "The Chronology of Inca Wooden Cups," in Essays ;n PreCo lumbian Art and Archaeology, ed. S. Lothrop et al. (Boscon: Harvard University Press, 196"1),321- 2 }.

I26

Toasts with the Inca

directed internally toward the reformulation of traditional Andean objects and images. These excavated queros are a finely carved, matched pair that were carefully placed with the deceased. Like other Inca queros, each one is decorated with rwo rows of four incised concentric rectangles. In the center of each, however, is a small profile jaguar figure painted in red, with additional details in black, silver, and,gold (fig. 6.3) . The body of the jaguar was formed by being first carved into the surface and then inlaid with resin paint. This is the sa me technique used for the much more numerous, more fully painted colonial queros that John Rowe has categorized chronologically according to two different styles, formal and free, based on the handling of the human figure.,6 The style of the Ollantaytambo images is different. The single feline is placed discretely at the center of incised abstract geometric shapes. The figuration is iconic and conceptually related both to the geometric stylized motif of arms and heads engraved on other Inca vessels and to the three-rlimensional katari figure sculpted at the rim of those containers. They signify by a set of associations, rather than within a pictorial composition, and are conceptually rlistinct from the pictorially complex compositions painted on queros from later in the sixteenth centnry and from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. At the same time, however, the Ollantaytambo queros are different from other known Inca queros precisely because they are painted. Whereas the other rwo Inca representational motifs are formed as an integrated part of the vessel's material, the felines appear only because the excavated surface is filled with paint. A distinction berween figure and ground emphasizes the figure of the feline as something distinct from the surface and its excavation. There is now a visual distinction berween the vessel and the image, a distinction not seen on other Inca queros. The vessel becomes a support for the display of the image, an initial separation berween object and figure. At the same time, however, the figure is still literally embedded in the object, so far as the paint is not simply applied to the surface but inlaid into previously carved recesses. A relation berween figure and ground was not unknown to the Inca. Inca ceramic vessels are painted, sometimes with animal and human figures." However, the Ollantaytambo queros suggest the 16. Rowe, "Chronology," 327-l8.

2.7. Preconquesr Inca ceramic designs are calculated to have 69 percent geometric

designs; 17 percent have animal motifs, and only 5 percenr include the human figure. See J. F. Baca, Motivos de Omamcntacioll de fa ceralllica lllca-Cuzco (Lima: Liberia "S[ud ium," 1971), l:H. Baca's statistics, however, are nOt based on any systematic form of collecting, so his percentages reflect not scientific data but an approximation of Inca design use.

FROM ABSTRACT TO PICTORIAL IMAGES

I27

beginning of a slippage among Inca modes of visual expression, media, and genres- a slippage that probably was instigated by the appearance of the Spaniards, their military power, and their images. Whatever the reason for painting this set of queros was, there is a distinction to be made between the jaguar figures and the painted rock portrait of Manco Capac. However Manco's image was meant to function-perhaps as an apotropaic emblem, a sign of his presence and dominion, or both-it was to be seen as a representation of Manco Capac, not as a symbol of him. In a very concrete sense, the figure of Manco was meant to be seen in the space of contestation between the two cultures. The O llantaytambo quero images were not. They were not yet in any dialogue with European image making or seeing. They were mirror images painted on one of a pair of queros and were made to be seen within Andean acts of ritual taking place behind the defensive walls of Ollantaytambo. At this point, the Andean and European worlds were still separated by a barrier that could be used to address the other and behind which Andeans could address each other, most specifically in a funerary context in which the queros placed in the tomb were used to toast the dead.

History, Abstractioll, Queros, alld the Dead The Ollantaytambo queros' relationship with Inca pictorial sources leads to a second, broader issue. The jaguar figures are not crudely done. Rather, the quero figures are technically very proficient. The six figures on each quero are carefully and exactly reproduced with a sure hand. Eacb figure is skillfully carved, and tbe outline of each is composed of tbe same smooth, curved back and a straight underbelly. The paint is evenly inlaid, with the interior first filled with a solid red. The gold that highlights each figure's outline was added next. (The order of application is evident by the fact that the red appears below the gold where the two colors meet.) Finally, markings were painted over the red torso. The precision and skill evident in these images argues that the hands that made these vessels were not working through a problematic technique but were already assured of the technical aspects of their craft. This obvious technical skill presents a problem because these queros are unique, suggesting that the technical facility needed to render the quero images may have derived from another Incaic source. There is a recorded tradition of painted boards kept by the Inca in Cuzco. These boards, however, are problematic on two accounts. First,

Toasts with the Inca

128

none has survived. Second, the chroniclers who mention them say little about what they looked like. The lack of any surviving examples, coupled with these vague citations, has led some modern scholars to suggest that they represent a now lost form of Inca representational art and that the Inca painted boards were the direct formal and iconographic source for the pictorial images on queros from the late sixteenth century and the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.'" The Ollantaytambo quero images probably did derive from this tradition, and Inca painted boards did provide the technical antecedent for the later painted queros. The form and ftame of reference of these early images are, however, very different from the figural images of later queros. The earliest reference to the board paintings dates to I553 and occurs in a real ,emila (royal decree) requesting information about the new colony: "and in addition to the information you will obtain from witnesses, you will have brought before you whatever painting, tablets, or other means there were at that time by which can be discovered what was said. "'9 Nothing is inrucated here as to the representational content or manner of these paintings.• and they do not seem to have been a very important source of information for most early chroniclers. Betanzos, for example, mentions several times that Inca paintings and drawings existed, but he did not rely on them as forms used to transmit knowledge to him. Sarmiento de Gamboa, in his I572 history of the Inca, says that the ninth Sapa Inca, Pachacuti, ordered that the histories, myths, and origins of all the peoples he had conquered be painted on boards.Jo Cristobal de Molina, writing at about the same time, also mentions these paintings, adding that they were kept in a temple of the sun, Puquencancha, just outside CuzcoY He also says that they depicted Inca myths and conquests. Neither he nor Sarmiento de Gamboa

28. See, for example, V. de la Jara , "El desciframiento de la escritura de los lnc.'ls," Arqllcologfa y Socicdad. Revista del Museo de Arquc%gia de fa Ul1iversidad de Sail Marcos (Lima) 7-8 (I972.): 71; M. Ziolkowski , "Acerca de algunas funciones de los keros y los akiHas en eI Tawantin suyu incaico y en el Peru' Co lonial, " Estlldios LatilloamcricQllos (Wroclaw) 5 (1979):

1.1..

29. " ... y demas de la infonnacion que hubieredes de los testigos, hareis traer ante

vosotros cualesquier pinturas 6 tablas 6 otra cueota que haya de aquel tiempo par do {sic] se pueda averiguar 10 que estri dicho" (F. de Santilhl.11, "Relacion del origeo, descendencia, politica y gobierno de los Incas" rI563], in Trcs Relaciolles de Qlltigiiedades peruanas. ed. M. Jimenez de la Espada [Asuncion, Paraguay: EditoriaJ Guarania, 1950], )8) . 30. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia de los In cas, 49. 31. Molina's exact phrase-"la vida de cada uuo de los yngas y de las tierras que cooquist6 pintado por sus figuras en unas {a bias y arigen que tuvieron"-implies that figures were used; however, he gives no indication of their form. See C. de Molina, Relaci61t de las {abu/as y ritos de los Incas [J573], CLDRHP. 1st ser., 1 (I9I6): +

FROM ABSTRACT TO PI CTOR IAL IMA GES

described what these paintings looked like-that is, how they visually conveyed their content. Sarmiento, who claims to have used these paintings for his investigations, makes it clear, however, that the images were not immediately understandable to everyone: "[Pachacutil appointed learned men who knew how to interpret and explain their contents. "J' The only other significant mention of history paintings appears in Juan Polo de Ondegardo's 1559 investigations of Inca history. Bernabe Cobo, citing this source, says Polo de Ondegardo's information was substantiated by quipus and paintings that still existed." In corroboration, he writes: Particularly important were the history paintings that they had in a temple of the sun near Cuzeo, from which, in my opinion, must have been copied the one that I saw in Cuzeo, drawn on a tapestry of eumbi no less detailed and carefully painted than if it were on

fine fabric of the [Spanish] court.H Cobo's appraisal of the cloth painting is high and implies an equivalence with European narrative tapestry images; at least that is how he has been interpreted by some modern scholars." The cloth painting that Cobo saw in Cuzco at the beginning of the seventeenth century, however, was certainly not a copy of one of the wooden paintings kept in the Puquencancha. It most likely was a copy from a series of Westernstyle oil paintings of inca history that were commissioned by Toledo in 1572 to be sent to Philip li.'6 32. "!,PachacutiJ constituy6 doctores que 5upiesen entendertas y decbra rtas" (Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historja de los lucas, 49). 33 . Quipus and board paintings are mention ed together as equivalent forms for recording the liturgica l calendar in doctrinas: "Yten mas les queda en la dicha iglesia 13 cuenta y calendario de todo eI ,lIio can las fiestas que an de guard ar todas par su orden por un quipo 0 una tablita que declara 10 que alll se conriene" (Diego de Porres, "Instrucciones .. . para los sacerdotes que se ocuparen en la doctrin a y conversion de los indios principalmente en tierras par conquistar, y que eJ mismo las PliSO en pnictica" [ca. 1550), in Los mer· cedarios ell e/ PeTti ell e/ sjg/o XVI: DOClll11elltos ineditos del Archi/Jo de Indios de Se/Jilla (Arequipa, 19531, 4:18:r-82.). 34. "Particul armente 1a que tenlan en un templo del sol, junto a 1a ciudad del Cuzco, de 13 cual historia tengo para ml se debi6 de sacar una que yo vi en aquella ciudad di bujada en una tapiceria de Clflllbe, no menos curiosa y bien pintada que si fuera mu y finos panos de corte" (S. Cobo, Historja del Nuevo Mllndo [1650), BA E 9 1-92 (1956] , bk . .[2., chap. 2., p. '9)· 35. See J. Lara, La Cu ltura de los In cas (La Paz: Los Amigos de Libra, 1967), 2.:191.. 36. This is suggested by M. Jimenez de la Espada in a foo mote to Cabo's text (Histo· ria del Nuevo MUI/ do, 2:59 n. 5) · In Toledo's letter to Philip, he suggests that the king may want (0 have the paintings made into tapestries fo r the palace; see E. Marco Dorta, "Las Pinturas que envi6 y traj6 a Espana don Francisco de To ledo," Historia y Clliturn (Lima ) 9 ('975),67-79·

1}0

Toasts with the Inca

Cobo elsewhere offers a different opinion about Andean figural imagery, and this opinion is probably closer to an evaluation of Inca representation than is his appraisal of the painted textile. In describing the different kinds of venerated image in Peru, he writes: In this great diversity of idols, I have noticed something particular, and it is tlus: those that have the form of animals and plants are usually much better worked, and they imitate w ith much more exactness what they signify; but those of human figures usually

have such ugly and deformed faces that they well demonstrate by their mean look to be the portraits [of the one] in whose honor they make them, who is the devil. )?

Cobo's remark is substantiated in general by Jose de Acosta, who says that Andean painting was crude and distorted even in comparison to Mexican painting.'" Acosta's unfavorable comparison of Inca painting to Mexican painting may derive from the fact that much Mesoamerican art functioned as or was related to a pictographic writing system. Mesoamerican imagery was often pictorial, corresponding more closely to visual reality, and was closer in content and form to Western concepts of art than was Andean imagery at the time of conquest. After the conquest, certain types of Mesoamerican imagery were allowed to be entered as legal documents in Spanish colonial courts, whereas Andean imagery rarely appears in any form other than written transcription. " What do these references indicate about the visual appearance of Inca history painting? First, it seems that if Inca paintings contained human figures, the figures were not intended to portray individual likenesses. Second, because these history paintings are usually cited in relation to quipus as sources of information-and both paintings and quipus needed to be interpreted by experts-the paintings were probably more abstract than representational. In other words, the images did not 37. "En eS[a tan grande diversidad de idolos he Hatado una cosa particu lar. y es que los que tenian fo rma de ani males y legumbres eran comunmente mas bien obrados e imiraban con mas propriedad 10 que significaban; pero los de fi gura humana ten Ian de ordinario [an feo s y disformes gestos, que mostraban bien en su mala catadura ser retratos de aquei en cuya honra los badan, que era el demonio" (Coho, Historia del Nuevo Mllndo, bk. '13, chap. ll., p. 167). 38. Acosta, Historia natural y 1110rol, 1:02. . 39. SeeJ. Lockhart, Th e Nohl/os after the Conquest: A Social and Cultural History of the India/ls of Celltrol Mexico, Sixteenth throllgh Eighteenth Ceutllries (Pa lo Alto: Stanfo rd University Press, 1992), 31.6-t1.; T. Cummins, "Representation in the Sixteenth Century and rhe Colonial Image of the Inca," in Writing withollt Words: Alternative Literocies ill Mesoamerica oud the Andes, ed. E. Boone and W. Mignolo (Durham: Duke University Press, 1994), 189-:!.I9·

FROM A BST R ACT TO PICTOR IA L IMAGES

13 1

signify through naturalistic figures that had a pictorial relationship created by a narrative compositional arrangement. This is known to be the case for the Inca board-painting tradition. In 1582, the mestizo Antonio Dfaz de Porras testified that there were twelve Inca judges who could not arbitrate, but in regard to judging, they judged by the laws that they had, which they understood by signs that they had on quipus, which are knots of different color, and by other signs that they had on a board in different colors, by which they knew the penalty that each criminal deserved:~o Were the history boards also abstract images, perhaps tocapu, or other mnemonic symbols, like the signs in different colors used by Inca judges? The author of the 1586 dictionary says at least that tocapu was used on " tablas," or boards, as well as on textiles and "vasos. "4 1 How could history be conveyed by geometric abstraction? What 40. "No podian arbirrar, sino en cuamo a juzgar, juzgaban por las leyes que elias tenian, la s cunles entendian por un as seiiales que tenian en quipos que son nudos de diferelUes colores, y por otras seliales que tenian en una rabla de diferentes colores por donde entendlan la pena que cada delincueme tenia" (B. de Porras, "Testimonio de Bartolome de Porras, 1582." [l:5H2.] , in La lmprenta ell Lima (1584-1Ih4), ed. J. Medina [Santiago: Casa del Autor, 19041, 1":197). 41. «Tocapu- Iabrar en 10 que se borda 0 texe 0 en vasos, tabla s, etc" (Anon ymous, Vocalllllario y phrasis ell la lengua General de los indios del Perzi llamada Qlliclllla, )' en la lellgua espanola . .. [1 586}, ed. Antonio Ricardo' [Lima: Edici6n del Instituto de Hi sfo ria, San Marcos, I 95I}, 84). The relation between these images (tocapu) and their content has been a source of confusion among some modern scholars who suggest that Inca abstract images constituted a writing system. This confusion results from the fact that the Quechu3 word qui/ca, meaning " image or painting, " was used in the colonial period to signify European books, writing, scribes. and writing material. Both Spanish and native authors state emphatically that the In ca had no writing system. The tocapu and whatever abstract designs em ployed by the Inca were, like the quipu (colored knotted strings), mnemonic aids that could not signi fy or convey information that was not already known to who mever used them. Fo r assertions that quilca an d tocapu were part of an Inca writing system, see R. P. Barrenechea, Fuentes Historicas Pemallas (Lima:Minerva.I963). I 03-35;V. de laJara. La Escr;tllra Pemallay los Vocabularios QllechuasAlltiguos (Li ma: Lux, C964);V, dela Jara, "Vers In dechiffrement des escritures anciennes dll Perou," Sciellce Progres 387 (I967): ':Q I-47; V. de la Jara, "La Soluci6n del problema de la escritura peruana," Arquco/ogia y Sociedad: Rellista del Museo de Arqueologfa de la Ulliversidad de Sail Marcos (Lima) :!. (1970) : :1.]-35; V. de la Jara, "EI desciframiento de la escritura de los lukas," Arqueologia y Sociedad: Rellista del Museo de Arqueofogia de la Ullillcrsidad de Sail Marcos (lima ) 7- 8 (1972.): 60-77; V. de la Jara, Introduccioll al estJldio de la escritlfrt/ de los Tllkas (Lima: Instituto N acional de Investigaci6n y Desarrollo de 1a Edllcacion, 1"975); T. B. Barthel, "Gab es eine Sc hrifr in Alt Peru, " Verhandhillger des XXVIII Il1tematiollaien AlI1erikallistellkollgress (M unich) 2. (r.970) : 2.37-42.; T. B. Barthel, "Erste Scbritte zur Entzifferung der Inkaschri ft,'" Tribus (Stuttgart) 19 (I970): 80-122.; T. B. Barthel , "Viracoc.has Prunkgewand (Tokapu-Studien), " Tribus (Stuttgart) 2.0 (I97t): 63-]24; W. Glynn, La Escritllra de los Inkas (Li ma: Editorial Los Pinos, 1981); C. Radicati di Primeglio, "EI Secreto de la Qui1ca,"

1}2

Toasts with the Inca

kind of history would this be? Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui's early-seventeenth-century line drawing of the three caves of Inca origin at Pacaritambo (fig. 6.4) suggests that mythic origins and their loci could be communicated using tocapu. The drawing is abstract in form and metaphoric in meaning. The principal cave, Tambotoco, is in the center of the composition . It is represented by a geometric design of three concentric rectangles, in the center of which is an off-axis rectangle containing a fifth rectangle that parallels the outer three"'" The two other caves are placed below and to either side of Tambotoco. They are also represented by concentric rectangles, differentiated by the spacing of the lines. The image to the left represents Marastoco, and the right one represents Sutitoco.

The right and left images, according to Pachacuti Yamqui, represent not only caves but also Manco Capac's paternal and maternal greataunts and great-uncles. Manco's parents, Apotambo and Pacchamamchi, are also represented to either side of the central tocapu, not as abstract geometric shapes, but as trees with their roots. At one level of understanding, these figural images play on both the pictorial likeness of a tree and the linguistic reference of the word mal/ki as meaning both "tree" and "ancestor."43 Yet Pachacuti Yamqui adds in the written text

something that the black-and-white line drawings cannot convey: color. He writes that one tree is gold and that the other is silver. His line drawing therefore becomes something else, more than a pictorial and linguistic reference to the natural and the social. The drawing does not just represent a tree and its metaphoric associations. It is a metonymic image, Revist.a de [Ildias (Mad rid ) 4-1> no. (7} (1984) : n-...62.. Cabo is quite insistent that quilca did not mean "writing": "no cualquiera cosa que se halla con nombre propio de la lengua de alguna nacion de ind ios se ha de juzgar por 5610 este indicio ser propio desta tierra; porque puede ser que Ie haynn puesto eI ta l nombre los indios por alguna semej.ll1Z3 y afinidad que In tal cosa tenga can aqllello que propiamente significa el tal nambre, como vemos en cste reino del Peru haber ya pllesto algunos nombres de la lengua general a cosas que nota riamente se sabe no haberlas habido en esta tierra antes que la poblaron los espanoles; como es a la gaHina. atahlla/pa; al espejo, qllispi; y al escribir, qlle/cani. Los clinIcs nombres primaria mente significan otras cosas; porque eI primera significa un Rey Inca; el segundo, cllalquiera cosa vedriosa y tcansparente; yel tercero, dibujar" (Historia del Nuevo MU1ldo, bk. 4, cha p. I, p. 1:54). 42.. This tocapu configuration is fOllnd on many colonia l painted queros, and it also appears OD a Jama-Coaque vessel in the M useo de Antropologfa, Guayaquil, suggesting that tocapu designs may ha ve opera ted across linguistic traditions in some form; see T. Cummins, "La Tradici6n de Figurinas de la Costa Ecuatorina: Estilo Tecnol6gico y eI Uso de Moldes," in Tecno/ogra y Orgal1izacion de la Geramica Pre/,ispollica en los Andes. ed. I. Shimada (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Cat6lica del Peru Fondo Editorial, 1994), 163, fig. 8b. 43. See J. Sherbondy, Mallki: Allcestros Y CIIltivo de arboles ell los Andes. Documento de Trabaio 5 (Lima: Proyecto FAO-Holanda, 1986); R. Harrison, Signs. SOllgs. and Mem ory in the Andes (Austin: University of Texas Press, 198,),65.

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I}}

syntagmatically linked to the metallic image of a tree that was, according to Betanzos, placed at the entrance to the caves of Pacaritambo." The abstract images of the cave are tocapu and are similar to those found on Inca textiles (fig. 4.2). and to the incised designs on queros (figs. 4.5) . In Pachacuti's drawing, they denote both geographic place and paternal and maternal descent. Each of these pictorial elements is, however, only a sym bol of general concepts, so the composition does not signify by itself. It is dependent on informed interpretation. In preHispanic Peru, this interpretation would have been provided by those whom Sarmiento de Gamboa called «learned men." In this sense, Pachacuti's composition is in keeping with Inca art in general: one perceives the intent of images through the ritual act of using them." For example, the structure of geometric design on most urpus (chicha jars) and queros only makes sense in relation to their use. Their imagery does not mimetically refer to the ritual in which they were used; rather, their abstract designs derive content from the vessel on which they appear in relation to the vessel's use in that rituaL'· In a similar sense, Pachacuti's abstract images do not illustrate h.is text on Inca origins. Instead, the abstract images signify only in relation to the act of telling (reading) the myth. _ Pachacuti probably did not copy directly from the history boards kept at Cuzco, but the subject of his drawing is one tl,at both Molina and Sarmiento specifically say was represented on them. More than any surviving image, this drawing suggests the general form that these board paintings may have had, as Pachacuti's drawing is completely within the conventions of Inca representation found on other media. The painted boards kept in the Puquencancha were undoubtedly more elaborate and may have included figural images. But even so, they would have been subsidiary to abstract images representing the most important places and events of Inca histories, such as the images depicted in Pachacuti's drawing. As late as the early seventeenth century, when Pachacuti drew his 44. Betanzos, Suma y narraci611, 2.88. 45 . A1though Pachacuti's drawing and text appear w ithin a Western book forma t, his text is written as if it were myth that was being recited. Thus, even though the medium here is entirely non-Andean, the form and function of the narrative, and therefore its relation to the image, are Andea n. Furthermore, Andean expos ure to Western books and imagery was most often in Catholic liturgy-that is, in ritual. For Pachacuti, tben, the Andean and Western relationship between narrative and image may not have seemed so disparate, regard less of the difference in media. 46. See C. Levi-Strauss, The Ratv and the Cooked, trans. J. Weightman and D. Weightman (New York: Harper and Row, ~975). :to-H.

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image, such sites as Pacaritambo could still be represented topographically by tocapu. Other places and acts important to the Inca must have been represented by similar forms. The historical incorporation of ethnic groups into Tahuantinsuyu, for example, may have been indicated on painted boards by abstract shapes. Was the link between the abstract designs (tocapu) and their meaning arbitrary, merely assigned by the " learned men" in Cuzco? It can be suggested that there was historical causality through which tocapu denoted specific places and deeds becallse they took part in them. Tocapu and abstract. designs were a part of the textiles given by the Sapa Inca to curacas as a sign of their submission. The designs of these textiles may have come to stand as signs of the territories. This is suggested in the Rio Lauca region of Bolivia, at least, where the adobe chttllpas (funerary towers) of the Aymara-speaking Carangas are still visible (fig. 6.5). Many of them are painted on the exterior with designs that clearly derive from Inca uncu designs, including the design of the uncu of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, who conquered the territory. A sixteenth-century portrait of T upac Inca Yupanqui found in a document concerning the granting of a coat of arms to the colonial indigenous nobility shows him wearing an uncu with a design similar to a chullpa design (fig. 6.6),47 Gisbert suggests, correctly I believe, that the painted designs of the Carangas's chullpas are to be identified with the Aymara malleus (curacas) who had accepted Inca rule and who were buried in the structures.'s The abstract designs may have signified, among other things, the political alliance that had been historically forged between the Inca and the ancestors placed within. The strnctures therefore became more than local ethnic burial places. They became emblematic beacons of the Inca, emblazoned like a patchwork of threedimensional tocapu on the landscape of Tahuantinsuyu. Without much exaggeration, we could suppose that the designs on the buildings could have been united in a single composition on the painted boards in Cuzco, producing a historical map of conquered territory, ethnic groups, and curacas." An uncu from the collection at Dumbarton 47. See T. Gisbert et aI., Los Chltlfpares del Rio Lollea y el Parqlle SajollQ (La Paz: Academia Nacional de Ciencias de Bolivia, 1996), 44-50. 48. Gisbert er aI., Los Chldlpares del Rio Lauca, 49. 49. This would account for the numerous references in the chronicles to maps used by the Inca while there are no colonial maps with indigenolls components. This is very different from Mexico, where many of the maps produced for the Relacioncs Geogra(icas combine indigenolls and Spanish motifs; see B. E. Mundy, The Map/Jing of New Spain: Indigenous Cartography a11d tbe Maps of the Relaciol1es Geogra(icas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, I996), 9I-I33. In Peru, there are in general very few colonial maps, and none

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Oaks, composed of a patchwork of different tocapus, some of which represent miniature military uncus, certainly might be interpreted as a political andlor historical "map" of Tahuantinsuyu (fig. 4.2). Pairs of queros are often found encrusted just above the lintel of the entrance to the chullpas. Queros and aquillas were used to feast with the dead, and the queros placed above the lintels were surely linked in some way to this communion with the ancestors.>O But we also know that the Inca always gave queros and aq uillas with textiles as gifts to compliant curacas. The chullpas thus compellingly show how the association between textiles and queros as a mutually signifying set of objects becomes literally incorporated into architectural structure. The walls are painted as textiles and studded with queros. Just as the body of the ancestor substantiates a historical presence, these structures simultaneously house the body and display a part of its political and social history through Inca objects and their design. History is not pictorialized here. It is manifested by material objects and their designs. Cristobal Albornoz understood this signifying process . In the early I580s, he wrote to caution fellow priests against certain native practices. One was a dance in which venerable queros and textiles were brought out and displayed because they "reminded" the participants of past military feats. Albornoz describes the queros as being decorated with figures and describes the textiles as having a checkerboard design. The checkerboard design refers to the Inca nulitary tunic, as described by many chroniclers and miniaturized in the Dumbarton Oaks tunic (fig. 4-2). The description of quero figures is vague, but some designs on Inca queros and aquillas did convey concepts of conquest and military feats (figs. 4.6a-c). Albornoz stresses that these objects were brought out together in ceremonies and that their physical presence and their designs were capable of suggesting a specific type of Inca "historical" event. In relation to their decorative designs, the queros and textiles could only convey types of event in general, but their participation in the events-in the case already mentioned, specific Inca triumphs-allowed the events to be convincingly recalled and then conveyed by songs and dances. The association between queros and textiles as elements of a single gift given by the Inca to commemorate

indicate an indigenous graphic system. For example, the map accompanying Diego Davila Brizeiio's IS86 "Descripcion y Relacion de la Provincia de Los Yauyos Toda, Allan Yauyos y Lorin Yauyos" was created completely within the cartographic tradition of Spain and even includes the social geogra_phy of Hanan and HUlin. 50. Gisbert et ai., Los Chullpares del RID Lallca. 47.

Toasts with the In.ca

certain events means that the objects acted together as mnemonic forms and that their designs recalled types of event. It is perhaps no accident, then, that the closest figure to the Ollantaytambo jaguar appears on a colonial uncuY The color schemes are different, but the style of representation is almost identical. The figures are outlined by a single unbroken line of either gold (quero) or black (uncu). The bodies are composed of solid fields of color-red (quero) and yellow (uncu)-and the jaguar's markings are then painted over these colors in horizontal rows . The figures are posed in profile, but the heads are turned en face. On the quero, the pose of the head is a bit ambiguous because the mouth is shown in profile, opened with upper and lower teeth inlaid with silver paint. The eyes, however, are both painted as if looking at the viewer, and both ears are displayed. The stylistic similarity between these early colonial images reiterates the close conceptual relationship and similar historical transformation shared by textiles and queros. What does this all mean for early colonial quero imagery? First, there is no evidence that Inca history boards represented some lost Inca pictorial system . Rather, these paintings shared in the general conventions of Inca two-dimensional art. They were, in other words, essentially geometric and abstract, occasionally employing discrete pictorial figures . Second, it seems that early queros, as represented by the pair found at Ollantaytambo, were decorated by techniques and perhaps with images derived from these board paintings. This source suggests the unique feature of the gold outline of the jaguars. This use of gold color is unique in quero production. Molina, however, accounts for this peculiarity: he notes that the paintings on history boards were bor• dered with gold. This fact implies, in relation to the skill shown in the Ollantaytambo queros, that history boards may have served as the source of these early quero images, which would explain their iconic quality. The Ollantaytambo queros represent only the beginnings of painted decoration. No archaeological or textual evidence suggests wide-scale quero painting before the Spanish arrival or immediately thereafter. Most queros continued to be decorated with abstract incised designs (e.g., the Ollantaytambo painted queros were found with a pair of unpainted ones). Some examples, however, began to be painted with figural forms derived from Inca tradition. The development of painted decoration on queros does not seem to 51. For illustration, see D. Bonavia, Arte e Historia del Penl Antigllo (Arequipa : Banco del Sur, [994),259.

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I37

have been rapid. It went unnoticed by Spanish authorities and native chroniclers until the I570s. There is no reference to painted queros, for example, in Santo Tomas's dictionary, published in r560 but compiled some ten years earlier. Holguin's dictionary, published forry-eight years later, however, includes several entries indicating different types of painted queros. The chronological difference can also be seen by comparing the works of two native authors, Guaman Poma de Ayala and Garcilaso de la Vega. Both authors wrote from personal experience and completed their works within a few years of each other at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Both mention the importance of queros in Peru. Yet Garcilaso does not mention painted queros, while Guaman Poma says rhey were a widespread Inca craft." The discrepancy is understandable in light of the time frame of each author's experiences. Garcilaso de la Vega, although writing in the early part of the seventeenth century, left Peru in I560 and never returned. Guaman Poma was born in the late I540S or early I 550S and gained his adult experiences only after I560. More importantly, he wrote over a thirry-year period of ongoing work in Peru, while Garcilaso de la Vega's work is based on remembrances of a situation prior to 1560. Garcilaso's experiences corresponded to the period when Santo Tomas gathered informarion for h.is text, while Guaman Poma's experiences paralleled the period when Holguin compiled his dictionary. Moreover, Garcilaso de la Vega was reared in Cuzco, while Santo Tomas primarily lived on the coast and worked in the areas of Huailas and Conchucos in the sierras. The experience and knowledge of Garcilaso and Santo Tomas covered a wide area of Peru, so their lack of references cannot be attributed to geographical factors. Guaman Poma's assertion that quero painting was a common and widespread pre-Hispanic Inca practice seems to be apocryphal. The Inca may have painted some of their queros, but it was by no means a common occurrence . Painted queros with figures arranged in pictorial compositions are a colonial phenomenon.

A World Upside Down At first, all was confused as Manco retreated from Ollantaytambo into the lowland refuge of Vilcabamba. Tahuantinsuyu became colonial p . Guaman Porna de Ayala, Nuevo Corollica. p. 1.65. fo\' I9[ [I93J.

Toasts with the Inca "Peru"-an upside-down world where those Indians who had once been prohibited golden and silver queros might now openly drink from them, as the Inca structure of authority was being whittled away. 53 As Spanish voracity for precious metals seemingly reached into every Andean nook and cranny, many Inca aquillas were slowly passed from native hands to Spanish hands without being passed back.H The native artisans who had once crafted these vessels now plied their trade for a new clientele in Spanish towns. Still called on to make new aquillas, they were also now asked to disassemble them (aquillactantacapu1lijin order to recover and transform the precious metals into new objects of desire and commerce.5 5

Aquillas were still produced into the seventeenth century, but queros made of wood, the next-precious material as defined by Inca sumptuary laws, appear ever more frequently in both the material and written records . Their form and material were traditional, and by their use, they provided a vital expression of the ritual production of native social structure. At the same time, both aquillas and queros began to be decorated with pictorial representations that were new and European inspired. What are the images doing here, and from where do they come? What is their relation to the objects on which they appear? What, in other words, is the nexus of commensurabilry between the pictorial and the material? What, then, did these new images signify and to whom? How and why, in the final analysis, does a pre-Hispanic object come to be a colonial object? In the background to these issues lies another problem. Native drinking in Peru was understood as drunkenness just as it was through53. In «La diferencia que hay en los Indios Agora a cuando Estaban por Conquistas,'" we find the passage "No era ninguno senor de tener vasija de o ro oi plata. sino era algun

principal, a quieo eI Inga poe gran favor 10 da ba, y agora rodos, ch icos y grandes. lo pueden (enee n (Anonymolls, "Parecer acerca de 1<'1 perpetuidad y buen gobierno de los indios del Peru y aviso de 10 que deben hacer los encomenderos para salvarse ... " [£564J. CLDRHP, 2d ser., 3 [192.oJ. :156).

5+ Balthazar Ramirez writes, "n los UI10S y a los arros se les va acabando la sustancia de manern que los vasos de plata y oro que solfan tener ... todo se ha consumido" ("Descripcion del Reyno del Pin.'i, del sitio, temple, provincias, obispados y ciudades, de los naturales de SllS lenguas y trage" [1597], in QI/e/len ZlIr KlIltllrgeschichte des prakol1l11lbisehel1 Ameriko, ed. H. Trimbom {Scuttgart: Strecker and SchrOder, I9361, 1-5). See also P. Duviols, La Destmedon de la Religiones Al1dilloS (DlIrante 10 Co11quista y la C%nia), trans. A. Maruenda (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1977), 373~7; Guaman Pama de Ayala, Nueva Cor611;ca, p. ]Ol.l., fo!' :rn.1 [U3.I]. 55. Diego Gonzalez HolgUin translates AquillactantacaplIlli as "deshacer el vasa de plata" (Vocabulario de la lel/gua general de todo ef Pent /lamada Qqlliehl/a 0 delillca [r60S] (Lima: Universidad de San Marcos, 1989J. 334). This is eloquent testimony to what was happening to native objects made of precious metals.

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out the New World. It was anathema to the Spaniards. Yet there is ample evidence that queros were openly made and used before Spanish eyes. What did this Spanish complicity mean? Also, how can the Spaniards' nearly fanatical attempts to extirpate all native representations of their past be reconciled with the fact that painted quero manufacture thrived in the colonial period? Certainly, the quero is perforce a traditional vessel used primarily by Indians, and the overwhelming number of images iconographically represent only native concerns. In the end, however, this representation of traditional society must be brought into relation with Spanish concerns and the dialectical context of colonial society.

CHAPTER SEVEN

Pictorial Invention and Political Coercion

For the first forty years of Spanish occupation, the Inca system of representation continued with very little alteration in areas where it was clearly established-primarily in the southern sierras.' The historical realities of early colonization restricted Spanish impact on many native traditions outside of colonial urban areas. First, systematic acculturation and reorganization in all areas of Tahuantinsuyu was impossible. There were too few Europeans,' and after "536, their rule was contested by Manco Capac. Second, the Spaniards soon fell to fighting among themselves, and because they drew many natives into the civil wars as allies, the Spaniards were not in a position to antagonize them by unilaterally forcing cultural and religious changes.' Even when the civil wars had been concluded and more Spaniards had arrived, most native communities and institutions below the Inca r. By Contrast, in some non-Inca areas, such as the south coast, artists returned to early traditional forms; see D. Menzel, "The Inca Occupation of the South Coast of Peru," ~ SDuthllJestern jOllmai of AllthrojJOiogy (Albuquerq ue ) IS. no. 2 (1959): I25-..j.2. 2. From the f70 men with Pizarro at Cajamarca in 1:jJ2.. Peru's European population dramaticaUy increased in relative terms. Still, in 1555. there were only eigbt thousand Spaniards in a territory comprised of cOlltemporary Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru. See j. Lockhart, Spanish Peru, I532-L560 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), n. 3. Until 1550, many Inca rituals were still being openly conducted in Cuzco. It was not until after the First Council of Lima, in 1551, that most open celebrations in Spanish-controlled cities stopped: see P. Duviols, La Destrucciol1 de las Religioncs Alldillas (Durante la COllqltista y la Colollia), trans. A. Maruenda (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Auronoma de Mexico, 1977), 109-II; S. MacCormack, Religion ill the Andes: Vision and Imaginatioll ill Early Colollial Peru (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991). Yet any sustained efforts at acculturation were thwarted by political events, as mentioned in 1616 by one author who wrote : "Halla por mi quenta que al tiempo de la entrada de los espaiioles en este tierra no se predico pOl"que todo se fue en guerra. A los medias tam poco, porque todo fue disensiones y tyrania" (F. de Avila, "Parecer y arbitrio de Francisco Davila beneficiado de HUanllCO Y Visitador de idolatria para eI remedio della en los Yndios deste Arzobispado" [16161, RH II

[19371: 332)·

PICTORIAL INVENTION AND POLITICAL COERCION

imperial level remained intact, especially in the sierras, because colonial Peru was structured around the encomienda system.' This meant that aside from royal landholdings, large land tracts or repartimientos, were given for usufruct to individual Spanish encomenderos for their lifetime and the next generation.' Natives within each repartimiento were subject to working the land for and paying tribute to the encomendero. In return, the encomendero was to look after their welfare and to ensure that they received religious instruction. The encomendero, however, did not live among his Indians. He was required to setde in one of the newly founded Spanish municipalities. The only Spaniard permitted to live full-time among the natives was the Catholic priest, or doctrinero. Apart from the doctrineros, most Indians had litde direct contact with Spanish culture except when going to work in Spanish towns or mines. In other words, native communities continued to be located in the same places, were still structured according to kinship and reciprociry, and were still governed by their curacao Encomenderos quickly realized that to mobilize this native labor force, they could not count on most Indians to sell their labor willingly. Encomenderos were obliged to recognize the legal authority of curacas and to negotiate with these local lords, who, as mediators, could procure the needed goods and services . Some encomenderos even took on the guise of Andean overlords and outwardly respected the rules of reciprocity by giving traditional gifts to the curacas for their services! Certain encomenderos also redistribured some of their tribute to the natives who worked for them, as well as giving them new gifts, such as scissors. 4. There are many descriptions of the early encomienda system and its effects in Peru. Among the sources I consulted are C. Gibson, The Inca COIICept of SOllereigl1ty and the Spanish Administration ill Peru (Austin: Unive rsity of Texas Press, 1948); J. Rowe, "The Incas under Spanish Colonial Institutions," Hispanic American Historical Review 37 (Durham), no . 2 (1957): 155-99; Lockhart, Spanish Peru; W. Espinoza Soriano, "La Sociedad Andina Colon..ial," ill Historia del Peru (Lima: Juan MejIa Baca, T980), IF-HO; S. Stern, Peru 's Indian Peoples and the OJallelige of Spanish Conquest (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), 27-50; and R. Varon Gabai, Curacas y el1comcl1deros (Lima: P. L. Villanueva, 1980). 5. There were about five hundred encomenderos in Peru at their max imum number. The first Spaniards granted encom iendas were the conqu istadors wbo came with Pizarro. Additional encomiendas were later granted according to a variery of criteria. See Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 17. 6. According to Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (£1 Primer Nueva Corollica y Bllell Gobiemo [ca . -.:615], ed. J. Murra and R. Adorno, trans. Jorge Urioste [Mexico: Siglo XXI, 1:980], pp. 5:t~-:t5. fo!' 554 [568]), some encomenderos literally posed as Incas wben they visited their Indians, and tbey were carried in a litter proceeded by native dancers, as noted by Stern (Pem 's Indian Peoples, 235 n. 84).

Toasts with the Inca

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They also gave the traditional gift of drinking vessels, but in the new exotic material of glass.' Curacas responded in kind . Aside from the labor that they organized according to ancient patterns on behalf of the encomenderos, they hosted traditional feasts in which they presented encomenderos with gifts.' Expectations were that the Spaniards would reciprocate. In such a relationship, it cannot be expected that the encomendero would interfere to any great degree with native social practices, let alone native artistic expression. At any rate, this task traditionally fell to the church and the doctrineros paid by the encomendero . However, even here there seems to have been little early impact on most native artistic traditions. Aside from seizing the principal Inca idols and major local huacas and transforming substantial Incan architectural monuments into churches or monasteries, most early religious efforts were focused on training priests as doctrineros . The emphasis on their evangelical mission was to convert through preaching and persuasion)~

At /irst there was a degree of success in the evangelical effort-at least, success in the minds of the Spanish clergy. This is clear by the tone of the Canstitttcianes de las Naturales written during the Primer Concilio Provincial called by Archbishop Jeronimo de Loayza in I;;I. Only two of the "constituciones" refer to native idolatry and images. The first (number 3) simply states that in Indian towns where there were converts, the huacas should be destroyed and churches should be built over them or at least a cross should be put in their place. In Indian towns where there were as of yet no Christians, furthermore, the viceroy should be consulted as to what should be done about the indigenous sacred sites. The second (number 23) provides the proper punishment for native priests who still practiced their religion and for any native converts who consulted them. '0 The remaining thirty-eight constitutions treat different aspects of conversion, religious instruction, and the comportment of priests in the native communities.

The optimism of the early church fathers was based, however, more on hope and illusion than on reality. There were too few doc7. See Stern, Pem's Il1dian Peoples, 235 11. 8+

8. Viceroy Toledo considered these feasts so costly a burden to the Indians that he

forbade them; see F. de Toledo, OrdcnQllzas de Don Fra1tcisco de Toledo Virrey del PertJ [1569-81), ed. Roberto Levillier (Madrid: Imprenra de Juan Pueyo, 1929), 350. 9. See Duviois, La DestrucciOl1, 294-95· I.o. R. Vargas Ugarte, ed. CO/lcilios Iiml!11ses (1551-1772) (Lima: Ravago e Hijos, 195[-54), vol. c, 8--9.

PICTORIAL INVENTION AND POLITICAL COERCION

I43

trineros to do the job, and many of them were not fully aware of what was and what was not idolatrous.1..I Furthermore, some priests were more interested in exploiting their flock economically rhan in preaching the word of God. Conversely, their more conscientious brethren were busied in protecting the Indians from abuses by encomenderos and were therefore also deflected from their evangelical mission." Essentially, early colonial Peru consisted of two parallel societies that were only nominally connected. The Spaniards took advantage of native labor to build new towns, to work mines and fields, and to produce textiles and other items. Inca craftsmen (e.g., silver workers) living in urban areas like Cuzco and Lima were directed toward making European as well as Andean objects. Some of the first generation born after the conquest were also taught to paint, draw, read, and write and to use these skills within a colonial context of interaction and the production of Christian images. But most natives continued to live in the same scattered communities, unaffected by Spanish culture or religion. At first, the arrangement was relatively convenient to both factions-at least outside of areas of intense interaction, such as Cuzeo . l } By the term convenient, however, I do not mean that this was an ideal or tranquil period of relations between Spaniards and natives. The distribution of encomiendas did not necessarily conform to preconquest political boundaries, so the authority of traditional curacas was split between competing interests among Spaniards. Lesser curacas therefore assumed greater authority in some encOIniendas, undermining previous hierarchies and traditional social bonds." The early period was also a time of extreme violence on all sides, as very real and highly detrimental changes occurred among the native population. Nonetheless, the substantive changes transforming natives into colonial subjects had not yet been put fully into place. Rather, it was a period when different ethnic groups resumed a degree of autonomy after the collapse of the Inca hierarchy. At the same time, Spaniards were able to establish towns and H. See Dllviols, La Destrucci611. I94; K. Mills, Idolatry and Its Enemies: Colonial AI/dean Religion and Extirpatio1l, J6.fQ-1750 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), l6-2 5· l2. For exploitation by individual doctcineros, see Stern, Peru 's ludialt Peoples, 46. For a combined episcopa l and monastic defense of rhe natives against encomenderos in 1560, see "Los Decretos de la Junta de 1560, Celebrado en Lima, Bajo la Direcci6n de Fr. Jeronimo de Loaysa," in La Legislaciol1 Eclesiastica ell eI VirreYl1ato del Peril dura lite el Siglo X VI, cd. V. Trujillo Mena (Lima: Imfratllr, 1:981), 281-95. 13 . See N. Wachtel, The Visioll of the Vanquished, trans. B. Reynolds and S. Reynolds (New York: Barnes and Noble, I977), 8j-1:39. 1:4. See S. RamIrez, The World Upside DOW/1; Cross-Cultural COlltact and COl1flict ill Sixteellth-Century Peru (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, I996), 26-39.

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Toasts with the Inca

to set in place a working relationship with the native populace. This coexistence, however, was flawed and was not what tbe Spanish royal government ultimately intended. Although the Spaniards could tap the source of Andean labor, they did not politically or socially control their subjects in any systematic fashion. This was because, in part, community structure and native authority did not in any way resemble a European model. Most sociopolitical and economic relationships were on an ad hoc basis worked out primarily between individual encomenderos and their curacas. 'S Moreover, viceregal plans to gain more centralized control remained ineffectual for a number of reasons, not the least of which was opposition by encomenderos and Indians alike.,6 These early colonial relations were drastically changed by two related events: the Taqui Onkoy and Viceroy Toledo's reforms. Both events bear directly on the fate of Andean native imagery in general and on the imagery on queros in particular.

Peru, 1564-1600: The Taqui Onkoy By the early 1560s, Spanish abuse of mita labor, coupled with the devastating effects of European disease, produced first disillusionment with, then a new form of resistance to, Spanish rule. This state of affairs culminated in a messianic movement that was believed to be PanAndean and populist, called the Taqui Onkoy- the "Dance of Sickness. "17 The movement's proponents were natives, male and female, adult and child, who had been "touched" by the huacas. They preached a millenarian change that would be brought about by an alliance of -Andean gods-the huacas of Titicaca, Tiahuanaco, Pachacamac, and Tambotocco, as well as some seventy others. United, the huacas would fight and defeat Christian gods. The huacas would then send a sickness I5 . See c.]. Dfaz Rementeria, £1 Cacique ell eI Virreil1ato del Pertt: £Studio hist6ricojt/ridieo (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, (977), 4L 16. For an overall description of the problem, see j. Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, I970), H7-91. For a detailed description of a specific area, see Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples. 2.7-50. 17. For descriptions and analysis of Taqui Cnkoy, see Duviols, La Destrucciol1, 133-45; Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples; S. Seem, "The Social Sign ifica nce of Judicial ln sticutions in an Exploita tive Society: Huamanga, Peru," in The Inca and Aztec States, 1400-I600, ed. G. Collier, R. Rosaldo, and J. Wirth (New York: Academic, 198Z.), 51-79; L. Millones. "Nuevas Aspectos del Taki Ongoy," inldeologfa Mesiallico del Mundo Andino, ed. j. Ossio (Lima: Ign acio Prado Pastor, J973), 96-IO.!.; and L. Millones, El Retorno de las Imocas: Estudios y Doctflllcl1tos sabre el Taki Ollkey, sigle XV I. (Lima: IEP, 1990) .

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to kill all Spaniards and a flood that would leave no trace of the Spaniards or their cities. The Taqui Onkoy members demanded singular devotion to the huacas, which had been offended by their neglect since the Spanish arrival. The call was for a return to Andean purity, and any Indian who did not forsake Catholicism, Spanish names, European food, and foreign clothes would also perish. The problem, of course, was in defining whatever constituted Andean "purity." Purity was consciously realized by what it was not, in relation to what it was. The articulation of whatever the Taqui Onkoy constituted, in other words, was couched in terms of its opposition to its negative. The Taqui Onkoy was a colonial phenomenon and therefore already something new, doubly voiced in the Bakhtinian sense, such that within a single utterance (here read the Taqui Onkoy), there is an encounter between two consciousnesses that are nonetheless separated from each other by social and cultural differentiation." Differentiation is crucial, and only within the dogmarism of Christianity of true and false could such a native religious movement arise. The degree of success or even the reality of the Taqui Onkoy in rallying all segments of Andean society to a common cause is therefore not of concern here." Rather, what the Taqui Onkoy came to represent to the Spaniards and the reactions that it provoked are historically importaur. The Taqui Onkoy showed Europeans that they did not really control native Peru in any meaningful sense. Economically, the labor demands of Spanish mita could suddenly be met with resistance and noncompliance, and native villages were too decentralized for an effective roundup of the recalcitraurs. Militarily, the movement manifested a deep hatred for the Spaniards and, when coordinated with Incas in Vileabamba, threatened to plunge the colony iuro full-scale armed rebellion. Finally, the Taqui Onkoy demonstrated that the Spaniards had failed in the very task that ideologically justified their being in Peru in the firsr place. Native idolatry was not only alive and well but militantly campaigning against Christianity, with many converts lapsing into open apostasy. IS. See M. Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imaginatio1t (Austin: University of Texas Press, I981).

19. There may very well be a substantial difference between the ac[Ual size and dimension of the Taqui Onkoy and its inscription by Albornoz based on hi s personal political needsj see G. Ramos, "Polftica ec1esiastica y extirpacion de idolatrfas: DisCllrsos y silencios en torno al Taqui Onqoy," in Catolicis1IIo y Extirpacioll de Idolatrias Siglos XVI-XVII. ed. G. Ramos and H. Urbano (CllZCO: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de las Casas," 1993), 147 ·

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Reaction and Refonn Six years after the Spanish discovery of the Taqui Onkoy in 1564, the movement, whatever it really was, was effectively over. Zealous individuals exercised their moral imperatives. More than eight thousand participants had been pWlished by Cristobal de A1bornoz, the most perspicacious of all Spanish priests. Thousands-if not tens of thousandsof small huacas and their belongings were seized and either destroyed or turned over to the Catholic Church. In the village of Chincheros alone, 160 bodies of venerated mallquis from the surrounding area were gathered and burned.'o Viceregal authorities were no less active, although they were not quite as effective at first. In 1565, the newly arrived interim viceroy Garcia de Castro established the corregidores de indios, officers of the king who were subject in authority to only d,e viceroy and the audiencia (royal judicial and administrative council). The intent was to create a counterpart to the corregidores in the municipalities who, prior to this date, administered to both Spanish and native communities. The corregidor de indios would only administer Indian affairs. The viceroy's stated purpose in creating the new position was to control the natives and to stop any conspiracies such as had just been discovered. The cost was to be borne by the Indians as a punishment for planning to rebel." In addition, the viceroy intended to move Indians into larger towns where the corregidores could supervise them, regulate tribute collection, maintain a proper census, and protect the Indians from various abuses. This was a general plan of urbanization used throughout the Spanish colonies and most effectively articulated by the Crown in 1573." In Peru, Juan de Matienzo already outlined a wholesale revampment of colonial Peru in 1567. It was replete with a grid plan for the new native villages (fig. 7.I)-based on what had been built in Tlaxcala, Mexico-and for a town government based on the Spanish cabildo but in coordination with the curacas' authority. 2.3 2 0. See DlIViols, La Destmccioll, I4r-45; C. de Albornoz. "Un inedit de Cristobal de Albonloz: La instruccion para descubrir todas las guacas del Pinl y sus camayos y haciendas" [ca. 15821. ed. P. Duviols, jOllmal de la Societe des Americallistas (Paris) 56, no. I (19 67}:L7-39· 21. See Rowe, "Incas under Spanish Colonial Institutions," 162. 22. See Rccopilaciott de las Lcyes de las Illdias [1681] (Madrid: Edjciones de CuJruta Hispanic3, "I973), 2:89"-93, 198-202. 23. See J. de Matienzo, GobiaYllo de Penl [1567] (Buenos Aires: Compaiiia Sud Americana de Billetes de Banco, 1910), 3r-jJ. The Second Council of Lima, held a year before, also reAects this desire to concentrate Andeans into towns; see ordinance 80: "que 13 muched umbre de los indios que esta esparcida par diversos ranchos se reduzcall a pueblos

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Viceroy Toledo was able to bring Matienzo's and earlier viceroys' reforms into uniform practice." Arriving in 1569, he set about almost immediately to gather firsthand information by traveling throughout Peru from 1570 to 1575. To aid him in these visitas, Toledo enlisted a cadre of officials, among whom was Matienzo. The task he set for himself was immense. A complete census was to be taken, and all Indians were to be moved from their traditional villages and settled into reduccioms, Spanish-style towns built along the lines of Matienzo's plan and the royal ordinances of 15 73. The census material and the reducciones were to form the base from which Toledo could organize an effective and systematic structure of tribute collection and labor extraction. However, Toledo's reforms were not directed merely toward more effective economic and political domination. The Taqui Onkoy and the Inca independent stronghold in Vileabamba showed that Peruvians not only resented physical exploitation but repudiated Spanish culture and religion. Toledo, like any other colonial official who had to pacify a subject people, was after their hearts and minds as well as the control of their bodies. He had to operate on native culture to save native souls. Cristobal de Albornoz and others may have brought the apostasy of the Taqui Onkoy under control, but Toledo masterminded the first systematic attempt to dismantle and undermine native beliefs and traditions in order to plant more securely tl,e seed of the "true faith. " '5 It was almost a personal crusade for Toledo; he wrote, "the principal purpose of the visita general and mine personally is the extirpation of idolatry, sorcery, and dogmatists [Taqui Onkoy members] so iliat the gospel can take root and bear fruit.",6 The removal of Indians to the reducciones was therefore meant, first, as a means to administer the sacraments more easily and, second, copiosos e concentrados como 10 tiene mandado Ie magestad catalica" (Vargas Ug,ute,

COl1cilios limclIses, 1:325). 2+ Ramirez (World Upside Down, 160) argues convi ncingly that many of Toledo's efforts had alrea dy been put into place in an informa l and piecemeal fasruon on the north coast, begi nning as early as the :154os. 1.5. Also at iss ue was the politica l struggle between the regu lar and secular clergy for control o f doctrillos, ju st as was caking place in New Spain. The secllbr clergy was growing rapidly and was in need of placement. See Acosm, "La extirpaci6n de las idolatrfas en el Peru : Origen y desarrollo de l;l s camp;lnas. A prop6sito de CIf/tura olldina " represion de Pierre Ollviols," Reuista A "dhra S, no. 1 (:1987): 173-'74. 26. u. • •• el principal efeem de la visita general y personal mi(/ era de extripar idol a~ trias, hechicerias, y doglll.uizadores para que la doctrina del Evangelio c.1iga en disposicion y tierra que pueda hacer ffuto" (F. de Toledo, "Libra de]a visita genera l del Virrey Toledo" [I57D-751, RH 7, no. 2 [ 192-4]: 179).

Toasts with the Inca

as a means to politically control the natives more effectively." To Toledo, it was due to the lack of these reducciones that all earlier efforts had failed."

The Campaign against Paganism, Idolatry, and Drinking

The Taqui Onkoy may have forced the issue of idolatry, but the overarching issue was to establish a permanent and universal physical and moral order in Peru . Toledo was not content simply to bring the natives into the reducciones. The signs of paganism were to be extirpated to bring about the new order that was envisioned . Toledo was guided in this task not only by his own personal experiences but also by the investigations of the Second Council of Lima, which had begun just three years prior to the viceroy's arrival. In conjunction with Albornoz's efforts against the Taqui Onkoy, the council meeting formed part of the foundation of Toledo's campaign. The Second Council of Lima was called by Archbishop Loaysa. The council was ostensibly meant to implement the laws promulgated in tbe Council of Trent, which had concluded four years earlier.'. The convocation came, however, in the midst of the Taqui Onkoy, so it is no surprise that native idolatry in Peru was a major issue.l°

In the Sumario of the council, a number of specific native practices were prohibited because of their idolatrous nature. Some pertained to native appearance. Indians were forbidden to mold or reshape their infants' heads or to open and enlarge the infants' earlobes, and unmarried adults of the opposite sex could not braid each other's hairY Other ~7. Toledo wrote, "con mas facilidad y comodidad se les puede administrar los sacramemos y sean mamenidos en justicia y vivan poLfricamenre como personas de razan y como demas vasallos de su majesrad " ("Li bro de la visi ta general," (63 ). 28. ". .. sin este fundamento, toda la orden que se pudiera poner fuera inutil, como 10 han sido pasadas, ass! en 10 espiri[ual como en 10 tempora l" (Toledo, "Libro de Ia visita general," 202.). 2.9. See TrujiUo Mena, La Legis/acio" Eclesitistica, 70. 30. In .£567, the archbishop of Lima had nine dioceses: Cuzco, Quito, Panama, Popayan, Nicaragua, L'l Plata, Paraguay, Sa ntiago de Chi le, and La Paz. The bishops of only a fraction of these districts were able to attend the council. The sea t for Cuzco, for example, was empty. Nonetheless, dlere were ample representatives {rom the different orders and bishoprics for information to be gathered and for edicts to be written. See Trujillo Mena, La Legis/aciol1 Eclesitistica. 71--,6. }1:. Each of the prohibitions is justified by the fact that idolatrous or licentious behavior accompanied [hem. For e.xample, when a woman braided a man 's hair, it signified that [here was a sexual relationsh ip between them; see Du viols, La Destruccioll, [27. Yet there may also have been secondary factors operating through these prohibitions. Because so

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laws prohibited the worship of huacas, idols, mummies, or apachitas (piles of smaU stones usually set at the top of a hillcrest pass as an act of worship). Certain parts of agricultural celebrations were also prohibited, because sacrifices to deities were made during them. Native priests, diviners, and preachers were to be separated from their communities and incarcerated to prevent apostasy. Local doctrineros were warned also that Indians often used Corpus Christi and other Christian ceremonies as pretexts to secretly worship their idols." To the council members, however, there was a single underlying cause of idolatry: drinking. They maintained, "The vice of drunkenness . . . is the root of infidelity and of innumerable evils." They argued that the faith of Jesus Christ could not firmly be established as long as drunkenness continued unabated. Doctrineros were therefore ordered to stop public drunkenness in all ceremonies. Ordinance 108 reads, "stop dre public drunkenness that accompanies their dances and ceremonies, since they are indications and signs of their infidelity and heresy." " The Sumario of the council was not published until 1582, but many of its prohibitions found immediate resonance in the ordinances set down by Toledo, who consulted the council members." The problems caused or signified by native drunkenness received special attention and became an underlying theme in many of Toledo's edicts. At his most strident, Toledo repeats almost verbatim the words of the Second Council of Lima. He claims that the Indians were impoverished because they spent all that drey had on drink; that they got sick and could not be cured because they were so weak from imbibing; and, worst of all, that all idolarries occurred in drinking feasts.'; many of them refer (0 head adoftunents that made the nathres look physically different from the Europeans, the prohibitions may be seen as an attempt to make the Indians lo ok more like Spaniards so as to foreclose a distinct native identity that confronted and transgressed Spanish cwrure. (For a discussio n of the reformula tio n of native identity within a colonial discourse, see H. K. Bhabha, The Locatio/l of Culture [London: Routledge, .I994}, 66-84-) The laws of the Second Counci l of Lima that are referred to here are numbers IOO, I OI, and I03 in Vargas Ugarte, COllci/ios /imcftses, t::!.06-9. 31.. See edicts 95--96, 98--99, .102., and .104-8 in Vargas Ugarte, COllcilios limellses, I:2.0J-6,20B-II.

33 . "EI uizio de embriaguez ... es ralz de la infidelidad y de innumerables males . . . no aura firmeza en la fee en esta tierra en tanto que los indios no fueren refren:l.dos deste uizio de borracheras . .. persiga las borracheras pllblicas que se hacen sus taquies y ceremonias plies son indicios y senales de infidelidad y heregfa" (Vargas Ugarte, COllcilios

limellses. I :2.U - l.J). 34. For example, Toledo's ordinance 8, "De In que hall de guardar los indios de cada pueblo ... " (Toledo, Ordel1QlIzas, 369) is the same as the Second Council of Lima 's ord inance roo, prohibiting the molding o r shaping of a chi ld's head. 35. Toledo, OrdeIlOllZt1S, lOT-2.

ISO

Toasts with the Inca

Most chroniclers prior to the I570S commented disparagingly on the excess of native drinking.,6 They also recorded that native ceremonies were always accompanied by drinking. Cieza de Leon, for example, portrays the Andean male as drinking from a cup held in one hand while holding his penis in the other and urinating. As time went on, it became increasingly clear that the Spanish saw an irreducible connection between drinking and idolatry, paganism and apostasy.'7 In light of these concerns, it seems that queros and aquillas became ever more suspect during the final third of the sixteenth century and throughout nearly all of the seventeenth century.'s Any native cup used in ceremonies relating to indigenous religious practice might be seized or destroyed by Spanish priests and visitadores. Spanish attention was no longer drawn merely to whatever material value the cups might have displayed. Their use and their imagery were also suspected as having idolatrous meaning. Any imagery that had been painted on these cups before 1570 and had for the most part been ignored came under Spanish scrutiny. The relative freedom in many aspects of native culture was at an end. Closer examination of daily habits and seemingly innocent utilitarian objects became ever more vigilant.

Iconoclasm in Peru Viceroy Toledo, establishing the ground rules for the teams of visitadores, outlined the first systematic iconoclastic campaign against native unagery. 36. See, for example, M. de Esrete, Noticias del Pen; [.1535], CLDR HP, 2d ser., 8 (I92.j.), 53 . The Spanish abhorrence of Native American drinking habits stemmed in part

from the conflict between European and Indian social codes of behavior. Spaniards, idea ll y at least, upheld a Mediterranean tradition of drinking primari ly at mealtime and also being able to suppress signs of intoxica tion. Drunkenness to the point of losing a dignified demeanor or, worse, passing out was considered barbarous and demeaning. Native Americans not only drank at different times but also displayed different :mitudes toward the effects of the beverage. It is most likely that natives only exhibited socially allowed Andean behavior rather than uncontrolled inebriati on. However. the Spaniards viewed it as olltside their allowed 110rms and as disgusting and mora ll y wrong; see W. Taylor. Drinking, Homidde. alld Rebelliou ill Colonial Mexican Villages (Pa lo Alto: Stanfo rd University Press. 1979), 41. 37. For a very lucid study on rhe issue. see T. Sa ignes, "Borracheras andinas: i. Por que los ind ios ebrios hablan en espanol?" Revista Audilla 7. no. [ (1989): 83-n.8. 38. See K. Mills, "Bad Christians in Colonia l Peru." Colonial Latin American Review 5. no. ~ (Y996): 190; R. Randal, "Cosmovision y polltica de la embriaguez desde eI inkanato hasta la co lonia." in Borrachera y memoria: La expel'iellcia de 10 sagrado en los Andes, ed. T. Sa ignes (La Paz: HISPOL; Lima: Instituto Frances de Estudios Andinos, 1993) , 73-I:I2j F. de Lejarda, "' Las Borracheras y eI problema de la conversio n de los indios." Archivo IberoAmericana (Sevilla) 2, no. 3 (1941): IU-42. ~29-69·

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Because of the ancient custom that the Indians have of painting thell idols and figures of demons and animals, which they worship, on their duhos [seats], tianas, cups, scepters, wa lls and buildings, cloaks, shirts, hoes, and almost everything else that is needed by them, [by whic h] it seems that in this way they preserve their ancient idolatry, you will declare that on entering in each repartimiento, no official [artist], from here onward, work or paint such figures, under grave penalties on the person and goods o f those

who continue making them. And the paintings and figures they have on their houses and buildings and the rest of their goods can easily and without harm be gotten rid of. You will point out that they put crosses and other Christian signs inion their houses and

buildings." Almost every item of importance in Andean life was subjected to scrutiny by Toledo in terms of the image it bore. Certainly, such an allinclusive list indicates that traditional imagery did not disappear. Some ten years after Toledo's visitas, Cabello Valboa wrote that Peruvians still painted monstrous and ugly figures on tbeir clotbes, cups, and seats (tianas) "a su modo antiguo. "40 Moreover, Acosta's later comments a bout Peruvian painting, as well as the comments of seventeenth-century extirpators, demonstrate its partial survival. Nonetheless, Toledo's orders meant that any object painted with these images was open to confiscation by the Spaniards if it were used publicly. Queros are only one of a number of items listed by Toledo, and, as I have already discussed, it seems that they were just beginning to be painted in any number. Yet the images that they carried were traditional and, following Toledo's decree, made the cups suspect. This is evident not only by Toledo's edicts but also by Cristobal de Albornoz's work, which reflects an even deeper awareness of Andean customs . Albornoz campaigned against the Taqui Onkoy and was also one of Toledo's visitadores for the province of Cuzco, where he continued his 39. «Item, porque de la costllmbre enjerida que los indios tienen de pintar idoJos y figllras de demonios y anima les a quien soHan mochar, en sus tianas, [duho, is a Caribbean word meaning the same thing as tiana, i.e., a seatl , vasos. baculos, paredes y edificios, mantas camisetas, lampas y casi en rodas cuantas cosas les son neces3ri as, parece que en alguna manera conservan su antigua idolatrfa , proveereis, en entrando en cada repartimiento, que ninglID oficial de aqui adeiante, lahre ni pinte las tales figuras, so graves penns, las cua les execlltareis en sus personas y bienes 10 conrrario haciendo. Y las pimuras y figuras que hlvieren en sus casas y edificios, y en demas inscrumentos que buenamence y sin dane se pudieren quitar y senala reis que pongnn cruces y otras insignias de xrianos en sus casas y ed ificios" (Toledo, Libro de la visita general, 17r). -1-°. M. Cabello Va lboa, Misce16nea A11tartica [1586J (Lima: Insticuto de Etl1ologia, San Marcos, 195I), I96.

Toasts with the Inca

career, becoming vicar general in

I582.4T

In his Instruccion para des-

cubrir todas las guacas del Pir" y sus camayos y haciendas, written around 1582, Albornoz calls on his expertise to say why certain native objects and images should be prohibited. In one passage, he warns against the veneration of mummies by moieties or ayllus. He points out that these ancestors were worshiped as if alive and that they were given cups of gold, silver, wood, and other materials. Because of these practices, the cups themselves became objects of confiscation.+' As I already mentioned in chapter 6, Albornoz advised that ancient cups decorated with figures should be seized and destroyed because they were used in celebrations reminding the Indians of the past. For this reason, Indians were also prohibited from making new vessels in the same form. Albornoz's passage on the subject is a bit ambiguous because one is not sure if he is describing vessels that had some sort of anthropomorphic form or vessels decorated with painted figures." However, in the same passage, he also prohibits other ritual paraphernalia, such as textiles with a checkerboard design or those painted with snake imagery. All these items, including the cups, were used together in feasts that celebrated past Inca victories but tbat Albornoz understood to be related to idolatry. That queros and textiles were indeed given together as a sign of Inca military victories strongly suggests that the vessels that Albornoz refers to were queros. Moreover, they were probably wooden, not metal, because Albornoz says they should be destroyed. Had they been of metal, he would have advised that they be confiscated for the church coffer." The most important observation by Albornoz in regard to the images on these vessels concerns their purpose. He does not say that they pictorially illustrated past events. Rather, he observes that they conjured up remembrance of the past. Like the textiles, in other words, their physical existence formed a memorial nexus between past and present. The images mentioned by Albornoz may have been similar to those .p. See Toledo. Libro de la lIisita gelleral. 19; P. Du viols. introduction to "Un inedit de Cristoba l de Albornoz: La instruccion para descubrir todas la s guacas del Pint y sus camayos y haciendas, ned. P. Duviols.JolJrnal de la Societe des A11lericallistes (Paris) 56) no. T (L967): 9. 42. Duviols. introduction, 19.

43. The passage reads, "destrllir los vasos antiguos que tienen call figuras y mandar que no hagan ninguno en 13 dicha forma" (Duviols. introduction, :1.2.) . 44. This was standard procedure for priests on visits to communities; see 1. de Mora de Aguilar, "L1 Visite des idolatri es de Concepcion de Chupas" [1:6QJ, ed. P. Duviols,JollrlIa/ de /a Societe des Alluiricanistes (Pa ris) 55, no. ;!. (1966): 504-5.

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found on the queros at Ollantaytambo, depicting both discrete abstract designs and animal figures. For example, a few early colonial queros have jaguars painted along the rim in a repeated fashion. Orbers may have had serpents like those painted on the textiles mentioned by A1bornoz. If so, this particular animal had already been singled out in the I550S as pervasive and idolatrous. 4' Orber animal figures painted on wooden queros-for example, birds and spiders (fig. 7.2), Ijzards, flies, and beetles-may have been simjlar to figures appearing on textiles. In fact, Toledo links the two merna in a specific ordinance directed to the area of Chuquisaca. There, natives were to be prohibited from [placing] figures on clothes and cups or on houses . . . as these natives adore some types of bird and animal, and to do it, they paint and work them in the mates and those of silver that they make for drinking and on the doors of their houses, and they weave

them on the front and back of altar hangings, and they paint them on the walls of churches." Bartolome Alvarez is even more specific about these images and idolatrous practices. He writes: They also adore lizards big and small, snakes big and small, [and] butterflies; and all these creatures were made into figures, and they are painted on the vessels in which they drink, and they are woven

into the clothes that they wear. And altho ugh they look festive in their attire by the colors in wh ich they are woven, in all this they had superstition, which they keep even untll today because these animals are omens. They consult these omens and dreams, and they

fear them and on seeng them they presume bad luck .. . . About the lion [puma or jaguar] they mochan [pray] according to their foolishness, seeing it painted and sculpted, because they have in this way or in diverse ways in their wooden cups for drink-

45. Augl1stinia ns, Relacion de la religiol1 y ritos del Penl heella par los padres agl/sti[:1560J (Lima: Pontiflcia Universidad Ca t6lica del Peru, Fondo Edimrial, 1992.), 39 . ..6. "... no se labren figuras en la ropa ni en los vasos, ni en las casas . . . por cu:tnto dichos naturales tambien adoran algun genero de aves y anima les y para el dicho efecro los pintail e labran en los mates que hacen para beber y de plata, y en las puertas de sus casas y los tejen en los fromales, dorseles de los altares e los piman en las paredes de las Iglesias" ("Ordenanza de Toledo para Chuquisaca," Arch ivo Nacional de Sucre-Bolivia, !574, ANB E.C. 1765, no. :13:1, cited in T. Gisbert, Si lvia Arze, and Martha Cajias, Arte Textil y MUI/do Andilto (La Paz: Gisbert y Cia, !9R7), La.

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I54

Toasts with the Inca ing in their drunken feasts, or in their seats in whjch they sit, or in the buildings of their houses where there is woody

There is a relatively small number of queros that have just animal images painted on them. Some of the figures, such as butterflies (fig. 7.3), are nearly identical to figures on Inca checkered tunics (fig. 7.4). These queros cannot be securely dated in the same manner as the Ollantaytambo queros. That they represent a tiny minority of images in relation to the corpus of quero imagery, though, suggests one of two possibilities: either they are the few surviving pieces from this early period, or if they were painted later, the major emphasis of quero imagery had changed.,' This is because any vessel that had rhese kinds of image and that escaped Toledo's, Alvarez's, and Albornoz's efforts or were painted after them were still subject to destruction in the seventeenth centuty, as campaigns against idolatry increased in intensity." Images of animals, insects, and reptiles painted on early queros disappear from the bulk of later quero decoration, perhaps because these -17. "'Adoran asimiSIl10 las laga rtij os y, laga rtos y culebras y viboras [y] mariposas; y todos estos animalijos tieflen figuras hechas, y las rienell pinradas en los vasos en que beben, y las labmn en las copas que visten. Y aunque es ga la a su lIsnnza por los colores que emejen, en todo esto teniao supersticioll; Y la rienell hoy dia por raz6n de que en todos esros animaiejos SOI1 agoreros. Miran mucha en los agiieros y en los sl1eiios, }' los lemen, y de verlas presu men mal suceso dOll de quiera que 10 hallell 0 10 vean. AI leon, 11I0chall segtin sus tontedades, viendole pintado 0 esculpido, porque desta manera 10 ponen: 0 en diversas manera s de vasija s de madera que telliull para heber en SllS borracheras, 0 en sus asienros en que sien ten. 0 en los edificios de sus casas, donde bay maderamientos. " Bartolome Alvarez, De 105 costumbres y conversion de los indios del Perrt: Memorial a Felipe IllI58S], ed. Maria del Carmen Martin Rubio et al. (Madrid: Ediciones Polifermo, r998),80-8r, 48, However, such images continued to be painted on queros well into tbe middle of the next century. Francisco de Avi la specifica lly mentio ns the images of butterflies (pilfpil1tO) and flowers (ttica) as woven into the design of bags (chlfspas) and painted onto " qqueros" (Tratado de /05 Eval1gelios que /lllestro Madre la iglesia propone ell todo eI Olio desde 10 primera domfllica de aduielltO hasta la Ii/lima missa de Difimtos, Santos de £spaiia y aitadidas ell el Iluevo rezado ... [Lima: Jeronimo de Contreras, I648], 1:r02). Moreover, these rypes of queeos remained in Andean communjties until t hi s century, as evidenced by the queros removed from C hiUwa in 1925 by MejfaXesspe; see A. M. Soldi, "Un inedito de Toribio Mejia Xesspe: ' Los keros de C hiUwa 1925,''' in Arqueo/ogfa. Alltropologia, e Historia en los Alldes: Hamel/Die a Maria RostlUoroUJski, ed. R. Varon Gabai and J. Flores Espinoza (Ljma: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, I997). p. 90. fig. M0-0069. 49. As late as c660, Don Pedro Sarmiento de Vivero was able to collect and burn thirty queros, a long with seventeen painted shirrs and other ritual items, in the repactimiento of Huarochirf, an area that had undergone prolonged and extensive tnvestigation for idolatry during a lmost the entire seventeenth century; see Archivo Arzobispa de Lima, Visitas de Idol atrfa, legajo 2, clladecno 16, cited in K. Spa lding, Huarochir!: All Andean Society IInder Inca a"d Spa"isb Rille (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1984), 256,

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animals were closely identified with witchcraft and divination.>O Other animals, such as guinea pigs and llamas, known to have been sacrificed during religious ritual, are also rarely found on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century querosY Some anima l figures (birds, felines, and monkeys) that were incorporated into or were already a part of European secular and religious art continue to be represented)' These figures, however, no longer appear individually as discrete symbols emphasized by their isolation within incised geometric designs, like the felines on the Ollantaytambo queros. Instead, they are almost always integrated into the pictorial compositions, in which human figures are the focus. These later compositions of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries therefore exhibit a decided change from early colonial imagery. Early quero imagery, such as that found at Ollantaytambo, was not a synthesis of Hispanic and native elements. It was based on a pre-Hispanic system of representation that was still functioning as if there had been no conquest. The images on later queros are a tacit acknowledgment of the conquest. Beginning in the late sixteenth century, artists had to contend with the mandate that images painted on queros could not offend Spanish taste or beliefs. This understanding was incumbent not only on those who painted queros but also on those who would use them. The imagery on these queros was not just a formal shift but a shift in understanding of what could be depicted and how. This change was not isolated to quero imagery and did not occur in a vacuum. It is important, therefore, to look at the general production of proscribed late-sixteenth-century imagery and native artists' adaptation to it.

From Icon to Iconography: The Shift in Native Understanding of Image, 1570-1610 For the natives of Peru, the I570S were transitional years on many counts. During that period, Peruvian natives became ((Indians"; that is, 50. See Albornoz, "Un inedit de Cdst6ba l de Albornoz," 2}; P. J. de Arriaga, La extirpaciou de la idolatria en el Pertt [,[62..I], CLDRHP. 2d ser., 1: (:1920): I .rr. 51:. In my research, I have seen only o ne quero depicting a llama sacrifice. There are no representations of guinea pigs in the examples studied. )2. Notwithstanding their possible pagan coment (as mentioned by Toledo) , monkeys, parrors, and fel ines became increasingly common in late sixteenth-, seventeenth-, and eighteenth-century churc h sculptu re, tapestries, and painting. See H. E. Werhey, Co/ouial Architecture and Sculpture il1 Pem (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1949), 85; T. Gisbert, Icol1ogmffa y mitos il1dfgellas en ef arte (La Paz: Gisbert y Ga, T980), 60--63.

Toasts with the b1ca

their ethnic identities were subordinated to relationships created by the colonial state." They were bunched together into reducciones, where every aspect of their behavior was subject to the condemning eyes of doctrineros and visitadores. For native artists, the pretext of the extirpation of idolatry led to the disappearance of certain aspects of their art during the last third of the sixteenth century." Garcilaso de la Vega describes the disappearance of art literally in his reference to the rock painting of condors outside Cuzco. He says that the painting was still in good condition in 1580. But by 1592, when he asked a priest just returned from Peru about it, he was told "that almost nothing could be seen of it, because with the rains and the neglect for caring for it and other similar antiquities, they have been destroyed." 55 The destruction Garcilaso describes does not mean that native artists ceased to exist or stopped making images. Rather, it means that what some images looked like and the way they signified, if they appeared publicly, had to change to conform with, rather than confront, Spanish taste. The requirements for acceptable images had to be learned by native artists, and European examples, both artists and artworks, were soon on hand in Peru. By I545, Spanish artists were working in Cuzco, and native artisans were employed along with them to build and decorate the cathedral. 56 Smaller churches were also being built in native communities even before Toledo's reducciones. As in other parts of the Americas, imports of paintings, prints, and illustrated books were brought to Peru either to adorn the churches or to be used as models for paintings by local Spanish and native artists. 57 These new images in Peru had an exact and crucial place in the evangelical efforts of the Spaniards. As spelled out in the Council of Trent and enthusiastically endorsed in the Second and Third Councils of Lima, the paintings-portraits of Christ, the Virgin, and the saints, as well as narrative paintings of subjects such as the Last Judgment-were 53. See Stern, Pem's Indian Peoples, 80. 5+ See Duviols, La Destruccion, 297. 55. "... que casi no se divisaba Dada della, porque el tiempo con sus aguas y el descuido de 1a perpetuidad de aquella y otras sel11ejalltes alltigltollos la avian arruinado" (emphasis added) (Garcilaso de la Vega, Comelltarios Reales de los Incas [r6091 (Buenos Aires: Emece Editores SA, 1943J, bk. 5, chap. 23, p. 274)· 56. See.J. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, Historia de la Pintura Ctlzqueiia (Lima: Bibiioteca Peruaoa de Cuitura, .1982), 48. 57. See Mesa and Gisbert, Historia de la Pintmo Cuzque;ia, 48--68.

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used to demonstrate the points of doctrine preached in sermons." The use of Western mimetic representation as documentation or proof was,

however, alien to Andean concepts of imagery. For Andeans, there was an irreducible connection between the representation and the thing represented, based on a synecdotal relationship. Nonetheless, by the end of the sixteenth century, it is reasonably certain that many Indians, artists and nonartists alike, were familiar with the form and illustrative content of European religious imagery. In the bilingual sermons writren by the Third Council of Lima, different uses for images were prescribed . In the twenry-ninth sermon, for example, Andeans were instructed how to pray the Our Father and Ave Maria. For the latter, every native was to have an image of Mary before him or her when reciting the prayer ("Cada uno procure tener la imagen de Nuestra Senora para rezar can devoci6n y 11amada que aunque estan en el cielo, nos aye muy bien").'. One sermon makes direct reference to paintings of the subject that the sermon addresses, the Last Judgement, a theme that Guaman Poma says was painted in every church.'" Fm one Jesuit, doctrinal paintings had achieved their intended objective; he writes that catechetical paintings, such as those of the Last Judgment, were worth a thousand words." 58. For an analysis of the Council of Trent's effects on imagery in Peru in general and on Gunman Poma's drawings in particular, see M. L6pez-Baralt, "La Contra rreforma y el Arte de Gunman Ponta: Noms Sobre una Politica de Comunicaci6n Visual," Hist6rica (Lima ) 3, no. I (1979): 81-96. 59. Tercero Cathecisl110 y Exposici611 de 10 Doctrina Christiana por Serlllol1es (Lima: Amo nio Ricardo, I585), fo\' 189V. 60. "Porque habeis de saber que en arrancandose vuestra alma y saliendo de ese cuerpo, luego es lI evada por los angeles ame el Juido de jesl1cristo. Y alii Ie relatan todo cuanto ha hecho buena y malo; y oye semencia de aquel alto Juez, de vida 0 muerte, de gloria 0 de infierno, como 10 merece sin que haya mas mudanza para siempre jamas. Y por eso "abeis visto pintado a Sail Migl/el gJorioso areal/gel COli WI peso que estd pesalldo las almas, ql/e siglti(1ca y qlliere decir que ell la otra vida se mira eI biell )I elmal que han hecbo las almas, y con(orl1le a eso recibel1 sentencia" (<<Sermon XXX, De los novlsimos," in Tercero Cathecismo, fols. 195v-I96r; emph asis mine). Guaman Poma de Ayala writes, "Y and en las yglecias y tenplos de Dios ayga curiucidad y muchas pinturas de los santos. Y en cada yglecia ayga un juycio pintado. All f muesne la uenida del senor 31 juycio, el cielo y el mundo y las penas del ynfierno, pa ra que sea testigo del crisitano pecador" (Nueva Cor61lica, p. 636, fo\' 674 [688]). 61 . " ... y ha aujdo notables mudan.;as y con uersiones de ynd ios can la consideracion de juizio y gloria y penas de los condenados, que esd todo pintado por las paredes de esta yglesia y capilla, particularmente con las penas y castigos que en eI infierno tienen los vicios y pecados de los yndios que estan allf bien dibujados por sus especies y diferencias, porque los ind ios se mueven mucho por pimuras, y Jnl1chas veces mas que con muchos sermones" (Anonymous, Historia General de la COlI/pairEa de jesi'is ell la Provincia del Pent (1600], ed. F. Mareos [Madrid: Instituto Gonza lo Fernandezde Oviedo, 195-+]. vol. .2., bk . .2., p. 37; see also A. de Vega Loaiza , Historia del Colegio y Ul1i//ersidad de Sail Ignacio de Loyola de la

15 8

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Native understanding of these Christian images, however, did not always follow the intent of the Council of Trent. Counter-Reformation policy stressed that images were not to be honored or venerated as if they had virtue or divinity in aud of themselves. Rather, they were to be honored because they referred to the prototype that the images represented!' By Andean logic of camay, this was impossible." Many Christian images, such as the Virgin of Capacabana sculpted in 1583, became powerful independent agents like huacas and had imagined real power. At this level of reception, the distinction between pagan idol and Christian image could really only be made on the basis of a formal artistic tradition and religious context. 6-1 The campaigns against Andean symbolic forms and the introduction of a new system of representation did not mean the undoing of Andean codes of meaning. Rather, for Peruvians who still identified themselves in relation to ayllu social structure, such Western forms had somehow to be restructured and reimagined to convey Andean terms of meanmg.

This transformation, however, was fraught with difficulty: no matter how Christian imagery was reinterpreted to have some form of Andean meaning, the imagery was still dependent first of all on a European system of reference. 6, These new images-based on a concept of verisimilitude achieved through color, line, and perspective; painted on cit/dad del GlIZCO [ca. 16001. ed. R. Vargas Ugarte [Lima: Biblioteca Hist6rica Peru ana, 1948], vol. 6, p. -1-3, as cited by Lopez-Baralt "La Contrarreforma y el Arte," 81-95). This was by no means a universally held opinion, and Francisco de Avila articulated an opposite position; see J. C. Estenssoro Fuchs, "Descubriendo los poderes de]a palabra: Funciones de la predica en la evangeLizaci6n del Peru {Siglos XVI-XVII)," in La Vellida del Reil1o: Religion eVflngelizacion y elf/tura en America Siglos XVI-XX, ed. G. Ramos {Cuzco: Bartolome de las Casas, 1994}: 75-101. 62. See CallOIlS alld Decrees of the Coullcil of Trel1t, trans. H. J. Schroeder (London: Herder Book Co., 1948), 2.l5-~7. cited in Lopez-Baralt, "La Contrarreforma y eI Arte," 83-84.

63. Th is logic continually frustrated Spanish priests who destroyed n,uive idols in the belief that by eradicating the worked image, they were breaking the native's relationship to it. The relationship was predicated not on the image as an abstraction bur on the inherent power possessed by the inlage. Thus, Peruvians simply collected up the fragments and venerated the remains. 6+ See S. MacCormack, "From the Sun of the Incas to the Virgin of Copacabana," Representations 8 (1984): 5.3. 65 . This is a separate {but not unrelated} problem of the attempt by Peruvians to smuggle traditional iconographic references into Christian imagery. This issue has been investigated by Teresa Gisbert at an elementary level in wh ich this iconography is treated as basically a distinct or auconomous unit of colonial art rather than as an integral part of it. Gisbert has written one book dealing with the native elements (lcollografia) and one dealing with colonial painting as a purely European expression (Mesa and Gisbert, La Historia de Pintllra Cuzquciia).

'0

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walls or in oils on canvas; placed in frames, hung in new architectural forms, or carried in Christian processions- signified within a new religious context and reproduced a strict iconography that represented the absolute truth of Catholic dogma. 66 As such, these images, often painted by native artists, were only one possible site of the legitimate reproduction of native identity .(,7 Many Andeans did pay heed to Christianity, but as Arriaga noted, the problem was that they did not do so exclusively. Thus, the cultural area between Catholic intention and Indian reception became a locus in which European and Andean values and beliefs were contested; at least, that is how Spaniards interpreted it. In its most basic form, rhis contest within the image negated the very hermeneutics of the reptesentation itself. Very early after the conquest, many chroniclers, especially priests, pointed out that Christian images as viewed by natives really stood for pagan beliefs, either as their antithesis or surrogate. Santiago substituted for mapa (Lightning), the Virgin Mary became Pachamama (Mother Earth), native images were placed behind or within retablos (altar screens), and animal sacrifices were found beneath altars!' Later, in the seventeenth century, Andeans were forced to confess that they had even advocated against Christian

66. For the rest[ictive nature of colonial iconography as a representarional system of absolute truth that sought to deny native experience, see W. Palm, "£1 Arre del Nuevo Mundo despues de la conqui sta espanola," Bo/etill del CelliI'D de lIwestigaciolles Histo ricas y Esteticas (Ca racas) 4 (1966). 67. Graziano Gasparini describes the dichotomy between nati ve colonial artists. theit work, and its noncorrespondence to native colonial reality or identit)': "it should be explained that, in almost every case [of nati ve colonial schoo ls of architecUlre and paint4 ing] , one is dealing with a directed contributio n which passively carries out with lesser or grea ter abi lity, systems of constnlction and concepts o f form which have been directed by the dominant culture. The great native contribution which permitted the carrying out of that enormous construction activity is, when it comes down to it, manpower." In regard to the speci fics o f a mid-sevenreenth-century Peruvian painter. Gasparini Dotes w irh accuracy that "Diego Quispe Tiro . .. stands out according to the de Mesas 'for having a talent for prod ucing perfect Flemish painting.' Strictly spea king dIe assertion demonstrates the divorced situation existing between the artist and tbe world surrounding him. He leads a life of activities which appear to be indifferent not o nly (0 the problems of his time. but remote from rhe atmosphere and countryside in which he moves and his society in which be forms a part" ("The Colonial City as a Center for the Spread of Architectu ra1 and Pictorial Schools," in Urballization in the Americas (1'0111 Its Begillning to " 1(! Presellf. ed. R. Schaedel et al. rThe Hague: Momon, I978], 280). 68. See F. de Avila, "Relacion que yo ... hice ... acerca de los pueblos de indios de este arzobispado donde se ha descubierro la idolatria y hallado gran c3ntidad de fdolos, que los dichos indios adoraban y tenian por sus dioses" [I6uJ. in La imprenta en Lima (158-4--182-1). ed. J. Medina (Santiago: Casa del Autor, 190-1), 1:388-89; P. J. de Arriaga, La cxtirpacion de la ida/atria ell el Penl [16211. CLDRHP, 2d ser., J (1920), 78-'79; Gisbert, lcollografia, I7-3.j. .

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images, claiming them to be false in precisely the same terms that had been used against their own huacas. 6 , In this sense, the Peruvian reinterpretation of Christian images suggests native intransigence toward Christian dogma and European claims, at least as Spaniards understood it. Yet at the same time, these new images and what was seen and said about them demonstrates something else. One axis of the disputation between colonizer and colonized had shifted; it now could be argued within the pictorial language of the Europeans rather than through a confrontation of two distinct systems of representation. Although huacas in all types still continued to exist and to be subject to extirpation, the human form and the narrative interplay in painting and drawing also became a major idiom of Andean visual production of meaningful communication. Within the sphere of official religious art, it could hardly be otherwise.7° Catholicism would not tolerate a different system of representation in its battle against the idolatry that pre-Hispanic art represented. Yet even outside the strict canons of Christian imagery, there is ample evidence of the fundamental shift toward the human figure and pictorial narrative in both Spanish-sponsored and independent native art production in the second half of the sixteenth century.

The Creation of Native Colonial Imagery The shift in native pictorial tradition after 1570 in relation to colonial queros is best exemplified by the drawings of Guaman Poma de Ayala's Nueva Cor6nica y Buen Gobierno. This pictorial manuscript was produced in the same area in which the majority of colonial queros were made. Its drawings bridge the period between the initial iconoclastic 69. See T. Cummins, "Imagenes Coloniales: Idolatria, Sueiios, Latri'a y Herejla," in Approaches to a New Art History ill Latin America, ed. Rita Eder (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de Mexico, in press); K. Mills, An Evil Lost to View? All Investigation of Post-Evangelisatiol1 Andean Religiol1 ;n Mid-Colonial Pertl (Liverpool: Institute of Latin American Studies, I994), Io6-7' 70. The Taqui Onkoy, in part, brought on the intense iconoclasm in Peru. However, there was also a severe crackdown in Mexico toward the end of the sixteenth century against native images (i.e., the suppression of Sahagun's work) and against Western and native synthetic images, such as those created in the Franciscan murals at Malinalco. The crackdown in Peru and Mexico was part of a new, hard-nosed policy toward natives and came, in part, as a reaction to the earlier Las Casian pleas for tolerance. For Peru, see G. Gutierrez, "Una Teologfa politica en el Peru del Siglo XVI," Allpa17chis (Cuzco) I6, no. 1:9 (191h) : 7-30. For Mexico, see J. Peterson, The Paradise Garden Murals of Malinalco (Austin: University of Texas Press, (993), I71-78.

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campaign of the I570S and the production of fully pictorial quero imagery in the seventeenth century. In fact, Guaman Poma participated in Albornoz's campaign against native practices. Guaman Porna's images demonstrate the transformation that occurred in native artistic

expression, because unlike most native artists, who simply reproduced Christian iconography for the church, Guaman Poma created his own set of images about Peru based on European sources. In this regard, Guaman Poma's Nueva Coronica is unique in Peruvian history. It is the only profusely illustrated manuscript from the hand and mind of a native Andean.7 ' Guaman Poma wrore it as a polemical text through which he sought to redress the wrongs of Spanish colonization. In this hope, he dedicated it to King Philip III and sent it to him. In regard to the drawings, Guaman Poma writes that they are meant to please the Spanish sovereign and to lessen the weight of the ponderous text." Although the work is directed to this royal audience, its interplay berween iconography and formal construction is particularly important. It brings Western and Andean categories of reference together in single images. Moreover, this synthesis, due to the exigency of colonial rule, is important because it is also found on colonial queros. To induce the king's interest, Guaman Poma did not overtly resort to Andean pictorial conventions or iconography. Rather, he employed European formal devices of bounded frames, foteground and background, linear perspective, and balanced or centered compositions defined by human figures and their actions. At an immediate level of understanding, the drawings work as illustrations creating the time and 71. The on ly other Peruvian illustrated manuscripts ,ue the two by Martin de Mur(la (1590 and J6T5), for whom Guaman Poma worked, producing a number of ill ustrations; see E. Mendfzaba l Losack, "L1S dos versiones de Morua," RM N 33 (1963): TH-8S ' 72.. Cuaman Poma de Aya la, Nuevo Corollica, fo!' 7 [IOJ. Although the Naples document states that [he NlIcva Coroll ica was the creation of Bias Valera, there is no evidence that this is the case. First mention of the Naples document appeared in C. Animaro, P. A. Rossi, and C. Miccinell i, Qllipu: II Nodo Par/allte dei Misteriosi (Genoa: Edizioni Cu ltur,lli Internazionali, 1989) . It is extremely problematic that severa l other documents-including Martin de Murua's 1590 Historia del origen y gellealogio real de los reyes iI/cas del Perli, w hich served as the prototype for the Nt/eva Coro"ica, and Guaman Poma's court case over the lands of Chupas near Guamanga (Y no hay remcdio, ed. E. Prado TelJo and A. Prado Prado [Lima: Centro de Investigaci6n y Promocion Amazonica, 1991]), to which Guaman Porna makes specific mention in the Nueva Coronica-have only come to light since the Naples document was first made known. The Naples doclUnenr on ly mentions those other documents that were available to the field o f Andean studies at the time of the anno uncement of the "discovery" of the Naples document. That two of the manuscripts most closely connected to the Nueva Corollica are not mentioned in the Naples document suggests that the latter document is false. For a similar opinion, see J. c. Estenssoro Fuchs, "c Historia de un fraude 0 fraude historico?" Sf 500 (October 1.8, I996): 48-5 3.

Toasts with the Inca

space of Western narrative imagery.73 The primary codes of Guaman Poma's images are, in short, rooted in Western pictorial language. In keeping with this primary orientation, Guaman Poma rarely uses forms that can be traced to pre-Hispanic precedents. Even his imaginary beasts, such as devjls, dragons, and unicorns, are taken from Western iconographic sources. Guaman Poma felt obliged to jettison almost all direct references to Andean imagery. In part, this obligation stems from his Western training in the visual arts and his desire that the images should not only appeal to but be understood by Philip Ill.'4 Yet his almost complete avoidance of the potentially profane Andean imagery is so consistent that it must be related to his experiences with Cristobal Albornoz. Guaman Poma accompanied the priest inquisitor during his visitas, serving as an interpreter. In one passage of his text, Guaman Poma even lauds Albornoz's actions.7s In a sense, Albornoz's condemnation and destruction of native imagery finds complete realization in Guaman Poma's drawings. Guaman Porna's use of a Western pictorial tradition was not, however, guided by just a wish to conform with Spanish iconoclasm or to provide an evening's entertainment for the king. Imagery had a purpose for him.'" Guaman Poma's decision to illustrate his text clearly shows 73. Mercedes LOpez-Bam lc has suggested that as narrative imagery, Guaman Porna's drawings derive, in p~lrt, from rhe mnemonic function of Inca an; see "Guaman Poma de Ayala y el ane de la memoria en una cronica uustrada del Siglo XVU,'" Cuademos Allleri· callOs (Mexico) 38, no. J (r979): rI9-51. Mnemonic imagery, however, on ly reca lls a learned narrative and cannO{ convey it; that is. the image is immediately dependent on that learned informarion and cannor signify independently. In thi s sense, the images ca nnot have derived from an Inca source, because both L6pez-Bara lt ("L'l Persistencia de las estrllcturas sim b61icas andinas en los dibujos de Guaman Porna de A)'ala," Journal of Latin American Lore [Los Angeles] 5, no. I [I979]: 83-116) and Rolena Adorno {"Icon and Ide:l: A Symbolic Reading of Pictures in a Peruvian Cllronic1e," Indian Histo rian [San Francisco] I.!., no. J [[9791: !.7-50; "Parad igms Lost: A Peruvian Indian Surveys Spanish Colonial Society," Stud· ies ill the Anthropology of Visual Communicatioll [Washington, D.C.] 5, no. !. (1979]: 78-96) have demonstrated that Guaman Porna's drawings operate independently of the written text and that the pictorial narratives are developed within the images them se lves. Thus. the primary reference is co European narrative illustration, and thi s code makes them immediate ly accessible to the Western viewer. Tile proof is in the pudding here, because Guaman Porna's drawings howe been increasingly used since their rediscovery in 1.908 as illu strations of Inca life and customs in scholarly and popular books and articles, whereas Inca art is rarely. if ever. used for tile same purpose. 7~. See L6pez-Bara lt, "L'l Persistencia de las estructuras sim bolicas andinas, n 89-90. 75. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cor611ica, p. 6J8, fol. 676 [690J. 76. My discussion of Guaman Poma's images is indebted to the studies of Nathan Wach tel {"Pensamienco sa lvuje y aculturacion: £ 1 espacio y el tiempo en Felipe Guarnan Poma de Ayala y ellnca Garcilaso de la Vega," in Sociedad e ide%gra [lima: Instituto de

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his awareness-an awareness shared by other (primarily elite) Peruvians--
Estudios Peruanas, '[973], I63-228), Mercedes L6pez-Baralt ("La Persisrencia de los estructUfas simb61icas nndin as"), and Rolena Adorno ("Icon and Idea"). These studies should be read together, as tbey discuss the sa me issues from slightl y different angles and en lig bten each other's arguments. 77. See M. FOllcault, The Order of Thillgs: All Archaeology of tbe Human Sciellces (New York: Vintage, 1973), }-]:1. 78. See Adorno, "Icon and Idea,» 2.9. 79. On [he process of internalizatio n of religious belie f so as to motivate into action, see M. Spi ro, "Coll ective Representations and Mental Represem3tiolls in Religiolls Symbol ic Systems,» in On Symbols ill Cultural Anthropology: Essays ill HOllor of Harry Hoiier. ed. J. Maguer (Ma libu: Udena, 1982.)j "Some Reflections on Cu ltural Determinism and Relativism with Special Reference to Emotion and Reason," in Cultural Theory: Essays all Miltd. Self. and £lIIotiol1, ed. R. Schweder and R. Levine (Cambridge: Ca mbridge University Press, 1984), }2.}--I6.

Toasts with the Inca

observing the function of image as sixteenth-century political and social documentary evidence.

In Peru, the beginnings of these practices coincide with the period when Guaman Poma began his career. The first recorded colonial paintings of Inca kings and Inca history were commissioned in 1571 by Francisco de Toledo.'o The viceroy had native artists paint in a Western form on three cloths the bust portraits of the twelve Sapa Incas and their wives. The histories of each ruler were painted around the borders." The fourth clorh was a map of Peru with its towns. Toledo commissioned the paintings in conjunction with chatging Sarmiento de Gamboa to write the Historia de los Incas. Selected Inca descendants were made to verify in the Yucay Valley the truth of both rhe manuscript and the paintings, after which the works were sent to Spain for Philip II's inspection. Sarmiento's book is a polemical text that was meant to prove that the Incas were usurpers and tyrants and that Spain had the legal and moral right to depose them. The immediate connection between the paintings and the book indicates that the paintings were meant to demonstrate Sarmiento's and Toledo's contentions. Toledo refers to this truth content when he suggests to Philip II that the king should have the paintings made into Flemish tapestries so that "con mas perpetuidad quedase la verdad que en ellos va" [the truth that is in them is kept w ith lasting perpetuity].'> This type of painting not only documented the larger political history of Spain and Peru" but also were called on to prove personal his80. For a detailed history of these paintings, see E. Marco Dorta, "Las Pinturas que ellvi6 y trajo a Espana don Francisco de Toledo," Historia y Cultllra (Lima) 9 (£975): 67-'79' Ih. Although Toledo employed native arcists, there is no indication that these artists

used ind igenous style or form. For example, no sixteenth-century Spaniard who saw and reported on the paintings remarks on the exoticism of the images. Toledo even writes to

Philip n that although the native artists do not have the skill of Spanish masters (Uno tienen la curiosidad de los de alia"), Philip might like to have the paintings (Archivo Genera l de Tndias, Lima 28B, cited in Marco Dorta, "Las Pinturas"). The point is that Toledo compares the productions of Spanish and native artists in the same terms rather than qualifying them in terms of different artistic traditions. The fina l indication that Western pictorial conventions were employed is that the portraits of Inca w ives (and probably the Inca kings as well ) were bust portraits. The representation of the head alone had a very different (and negative) connotation among Peruvians than it did among Europeans and would nOt have been used in these portraits had the artists been following Indian conventions. 82. Archivo Genera l de Indias, Lima 28B, cited in Marco Dorta, "Las Pinturas/' 69. 83. To ledo was not the only viceroy to comm ission such paintings. We do not, however, know tbe extent of this practice. The most extensive description of one of these paintings comes in a letter from Diego Rodrfguez de Figueroa to Viceroy Martin Enriquez. WritLng from POtOSI in 1:582, Rodriguez says he is sending a deta iled w ritten account of his services along w ith a painting containing the portraits of all Spanish kings since Ferdinand,

PICTORIAL I NVENTION AND POLITICAL COERCION

165

tory in order to gain social status and economic rights. In 1586, for instance, Leonor de Soto-a mestiza daughter of a marriage between the conquistador Hernando de Soto and a sister of Atahualpa-was in Madrid with her son seeking a grant of a repartimiento for two lifetimes. The legal proceedings of the petition contain a document entitled "Testimonio de los pintnras en los lienzos que estin en el palacio real de Madrid." The paintings there mentioned were some of the sixteen that Toledo had commissioned in addition to the four I ha ve mentioned already. One painting that figured prominently in the proceedings depicted the capture of Atahualpa at Ca jamarca . The "Testimonio" first records the text written in the painting as proof of Hernando de Soto's participation in the event. The court scribe then calls on the image itself as evidence. Moreover, I, said notary, give faith that I saw in said cloth a gen-

tleman in the dress of [the order of] Santiago, and above his head in the painting of said cloth, it says: 'Sow had seized and had under arrest said Atahualpa,' who seemed to be painted there, and he

[Soto] had [Atahualpa] under guard. s,

Other paintings, portraits, and maps, were commissioned in Peru and were either used there or sent to Spain to substantiate legal claims. In the valley of Yucay, some twenty years before Sarmiento commissioned the four painted cloths to be sent to Philip II, a different, more local kind of map was made of the region. It was commissioned along with a document as part of the response to a real provision concerning the possible rerlistribution of vacant lands to the Spanish residents of Cuzco. The image was first made on the ground, using dirt, rocks, and other items to register (pintado) the topographical features of the valley and to indicate (seiia lado) lands dedicated to cultivation." The "map" Span ish explorers, viceroys, and the thirteen Inca rulers, incl uding Aca hualpa; see D. Rodriguez de Figueroa, "Carta y Memorial de Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa al Viccey Don Martin Enriquez sobre cosas tocantes a este reino y mina de Potosi" [[582.), RGI 2 (1965), 63--67· 8+ "Ocross! yo el dicho escriuano doy fee que hi en eI dicho lienc;:o un ca uallero del abito de Santiago que encima de su cauec;a en la pintuca del dicho lienlJo decia: 'Soto, tenia asido y presso; a 10 que allj parescia pintado, al dicho Atagualpa y Ie lleuaua presso" (A rchivo General de lndias, Escribania de camara 509-A, cited in Marco Dorta, «Las Pinturas," 7I-72.). 8). Benito de la Pena writes, "EI dicho senor Mariscal ... mand6 a los indios Incas antiguos de este CllZCO que consigo Uevo para el efeeto contenido en la dicha provision que en el slIelo del [sic] y con tierra y piedra y otros aparejos pimen y sefia len este dicbo va lle de Yucay y las tierras" {"Testimonio dado por Benito de la Pena escribano de esta ciudad del CU2CO ... sobre la aveciguacion que se hizo de los indios que tenian eI Valle de Yucay, y

r66

Toasts with the In-ca

was created by three Incas brought from Cuzco-Juan Caritopa, Tito Cogua, and Quispe Gualpa-all of whom were judged by the escribano (notary) to be about forty-fi ve years of age.86 The map drawn on the ground was used as a means to immediately verify the oral testimony. The document records that in the questioning of residents about some lands now held by Hernando Pizarro, "they were asked if all that was said and shown in the painting was the truth, to which all those who were there responded that it was."'7 The visual nature of the ground "painting, » though, is unclear. When it was shown to Don Francisco Chilche, the cacique principal of the valley, it was described as "figura y pintura." But whatever forms were seen by Don Chilche, he recognized them as being faithful to what was known to be true. Don Chilche acknowledged his general agreement through an interpreter, correcting the map where a few fields were shown to be in the wrong place. A month later, in Cuzco, when the final draft of the document was being made to be sent to Lima, the corregidor Alonso de Alavardo, who had gone to Yucay and had seen the drawing, asked that it be now painted on cloth so that it could be sent to Lima as part of the document. He ordered, however, that it be glossed with written text so illat what was represented would be clearly understood." In 1603, a set of painted portraits wete used as evidence in court. Garcilaso de la Vega received in Spain a painting of the bust portraits of past Inca kings arranged on a genealogical tree, probably based on the paintings commissioned by Sarmiento and Toledo about thirty years earlier. This time, the portraits were to be put to an antithetical use. que tierras y casas y haciendas eran de los Incas . . . " [1:552], in ReI/iSM del Archivo His~

torico 1:3 [19701: 33)· 86. The age of these Inca is significant. As this legal claim was pursued in ISP. the Andeans named by the escr.ibano would have been alive prio r to the Spani sh conquest of the Inca. In thi s respect, they embodied history and, thus, cou ld provide patem testimony in

such land cl aims. 87. "Adelanre de 10 clicho esd.n las rierras de tambo del repartimiento de Hernando Pizarro. Fueles pregunrado si rodo 10 que hlln dicho y mostrado pinrado es verdad los quales dijeron que sl y que siendo necesario 10 pintaran cada y c uando que se Ie mandare para enviar a la Real Audiencia" (Pena, UTestimonio," 40) . 88. ". .. para que con mas daridad puedan proveer en eI caso 10 que fueren servidos que mandaba y mando que de mas de la dicha informacion que ell el caso ha hecho y de su parecer que de suso sera o rdenadado que los dichos indios Incas orejones que (ienen dicho y pintado el dicho va lle del Yucay en tierras ahora nuevamente se les de lienzo y recado para que de la misma forma y manera pinten y senalen y figuren eI dicho valle con las paniclllaridades y panes que Ie tienen pintado y figurado para que se Jleve a la dicha Real Audiencia juntamenre can todo 10 demas que sabre ella se ha hecho y vista par los dichos senores Presidente y Oidores para que puedan mejor determinar y proveer 10 que vieren que COllviene y asi mismo mando que en todas las partes de la dicha pintllra donde fuere necesario vaya escrito y dado razon de 10 que es cada cosa" (Pena, "Testimon io," 48).

PICTORIAL INVENTION AND POLITICAL COERCION

They were to be submitted at the royal court as evidence on behalf of royal Inca descendants in their solicitation for exemption from tribute. 89 Images acquired an evidentiary status in colonial Peru. More important, this status was experienced firsthand by Guaman Poma. Not only was he possibly one of the artists employed in 1571 by Toledo and Sarmiento to paint the Inca portraits and history to be sent to Philip II, but he created a personal set of drawings that served as evidence."" Before creating the Nueva Coro11ica, he drew portraits of both his father (fig. 7.7) and another Andean, along with a map of tbe area of Guamanga tbat he presented in a personal legal dispute over land rights.9' He later copied his fatber's portrait into the Nueva Coro"ica. At the same time, he understood the use and purpose of devotional imagery, in wbich sacred and secular time and place could be conflated. Guaman Poma is tbe likely artist commissioned to paint several religious paintings in the Cuzco region. One is an oil on canvas of the Virgin from San Cristobal in Cuzco, which includes the donor portraits of contemporary Spaniards. In tbe murals on the arca toral (the transitional arch between the nave and the choir) and lateral chapel of the Church of Oropesa (fig. 7.8), the donors are curacas. In bam cases, the strong outline of the profile figures, lacking any sense of contour, is very similar to the use of line in the Nueva Corol1ica. The flat wash of color is also strikingly reminiscent of the watercolors Guaman Poma produced for Martin de Murua's Historia del Peru in 1590. The litigious manuscript is, however, unique in Peru because the artist and the petitioner are the same. Yet Guaman Poma's work is still a part of an epistemological shift in the nature of imagery as used by native elite toward the end of the sixteenth century. In using images of Inca kings in Western portrait form, the Inca royal descendants were not venerating ancestor images as had been their tradition. Rather, they were using the images to press legal and social claims within a colonial structure and by accepted Western norms.9' Guaman Poma used the portraits of Inca kings in a similar context but for a different purpose. 89- See Garci laso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, bk. 8, c hap. :u. 90- See T . Gisbert, "The Attistic World of Feli pe Guaman Porna de Ayala," in Gua· man Poma de Ayala: The Co lollial Art of an Andean Author (New York: Americas Society, r992 ),84-8S· 91. See Guaman Poma de Aya la, Y 110 hay remedio, .32-7- Guaman Poma makes specific reference to this document in Nueva Coroltica, p. 847. fol. 904[,18]. 92. With regard to the cu ltu ral integration of native elites into the colonia l politica l hierarchy through their adaption of Western pictoria l forms continued and expanded throughout the colonial period. see T. Cummins, "We Are the Other: Peruvian Portraits of Colonial Kurakakuna," in Trallsatlalltic Encounters. ed. R. Adorno and K. Andrien (Berkeley; University of Ca lifornia Press, 1991), 188-209. Such integration parallels the Peruvian accommodation to the Spanish judicia l systemj see Stern, "Socia l Significance," 305-11.

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Toasts with the Inca

His Inca portraits have no relation to traditional ancestor worship. He instead uses what these portraits represent politically and socially to claim autonomy for native rule under Spanish suzerainty. This is a real epistemological break in native cognition of imagery, and as I shall show, tlus shift is also a part of the intrusive Western content in quero imagery. On queros, however, it appears within a traditional context and relates first of all to internal native concerns. Despite the predominance of Western forms, Guaman Poma's drawings are not devoid of Andean signification. Not only does Guaman Poma illustrate aspects of Andean history and social life, but, as I have shown, his images are embedded with an autochthonous content that supersedes the Western narrative content of the discrete inlage .• ' Native content is constructed witllin the primary Western pictorial code. The Andean meaning operates at a secondary level, where it occurs through the application of a symbolic structure to the construction of the images as a whole .•' The individual illustrations take on meaning at this level through their formal relation to each other. The creation of this relationship is possible because although Guaman Poma employs Western pictorial conventions, he is not bound by me rigid rules of formal composition and the fixed iconography of orthodox Christian inlagery. Guaman Poma's drawings are re-creations of inlages he first produced for Martin de Murua . He systematically reshapes the primary Western pictorial code according to an Andean scheme by consistently arranging the symbolic units (figures) within a pictorial space conceived according to traditional Andean categories. Individual iconographic elements signify the specificity of a figure. A mascaipacha, in other words, indicates me Sapa Inca, but the place of the figure in the picture plane assigns it an Andean symbolic value. A figure's spatial signification thus determines meaning in this secondary native code, as me alien primary code is used as an arbitrary signifier..' The conceptual categories of Andean space refer to social and cultural values; the right side connotes positive values, the left side connotes 93. See L6pez-Baralt, "La Contrarreforma y el Arre"; Adorno, "Icon and Idea." 94. For the most susta ined ana lysis of visual image taking meaning through a mythic structure, see C. Levi-Strauss, The Way of the Masks. trans. S. Modelski (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1982).

95. See Adorno, "Icon and Idea," 2.9-3J; R. Adorno, Guamon Pama: Writing and Resistallce ill Colollial Peru (Austin: University of Texas Press, 'I9S6), 80-119. One need only see Martin de Murua's 1590 manuscript, in which at least a third of the colored images were made by Guaman Poma, to understand how he reworked them in the Nueva CorO/lica to conform to Andean spatia l conventions and how correct Rolella Adorno's analysis is.

PICTORIAL INVEN TI ON AND PO LITI CAL COERC ION

negative values, and the cente r connotes authority."" Males and preferred social groups occupy the right, while females and inferior groups appear on the left. W hen shown with different social groups, the Sapa Inca and the Spanish king are placed in the center, face frontally, and divide the space into right and left. These va lues are then used to visually argue Guaman Poma's vision of Peruvian history and future. Guaman Poma employed Western pictorial traditions to map out the traditional Andean symbolic space of Hanan and Hurin. As noted earlier, the categories of Hanan and Hurin were not fixed or immutable but open and dependent for meaning on their place in the syntagmatic chain of ritual andlor mythic events in relation to the social strucrure to which they referred .., The categories of Hanan and Hurin therefore could express at different times-sometimes in an inverse form to the actual social organization-the sociopolitical relations of either ayllu reciprociry or state redistri bution, depending on which sociopolitical system was used. It is not a coincidence that these symbolic categories (made clear by their insistent repetition) seem to structure Guaman Poma's pictorial spacey8 As expressive categories, Hanan and Hurin were first of all dependent on a code that referred to the social and material relations that structured Andean sociery, that is, the moiery relations. Guaman Poma's figures have Andean values that are expressed not just iconographically (by Inca dress, etc.) but conceptually, by working through Western pictorial space."" In this way, the artist creates equivalences at an imaginary (mythic) level of the pictorial that attempt to mediate the irreconcilable differences of colonial realiry, in which Andeans were subservient to the Spaniards!OO Guaman Poma's drawings form part of a personal exegesis- unique in Peruvian history- and cannot be extricated from that context. His 96. See Adorno, GlIomall Poma, So-n9; Lopez-Bamlt, "La Conrrarreforrna y eI Acte." 97. For a general explanation of this process, see C. Levi-Strauss, "The Structural Study o f Myth " and "Structure and Dia lectics," both in Structural Anthropology, trans. C. Jacobson and B. G. Schoep f (New York: Basic, 1963), w6- JI, :lp_-.,p. For Guaman Porna's drawings in particular, see Adorno, "leOIl and Idea," 3.1; Wachtel, "Pensa rniento sa lvaje y aculturacion ... 98. See Adorno, "leon and Idea," ..7; Lopez-Bara lt, "La COl1rrarreforma y el Arte," .....7· 99. For a discussion of the subversive content of Guaman Porna's images, see R. Adorno, "The Depictions of Self and O ther in Coloni al Peru," Art ]ollrnaI49, no. 2 (1990): nO-18. 100.

See Adorno, "Icon and Idea," 47.

Toasts with the Inca

work demonstrates, however, the means by which a colonial native artist working outside the official domain responded to the pressures of Spanish prohibitions. He accepted Western pictorial conventions and used the independent authority of image as document within Western culture to convey the historical truth of his message. At the same time, he was able to reorganize Western pictorial space according to Andean symbolic categories so as to invest this historic truth with an underlying native coherence and meaning.

This synthesis, however, meant certain disjunctions or breaks with Andean concepts. The acceptance of image as a kind of rhetorical trope meant a shift from the conception of the image as a part of Andean reality, in which there was no border between the mundane and the spiritual, to image as a representation of the discrete world of man . The difference is clear by Guaman Poma's iconography of place or setting. Almost all scenes occur within a real world populated by natural people, plants, animals, and objects. There is no indication of sacred aura in action or place. In depictions ofInca ritual, Incas appear within a recogniza ble landscape, performing gestures descri bed in the text. Huacas are depicted as inanimate objects that do not in any way respond to solicitations and prayets. Doves and devils appear in certain scenes, but they indicate the propriety or impropriety of the action, rather than an attempt by Guaman Poma to create an image of the union between the phenomenal and spiritual worlds}O' These are illustrations of man's place and action in the world. Such an orientation is different from Andean concepts in which the mundane and sacred worlds are indiscrete and in which images are a part of both and form a locus for their intersection . One need only think of the oracle figure at Pachacamac, where a statue was believed to answer people. In earlier narrative pictorial traditions, such as that of the Moche, the two worlds are conAated in a single pictorial space. Men and fantastic beings interact in a world in which myth, ritual, and the human are all an ever present reality,l-°2-

Although native cosmography did not disappear from colonial Andean thought, it is absent from Guaman Poma's images. He depicts only the mundane, to safeguard his illustrations from charges of idolatry. This is why his drawings have, at one level, the appearance of ethnographic "snapshots" and are used that way in countless modern lOr. See R. Adorno, "On Pictorhll Language and the Typology of Cultl1re in a New World Chronicle," Se111iotica (The Hague) 36, nos. I-2. (1982): rOO-IoJ.. '102.. See A. M . Hocquenghem, "Moche: Mito, Riro y Acwalidad," Allpanchis

(Cuzco)

2).

no.

20

(1984): LH-oO.

PICTOR IAL I NVENTION AND POLITICAL COERC ION

books and articles. The drawings show only human actions in the real world rather than depicting the beliefs behind those actions. At the level of illustration, they represent Guaman Poma's careful exorcism of Andean cosmology. <0, Guaman Poma's work must be considered, at another level, as the creation of a heroic individual. He succeeded in forming a set of images that had Andean meaning while keeping within the bounds of the dominant culture's prohibitions. It was a narrow success, however, because

there were no resu lts, no reforms brought about by his work. It is doubtful that Philip ill ever saw the manuscript, but even if he had, he certainly would not have understood the drawings at any level other than the surface content of illustration. '°4 It is safe to say that the intentions and meanings of Guaman Poma's work never reached beyond the limits of his own intellect. Despite the failure to effect its intent, this intellect is nonetheless important to the understanding of colonial quero imagery. While Guaman Poma's message arises from his personal sentiment toward the specific issues of colonization, the form of this sentiment and the way it is visualized derive from external norms shared by the Andean community as a whole.'o, It is therefore no coincidence that there is a similarity between Guaman Poma's drawings and quero painters' images. At one level, this similarity appears because both the drawings and the images use the pictorial conventions of the West and share common colonial sources, as will be discussed in the following chapters. But this is a common contingency of colonial pressure. The real relationship berween these rwo sets of images occurS because both Guaman Poma IO). Guaman Poma was not always successfu l in purging Andean cosmological rderences from his images of Inca ritual. In a drawing of the Sapa Inca praying to the principal imperial hU3cas, he conAaces the temporal space of human action with the imaginary space of myth. The sites of Huanacauri aJld Pacaritamho are shown together although they are geographicall y separated by fifty miles. The Sapa Inca kneels before them; however, he is in a different space altogether, because written below him are the words "el inca en Cuzco" (NlIeva Cor6"jca, pp. 2H- 35, foL 261 [263]). Thus, Guaman Porna lapses into depicting the sacred geography of Andean cosmology w herein the ritual performed by man (the Sapa Inca praying to the huacas) is physically connected to the mythic world (Inca origin myths ) within a single space. I04. There is no record of when or who rook the manuscript to Spain or even who saw it there. At some point in the seve nteenth century, it was taken to Denmark and deposited in the Roya l Danish Library, where it was lisred in the li brary's first cata logue, compiled in 1:785-87' In 1908, it was rediscovered by Richard Pietschman. The first facsimile was published in Paris by Paul Rivet in 1936. See R. Adorno, The N uevo coron ica y buen gobierno: A New Look at the Royal Library's Peruvian Treasllre (Copenhagen: Kongelige Bibliotek,

1980),7-28. I DS.

See Levi-Strauss, Structural Aut/nop%g)" 70.

I7 2

Toasts with the Inca

and quero painters applied Andean conceptua l categories to organize the structure of pictorial compositions. roo I am not suggesting that the two sets of images have the same meaning but that they employ the same Andean conceptual categories to establish their meanings. In this sense, Guaman Poma's drawings serve as one base for understancling the creation of figural quero imagery in the seventeenth century. They reveal the kinds of accommodation made by native artists to continue making images with an Andean content. Yet because artists made those accommodations, the status of imagery in Andean communities changed. The employment of narrative figural imagery brought with it some of the Western concepts that stood behind it.

w6. An unspecified stylistic relationship between Gunman Parna's drawings and quera imngery has been posited in the literature on queros. The suggestion has been that both sets of images derive from a common unknown Incaic source. As I argued in the preceding chapter, because there is no evidence of such a prototypical source, such an argument can only be conjectural. Rather, whatever srylistic similarity exjsts between the drawings and queta paintings is due to colonial sources as well as the use of a Western pictorial system to which is applied Andean symbolic categories of spatial organization. The first scholar to suggest a stylistic relationship was the editor of the facsimile edition of the Nueva Cor6uica, Paul Rivet, in Juan Larrea, Art des Ill cas: Catalogue de l'Exposition de la CoIlectiol1 juall Larrea all Palais du Trocadero (Paris: Musee d'EdUlograpltie. I933).

CHAPTER EIGHT

Profane Images and Visual Pleasure: Quero Imagery

Fray Diego de Ocana, a Spanish Jeronimite monk, visited Cuzco for several months in 1603. He was on his return from the fabulously rich mining city of Potosi, where he had painted a devotional image of the Virgin of Guadalupe in the hopes of augmenting her cult and increasing the wealth of her Spanish sanctuary. In Cuzco, he found a much more agreeable Andean city in all aspects, and he there painted another image of the Virgin of Guadalupe. He wrote that Cuzco's native inhabitants were "like hidalgos in Spain" and were "Indians of great intellect and talents, such that there are good painters and silversmiths among them."' As he had done for other areas he had visited, Ocana painted a pair of watercolor portraits of the local inhabirants. Unlike before, he presented his contemporary subjects in terms of their past nobility. He painted an Inca and a coya (fig. 8.1). Ocana's idealized portraits are not particularly original. They folIowan already established colonial formu la for representing the Inca lords. For example, Ocana's Inca is strikingly similar in style and iconography to the Inca portraits appearing in the manuscripts of both Guaman Poma and Martin de Murua . The figure is given a frontal, animated, contrapposto stance, much like Guaman Poma's portrait of Manco Capac or Martin de Murua's portrait of Lloque Yupanqui (figs. 8.2, 8.3). Ocana's Inca is also similar to the image of Titu Yupanqui in rhe Cusicanqui coat of arms (fig 6.6) . The figures assume the same pose, and each holds a staff with the hatchetlike yauri blade at the top. The design of the unCll worn by Ocana's figure is different. The tocapu are larger, arranged in two vertical columns, and have a kind of architectonic, pyramidal form set against alternating fields of red and green. They have a passing resemblance to the caves of Tambotoco in Murua's 1. "... indios de mucha razon y de buenos ingenios; y aSI bay entre ellos buenos pincores y plateros" (D. de Ocana, U1l Vinje FascillQnte por /a America Hisp0110 del Siglo XVI [1607J [Madrid: Studium, 1969], 258).

Toasts with the Inca

174

depiction of Manco Capac's foundation of Cuzco (fig 8.4a). At the same time, this type of Inca figure was also painted on early queros. On one rare example (fig 8.4b), two pairs of Inca are depicted turned toward each other in three-quarter contrapposto stance. They are placed in the central band, rather than around the rim as is the usual placement on later queros. The upper and lower registers combine the abstract incised designs similar to those on Inca period queros with painted flower motifs. The inlaid painted images of the Inca are very similar to the figures of Guaman Poma, Ocana, and Murua in terms of their dynamism and iconographic specificity. Moreover, in addition to their pose, they are placed within a landscape and stand in the middle ground. This is very different than the vast majority of quero compositions, in which figures are usually oriented along a single, flat ground line. Whether or not Ocana saw either the manuscript images of Guaman Poma and Murua or quero images similar to the one just described is unknown and unimportant. The constellation of all these images makes it evident that by the end of the sixteenth century, if not well before, an Inca portrait, often accompanied by the portrait of an approaching coya, was a common pictorial theme. More important, as we will see, this motif was repeated well into the eighteenth century in a variety of media, most especially on painted queros. Ocana's image of a coya is very familiar in relation to both coeval representations and those painted much later. In profile, she approaches the Inca, who turns his head to look at her. About the image, Ocana writes: The dress of elite women Indians is also as the painting shows. They now wear a linen blouse and an underskirt and, over this, wrapping the body, something like a [lmie without sleeves, which they call an azu; over this, [they wear] over their shoulders a manta that they call a IIfquida [lIiclla], and on their head, they wear another small manta that they call a lIanaca. That cup that she holds in her hand is called a cuero [quero], which they give to men to drink crueha. And in the dances, they use that small drum; they wear sandals on their feet in the dance and ordinarily they go barefoot.z.

2. "EI traje de las indias prineipales es tambien el que muesrmla pinrura. Esras traen ahara eamisa de lienzo y fa ldellin, y eneima, eenida al euerpo, una como tunieela sin mangas Ia ella! se llama azu; y encima aquella manta sabre los hom bros que se llama L1iquida y sabre la cabeza otra manta pequenica que se llama Uanaea. Aque! vasa que tiene en la mana se llama cuero [quero], can que dan a beber Ia chicha a los indios. Y elias en los bailes usan de aquel tamborino, tmjen ojotas ° salldalias en los pies, y de ordinaria desealzas" (Ocana, UII Viaje Fascillallte, 2.59).

PROFANE IMAGES AND VISUAL PLEASURE

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Ocana's interest in regio nal dress follows a late-sixteenth-century European tradition; however, he gives his image further local flavor. It is as if Ocana compressed into his one watercolor Guaman Poma's numerous drawings of coyas either playing drums or holding queros in their hands (figs. 8.5, 8.6). But whereas Guaman Poma restricts these images to his representation of the Inca prior to the conquest, Ocana's image and related text make it clear that Inca ritual music and dance were still openly practiced in colonial Cuzco. Moreover, a figural composition with a coya offering a quero to an Inca stood almost as a trope for this ritualized conduct. By 1600, Incaic dress and the quero, objects of Inca custom, clearly became iconographic elements framed within European-style representation. Unusual in Ocana's image is his rendering of the quero as fully painted, probably with a butterfly motif. Guaman Poma, for example, never draws a design on any Inca object other than textiles. Ocana's portrait demonstrates unquestionably that queros were full y painted by the early seventeenth century and were then used by native elites. Moreover, tbe design is probably one tbat Ocana actually saw in Cuzco, as it is vety close to tbe design on several painted queros that have been found (fig. 8.7). Ocana's depiction of the quero also foregrounds the seeming contradiction between the apparently successful Spanish attempts to eradicate native imagery, most especially after 1570, and tbe fact that most Spanisb references to painted queros come after this period. Tbere is, for example, a marked increase in dictionary entries for painted queros after 1600, an intensive period of extirpation (1610-60) in which queros and aquillas were frequently confiscated and destroyed if used in native religious ceremonies.> Yet most references do not cast them in a disciplinary context. For instance, Diego de Ocana's hackles are not raised by their use or appearance, and he notes how impressed he is by the skill of Indian painters, some of whom may very well have painted any queros he might have seen. Ocana is not alone in his regard for painted queros. For example, Francisco de Avila makes specific reference to queros painted with flowers and butterflies in bis bilingual sermons of 1648, not to condemn tbem, but as exemplars of what an image is in the Western sense of representation.' The many documents referring to 3. See P. Duviols, La Destmedou de las Religiolles Alldiltas (Durante la COllqlfisla), la Colonia), trans. A. Maruenda (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1977),176-2.01. + F. de Avila, Tratado de los Evollge/ios que lIuestra Madre la iglesia propane ell todo e/ mlo desde fa primera dOli/filleD de adviellto basta /a li/tima missa de Difimtos, Sautos de EsPQJla y aiiadidas e ll eJ nuevo rezado .. . (Lima: Jeron imo de Contreras, [648), vol. 1 :102..

Toasts with the Inca

queros and the character of Ocana's image cannot then be attributed to heightened Spanish sensitivity toward the quero's potentially idolatrous meanmg. The noniconoclastic aspect of so lllany references may argue, among other things, that there was a qualitative as well as a quantitative change in painted queros. Put simply, more painted queros were being made after I570, and the imagery painted on them did not necessarily offend Spanish sensibilities, even during periods of intense extirpation and iconoclasm. This does not mean that queros and aquillas were ignored by the investigative eyes of extirpators. Rather, it suggests that some of the imagery on queros and aquillas occupied a different category of object within the colonial Andes and that anything approaching what might be termed a visual colonial culture was always contingent. I am not proposing that colonial quero and aquilla imagery developed merely out of some Andean self-censorship. Rather, at one level of colonial culture, queros and aquillas provided a commensurate or mutual locus for material and visual engagement. In other words, it seems that these objects attracted the attention of some Spaniards, such as Ocana, for reasons other than for their annihilation. They could be considered something curious, worthy of note, perhaps even beautiful and offering unguarded pleasure. In this cultural framing, queros and aquillas came to be things operating in a field of desire generated outside of Andean communities, the field of their primary activation . This is not to say that they had the same set of meanings in the different cultural arenas of the colonial world. Rather, it implies that these cups were not regarded just within the terms of the idolatry discourse of Spaniards or the ritual discourse of Andeans. Something else comes into play with the newly decorated queros and aquillas, something rarely taken into account in colonial visual studies: the notion of pleasure that is accorded to looking at images and the objects on which they appear. I am not interested in broaching a discussion of the possible differences between Andean and European notions of visual pleasure. Rather, I want to suggest that there was an articulated awareness toward the beauty of and the pleasure in images in late-sixteenth-century colonial Peru and that it operated at a variety of levels. Of course, at one level, the beauty of an image was its external quality, some exterior trapping that attracted Andeans to Christianity. The first Jesuit general, Fray Bracamonte, characterized the beauty in a painting as a functional cultural tool, like many others, in the Andean campaign of evangelization. He advocated "images that represent with majesty and beauty what they signify, because the people of this

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nation are lead by such things ." Guaman Porn a also understood that pictorial images could please, but for a different purpose. They could entertain and displace tedium. T hat is how he addresses his drawings to Philip ill in his introduction to the Nueva Coro,,;ca 6 Bracamonte and Guaman Porn a had strategic reasons for their appeals to different visual pleasures. But in addition to whatever religious and/or documentary functions much of the colonial images might have had, some images were produced on diverse objects to satisfy other colonial needs, including pleasure, especially European delight in seeing and possessing the exotic and marvelous.? In '57', Viceroy Francisco de Toledo organized the great number of Indian silversmiths in Cuzco, mandating that a price list, signed by the corregidor, be posted at the door of each house in which they worked. The basic prices depended on the size and weight of the object, but the cost could go up if the piece were worked. Within this context of prices and craftsmanship, Toledo noted that native silversmiths "pintan sus [dolos" on some pieces, especially when they worked gold and silver. The viceroy warned the overseer to be on guard against this practice, but he did not prohibit the images completely; he stipulated that this type of decoration was ouly permissible if it were expressly requested by the client.' Clearly, Toledo intended the marketplace to patrol content as well as price. Equally, Toledo understood that some Spanish clients might want something decorated with " local flavor," a desire similar to the one with which Ocana imbued his images of Cuzco's native residents. The market was explicitly recognized as one mechanism through which new objects with Andean images could be gotten if so desired. Colonial aquillas and their decoration seem to have been some of the objects that fulfilled this kind of desire. 5. ". .. 10 mucho que pueden para con los yndios las cossas e:xteriores, de suerte q. cobran estimll de las espirituales conforme ven las seiiales externas, y el mucho provecho q. sacarfan de vee imagines que representasen con magestad y hermosura 10 que significauan. porque la genre de aqudla n a~ i 6n va mucho tras escas cossas" (Anonymous. Historia Gelleral de fa Compa;Ua de J CSIIS el1 fa Provincia del Pertl [1600], ed. F. Ma teos [Mad rid: lnstituta Gonzalo Fern andez de Oviedo, 1954], vol. I, bk. t, 245). 6 . F. Guaman Poma de Ayala, EI Prilller Nueva Coronica y Bllelt Gobiemo [ca. T6IS}, ed. J. Murra and R. Adorno, trans. Jorge Urioste (Me:xico: Siglo XXI, 1980), p. 10 . 7. Viceroy To ledo voices this sentiment in his letter accompa nying the Inca portra its ro Phil ip ll. For a general discussion of the issues, see S. Greenbhl tt, Marvelol/s Possessiolls (Chicago: University of Chicago Press: .I99r), 51.-85. 8. F. de Toledo, Francisco de Toledo: Disposiciones Gubemativas para el Virreillato del Pertl L569'"' I57.h ed. G. Lohmann Villena (SeviJla: Escuela de Estudios Hispa no-AmeriCa no de Sevilla, 1986), 205- 7.

Toasts with the Inco

In [622, the Tierra Firma fleet of twenty-eight ships left Havana's harbor, bound for Seville. The ships were filled with crew, passengers, luggage, silver, and gold. On the following day, Monday, August 5, a great storm arose, scattering the fleet and sinking a number of the ships on the reefs off the Florida Keys. Among those lost was the newly built galleon Nuestra Se,iora de Atocha. A good number of the forty passengers on the Atocha were traveling from the viceroyalty of Peru, including Don Diego de Guzman, corregidor of Cuzco, and Fray Maestro Pedro de la Madriz, visitador of Peru, with three companions from his Augustinian order. Of lesser social status but important to the following discussion were merchants and travelers from Cuzco, Potosi, and Callao, the port of Lima.Aside from the cargo of bullion and the ceramic ware, much of what has been recently recovered from the Atocha seems to be the personal belongings of the passengets, including a number of plates and cups of Andean origin, identifiable by form and design. '0 Their recovery gives an indication of the types of objects being brought from Peru, and among other things, there were at least seven pairs of silver aquillas (figs. 8.8a-b). Few colonial aqui llas have survived, as most, sooner or later, were melted down for their silver content. The presence of aquillas on the Atocha marks them as contemporary local objects of sufficient interest and curiosity that they were on their way to Spain. U All the pairs are decorated around the rim and together display a wide variety of decorative styles, perhaps indicating the diverse visual interests of whomever they belonged to. The heterogeneity of decorative style is important not only for the specific study of queros but to colonial art in general. It calls into question any attempt to attribute stylistic difference to sequential development. In fact, the range of style of the Atocha material encompasses all varieties of quero decorative style simultaneously. 9. See Anonymous, Relaci61t de /0 SlIcedido elt los Coleolles y Flota de Tierra{irl1le (Sevilla: n.p.,r.6l.2). 10. In rhe past twenry yeats, much of the nonperishable cargo of the ill-fated galleon has been recovered by seagoing hlloqucros (treasure humers) . Some of the pieces have ended up in museums, but IllOSt of the material has been sold at auction and has been lost to scholarsh ip, disappearing into the collections of private homes. In June 1988, some )88 of the most va luable pieces from the Atocba and the Margarita were put up for auction at Christie's in New York, an auction house with a very dubious record in its handling of Latin American art, colonial an in particu lar. II. For a discl1ssion of other pieces from the Atocba, see T. Cummins, "Let Me See! Writing Is for Them: Colonial Andean Images and Objects 'como es costumbre tener los caciques seilores,' n in Native Traditions in tIle Postcollquest \Vorld. ed. E. Boone and T. Cummins (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks. I998). II9-22.

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The embossed designs on one pair of aquillas manifest no recognizable Spanish influence at all (figs. 8.8a-b). The two rows of repeated concentric squares simply repeat around the upper border and are common Inca design elements (cf. figs. I.6, 4.4) . If this pair of aquillas had been recovered in a different context, they might well be classified as preconquest Inca imperial style. A second pair depicts four identical jaguars, clearly indicated by pelage markings (figs. 8.9a-b). These figures are similar to those found at Ollantaytambo (fig. 6.3) . The body is viewed in profile, with only a single front and back leg visible, and with the head turned to face the viewer (in the Ollantaytambo images, the mouth is in profile, while both eyes and ears are shown as if seen frontally). These Atocha aquillas are matching but not identical, differentiated by their design. On one cup, the jaguars face toward the left; on the other, they face toward the right. This may indicate that each cup comes from a different pair. If the two vessels do constitute a pair, the two directions may reference the categories of Hanan and Hurin into which each pair of queros is divided. Whatever the case, these aquillas might be classified as transitional, as they represent the first two stylistic categories of the four in John Rowe's developmental sequence from simple to complex." A third pair, however, indicates the difficulty of giving a temporal dimension to colonial stylistic categories. Each cup of the pair is also decorated with a feline figure, but in a very different style and design (figs. 8.roa-b). A profile lion is depicted standing on its two hind legs, with a long tail elegantly curving upward and behind it. The right front leg is raised and rests against a tree. The left front leg is foreshortened, resting on a stump or rock, and presumably bearing the lion's front weight. Each lion is framed by two columnlike forms, and each pictorial section is divided from the other by a field of tluee rows of seven concentric squares each. These two fields of geometric design are Incaic; however, the lions are clearly European-inspired and probably come from some heraldic device. It is significant that the figure of the lion is pictorially handled in a very different manner than the jaguars on the other set of aquillas. The body of the lion has a curvilinear contour such that the body appears rounded, with various definitions of interrelated parts. For example, the back haunches of the leg curve upward snch ll.. In a seminal article, John Rowe divided colon ial quero decoration into two styles ("Formal" and "Free") based on a stylistic development of figure type fro m more static figures to figures with a comparatively greater variety of poses and more realistic appearance; see Rowe, "The Cbronology of Inca Wooden Cups," in Essays jll Pre-Co/llmbian Art and Archaeology, ed. S. Lothrop et al. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, I961), 336.

180

Toasts with the Inca

that the torso of the lion appears to be obscured by the flexed muscle of the lion's leg. Moreover, the pose is much more dynamic and pictorially complicated than the static position of the jaguar. The display of all four legs and the foreshortening of the left front leg give a certain depth and volume to the composition. These are formal characteristics that one would attribute to Rowe's "free" style of quero imagery. Rowe suggests an approximate date of 1630 for the beginning of this style, so the Atocha aquillas are well within the range of Rowe's chronology. Moreover, Rowe never suggests that one style immediately replaced another. Rather, he is clear that the different styles gradually evolve and are often coterminous. However, the complicated narrative pictorial compositions with relatively more rea listic figures defining the "free" style of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are already present on other Andean silver vessels aboard the Atocha. The final three pairs of aquillas from the Atocha indicate by one of the pictorial elements that the place of their manufacture was most likely PotosI. The design of all of them is essentially the same, with the upper border divided into five discrete sections composed of different figural motifs (figs. 8.na-b, B.na- b, 8.13) . A profile lion, a profile basilisk, a rider wielding a sword, and either a profile figure playing a trumpet or a frontally standing man, perhaps a priest, are individually represented in each of the first four sections. ' 3 In the fifth section, a mountain is depicted, with figures working both on the surface and within the shafts. A small structure, perhaps a church or a hut, appears higher in the picture plane, giving a sense of depth to the inlage. Clearly, this represents the cerro of Potosi (the great silver mine of Peru), the very source of the material from which the vessels were made. The image is r emarkably close to Cieza de Leon's illustration of Potosi made some forty-five years earlier (fig. 8.14) and forms part of the only sustained tradition of topographic representation in Peru. But unlike Cieza de Leon's image, which is an illustration to his written text, the image of Potosi on the aquillas refers, in part, to the objects it decorates, by the material with which the vessels are made, the silver extracted from the mines of PotosI. q IJ. The meaning of the combination of these discrete motifs is no t clea r. Their cryp· tic allusions may derive &om "hieroglyph," or pictoria l symbolic, mo tifs used to decorate colonia l monuments. Several of the images on the aquilla appear in Arzan's metaphoric description of Porosi; see 8. Arzans de Ors lia y Vela , Historia de la villa imperial de PotOSI [1735 1, ed. L. Hanke and G. Mendoza (Providence: Brown University, 1965), 1:3 . ! 4. A somewhat similar aq uilla from a private collectio n has four engraved scenes: a trumpeter, a basilisk, twO birds, and a lio n. While this aquilla does not bear the ima ge of PotoSI, it does have two silver marks, one of which is simila r to one of the marks on a piece fro m [he Atocha. See C. Esteras Martin, Plateria del Penl Virreillal J.535-I825 (Madrid : Grupo BBV and Banco Continental, 1997),82.-8), fig. 2..

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To my knowledge, Potosi does not appear on painted queros; however, a number of other figures found on these aquillas do appear on painted queros. The basilisk, a European fantastic creature, is one of the few images taken directly from Spanish sources to decorate queros (fig. 4.I2a). The sword-wielding rider may represent Santiago (Saint James), and the disembodied arm below the horse's belly perhaps metonymically stands for the Moors and Indians trampled by this militant saint. Like the image of Potosi, Santiago's image does not appear on painted quero-style cups. However, the theme of the miracle of Swlturwasi, when Santiago appeared in the sky and swooped down to save the Spaniards in Cuzco, is depicted on wooden chalice-like vessels decorated in the same style and technique as queros. The figure blowing the horn on the Atocha aquilla is perhaps the most similar to images painted on queros. In fact, the Atocha figure is almost identical to a quero painted figure with billowed trousers to the knees, a cinched jacket, and a hat with a feather drooping forward (figs. 8.Isa- b). The quero figure is placed between two rainbows emanating from either side of the head of a feline . The trumpeter thus stands as a kind of herald to the figures below the rainbow: an Inca with a staff (champ;) and a shield; a coya, the Inca queen, holding a flower. Rowe places this quero within the category of "formal" style," so the Atocha piece might also be classified in the formal style. However, this particular figure continues to be depicted into the eighteenth century. For example, four nearly identical figures to those on the Atocha aquilla appear on an extremely fine tapestry-woven poncho of the late seventeenth or eighteenth century (figs. 8.I6a-b). They are placed along the imaginary intersecting diagona ls of the poncho's rectangular form. Each figure faces inward such that the trumpeting men would face toward the chest and back of whomever wore it, as if part of a retinue announcing his (the poncho is normally a male garment) coming or departure. They perhaps are the imaginary residue of the troops of musicians who, as reported on the coast, once accompanied curacas on their tours to outlying ayllu communities. Or they might have conjured up for the owner the colonial pageantry of a viceroy's or other important official's entrance into a town. The poncho may even have been worn by one of these officials, given as a gift upon entering a town in the sierras. Whatever the case, the figure itself was widely distri buted across time and media in colonial Andean art. It is certainly unclear what this and the other figures might have signified, if anything in particular, to whomever carried the aquillas on 15. Rowe, "Chronology/' 33 7.

Toasts with the I11ca

board the Atocha. The object on which the figure appeared was outside an Andean context of use and was in some fashion a curio, not only appreciated for its exotic form and imagery but also valued for its silver content.

We can only guess who owned these aquillas and what pleasure in the strange and marvelous they may have offered. As a group, they are a collection of disparate decorative styles in relation to the constant of the vessel form. If one assumes that they were the property of one passenger, it appears as if he or she gathered them with an eye toward variety. Because queros are so often decorated with the same designs and in the same style as aquillas, the cache of the Atocha aquillas and other silver vessels from Peru also gives a terminus post quem for the appearance of stylistic features and figural compositions not on queros. The Atocha aqui llas by themselves do not alter a temporal model of stylistic progression from simple to complex. But finding this diversity in such a small cache of securely dated objects is remarkable and perhaps implies that even greater diversity existed. This empirical evidence presents the difficulty of sustaining a model of historical positivism in describing any colonial situation. Co lonial history radically alters any hypothesis in which time is considered as a casual factor of differentiation between one form, style, culture, or society and another. ,6 It cannot be assumed that material forms and cultural evidence are somehow the result of a linear process, regular change, or evolution in relation to rational meaning or temporally ordered events. q In terms of representation, simple, complex, and all stages in between can occur almost simultaneously. Colonial cultural forms do not necessarily fit a model of development from one type to the other following a linear historical course. Developments can occur almost instantaneously; competing cultural and social systems, genres, and forms are not necessarily sequential or distinct but can be coincident and interrelated." If in encountering a heterogeneity of colonial forms and styles, we order them only within a developmenta l series from simple to complex, the possibility of colonial synchronic production is I6. See J. Fabian, Time mId the Other (New York: Columbia Universiry Press, I9S3 ), 37-I05; H. K. Bhabha, The Locatiol/ of Clfltllre (London: Rourledge, 1994), X23-'70' 17. Here it is simply best to ignore the concept of sequence and temporal relationships, as is suggested by George Kubler in The Shope of Time (New Ha-ven: Ya le Universiry Press, 1962.). IS. This is evident in literary production as well; see R. Adamo, G,IOI/WIT Poma: Writ· jug and Resistmtce i" Colollial Peru (Austin: University of Texas Press, ] 986).

PROFA NE IMAGES AND VISUAL PLEA SU RE

missed ." Synchronic production, in the case of quero and aquilla decoration, means that the single stiff isolated figure of the formal style came into existence almost simultaneously with the complex, pictorial scenes of the free style, with figures interacting in a landscape. The terms fo rmal and free might be useful as stylistic terms to divide quero images into two broad categories, but they have no value as chronological indicators. Two different vessel types from the Atocha bear directly on colonial quero chronology and figural style. One is a silver bowl. Embossed around its outer rim, just below the lip, are a number of male and fema le figures moving parallel to the picture plane within an Andean landscape (figs. 8.17a-b) . They are dressed in Andean clothes and are organized in groups performing different, but perhaps related, ritual activities. In one of the principal interactions, a female holding two queros offers one to her male companion, an action similar to that in Ocana's watercolor of the Inca and the coya in Cuzco (fig. 8.1). Here, however, the action is clearly related to an adjoining scene depicting the principal act of the August celebration of spring planting. Two men pull back on diagonally held foot plows (chakitacllas), while a female kneels before them to plant seeds of corn . This scene is also often painted on queros normally believed to have been produced in the eighteenth century. However, it not only appears here but is depicted on queros and twice by Guaman Pam a (figs. IO.5a-b). In another scene, a pack llama traverses a set of hills, moving toward a another pair of male and female figures with queros. This scene is set in a schematic town indicated by a building, probably a church. The second relevant Atocha piece is a silver plate about nine inches in diameter with a fluted interior wall (fig. 8.18). At the base is embossed a shield, in the center of which is a large bird with outstretched wings, perhaps mimicking the Hapsburg eagle. It is remarkably similar to the bicepbalic eagle drawn by Guaman Poma for the coat of arms of Potosi. Each bird has both an elongated neck and beak, splayed legs, and long tail feathers. Whether or not this bird is meant to represent Potosi is unclear, but the image likely derives from a coat of arms, as it figures prominently in several granted to cities and individuals in the viceroyalty of Peru. The rest of the piece is in an extremely fragile condition, and a part 1:9. This is certainly the case for the chronological seq uences that have been constructed for colonia l queros based 011 sty listic change: see Rowe, "Chronology"; V. Liebscher, Los QlIeros: Ulla Introdl/cciol/ a Sll Estudio (Lima: Herrera Editores, 1986), 89-109_

Toasts with the [',ca

of the outer lip is missing. Nonetheless, one can clearly determine that this area was fully decorated with a series of figures dressed in Andean clothes and placed in a landscape of buildings, animals, and trees, all oriented to the same ground line. There is little sense of scale. Human figures are larger than some animals (llamas) and smaller than others (owls). The trees and buildings are rendered according to a different scale altogether. Nonetheless, the figures on the plate are more rounded and are posed in more complex interactive compositions than are those depicted on the Atocha aquillas. For example, a profile figure leads a llama w ith a pack, while a male and female stand facing the viewer. The male holds a quero in one outstretched arm; with the other, he holds the raised arm of his companion, as if in dance. Another male holds a chakitaclla and stands beside a church with an atrium and tower, and a woman weaves using a backstrap loom tethered to a tree. Again, the complex iconography, figure types, and composition are clearly related to the images of the free style on painted queros. On the plate, the activities are located within a Christianized Andean landscape marked by the repetitive image of the church. Equally important, this plate and the fragment of a similar plate from the Atocha are related to a silver plate produced in POtOSI nearly fifty years before the s.inking of the Atocha (fig. 8.19) . This plate has a remarkable and well-documented history.'o Like the Atocha plates and 20. We know that this plate passed into rhe hands of the African king Manni Kongo sometime before r643. The piece was carried [0 Africa and given co one of the African rulers of Angola in exchange for slave-trading rights. In r643, Manni Congo is recorded as having sem the vessel, along with a cargo of slaves, to Johann Moritz, governor of the then Dutch seaport of Recife on the east coast of SOllth America. Johann Moritz, COllnt of Nassa u, in turn presented it in T658 (0 the ch urch of St. N icholas in Siegen, Westphalia. Part of this information is engraved on the base of the vessel. in Latin:

MUNUSHOC JOH MAURITIUS PRINCIPES NASSAVIAE CUM BRASILlAE lMPERARET AB AFRORUM IN CONGO REGE OBLATUM AD SACRI BATISMA TIS USUM ECCLESlAE REFORMAT SIGENSI CONSECRAT MDCLvm A n engraving and a description of the history of the piece was published in 1693; see

F. Muthmann. Die silbemc Taufschale Zit Siegen: Eim \'Qerk aus der spallischell Ko /ollia/zeit Pems, Abhandlun gen der Heidelberger Akademie def Wissenschaften T (Heidelberg: C. Wimer, 1:956), 17-)'8, fig. 3. Muthmann suggests that the vessel was produced in Potosi in 1586 and that it may have made its way into the hands of Manni Congo by being first car· ried down the eastern slopes of the Andes and coming into the entrepreneurial hands of the

PROF ANE IMAGES AN D VISUAL PLEASURE

aquillas, it was produced in the highlands and eventually sent to Europe as a prized item, where it now serves in Siegen, Germany, as a baptismal

font. The date 1586 is embossed on the inner lip." The decorative motif embossed around the rim demonstrates that the type of images on the Atocha vessels were already well established. A series of Andean figures are depicted between two of the four circu lar medallions containing the bust portrait of a European man and woman. A traditionally dressed male and female attempt to make a well-loaded llama rise to its feet. Behind the female are a gourd and an urpu with a strap ready to be hoisted to her shoulders. The figures are set in a landscape, and a sense of perspective is created by the overlapping of figures and the diminutive size and vertical placement of the buildings. The sophisticated use of perspective and the tremendous skill demonstrated in the handling of European figural types mean that the piece was made either by a Spanish metalsmith or by an Indian metalsmith who had apprenticed with a European at a very early age. Who actually made the plate is not important here. l l Rather, as pointed out over forty years ago, the composition and figures have a close affinity with quero images and with Guaman Poma 's drawings." Andeans were well acquainted with the Western decorative use of the human figure, and in Spanish art, human representation was not only a permissible form but a privileged one. In addition, many of the church buildings, trees, and figures on the Siegen plate are almost identical with those found on the rim of the Atocha vessel, suggesting that aquillas similar to those found on the Atocha may have been produced as early as the 1570s. Equally important, the Siegen piece, like the Atocha silver, did not remain in PotOSI but was carried acrOss the Atlantic. If pieces like these were traveling such long and difficult distances, they were surely distributed throughout the Andes. bishop of Tlicliman, Francisco Vitoria , a Portuguese by birth. It w as then offered as a gift in the slave trade w ith Africa sometime berween Is87 and 1625, when si lver was being transported from Pmos! to Buenos Aires (Muthmann, Die silbeme Tallfschale Zit Siegelt, 67-68) . Perhaps no other work of art is more closely conn ected w ith the mise ry brought about by European ex pansio n. From the material mined to make it to the treaty it W:lS used to sea l, the vessel stands as the quintessenti al sign of the human ability to render aesthetic hW11ankind 's inhumanity to humankind . 21. See Muthmann, Die silbeme Tallfschale Zit Siege1t, 67. 22. Pal Kelemen suggests that the piece was made by an Indi an silversm ith, with tbe argument that o nly an Indian could have rendered the native costumes and poses with such accu racYi see Kelemen, Art of the Americas, Ancient and Hispanic (New York: Tbomas Crowell , 196"9), 178-79. However, these criteria can not help to determine the ethnic idemity of the artist. The faithful rendering of observed nature using perspective is not a quality of traditio nal Andean metalwork. The artist may have been either a native or a Spanish metalsmith, but w hoever created the basin did 50 in a purely Western tradition. 1..3 . See Muthm
Toasts with the bzca

r86

From the Atocha cache, it becomes clear not only that aquillas (and presumably queros) were being produced with a variety of decorative figural styles, ranging from pre-Columbian to formal to free, but that these styles appeared in pictorial compositions depicting Andean activities within a Christian community. Whether the images on the Atocha aquillas and silver plates were produced to appeal primarily to a Spanish interest for the exotic is unclear. The elements referring to the Inca imperial past may have been made to appeal to traditional elites or newly wealthy Andeans. But because this type of imagery proliferated on painted queros, it is certain that it grabbed hold of the Andean imagination. It cannot be established exactly why these objects were aboard the Atocha, but they very well may have been part of the baggage of either Diego de Guzman, corregidor of Cuzco; Lorenzo de Arriola, vezino (legal resident) of Potosi; or Diego de Yllescas, the mestizo listed in the ship's list of passengers. The aquillas were most likely acquired either as purchases or gifts in Potosi or Cuzco, indicating a circulation of Andean objects outside of an Andean ritual context and idolatrous connotation. This form of circulation is dependent as much on the aquillas' exchange value as on their use value; that is, their symbolic value is incorporated into the mercantile economy of colonial capital, and these aquillas could now stand, by their exchange value, for the various social relations between and among Andeans and Spaniards as they were bought and sold. What is curious about the objects aboard the Atocha is that the aquilla images do not pictorially refer to the vessel and its Andean use, whereas many of the painted quero images do. Although the figures on the Atocha aquillas exhibit a variety of figural styles, they all have an emblematic quality; that is, each figure is discrete, and no attempt at a compositional interaction is made that would suggest pictorial narrative. Pictorial narrative representing aquilla and quero ritual use is seemingly displaced to another object. Only the Atocha's silver plate and bowl carry depictions of aquillas or queros. It is as if there were a deliberate disjunction between object and image so as not to draw attention to the vessel's Andean ritual use, which might be to say that the vessel's use value within an Andean context is not immediately on display for Spanish consumption. 2

'

2,4. It is equally important that although native craftsmen still produced these things, many of the objects of their production entered into social circulation through the market· place. Thus, the relations between artist, image, and public was mediated by market desires as much as by traditional use. See Cummins, "let Me See !" u 8-30.

PROFANE IMAGES AND V ISUAL PLEASURE

One might make too much of what is dragged up off the ocean floor after 350 years, and we have no idea if there were also painted queros aboard the Atocha. But queros and aquillas continued to be taken to Spain, at least intermittently. In I765, several painted queros entered into the Spanish royal collection." Surely others crossed the Atlantic much earlier to take their place in cabinets of curiosities. The inventory of Philip II's estate, for example, records that among many things from Peru, he had "rwo small gourd cups from which tl,e Inca drink, w hich they call mates, the interior of which were embellished with silver, and on the exterior, they were painted with animals, fruits, and birds. ",6 Queros and aquillas were not curiosities among Andeans, and in the span of over a hundred years berween the Atocha objects and the queros placed in the royal collection, thousands of painted queros were produced for local consumption. The Atocha aquillas reveal that most pictorial characteristics of painted queros were already well established by the turn of the sixteenth century. The queros of the royal collection demonstrate a continuing tradition to at least I780, when the great rebellion of Tupac Amaro II shook the southern sierras and were followed by political and cultural repression. A parr of the quero's visual consistency is based on the relation between the vessel form and the pictorial arrangement. Most quero painting, like the images on the Atocha aquillas, is organized into horizontal registers." The upper register normally carries the figural compositions; the bottom register usually has a floral motif. When there is a 25. See P. Cabello Carro, "Las Colecciones Perurmas en Espaila y los Inicios de la Arqueologia Andina en el Siglo XVili/' in Los Incas y el Antiguo Pertl: 3000 Alios de Hisforia (Madrid: Quinto Cemenario, 199Y), 469-74. 2.6. "Dos vassos de cabbaza pequenos, que Haman mates, eI hueca dellos guarnecido de plata y por fuera pimados de ani males, fruca s, y pajaros en que bebfan los ingas" ("Inventory of Philip II's Estate," cited in C. Julien, "History and Art in Translation: 1lle Panos and Other Objects Co llected by Francisco de Toledo, " Colonial Latill Americall Review 8, no. 1 [1999]: 89)· It is not clear how these mares came to be in the royal collection, but they may have been sent to Philip II by Viceroy Toledo. The description of the pair in the royal collecrion is remarkably similar to a descriptive passage in nn ordenallZfl issued by Toledo in Ch uquisaca: «que no se labren figuras en ... vasos ... y por quanto dichos naturales cambien adoran algun genero de aves y ani males y para dicho effecro los pintan y labran en los mates que hacen para beber y de plata" ("Ordenanza de Toledo para Chuquisaca," Archivo Naciona l de Sucre-Bolivin, 1574, ANB f.C. 1765, no. IJT, cited in T. Gisbert, S. Arze, and M. Cajras, Arte Textil y M:mdo Andino [L'1 Paz: Gilberg y CIa, 1987], ro). 2.7. My generalized description of quero images is based o n the study of 447 queros. For a more detailed description and statistical breakdown, see T. Cummins, "Abstraction to Narration: Keto Imagery of Peru and the Colonial Alteration of Native Identity" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1.988), 22.-80, 62...t-6+

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middle register, it has a series of repeated or individual abstract geometric designs. The division into two or three horizontal registers seems to stem from the quero's use in relation to its hourglass shape. Queros were used in pairs and held near the bottom as depicted by Guaman Poma (fig. 8 .20) ." The arrangement into horizontal registers acknowledges the ritual acts of exchange and drinking, as if the pictorial images were intended to be seen as part of that act, always as visible as possible . This is not meant as the premise for a functionalist argument. It posits only that queto images cannot be disassociated from the object on which they appear. The repetition of a few pictorial themes is a second consistent featnre of queto painting. It is already apparent among the six pairs of Atocha aquillas, of which there were at least three pairs with nearly identical designs centering on Potosi. Singular and even spectacular painted queros exist, some of which will be described later, but in general, just a very few figural compositions appear repeatedly and constitute the vast majority of extant painted queros. They also all employ the same few stock figures: primarily an Inca, a coya (figs. 8.21a-b), an Anti (jungle inhabitant), and few more to be discussed shortly. The stereotypic appearance of the figures is due, in part, to the technique used to produce them. The form is first excavated in the wood according to a few solid geometric shapes, the outlines of which suggest the contours of the figure, giving it an angular appearance. The interior is then filled with a single color, on the surface of which are painted the few anatomical features or decorative details. The reduction of the figure to just a few simple shapes allows for easy duplication of a figure within one scene or for the copying of entire scenes from one quero to the next. At t he same time, it emphasizes the figure. The stereometric construction of the figure produces a solid but flat appearance, so that even w hen figures overlap and are partially obscured, they appear to occupy the same ground line. In cases where smaUer figures are placed higher in the pictnre plane, they appear unstable, seeming to float, bereft as they are of any indication of their recession into the picture plane. In most cases, aU figures are oriented to the single ground line that also defines the frame of the picture plane. They either move along this line-facing right or left at a ninety-degree angle-or stand frontally facing the viewer. They are almost never turned inward toward an imagined interior space. Furthermore, the monolithic background is either the dark color of the varnished wood 2.8. Further corroboration is seen o n queros in which figures are depicted holding the

vessel at the base.

PROFANE IM AGES AND VISUAL PLEASURE

or a single painted color, so that a strong contrast between figure and ground sets off the contours of each of the more richly colored figures. The flatness of the picture plane intensifies the visual focus on the already solid figures, reducing the chance of an ambivalent reading. The simple contours make the identification of objects and figures easier and simplifies the sorting and location of objects and figures in a scene." The emphasis on the figure is crucial to the construction of quero pictorial space as something meaningful according to Andean criteria. Positional values, based on a symmetrical composition, create a field of relations onto which figures can be pictorially deployed. The flat picture plane is almost never intended to be transformed by Western illusionistic techniques, and the lack of pictorial depth or specific setting is not to be read as artistic ineptitude.3° Rather, the clarity of figural arrangement along the flat surface produces a recognizable symmetrical composition spatially defining a right and left of a central axis . The disposition of figure types is made according to ethnic andlor gender distinctions. The pictorial space is organized according to right and left by male and female or Inca and non-Inca figures. Such a spatial and ethnidgender dichotomy has been recognized in a variety of Andean forms by a number of scholarsY Its presence here also suggests a similar 2,9. See M. Schapiro, "The Romallesque Scul pture of Moissac 1" (1939), reprinted in Romallesqlle Art, ed. M. Shapiro (New York: George Braziller, 1977),132; M. Powers, "An Archaic Bas-Relief and the Chinese Moral Cosmos in the First Century A.D.," Ars Orielttatis 1.2 (1981 ): 2,6, 36. 30. The exceptions to this general rule occur on queros with either unique sceltes or very limited representation. Two examples are found among queros with agricultural motives. In one, a stylized landscape of two mountains and a lake occupies the ceorer of the composition. BlIt even here, the figures do not act within the landscape but are placed to either side and are set against a dark unidentifiable background. In the other example, the figures are placed within two distinct landscapes. One group of men is shown harvesting a crop within a jungle setting. A second set of figures ascends a zigzag diagonal line thar represents a mountain path leading to the sierras. As we wiII see, the use of recognizable locations in these few scenes is required to clarify the reason for the presence of the anomalous CoUa and Spanish figures. A few other unique queros indicate a specific place, sllch as a pair of queros depicting a bullfight in a Spanish town (Muse um of the American Indian, New York, acc. no. 10/5635; Museo Inka Cuzco, acc. no. 3919) and the si ngle example of figures on a lake rowing reed boats toward a building. However, these representations are unusual and shou ld not be considered a significant deviation from the genera l observation that the overwhelming number of quero scenes are nOt set in specific places or locations. }1. While recognizing that the literature on this subject is vast, I cite here only a few sources that pertain most closely to this study: B. 1- Isbel l, To Defend Ourseilles: Ecology altd Ritual ill all Andean Village (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1978), 2.09; N. Wachtel, "Pensamiento salvaje y aculturaci6 n: EI espacio y el tiempo en Felipe Guaman Poma de Aya la y ellnea Garcilaso de la Vega," in Sociedad e ideologia (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanas, 1973), 175-86; M. Lopez-Baralt, "La Persistencia de las estructuras simb6lieas

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underlying Andean coherence of signification in quero imagery, giving to quero scenes a consistency that goes beyond simple iconographic similarities. After all, queros were made in pairs to represent both Hanan and Hurin and their union. The disposition of figures according to the spatial concepts of Hanan and Hurin establishes a conunensurability between object and image that is not about decoration. The use of stereotypes and repeated compositions produces a timelessness in quero scenes that is conceptual in relation to Andean exchange. . Three formats are used for the pictorial scenes on the upper register. The first divides the register horizontally into two parts. One half of the register shows a figural scene, usually depicting one of five basic motifs (figs. 8.22a-b). The second half displays two different tocapu, or rectangular-shaped abstract designs, often separated by a shield or flower blossom (fig. 8.22C). The bottom register always has two longstemmed flowers (chit/JanLl/ay) arching toward the viewer's lefty The figural scenes of the tocapu/figural format are all rather cryptic. Only two or three figures appear, standing on a single ground line and framed by a border. They have the same emblematic character as the Atocha figures, and the compartmentalization of the scene seems to derive from that Atocha format. The most common scene is composed of two figures. One is male and wears a combination of Spanish and Andean dress. The Spanish elements are his knee-length breeches, broad-brimmed hat, and shoes. His tunic, or uncu, is traditional Andean attire. He is joined by a woman dressed only in traditional garments: a long dress, or act/sa, and a shawl, or lIiclla. Both figures are in profile facing toward the viewer's right. The male always precedes the female and carries a leafy branch over his shoulder (fig. 8.22a). The female foUows behind and carries either a pair of queros in her hand or a bundle in her shawl tied around her shoulders (fig. 8.22b) . A second type of scene shows the same two figures in profile facing each other, with the male on the viewer's left and the female on the andinas en los dibujos de Guaman Poma de Ayala, " joumal of Lati" American Lore (Los Angeles) 5, no. [ (£979): S3-II6; R. Adorno, "Icon and Idea: A Symbol ic Reading of Pictures in a Peruvian Cluonicle,» Iudian Historiall (San Francisco) u, no. J (1979): 27-50; Adorno, Guaman Poma So-II9. 32. The identification of the species of 80wers on que[QS has been made through personal observation of the flora in the sourhern sie rras in relation to stntemems by local info rmants and by consulting F. L. Herrera, "Fitolatria lndigena: Plamas y Flores simb61icas de los Incas," In ca (Lima) I , no. 2 (I923): 440-46; F. L. Herrera, "La Flor Nacional peru::lna: Chinchiruna/' RMN 3, no. 2 (1934): 191.-96; F. L. Herrera , "La Flora en el Departamento del CUlCO," RMN .1-0 no. 4 (1935): UI-33; and F. L. Herrera and L. Yacavleff. "EI Mundo vegeral de los antiguos peruanas," RMN 4. no. 6 (:r935): 3I-:r02.. l

PROFANE IMAGE S AN D V ISUAL PLEASURE

right. He plays a musical instrument-either a harp, flute, or guitarand she kneels or stands, sometimes holding queros (figs. 8.23a-b). Two other scenes involve animals. One shows a profile male dressed in the same mix of Spanish and Andean costume and driving one or two pack animals, either llamas or mules. The other scene shows a hWlt. In some cases, a profile man dressed like the others so far mentioned pursues a deer or vicuna with an ayllu (a bola or lasso with three weighted strands that, when the instrument is thrown, spread out and wrap around the anima l's legs). In another, a profile man dressed in a jaguar-skin uncu and feather headdress aims a drawn bow either at a feline or at a parrot that is larger than life-size. The final common scene shows both a male and a female, both dressed only in traditional Andean costume." He wears an uncu, a cape, and a headband and carries a shield and a lance with an ax blade, or yauri. He stands frontally and is placed to the viewer's left in the picture plane. The female either stands or kneels in profile, turned toward the male, and holds a flower before her. The second format is similar to the tocapU/figural format in that the upper register is divided into two units. In this case, it is defined by two large arching rainbows springing from two frontal feline heads placed along the ground line (fig. 8.24a) . A male and female figure are either placed together Wlder each rainbow or shown individually, each under one of the rainbows. In some cases, either just a male or just a female figure is depicted, with the figure repeated Wlder each arch. The male either stands frontally or is turned in profile facing toward the viewer's right (fig. 8.25) . The female stands fronta lly or is shown in profile kneeling or standing and facing toward the viewer's left, holding a flower (fig. 8.26). Both figures are always dressed in traditional preconquest Andean clothes. She wears an acusa that covers ber feet even when sbe kneels; a lliclla, in which she sometimes has a bundle or a jar of chicha; and a folded cloth headpiece (iiaiiaca) . He wears an uncu and a headband (sometimes with a mascaipacha, or royal fringe, suspended over the forehead) and carries a shield and a yauri lance. These figures could easily substitute for Ocana's own drawings, as they represent the Inca dress he describes in his text. Occasionally these figures are replaced by one of two fantastic animals. One is a dragonlike beast, or basilisk, with a serpent's tail, a feline head, multicolored wings, and bird claws (figs. 4.I2a-b) . The second is H. All terms and their spelling for traditiona l Inca costume have been taken from L. A. Pardo, "Los Vestidos dellnca y la Coya, n Revista del Mllseo e Instituto Arql/eo16gico

de

CllZCO

(Cuzco) IS (1:953) : 3-5) .

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a two-headed eagle whose torso is in the form of the shield normally held by the male figure (figs. 8.24b-C). Both of these figures already appear on the Atocha objects. The areas a bove the jaguar heads and between the rwo rainbows repeat the same image. It is usua lly either a small tree or flower whose branches divide evenly to either side. Sometimes a frontally posed male or female figure similar to the ones under the rainbow are shown. These figures are often flanked by a profile parrot and monkey. The lower half of the vessel may have either one or two registers.· When there are rwo, the middle register has either a repeated abstract design, such as a series of diamond shapes, or a discrete number of individual tocapu designs. The bottom register almost always has one of four possible floral designs, in each of which a plant grows from a ground line shown just above the base and bends to either side under the weight of a flower. The flowers are either chiwanway (Zephiranthes tubiflora), nucchu (Salvia oppositiflora), chinchircuma (Mutisia viciaefolia), or cantu (Cantua buxifolia), all of which can appear by themselves or together." The third format presents a continuous band of figures around the upper register. Like the tocapu/figural format, this format has several possible motifs. Some of its motifs represent the most pictorially complex in all quero painting. There are also simple pairs of figures of Inca and a coya that repeat around the rim. These figures are very similar in form and dress to those depicted under the rainbow and stand on a single ground and against a flat, usually unpainted background. A palm tree, monkey, or feline flanks the human figures. The largest single group shows a male and a female together, facing each other, with the male usually on the viewer's left and the female on the right. The female often holds a flower in her hands. When the figures are shown frontally, she holds the flower in her right hand, and the plant bends toward the male (figs. 8.27a-b). In other examples, either just a male or just a female figure is represented. The women are always dressed in traditional costume, as are the men in all but a few cases in which a handful of Spanish items are worn. The much more complex, narrative scenes are symmetrically composed by a clear-cut set of binary oppositions. For example, the Atocha figures that are depicted in the act of planting are represented with much greater iconographic complexity (figs. 8.28a-b). Several men stand in 34. The most complete description of flowers appearing on queros is in J. Flores Ochoa, E. Kuon Arce, and R. Samaez Argumedo, Qeros: Arte inka en vasos ceremol1iales (Lima: Banco de Credico del Peru, 1998), 76-82..

PROFANE IMA GES AND VISUAL PLEASURE

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profile on the viewer's left and use a digging stick, or chakitaclla, to turn over the soil. Two women, also in profile, face the men and bend over to place the seed corn into the ground. Situated above these figures so as to appear in the backgro und are a smaller female figure who holds a pair of queros and a male figure leading two llamas with packs on their backs. Around the vessel, toward the viewer's right, the planting scene is repeated in a reduced fotm by a single pair of figures. In the background ate two more figures. One is a male who blows a conch-shell trumpet (pututu) and holds a chakitaclla. The scene is completed by two kneeling women who face each other in the foreground . Between them is an aryballoid-shaped jar with a quero on either side of it. In a few examples, the indigenous digging stick is replaced by a pair of oxen pulling a plow. A male, dressed in a combination of European and Spanish clothes, drives the team, heading from the viewer's left toward the right, and is followed by a female who sows the corn. Further to the left of this group is a profile male and female. The male who is on the left either plays the conch-shell trumpet or drinks from a quero. The female faces the male and holds a quero before her. The aryballoid jar that contains the aqha is placed behind one of them. Another, even more common composition is the battle and/or presentation motif, wruch is composed of two basic scenes that can appear either by themselves or combined in varying degrees of detail." The first scene depicts figures dressed in traditional Inca costume and using slingshots or spears against an almost always equal number of warriors dressed in jaguar-skin tunics and feather headdresses and wearing two or three bands of facial paint in horizontal rows across their faces . The latter always use bows and arrows as their weapons, which, together with their jaguar-skin tunics, identifies them as the inhabitants of the eastern slopes of the Andes and the jungle. The Incas called them "chunchos" or "Antis," after the eastern or Amazonian region of Tahuantinsuyu (fig. 8.29). Both groups of figures are always in profile, with the Inca on the viewer's left and the Anrj on the right. Occasionally one of the Inca warriors stands on a small plinth or tower, and in some instances, one of the Anrj warriors appears to be dead or wounded and is shown lying in a horizontal position with an empty bow at his side (fig. 8.30) . The second scene in trus composition shows an Inca warrior leading a bound Anti prisoner by a rope that goes around the latter's neck. They 35 . Sigva ld Linn e first recognized the relation of the different scenes to a general theme; see Linne, "Kerlls: Inca Wooden Cups,'" Ethnos (Stockholm) 14. nos. 2.-4 (1949): 13+

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approach an Inca seated on a tiana, the traditional seat of authority. These figures can occur in the context of the battle scene. However, when the Inca is accompanied by a female, the battle is not shown . Rather, the Inca is shown seated in profile on the viewer's left, and the female kneels in profile facing him and presents him with a flowering ii.ucchu plant held in her two outstretched hands. Both these figures have attendants who are usually dressed like the Anti warriors, although sometimes the characters are hunchbacks dressed in Inca tunics who hold feather parasols over the seated and kneeling figures. This motif appears on both standard queros and on those vessels carved in the form of a human head (figs . S.Fa-b) or feline head (fig. S.32) . The figural scenes on these vessels are painted on the back of the head in the area between the ears. Vessels in the form of a human head have the same facial paint as the Anti warriors, and the felines are jaguars. This feature makes it clear that the figural from of the vessel is intimately related to the pictorial narrative and the ritual to which it is connected. A possibly related composition is equa lly complex. It is centered on two twin stylized mountains forming the central vertical axis of the composition (figs. 8'33a-b) . At the base of either mountain, a profile figure sits facing his counterpart. They each hold either a shield or a quero. The figure on the viewer's left wears the traditional Inca attire, while the figure on the right is dressed slightly differently. The distinguishing feature is his headdress, which has a turban shape with a crescent emblem on the front (fig. 8.33C). This feature identifies him as a member of the Colla, a distinct ethnic group who lived to the south of Cuzco, near and around Lake Titicaca.36 Behind each of the two seated figures is a man who stands almost completely bent over. He holds a small hoe (lampa) with which he breaks open the earth. Above these figures is a kneeling female who holds a single quero in her two hands. Behind them are two men standing on tlle ground line and holding long staffs or spears. Occasionally a second standing male is shown blowing a conch shell or holding a quero (fig 8.34). Another complex type of scene depicts the harvesting and/or transporting of cash crops from the eastern slopes (montanas) of the Andes. 36. The identification of this figure as we ll as all those behind it as being from Collnsuyu was first made ill J. Larrea, "Hu irakocha en Huillcanota," in Corolla 11lcaica (Cordoba: Facultad de Filosofla y Humanidades, Universidad Nacional de C6rdoba, .19(0), 2.t3-2.7_ Teresa Gisben was the first to use rhe headdress to identify these figures; see Gisbert, /collogra(ia y mitos illdfgellQs ell el artc (La Paz: Gisberr y Cia, 1980), H.

PROFANE IM AGES AND VISUAL PLEASURE

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The most complete scene shows the harvesting of coca leaves and lumber by a group of three Indians led by a figure dressed completely in Spanish clothes that date the piece to the eighteenth century (fig. 8.35a). These figures are all in profile and face toward the viewer's right. A second set of figures ascends a stepped diagonal and leads a pack train that hauls the harvested leaves toward the sierras (fig. 8.35b). On five other queros, the harvesting in the montaiias is not depicted . Rather, the mule train with its cargo of coca and wood is shown on a flat ground line, presumably arriving at a rather substantial town in the Andes where a market is in progress. These figures are all in profile and move from the viewer's left toward the right (fig. 8.36). In several examples, the journey begins on the bottom register and is completed on the upper one, so that the vertical rise of the vessel in relation to the disposition of the scenes is used to indicate the ascent from the montanas to the sierras. Finally, a common motif that probably persisted through the eighteenth century represents a dance Or procession (figs. 8.37a-<:). Six to eight figures move from left to right in profile except for the last figure, who is turned in the opposite direction. Three or four of the figures are dressed as Anti (Chunchos), or jungle Indians, and wear face paint, tunics with jaguar markings, and elaborate feather headdresses . In some scenes, lace sleeves and lace-trimmed breeches appear from below the tunics. Each Anti carries a different item in his hand. O ne holds a large checkered flag over his shoulder, another draws an empty ' bow, and a third carries a large undulating club over his shoulder. The lead Anti always carries a walking stick or staff in his right hand. The two other figures in this scene are dressed completely in Spanish costume, with waistcoats, knee-length breeches, stockings, and shoes. One is depicted as African and the other as European. They playa trumpet and a drum. Occasionally a figure dressed in a bear's costume is included in the group. I will return to an interpretation for some of these images in chapters IO and II, especially in regard to the relation between illustrative and insistent representation. However, to understand colonial queros and quero imagery as something besides mere exoticism, one must reckon with the fact that queros and aquillas were produced by natives for natives and that this relationship operated under constraints imposed by the Spaniards. Aquillas and queros may have been taken to Spain as emblematic or exotic objects of the Americas, yet their primary locus of production and consumption was indigenous. Issues of idolatry were necessarily connected to queros, in their manufacture and use. Yet

Toasts with the Inca

queros were also openly made and used by Andeans; we know this because Spaniards wrote about them. It is important, then, to look beyond the accidents of history afforded by either the Atocha's treasure or the royal treasury, to see how queros and aquillas were variously represented in colonial Peruvian documents such that they could operate outside or in addition to idolatry discourse.

CHAPTER NINE

Commerce and Commodification of Things Andean

It may be said that Andeans petceived their world as one in which there was an immediate and inseparable continuum between the world of humans and the world of the supernatural. In this world, an object such as a quero enjoyed simultaneously a sacred and a secular-or, better said, undifferentiated-ontology . Inca aquillas and queros were first used to toast the sun god in the summer solstice celebration and were then used to toast secular, community relationships. Every act of drinking was, at the very least, potentially a religious act, and Spaniards were well aware of tlus fact.' This understanding is clear from the actions of those extirpators w ho confiscated queros and textiles in their attempts to stamp out native idolatry. Albornoz described the confiscation and prohibition of both, and Toledo had been zealous in listing them as items that were to be banned. Similar actions and prolubitions were enunciated in seventeenth-century campaigns. Luis de Mora describes, for example, how in I614 he gathered up both textiles and painted vessels (on this occasion, the painted vessels were mates) in the pueblo of La Concepcion de Chupas, a place well known to Guaman Poma.' The 1. For example, Pedro de Vilbgoruez w rites: "In principa l ofrend a, y In mejor, y 1a mayor parte de sus sacrificios es la chicha. Por ella, Y COil ella comienzan codas las fi estas de las huacas, en ella median, y con ell a acaban: y ass! tienen para este efecto muchos vasos y vasij as de di fere ntes fmma s y materiales; y es comull modo de hablar. que dan de beber a las huacas cuando les van a moehar " (Carta Pastoral de Exortaci6n e Instruccioll cOl/tra las idolatrias de los indios del Arzobispado de Lima [r6491. CLD RHP, 1St sec., I2. [1919], 163) . As w ith most of Villagomez's text, this passage is taken from P. j. de Arriaga, La extirpadoll de fa idolatria en el Pertt [I6:n], CLDRHP. 2-d ser., I (r92.0), 42. 2.. " . . . hazen fiesta can taqui y bo rrachera general que dura dos dfas, vistiendose los vestidos arriva dichos y dando de comer y de vever al dicho trueno en mates pintados y haq uillas [sic] de plata que para esto tienen ... ante eI dicho visitador exivieron los indios de esre pueblo trcce tamborinos con sus maGlIlas de madera cantidad de plumas y mates y cinco camisetas de cumbe viejas y tres pares de aquillas de plata que pesaron dos marcos ... todo 10 qual confesarotl sec y servir en los [ritos y usar de las dichas cosas en la fiestas y sacrificios genera les __ . Todos los idolos y demas casas a elias anejos que no fu eren de valor, se quemaran en la plac;a ... y los que fueren de vaJor ... como cosas de plata, oro, ganados 0 ropa

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queros were also openly made and used by Andeans; we know this because Spaniards wrote about them. It is important, then, to look beyond the accidents of history afforded by either the Atocha's treasure or the royal treasury, to see how queros and aquillas were variously represented in colonial Peruvian documents such that they could operate outside or in addition to idolatry discourse.

CHAPTER NINE

Commerce and Commodification of Things Andean

It may be said that Andeans perceived their world as one in which there was an immediate and inseparable continuum between the world of humans and the world of the supernatural. In this world, an object such as a quero enjoyed simultaneously a sacred and a secular-Qr, better said, undifferentiated-Qntology. Inca aquillas and queros were first used to toast the sun god in the summer solstice celebration and were then used to toast secular, communiry relationships. Every act of drinking was, at the very least, potentially a religious act, and Spaniards were well aware of this fact .' This understanding is clear from the actions of those extirpators who confiscated queros and textiles in their attempts to stamp out native idolatry. Albornoz described the confiscation and prohibition of both, and Toledo had been zealous in listing them as items that were to be banned. Similar actions and prohibitions were enunciated in seventeenth-century campaigns. Luis de Mora describes, for example, how in 1614 he gathered up both textiles and painted vessels (on this occasion, the painted vessels were mates) in the pueblo of La Concepcion de Chupas, a place well known to Guaman Poma .' The 1. For example, Pedro de Villagomez writes: "10. principal of renda, y la mejor, y In mayor parte de sus sacrific ios es la chicha. Por ella, y con ella comien1.an rodas las fiestas de las hU3cas, en ella median, y con eUa acaban: y ass! rienen para este efeclO muchos vasos y vasijas de diferentes foemas y materiales; y es comun modo de hablar. que dan de heber a las huacas cnanda les van a mochac" (Carta Pastoral de Exortaci611 e l11Struccioll cOlltra las idolatrias de los il/dios del Arzobispado de Lima [16491. CL DRHP, Ist ser., 12. [I9I9], 163) . As with most of Villagomez's text, this passage is taken from P. J. de Arriaga, La extirpacicm de fa idofatrla en ef PeTli [r621], CLDRHP. 2d ser., I (1920), 42. 2. " ... hazen fiesca con L'lqui y borracbera general que dura dos dias. vistiendose los vestidos 3rriva dichos y dando de comer y de vever al dicho tmeno en mates pintados y

haquillas [sic] de plata que para esto ticnen ... ante el dicho visitador exivieron los indios de este pueblo trece tamborinos con SllS macanas de madera ca ntidad de plumas y mates y cinco camisetas de clImbe viejas y tres pares de aquillas de plata que pesacon dos marcos ... rodo 10 qual confesaron ser y servir en los rritos y usar de las dichas casas en In fiestas y sacrificios generales ... Todos los fdolos y demas casas a elias anejos que no fueren de valor, se quemaran en In pla~ ... y los que hlercn de valor ... como cosas de p lata. oro, ganados 0 copa

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textiles and wooden vessels belonging to the local deities were burned, and their silver aquillas were confiscated for the church. Jose de Arriaga detailed this kind of procedure in his how-to book on exrirpation, La extirpaci6n de la idolatria en el Peru, published in 162I. However, confiscation was not a free license to pillage native communities to fill the coffers of the church or to line the pockets of individual priests. Such capricious and arbitrary acts would undermine Christian credibility. When Arriaga counsels priests to confiscate cult items, such as queros, he instructs them to burn the vessels in front of the Indians so that "the Indians do not think that they [the Spaniards] are taking advantage of them by taking their possessions in the name of a campaign against idolatry." 3 At the same time, Arriaga recognized a distinction that allowed the natives to maintain some of their traditional items. There was a difference between the quero or textile that was the property of an idol and a quero or textile that was used to honor that idol but was a part of a native's household belongings. In a special reference to textiles, Arriaga cautions priests that they should only seize "those that serve only for the feasts of the huacas" and that "it is not good to seize other shirts of cumbi or those they have that they call Huamaras, which are used by curacas, except when they serve only for the huacas. "4 The key passage here is "serve only for the huacas." Items not belonging directly to an idol, even if they were used in celebrations for that idol, were not automatically confiscated. In practice, confiscation was done at the whim of individual priests, and one of Guaman Poma's most impassioned condemnations of colonial abuse comes in the context of arbitrary seizure.' There is, nonethese traera a esta ciudad con inventario" (L. de Mora de Aguilar, "La Visite des idolatries de Concepcion de Chupa s" [1614], ed. P. Duvi ols, lOllmal de fa Societe des Alllcricallistes [Paris] 55, no. 2 (1966]: 502, 503, 508). Chupas was the su bject of Guaman P~rn a's land suit in I597 {Y 110 bay remedial, and he refers to that suit specifica lly in the Nueva Corouica: "teniendo yo pleyto por defensa de unas tierras" (E I Primer Nueva Cor611ica)1 Buell Gob~ iemo [ca. 1615], ed. ]. Murra and R. Adorno, trans. Jorge Uriosre IMexico: Siglo XXI, 19l:lo], p. 847, fol. 904 [9r8]; he specifically mentions the ehaems (fields) of "Concepcion." 3. " . . . no entienden los indios que a drulo de idolatd3. les quiten sus cosas para aprovecharse de elias " (Arriaga, La extripacion. 152). 4. "... las que no Ie servlan sino solo para las fie stas de las huacas .... otras camisetas de cumbi , a que tienen las que lIaman humaras, de que se sirven lll11chos indios principales, no es bien quinirselas, sino en caso que les sirviesen solo para las huaca s" (Arriaga, La extirpaei611. 152). This advice is copied by Villagomez ("Carta Pastora l," 1.JI). ). " . . . un becirador de la sa nta yglecia lIamado dotor Auila y corregidor, can color de dicille que son yd6latras, les a quitado mucha ca ntidad de oro y plata y bestidos y plumages y arras galanterfas. bestidos de cl(11be, OIlOSca, topos, camigetas, porol/gos, oquillas. rodo de plata y de oro. Los quales renia n para dansar y holgar en las fiestas y pasquas, Corpus Criste del ana y se los a lIeuado todo de los pobres yndios .... Porque tiene fabor de su sefiorfa, desuella a los pobres de Jesucristo y no ay rremedio y no ay beciro para el't (Guamall Porna de Ayala, Nue/la Coroltica. p. 101.1., fol. II:!l (II 3I]).

COMMERCE AND COMMODIFICATION OF THING S ANDEAN

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less, evidence that at least some Spanish priests differentiated between items that were purely cultic and those that were not and that the natives were therefore allowed to keep. The distinction is predicated on the concept of private property as a social necessity and right in distinction to objects that were used for cult practice; that is, an ontological division was ascribed by Spaniards to Andean objects based on factors that may have seemed at once bewildering and arbitrary to Andeans. In [62I, Hernandez Principe was a visitador in the Recuay Valley. There he discovered a number of important huacas, not the least of which was the body of Tanta Carhua, an Inca sacrificial (capacocha) victim whose worship still validated the colonial curaca's authority. Principe destroyed the huacas and all their cult items. He records, however, that in several instances, aquillas were returned to their owners because, although they had occasionally been used in pagan worship, they did not belong to any Imaca. He writes, for example, "some aquillas of silver were returned to Ines Caxa because I discovered that although they had been used in idolatries, they [the aquillas1 were not dedicated to them."6 One can be sure that Ines was happy to get her aquillas back, but it is not so sure if she understood why they had been returned . Tomas Lopez Medal captures the different Spanish attitudes in a generalized form in his description of Andean ritual celebrations offered to the sun. He says that special priests arose every morning and greeted the sun with "vasos en los manos," pouring out chicha so their god could drink. He then goes on to say that this was also a manner of greeting among Andeans and "that today they still have this custom among the elite and people of good breeding and they use the same form of greeting with Spaniards."7 Even under increased supervision by Spaniards, there was a margin of tolerance for traditional items as long as they were perceived to be 6. ". .. se Ie [Ines Caxa] volvio unas aquiHas de plata porque averigi.ie que aunque habia n servido en sus idolatrias, no estaban dedicados a el los" (R. H . Principe, "Idolatria en Recuay" 11"62 1), inca [lima) I, no. ]. [I92 }]: 34). PrIncipe notes the return of aquillas to five sepa rate individuals. All items were voluntarily turned in, and in this case, it seems that natives were able to keep them by declaring that they no longer believed in rhe huaca. 7. "Entre otros cu idados de aqueUos sacerdotes era este y mu y principal y cllotidiano, sin faltar dla, leva nrarse de mailana y poner su aparador de mllchos vasos de plata y oro y hinchirlos Isic l de aquella su cbicha y bebida y de comida para que, en saliendo eI sot y en asomatido por su borizonte, Ie sa ludaron con los vasos en las manos, ofreciendole aquella comida y bebida y derramandola delante de el, que era m::mera de mocha que par s
Toasts with the Inca

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used primarily for secular purposes. This seems to be especially the case in the archbishopric of Cuzco, the area from which most painted queros came.' Within this secular context, we can understand Bernabe Cobo's dispassionate description of painted queros written in 1651. It comes in his listing of the quotidian items in the interior of Andean houses of the southern sierras. Cobo gives a dreary description, saying, "tbey don't have tapestries, portraits, or other house decorations.... The greater part of their bousehold goods and furniture are ceramic jars and jugs." These jars and jugs were used to fabricate the chicha that every household made and for which, writes Cobo, "they have more instrwnents and cups than [they do] for their meals." In the hot lands, they had painted gourds from which to drink the chicha, but in the sierras, Cobo notes, ~the most common are of wood, similar to our glass goblets, wider at the top than at the bottom, that hold a pint of wine." He continues: They paint them on the exterior with a kind of very shiny varnish

of different colors, with different images and paintings. The people of quality use silver and call them aquillas, and they make them in the same form as those of wood. The curacas and leaders used to have them made of gold. One curaca once showed me one of these ancient vessels made of pure gold.9

Cobo's mention of painted queros bears no trace of iconoclastic fervor. He simply acknowledges that queros were one of the very few prized possession of most Peruvian households and that silver and rare golden aquillas were still used by curacas. Cobo's dispassionate assessment is not unusual. An anonymous writer in r620 described the domestic contents in Iea on the coast in a sim8. The Spanish historian Antonio Acosta reports that there is no evidence that the ecclesiastical jurisdictions of CUleo, La Paz, and La Plata had ca mpaign s against idolatry similar to those that [Oak place i.n the archbishopric of Lima, first under Archbishop Bartolome Lobo Guerrero and then by Archbishop Villagomez (Jo hn Rowe, personal communication w ith the author, 1982). 9. "... no tienen rapicerfas, retra tos ni orros o rnamentos de casa .... La mayor parte de su menaje y alhajas son tinajas y cantaros de barro ... tienen mas instrumeo[Os y vasos que pa ra sus comidas ... los mas comunes SO il de madera, de hechura de ouestcos cubi letes de vidrio, mas aneho de arriba que de abajo, que hacen un cuartillo de vino. Pfmanlos par de £oera can cierto barniz muy relueiente de varios eoloces, can diferenres labores y pinturas; y a esros vasos de palo Haman queros. La gente de ca udal los usa ll de plata y los Ha man aqllilla, y hacenlos de la misma forma qu e [as de palo. Los caciques y grandes senores los tenian antiguamente de oro. Mostrome una vez a mf un cacique uno destos vasos, antiguo. de 0(0 puco" (B. Cabo, Historia del Nuevo Mil/Ida [1653], BAE 91--92 [I956], bk. 14., chap. 4, pp. 2.42-·n)·

COMMERCE AN D COMMO DIFI CAT ION OF TH I NGS ANDEAN

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ilar manner: "they don't have house decorations, only an ugly old bowl and some gourd mates from which they eat and a few queros, like a goblet made of wood, from which they drink. "'0 Even Guaman Poma, who often scolds colonial natives for their abuse of alcohol, writes that every properly outfitted Andean household should have a pair of queros.H Despite the potential for idolatrous use, queros-like traditional textiles-were recognized by the Spaniards as necessities of Andean households. One can understand how queros and textiles not only continued into the colonial period but became the principal artistic media for expressing and reaffirming native identity. The imagery was perhaps adapted so as not to be overtly idolatro us, hence offering a pretext for confiscation and prohibition. Yet within the changes, ttaditional associations were maintained. The categorical relationship between queros and textiles persisted through shared abstract imagery. Textile terminology was used to descrihe early painted quero imagery." This relaMany silver and gold aquillas were confiscated by the Spaniards, and curacas were therefore usually afraid to use them publicly (see F. de Santilhi n, "Relacion del origen, descendenc ia , polltica y gobierno de los Incas" [1563}, in Tres Relaciolles de antigiiedades peruanas, ed. M. Jimenez de la Espada [Ascuncion, Paraguay: Editorial Gua ran ia, 1950), 88- 89), bur the curacas along the lucrative trade route between Cuzco and POtOSI seem to nave been able to keep or purchase new silver aqu illas, probably like the ones aboard the Atocha. These were used to entertain Eu ropeans, as was recorded by the Englishman John Ellis in 1593, cited in J. E. Ri vera Martinez, ed., El Pent el1 la Uteratura de V;aje Europea de los Siglos XVI, XVl1. y XVIII (Lima: Universidad Nacional M.ayor de San Marcos. r963) , 4.1. 10. " •.. no tienen adorno de casa, s6lo una mala olla y algunos mates de calabaza en que comen y unos cueros [sic], a modo de copa hecho de palo, por donde beben" (Anonymous, DescripcioJl del IJirreiJlato del PeTll, Cr611ica inedita del c01lliel1'zo del Siglo XVII [ca. 1620), ed. B. Lewin [Rosario: Universidad Naciona l del Litora l, 1958], 156). II. In describing the duties of an alcalde-the elected mayor of a reducci6n-Guaman Poma says that he was to inspect every house to see if they had the basic necessities, among which were queros (NueIJa Corol1ica, p. 74l, fo l. 795 [8091) . For Guaman Poma's harangue against colonial native drinking, see NueIJa Coro/1;ca, p. 735, fol. 789 [803); p. 804, fo l. 858

[872 ].

n. Diego Gonzalez Holguin and Ludovico Bertonio have si milar entries that are more descriptive and that suggest that some of the quero designs may ha ve derived from textile designs. These are the entries chump; quero (Holguin) and Jmakasja quero (Benonio). T he first is translated as "pintado, 0 acintas, 0 a vetas travessadas" [painted, or bands or strips that go around it] , and the second means "'vaso que riene como cinta a faxa en medio" [CLIp that has la design] like a belt or sash in the middle] (Gonzalez Holguin, Vocabulario de la lel1glla general de todo el PeTtI lIamada Qqllichlla 0 de/Il1ca [r608] [Lima: Universidad de San.Marcos, 1989] , 304; Bertonio, Vocabltlario de la lenguJl fl)'mara [161:2.), ed. j. Platzmann [Leipzig, r 8791, 290). These descriptions imply that the painted design on these cups was placed around the center of the vesse l. Tbe words chump; and hltakasaja are textile terms that refer to either the woven design or the sash that went around the waist of an lnca tunic. The adaption of these teons to describe the placement o f the pai nted designs on queros implies that the same kind of texti le design was used on the vessels. Textile designs continued to be used on later, fu lly painted queros that are di vided into three horizontal registers.

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Toasts with the Inca

tionship continued because both these objects were produced in the colonial world. However, Spanish colonialism brought a new type of economy and mode of production to Peru, and it is important to understand how this economy affected the production and distribution of traditional items for Andeans . Whereas Spaniards might be accustomed to acqu iring such objects as the Atocha aquillas and silver plates through a market economy, this was not true for most Andeans.

The Marketplace: Coca, Chicha, and Queros The Spanish introduction of a money economy and a market system helps to account for the colonial proliferation of such native textiles, queros, and aquillas as those found aboard the Atocha. Such Spaniards as Principe and Cabo recognized a legitimate place for queros and native textiles in the Andes. With such recognition, these native items became a part of colonial commerce. As objects bougbt and sold in the marketplace, queros and textiles therefore took on a surplus value in addition to their traditional use and excbange values. In this capacity, it was possible for their place in native society to be not only maintained but even expanded. There was, however, a trade-off. The expansion of production and use of any native object within the colonial world was in part contingent on its commodification, and commodification was part and parcel of Spanish industry's employment of native labor. Coca: From the Sacred

to

the Profane

The effect of the colonial market system on the expansion of the production and use of a traditional object is perhaps best exemplified by the transformation (commodification) of the role of coca in colonial native society. Coca leaves had been highly restricted under tbe Inca. Only the elite had access to them, and all coca fields were under the domain of tbe Inca. ' 3 Coca was considered sacred and had a divine origin.'; Under Spanish suzerainty, coca was still masticated primarily by The designs in the middle regi ster are almost always abstract, and they are nearly identical to the rocapu and diamond designs that occur around the middle of Inca textiles.

1:3- See P. Pizz.'uo, Relacioll del descubrimiel1to y col1quisto de los TeinDs del Pe", {IS7l], CLDRHP, 1St ser., 6 (191.7): 270.

14. See F. de Toledo, "' In formaciones de las idolatdas de los Incas e indios y de como se enterraban . . . " {I57IL in Colecci611 de docltJl1elltos illiditos relativos 01 desClfbrimiellto ... sacadas ell SI.' mayor parte del Real Archivo de Illdias (Madrid: n.p.) I874l. vol. :n, p. II.

COMMERCE AND COMMOD IFICATIO N OF THINGS ANDEAN

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Indians, but it no longer functioned only as a divine substance. It became a commodity tbat was sold to Indians for its narcotic ability to prolong labor under arduous conditions and to suppress hunger and cold. As a cash crop controlled by the Spaniards, coca's expanded use was not only tolerated but actively fostered. Forty years after Pizzaro's arrival, Polo de Ondegardo was able to write that coca use and production had increased more than fifty times over!' Cieza de Leon records that coca was already a lucrative crop in 1548, 1549, and 1551 and that there had never been a plant in the entire world that was so highly valued. The coca from the various repartirnientos of Cuzco and La Paz brought in an income of between twenty and eighty thousand pesos. Most of the coca was taken to Potosi, the rich mining center in southern Bolivia, where it was sold to the Indians. Cieza notes that many a Spaniard had retired to Spain on the proceeds of this crop.,6 The extreme wealth generated by coca in the late 1540S and early 1550S was due to a limited supply controlled by those Spaniards who had Inca coca fields in their repartimientos. With the understanding of the commercial value of coca, everyone who could set about planting coca fields, and Cieza says that the price of coca dropped with increased productivity!? The volume, however, grew, so that overall capital realization increased. III

The commerce in coca did not mean that coca lost its sacred aura for native Peruvians. In fact, it became more accessible for use as a divina tory offering by natives of all social levels," while it also acquired a distinctly European economic value. Acosta says, for example, that Indians not only spent their money for coca leaves but used coca as 15. J. Polo de Ondegardo, cited in C. M:lrkham, Tf,e Incas of Pem (1910; reprint, Lima: ABC, T977), ISS. 16. P. de Cieza de Leon, Cr6nica del Penl, Primera Parte [I553J (Lima: Ponrificia Un iversidad Catolica del Peru, .19S4), chap. IrO, p. 2.92.17. Cieza de Leon, Crol1ica del Pent, Primera Parte, chap. HO, p. 2.92. IS. Jose de Acosta (Hi-staria natural y 1II0rai de las llldias [.1 590] [Mexico: Fonda de Cultura Economica, I9iOJ, hk. 4, chap. 22, p. .1 SI) says that the traffic in coca lea ves around 1570 in POtOSI amounted to over five hundred thousand pesos a year. Coca plantations continued to be a major source of revenue for a number of sevenreenth-century Cuzco residents, such as Juan Garda Duran, Pedro Gonzalez Tadeo, and Ma rtin Garda. They owned fields . in Paucartambo for which they employed a number of natives for harvesting and transportation. Coca was a labor-intensive industry. second only to mining, and was thus a major source of native income. See Archivo Departamemal del Cuzco, 1645. Protocolo 13#591, Escribano Juan Flores Bastidas. fols. 632-33. 649, 676-77, 76i. 766. 19. Coca and chicha are still the quintessentia l elements in Illost Andean rituals; see C. Wagner, "Coca y estructuras culturales en los Andes peruanos," Allpal1ch;s (Cuzco) 9 (1976): I93-2:!.4; C. J. Allen. The Hold Life Has: Coca altd Cultllral Identity ill all Andean COlllmull;ty (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. T988).

Toasts with the Inca

money.'O Commercialization (secularization) of coca (an act of acculturation) meant wider distribution and use. Acculturation was therefore effected as much through the commercialization of traditional objects or substances as by their prohibition. Such commercialization was in fact more effective, because it made Indians dependent on a market system to acquire what had previously been obtained through traditional forms of redistribution-however restricted they might have been. To enter into a market system, most Indians needed to sell their labor, leading them more closely into an economic relationship with the Spaniards that was based solely on European terms . Traditional items, such as coca, and their colonial use might seem, from a historical distance, evidence of native resistance to colonial acculturation. Yet they can also be categorized as the opposite, as signs of reduced independence." In this sense, there was again a certain permissiveness, this time by political authorities, toward native products that were deemed pagan, idolatrous, or reactionary. Time and again, Spanish authorities had equated coca with pagan practices, drink with idolatry, and textiles with reactionary native politics, yet these items were often openly produced and sold in the marketplace." Part of this permissiveness was the result of purely economic pressures that were sometimes at odds with and often outweighed both state and church prohibitions. The sale of coca, fot example, was, according to Santillan, too closely linked to the mining industry to be stopped." Coca, however, was not the only native product that was sold in the mining areas to mollify Indian laborers. Chicha production and conAcosra, Historia /talmal y 1I10ral, bk. -I. chap. 3. p. Q4. For example, Francisco de Acuna records that part of tbe increased coca production was a direct result of a need to acquire hard currency: "se dice lfar the pueblo of Cap:lmarca fourteen leagues from Cuzca] que despues por los visorreyes destos [einos les ha side mandado pagar rasa . .... que eI dinero que dan para su rasa, 10 vall a buscar fuera de su pueblo a los Andes, doncle se da la coca, alquihindose para trabajar tn las ch
1.1.

\

COMMERCE AND COMMOD IFI CA TIO N OF THINGS ANDEAN

2.05

sumption were also tied to mining commerce. Because of this, Viceroy Toledo encountered a similar problem in his campaign to eradicate native drunkenness. But here the difficulty was also intimately linked w ith the contradiction of technical progress and the mercantile capitalism brought to Peru. The production of chicha as a commodity was increased through European technology, and because chicha increasingly functioned as a commodity, the quero, used to drink chicha, also became an object of commerce. Chich a and the Cost of a Drink The mines of Potosi were the single most important source of income in Peru. Toledo organized the Mita de Potosi that sent some 14,248 Indians-one-seventh of the male population in the provinces effected-to work them for a year. '4 By r620, nearly one-ninth of the entire Indian population of all Peru lived in Potosi." The mines were only discovered in r 54 5, but the city of Potosi already had a very large Indian population by Toledo's time, and some of the early mita laborers were sent specifically to make chicha for those who worked in the mine. ,6 These mita workers probably produced chicha in the traditional manner of either chewing the corn or grinding it by hand and then fermenting it.'7 As Potosi's Andean urban populace grew, demand for chicha outpaced the t raditional means of production. There was no longer the kind of social and political infrastructure to produce mass quantities of chich. 2+ See j. Rowe, "The Incas under Spanish Colonial Institutions," Hispanic American Historical Review (Durham) 37, no. ~ (1957): T72. ~5. Noble David Cook estimates a population size of 670,000 Indians in Peru in 16~0. In I6u, nine years earlier, PotosI had an Indian population of 76,000, most of whom were permanent residents. See Cook, Demographic Collapse of '"dial1 Peru, 1520-1620 (Ca mbridge: Cambridge University Press, 198r), :!.45-.P. 2.6. According to the 1567 testimony of Don MartIn Cari, Hanan curaca of Chucuito, he sent five hundred Indians every year to Potosi, some of whom were to make ch icha; see G. Diez de San Miguel, Visita hech(/ a la provincia de Chllcllito {I567] (Lima: Casa de la Cultura, "'[964), 19. 27. The word probably is lIsed here because Cari says that mita workers made chicha. This implies that men made the chicha, because only males were subject to mita obligations. If, indeed, men were making the chicha, this would be a departure from sierra tradition. where women made the chicha. Only on the coast is there evidence for men practicing this craft: "en los ll anos son hombres y en la sierra son mujeres los que fab rican 13 cbicha" (Arriaga, La extirpaciol1, r06J.lt is more than likel y that, in this case, Cari was including as lI1itayoc the wives who accompanied their husbands to the mines and who WOllld have made th e chicha. Cari's accounting of the females as mica laborers would have been according to Andean, rather than Span ish, reckoning and, as such, suggests that the chicha was being made within a traditional context.

\ .06

Toasts with the Inca

as there had been under Inca rule. The demand for chicha therefore had to be supplied in a different, European, way. Production was augmented by the introduction of European mills powered by water. With these, vast quantities of corn could be ground into flour to be brought to Potosi, where the chicha was made. Toledo realized that he could not stop the natives from making chicha for themselves in the traditional manner, but because "corn flour causes more than anything else the drunkenness of the Indians,"" he forbade that water mills be used for grinding. Too much was at stake for such a law to have any force, however. By r603, there were 58,800 Indians working in Potosi." There was just too much of a profit to be made by selling chich a to them, and the mills owned by the Spaniards and Indians were kept operating.'o In r603, only thirty years after Toledo tried to close the mills, one Spaniard wrote: Each year, they make such an infinity of chicha in this city . . . that it is impossible to imagine it, yet one can calculate the amount of ch.icha made and the true amount of money spent in this way. Every

year, fifty thousand (allegas [1.6 bushels] of corn flour that is used only to make chicha enters the city, and from each fanega is produced thirty, thirty-two, or thirty-four jugs, such that a fanega averages thirty-two jugs, which calculates to be 1,600,000 jugs, and each jug is sold at eight reales, which makes 1,020,000 pesos ensayadosY

The expenditure is tremendous when one realizes that the income for the royal treasury at Potosi in r603 was r,688,308 pesos ensayadosY 2~L " ... que 10 Que mas causaba las bOLracheras a los indios era In harina de maiz" (P. de Toledo, "La que responde eI Virrey del Peru don Francisco de Toledo a los caplru los del Maestro Luis Lopez" [1572.], CDHE 94 [IS891, 517-18). 2.9. See Cook, Demographic Collapse, 2.45. 30. Mills were owned by wea lth y curacas very early on in the colonial period, as is evidenced by the 1588 will of the curaca Don Diego Caqui of the pueblo of San Pedro de Tacna, cited in R. Cuneo-Vidal, "Historia de los Antiguos Cacicazgos Hereditarios del sur del Peru," in Obras Comp/etas, ed. L Prado Pastor (Lima: n.p., 1977), 1.:334. 31. "Hacese cada ano en esta villa fanta infinidad de cbicba ... que parece cosa imposible imaginar eo ella, c uanto y mas averiguar la cantidad que se hace; y la averiguaci6n verderadera de la cantidad que se gasta se hace ell esta manera . Entran en cada ana esta villa 50 mil fanegas de harina de matz que 5610 se gasta en hacer chicha, y se averigu3 que de cada fanega se hacen 30, p, H botijas de chicha, y puesto que una fanega can otra den }2 boti jas, viene a ser (oda la ch icha que se saca de las dichas 50 mi l fanegas de harina un mi116n y 6000 mil botijas, y se vende cad::t borij a a H reales, q ue hace ensayados un millan y 24 mil pesos" (Anonymous, "Descripci6n de la Vi lla y Minas de Potosi Ailo de ,60J" 1,60JJ, RGI, [l965J, 380). 32. See J. J. Tepaske and H. Klein, eds., The Roya/ Treasuries of tbe Spanish Empire ill America (Durham: Duke University Press, 1982), 2:2.72.

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The generation of a monetary income meant that corn for chicha production was no longer just a traditional crop for ritual use. It became, like coca, a cash crop in areas where there was a major concentration of native labor. Just as with coca, it put into circulation a substantial portion of native wages not collected in taxes. The cost of a single bottle of chicha equaled two-thirds of a day's pay for a free worker and double a day's wage for a ",itaya." The transformation of corn beer into a commodity (aqha to chicha) and the need to placate a large native populace brought about a tolerance toward or at least ignoring of Andean drinking." But drinking in this form was something new; that is, chicha as a commodity was drunk in the urban spaces, or chicherfas, of cities, such as Cuzco and Potosi, that had high native populations. In the chicherias, native residents as well as transients drank a socially distinct beverage, something that they had bought. These beverages had been produced, meanwhile, by Andeans-primarily women chicherias-who had hired themselves Out to make the chicha}l 33. An Indian work ing as a fr ee laborer was paid rwelve reales a day in 1596. Wages for free la borers fluctuated. but rhjs is approximately the wage paid in 160}. The wages of a mitayo were fixed by law ac four reales a day. However, a mirayo Indian worked only one week Ollt of three at thi s rate and could work the other two as a free laborer. See J. Rowe. "Incas under Spanish Colonial Institution s," I72-7}. }+ Marie Helmer notes that according to contempomry testimony during the viceroyalty in PotOSI, the Indians "celebrava n sus fiestas, taql1ies y borracheras." There is no tmce of any in tervention by al1thorities to stop them. This broad tolerance is amibuted by Helmer solely to the desire to avoid confl icts that would disrupt silver production. She reports, for example, that in the [610 city of 160,000 people, 75,000 were Indi ans com ing from all parts of the altiplano. The relative freedom they enjoyed explains in part why even though there was a large proportion of Indians to Spaniards, the Indians never revolted. See M. Helmer, "Noms Sabre Usos y Costumbres en POtOSI," in Amcrikal/;st;sc!Je Stlldic,,: Festschrift {iir Herman" Trimbom mzldsslich se;lIes 75. Geb/Jrtstoges~ ed. R. Hartmann :lnd U. Oberem (Augustin: Hnus Volker und Kultureu, .1978). ~}I. The proportion of Spaniards to Indians in PotosI was relatively high in comparison to the rest of Peru, so PotOSI would have been the worst place to revolt. Moreover, the permissiveness of tbe Spaniards coward native celebrations and drinking could not have outweighed the misery of serving in the mines. What kept natives at POCOSI or brought forasteros (Indians who had abandoned their ayllus) was economic pressure, either indebtedness or the accumulation of capim l. Potosi. located at an unnatural height for Europeans, was spawned by capiral and was in many regards a wideopen town for Spaniards as well as for Indians. There, rival gangs of Spaniards were constantly dueling in the streets. killing each other and innocent bystanders. The permissiveness toward many aspects of native behavior did have an element of social control, but the production of chicha was also a major economic concern that would have gone on regardless of any law. See T, Sa ign es. "De la Borrachera al retraro: Los caciques andinos entre dos legitimidades {Charclls)" Revista Alldilla 5, no. I {1987): 139-70; "Borrachetas andinas: , POt que los indios ehrios hablan en espailol?" Revista Alidina 7. no. 1 (T989): B3- US. 35. See L. M. Glave, Trajillalltes: Gaminos indfgentls Cit la sociedad colollial Siglos XVI/XVll (Lima: Instituto de Apoyo Agrario, I9B9), 354-55.

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Toasts with the Inca

Queros as a Commodity and Personal Property The production of colonial queros and aquillas occurred within the context of the commodification already described. The Inca state apparatus that produced a standardized type of imagery was gone, yet there is still tremendous uniformity in colonial imagery and quero size. This argues for a systematized production of queros rather than piecemeal fabrication by individuals. The mechanism for this production remained partially within a traditional context, but it was also partially altered by the commodification of the colonial market system. It is clear from the Atocha material that aquillas were being produced in PotoSI and could be obtained through a market system. By their material, they could be classified as luxury items, restricted by price and Andean custom to the native elite, but now available to curious Spaniards. Queros were to be found in every Andean household-if we are to believe Cobo-and indigenous craftsmen were still making the queros for native consumption. But access to these traditional items did not necessarily come through internal ayllu patterns of redistribution. Queros and aquillas, vessels that were irrevoca bly bound to chicha, became commodified as chicha itself became a commercial good. It is no coincidence, then, that most painted queros are found only in the southern sierra region, where they were being sold in commercial centers in or near mining towns. Most colonial painted queros come from the region between Ayacucho and POtOSl,,6 the area of maximum indigenous population one hundred years after the conquest.37 It is also 36. Fewer than twenty painted queros come from Ecuador; see H. Crespo Toral, "Queros Ecuatorianos," H III/lOll;taS Boletfn ECffatoriallo de Antro/lologfa (Q uito) 7 (I96"9-70). Many have motifs similar to the queros fro m the southern sierras, such as the ra inbow motif, and may have been made in the southern sierras and carried north fo r sate or trade. This would have been the counterpart o f items coming from Ecuador [hac were desired by natives in the southern sierras. For exa mple, many contracts berween natives and Spaniards stipu late that the Indian be paid in part w ith "vestido de pano de Quito " (d. Archivo DepartamentaJ del CUlCO, 1649, Protocolo 1: 361550, Escribano Jose G. Calvo, fol. 486, "'Concierro de Diego Gaspar de Castro Indio con el sindico de la Catedral de San Fran cisco"). Queros were carried as offerings by sierra Indians to other parts o f Peru. For example. Felipe de Medina records that in 1650, a shrine near Huacho on the coast had two entrances: one for people from the coast and one for people from the sierras . A golden llama, presumably of Inca manufacture, was worshiped by the sierra people. and they left queros in the shrine for the ido l to drank w ith. See F. de Medina, "Relaci6n del . .. Visiradar General de las idolatrias del Arzohispado de Lima . . . en que Ie da cuenta de 10 que han discu bierto en el pueblo de Huacho don de ha comenzado a visirar ... " fI650], CLDRHP. 2d ser., 3 (I920), 8~T. 37. In 1:620, 350,000 Indians of a toral popu lation of 670,000 lived in the southern sierras. As Noble D avid Cook notes (Demographic Collapse, 246-47), the relatively large populatio n allowed the highl and Indian to maintai n social and econom ic institutions long after they were lost on the coast and far north.

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the mining area that generated the greatest amount of disposable native income. As we have seen, the Indians of Potosi spent over a million pesos on chicha in 1603, and Matienzo calculated that all or the greatest part of the silver that had gone from Peru to Spain had passed through the hands of Indians paying for coca." One of the first indications of the commercial value of queros and their relation to mining communities comes from Baltasar Ranlfrez. Writing in 1597, Ramirez described his Peruvian experiences prior to 1580 in Carabaya Province, which is south of Cuzco and on the eastern side of the Andes. In that area, Ramirez says, "there are many mines for gold that is the finest and best that there is in Peru . . . and some coca fields ." The area was a major source of income for the people of Colla, and it became an area of trade and market. Ramirez continues: To pay their taxes, they (the Indians of Colla) carry things to seU there, such as food and livestock as wel1 as clothes . . . . This area borders with a province of Indians-who are called Chunchosthat is almost completely in the jungle, . . . and they are few and poor and onl y have monkeys, papagayos, guacamayos, beautifully feathered parrots, and some objects worked in wood and painted with a very beautiful varnish and very good colors, which, in their fashion, are highly prized here." Ramirez does not mention queros by name, but he accurately describes their decoration and their material. In fact, the gum-based binder for the paint comes from the jungle, and its use remained constant from the earliest dated painted quero from Ollantaytambo to the most elaborate eighteenth-century examples.'o As it was from this side of the Andes that most Inca querocamayocs came, it is likely that at 38. J. de Matienzo, Gobiemo del Peni 115671 (Buenos Aires: Compania Sud Ameri· cana de Billeres de Banco, I9IO), I62. 39. " ... hay mllchas minas de oro que es eI mas fino y mejor que hay en el Pin! ... y algunas chacras [fie ldsl de coca .... por esta parte riene vezindad con una provincia de yndios que esta casi en los andes ql'ueJ son gence por conquistar lJamanse chunchos que aunque los han ido a conquistar algunas veces no han tenido buen suceso es genre pobre y poco y soiamellte tienen micos papagayos y gU3camaios much a plumeria muy guia na y algunas cosas de madera labradas y pintadas con un barniz harto galano y de mll y buenas eolores que en su modo tienen harto primor aquf" (B. Ramirez, "Descripci6n del Reyno del Peru ... " [1 597], in QlIeUe" zur KlIltlirgescbichte des priikoJllmbischeft Amerika. ed. H. Trimborn (Stuttgart: Strecker und Schroder, 1936), 4-2-."'. ~o. A recent and innovative collaborative technica l study by the conservators of the Nationa l Museum of the American Indian (Emily Kaplan). the Brooklyn Museum (Ellen Pearl· stein), the Metropolitan Museum (Ellen Howe), and the American Museum of Natural His· tory Uudith Levinson) has revealed {he precise nature of the binder llsed for quero paint as well as its history. 1l1is process is clearly related to Barniz de Pasto that uses a gum base derived from the jungle bush mopa mopa. Th is information was first made public in a presenta·

lIO

Toasts with the Inca

least some of the wooden objects mentioned by Ramirez were queros. Moreover, monkeys and birds, also mentioned by Ramirez, are animals most often depicted on colonial queros. These objects are said to be those prized by the people from Colla . Ancient patterns of exchange between highlanders and lowlanders are represented in this exchange, and the food, clothes, and livestock brought from the highlands may have been desired by the Chunchos. Equally important is the intersection of that exchange with the new commercial interests brought on by mining. Ramirez says not that trade was taking p lace but that the objects-clothes, livestock, and food-were brought to be sold. It is unlikely that the Chunchos themselves sold their goods. They would have had little need for reales in the jungle; instead, they probably exchanged their goods for whatever they needed. The wares that were brought from the highlands to be sold were for the Spaniards and Indians working the mines and coca fields. The Colla Indians who brought this merchandise were probably the same ones who traded with the Chunchos. They brought back on their burros queros, birds or their feathers, and monkeys, to either trade or sell in the highlands. By the 1570S at the latest, painted queros entered into the conunercial realm of colonial native experience. At this point, native commerce was still transacted on an ad hoc basis. Some of the painted queros were brought from the lowlands rather than produced in the sierras. Toledo's reorganization of narive communities in d,e 157os, though, brought about a more systematized market. By the beginning of the seventeendl century, it appears that queros were being made as well as sold in the marketplaces of the sierras. This commercialization can first be inferred by a document from the Ayacucho area. In this IGIl document, Don Bernabe Sussopaucar, a wealthy native of Sucos, testified that he was owed two queros that year by aU the Indians of the community." He did not collect them but gave them to the church. There are three key points to this document. First, queros are treated here as a kind of income. The debt is formulated in terms of a specific object and quantity, and the terms are therefore distinct from traditional debt, which was formulated in terms of time. This rion at the College Arts Association held in Los Angeles in February 1999- It has since been published in Howe e[ aI., "Queeos: Amilisis tcknicos de queeos pintados de los perfodos Inca y colonial,'" feollos: Reuisla pcrlllma de coltservacion, artc y arql/eo/ogia 2 (1999): 3
COMMERCE AND COMM ODIFICATION OF TH INGS ANDEAN

2II

difference is important because Sucos was situated in the highly commercialized Huancavalica-Huanta mining area . The accumulation of so many queros implies that Don Bernabe was able to convert native labor into cash through the vessels.4' Second, although the queros began to operate as a kind of currency, they were still valued in their traditional roles. Don Bernabe mentions not one but two queros. The quantity that each Andean owed cannot be considered arbitrary. Rather, it demonstrates that whatever commercial value a quero had acquired, it was still predicated on its use in pairs. Provision of only a single quero would not have halved the value received; it would have made the entire stock useless. Finally, the fact that queros are mentioned in relation to the church demonstrates that the vessels were secularized to the extent that they could be openly collected and used. The importance of queros as secular objects constituting personal wealth becomes evident in other wills of both elites and nonelites. Q ueros and aquillas appear in these mundane documents as legitimate objects openly listed throughout the viceroyalty as things to be either inherited or sold. For example, in her 1608 testammto, Marla Guarza "yndia natural," who was living in Santiago del Cercado (the Indian section outside of Lima), declares that she owns "a pair of painted wooden cups."4l The 1628 will of Ysabel Chumbicarba, a "narural," who came from Santaorlla but was living in Santiago del Cercado, is even more specific. She declares that she possesses "tres lIimpis del Cuzco"-that is, three (pairs? ) of painted queros from Cuzco (Cuzcostyle)." In 1614, Ines Guamguan, a widow from the pueblo of San Bartolome de Guacho, willed that her aquillas and some of her other possessions be sold: "a black lIiclla and another new black and white cotton manta and a pair of old silver cocos [aquillas) of the ancient style and also a wooden crucifix-it is my will that they all be sold. "4l The money was to go for a mass to be said for her soul. Clearly the conversion of a pair of aquillas into cash in the market had an uncompromised Christian telos. ~. See Stern, Pem's Indian Peoples, q8-49 n. 51. 43. «, •. un par de basos de m::ldera pintada" (Archi ve General de Ja Nacion, Lima , Testa mentes de Indi os, r60S, "Test::l mento de Mari::l Guarza ynd ia natural de Santiago del Ceccado, 2.3 de Mayo," no foL ). 44. Archi vo General de la Nacion. Lima , Tesramentos de Indios, :£628, "Testamento de Ysabel Chumbicarba natural de Sanraorlla, 8 de Febrero," no fo l. 45. " . .. una lIiclla coloe negro y otca manta pintada de negro y blanco de algad6n 1ll1eVa y un par de cocos de plata de beber de :lnriguos ya viejos y mas una escultur3 de crucifixo de madera, rodo es mi voluntad de vender" (Archivo Genera l de 13 Nacion, Lima. Tesramenros de IndiOS, 16l4, "Testamento de Ines Guamguan. viuda natura l del Pueblo de San Bartolome de Guacho, 27 de Marzo," no fol. ).

2I2

Toasts with the Inca

Painted queros are also found in the wills of curacas from as far north as present-day Ecuador and southern Colombia, even in areas where the Inca had not reached. The wiil of the curaca of Otavalo, Don Alonso Maldonado, states: "I have four pairs of painted queros, [and] I ask that the three large pairs be sold at auction and the small pair be given to my daughter Dona Gregoria."4' To his son, Don Pedro Maldonado, he left "a pair of aquillas." In a "592 will, Don Cristobal Cuatin, principal of Tusa, declared that he had "two pairs of painted queros of the Cuzco type" and "two cocos of silver that in the language of Cuzco are cailed aquillas. "47 In yet another will of "598, Don Diego Collin, age eighty more or less, swore that he was from an ancient line of curacas from Panzaleo and that he had been confirmed as a curaca by the Inca." He mentions several imperial Inca objects that stiil had symbolic importance sixty years after the conquest, such as feathered tunics, bells, and a silver headdress. Among other things, he lists at least eight pairs of painted queros ("queros pintado") and one pair of unpainted queros ("queros negros"), which he dispersed to his nephew, son, and wife." What the painted queros looked like cannot be determined from the text of the will, but this is true of almost any kind of image listed in a colonial will, be it by a Sparnard, a mestizo, or an Andean. In these documents, queros are understood to be, among other things, the property of an individual who freely and openly lists them in a colonial legal context. Some of the queros may have been bought or given to the owner. Some of them may have come into the owner's possession as the inheritance of Inca gifts given to an ancestor prior to the conquest. In the wills, they constituted a legally recognized form of 46. "Tengo quatto pares de Iimpi quiros malldo que (as tees pares grandes se benden almoneda y un par pequefia mando a mi hija Doila Gregoria" (Archivo Hisrorico Nacionai, Quito, Cacicasgos Libco 34 [I726], «Testa mento de Don Alonso Maldonado Primero Ana r609," fa ls. 69v-r, transcribed from an early-eighteenth-cenrury COP)'; see also C. Caillaver, "Caciq ues de Otavalo en el Sigle XVI: Don Alonso Maldonado y Su Esposa," Misceltillea Antropol6gica Ecuatorial1(1 2. [:1982]; 38-55). 47. ". .. dos pares de limbiquiros del uso de Cuzco; dos cocos de plata que en la lengua del Cuzeo se llama aquilJa" {Archivo Hisr6rico del Banco Central del Ecuador, Ibarra Siglo XVI, 1592, "Tes tamento de Cristobal Cuatin. Principal del Pueblo de Tuza," fo ls. IV-U}. 48. Archivo Hist6rico Nacional, Quico, 1598, caja 7 UI-l..t 1657. "Autos de los Indios de Panzaleo contra eI Colegio de la Compailfa de Jesus," fo ls. l.9f-.+.tr. See also C. Caillavet, "Erhno-histoire equatorielUle: Un testament indien iuedit dll XVIe siecle," Cara/.lelle (To ulouse) 4I {1983}: 5-2}. -19. Archivo Historico Nacional, Quito, 1598, Caia 7 1ll-2.2 I6)]. "Autos de los Indios de Panza leo contra el Colegio de la CompaiHa de Jesus," fols. 32V-33r. See also Ca illavet, "Ethno-histoire equatorienne," .r6-17. en

eI

COMMERCE AND COMMODIF I CAT I ON OF THINGS ANDEAN

2.13

inheritance that was especially important for curacas and their descendants. Such objects first given by the Inca might help substantiate a colonial claim to an unbroken descent from the curaca at the time of conquest. This primordial colonial time was named in legal documents as "el tiempo del Inca." Any object, such as a quero or aquilla, listed in a will as "Iimbiquiros del uso de Cuzco" could be interpreted as material proof for any hereditary claims to contemporary political power. In Don Diego Collin's will, however, it is equally clear that some native objects came into his possession after and only as a result of the Spanish conquest. He lists among his possessions not only " Iimbiquiros del usa de Cuzco" but "some Mexican gourds for drinking that should be given to my son Don Diego."SO A Mexican mate could only have come into his possession after the conquest, and the painted queros from Cuzco may have too. After all, Tusa (Don Diego's native region) was at the very border of Inca control, and the willed queros are clearly marked as something exterior to Tusa by such qualifying phrases as "uso de Cuzco" and "en la lengua del Cuzco." Obviously, the interest in and desire to have different kinds of objects such as those aboard the Atocha was not restricted to Spaniards. Objects from elsewhere needed to appeal to categories of Andean desire. The Mexican gourd did, and one finds a parallel to Don Diego Collin's Mexican gourds in the will of another native elite, from hundreds of miles to the south. In his testament, Don Diego de Agata, cacique principal of pueblo of Mizque in the highlands of Bolivia, declares, "I have a decorated cup of silver that weighs fourteen pesos. I have another cup of wood made in Mexico for drinking."" That queros, aquillas, and Mexican drinking vessels are listed in the willsfrom Ecuadot to Bolivia-equates them at one level to all other things listed in the wills, such as land, houses, cattle, and saddles. These are all forms of property-things of monetary value. Whatever symbolic value they might also have been understood to possess by the owners is veiled, glimpsed only in the Quechua terms that name them and in such oblique phrases as "del uso de Cuzco." Also, how Don Diego's son may have used the pairs of Mexican painted gourds is left unsaid . But I sus50. " ... unas mates mej icanos para heber mando que los herede Don Diego mi hijo" (Archivo Historico Nacional, Qu ito, 1598, Caja 7 nI-12 1657, "Autos de los Indios de Panza leo contra eI Co legio de la Compania de Jesus," fols. 32.V-33r). 51. "Tengo un vasa de plata labrada que pesa I4 pesos. Tengo un otro vasa hecha en Mexico de madera para beber" (Archivo Municipa l de Cochabamba, Bolivia, Ramo Mizque vols. I561-90, 1573, expidente 6, "Testamenro de Don Diego de Agara cacique principal del pueb lo de Mizque de la parcialidad de Hurinsaya"). I thank Lolita Gutierrez Brockington for shari ng this document with me.

Toasts with the Inca

pect that as objects of Mexican production, they were soon submitted to Andean ritual useY Why else would their owners list them as pairs? The wills do not necessarily or purposefully hide or hold back anything about queros or aquillas. But the objects are there submitted to Western categories of evaluation in relation to the Andean subject as Christian. In a will, the living person voices his or her own impending death in the form of debts or things owned . Aside from the mass to be said in remembrance, the will frames interpersonal relationships within the future disposition of objects at the moment when they become alienated from the subject at death and pass to the living. It is a material form of dying in which Andeans subjected their debts and possessions to the categories of Spanish nomenclature and law, thereby adding to or breaking with traditional ayllu standards of value and debt. This form of separating the living from the dead did not exist prior to the European invasion. 53 For queros to become property like other things in the wills, they too had to be understood as commodities; that is, labor had to be sold in return for wages that in turn could be used to purchase the quero. Some wills even stipulated that queros were to be sold after death, but this alienation of property was sporadic, and often the sale was for spiritual reasons, such as to pay for the mass to be said for the deceased. This is a different process of bringing them to market than that which produced the aquillas on the Atocha, which were somehow bought or commissioned, most probably in Potosi. Queros were also bought and sold to Andeans, many of them in Potosi. Some were surel y decorated with the same types of image as on the Atocha aquillas, although there are no documents to prove this claim. There is information, however, that painted queros were being bought and sold in La Plata in I627.54 La Plata was an important city on 52. It is possible that Mexican mates' importation into Peru was predicated on a native understanding of their desirability w ithin Andean communities. The will of Diego Caqu i, curaca of Tacna, stated at his death in 1588 that he had had a frigate that traded up and down the coast. As Franklin Pease points out, Diego Caqui was also involved in the production and sale of w ine, much of w hich reached PotosI. But some of it may have been carried north along the coast in his frigate and may have even reached Mexico. Mates may been bought or traded in return, and Diego Caqui or someone else like him would have taken them to the southern sierras. See Pease, Curacas. Reciprocidad y Riqlleza (Lima: Ponrillcia Universidad Cat61ica del Peru, I992), Is8-59. 53. Queros and aquillas were buried with the dead, as Alonso Ramos Gavihin notes (Historia de Nuestra Seiiora de Copacabano lr62I] lLa Paz: Aaldemia Boliviana de la His(Orin, 19761), and some of the very first queros that entered into a modern anthropologica l collection were found in :3 tomb; see A. Bastian, "M.iscellen und Blicherschau " Zeitscbri(t (iir Etll%gie (Berlin) 4 (I872.): 39I-92. and fig . 8.30 in this volume. 5+ See Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples, :q8-49 n. 51.

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the trade route between La Paz and Potosi, and Vasquez de Espinosa, in llis description of the place, says that the Indians in the market sell vessels painted in different colors and called queros in which the Indians drink their chicha beverage and many other native products, as well as Spanish merchandise, with which this city is very well supplied, and which makes its residents very prosperous.H

The native goods all seem to have been made in the city, because Vasquez de Espinosa notes that the city had Indian craftsmen of all sorts-silversmiths, tailors, silk weavers, potters, and carpenters. The

prosperity of these craftsmen was dependent on selling not just among themselves but also to visitors. Espinosa says that the city's population was swelled by transients, most of whom were either on their way to or returning from Potosi. The remarkable conformity in figural style, iconography, and vessel size that pervades seventeenth- and eighteenth-century queros is not so much a residual aspect of the Inca mode of production as it is a result of the exigencies of a market system. There could only be a few centers of ptoduction and distribution where craftsmen could continue to practice or develop their skill. These would be located in areas where queros could be sold to natives who were either coming to market or passing through on the way to or from nlita duties. La Plata is the only city that is positively identified as one of these centers; however, there were probably two or three more somewhere between Potosi and Cuzco.s 6 The limited number of such centers is 55. A. Vasquez de Espinosa, Compelldium and Description of tbl! \Vest [ltdies [r629J, trans. c. U. Clark, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, no. I02 (Washington, D.G.: Smithson ian Institution Press, 1.942), 655. 56. Cuzco itself does not seem to have been a major cemer of production, perhaps because native carpenters were constantly employed to meet any number of Spanish secular and religious needs. A study of the seventeenth-century contracts of native carpenters in Cuzco gives no indication that the y made querOSj see, for example, Archivo Deparcamenral del Cuzco, J.627, Protocolo 601259, Escribano Diego de Oro, fol. 6Rr, "Collcierto de Francisco Marcin, indio, maestro carpinrero con Gaspar Alferez, cacique de Pucyur:l, Felipe Nau pa , Cacique de Pachaca para hacer un retablo labrado con hojas y tarias"; I629, Protocolo 64-'531, Escribano Diego de Oro, fo l. "1439, "Concierto de Miguel Guaman, indio, maestro carpintero, con Juan Crllz para hace r tres docenas de discanres, vij uelas, yarpa"; t6JT, Protocolo 701703, Escribano Alonso Beltran Lucero, fol. 132, "Concierro de Francisco Poma Capi, indio, olicial carpilltero, COil Martin Torres para trabajar lin ana"; I6-16, Protoco lo 134-'591, Escribano Juan Flores Bastidas, fol. 990, "Concierro de Cristobal Tiro Yupanqlli, indio, oficia l c.'Upinrero, con D iego Ar ias de la Cerda, para trabajar un ailo por la catedral!' There must ha ve been a production site near Cuzco, however, because of the many painted queros that are found in the surrounding area. One possible sight is Paucarcambo, east of CUICO and closer to the woods from which queros were made.

216

Toasts with the Inca

based on two lines of evidence. First, the disposable amount of income of the native population could not have supported many pockets of skilled craftsmen capable of making painted queros." Second, the uniformity in size, shape, style, and iconography of most queros argues for limited areas of production. There are only a very few discrete types of painted quero, and figural style is remarkably consistent. Moreover, the majority of queros fall into the groups described in chapter 8. There should be little surprise that many painted queros were produced for market distribution. Q uerocamayocs had been specialized artisans under the Inca, and they were like other native craftsmen in the colonial period who continued to practice their trade but under altered circumstances. Almost all artisans worked for a market system, and many-especially silversmiths and painters-worked for a Spanish clientele and/or for Spanish masters. Painters learned to work with oil on canvas and copied from European prints to produce paintings for churches, government buildings, and wealthy individuals." Silversmiths learned European casting techniques and made liturgical objects for churches and sumptuary goods for wealthy Spaniards and Indians. Carpenters made frames, retablos, and furniture in European styles. Stonemasons built churches and homes for the elite of Peru, sometimes pulling apart Inca buildings for their stone." An assortment of other native craftsmen were trained to fill the needs of a colonial society,60 including "those who painted with lacre [the) cups called cufcufcca

57. Simple unpainted queros certain ly continued to be made, and one wonders, for examp le, if the queros mentioned by Don Bernabe were not made withi n the communiry. Noneth eless, rhe uniformity of painted queros and the skill needed to paint them argues for a more limited and systematic production. 58. As late as the eighteenth century, Indian painters were merely copying from prints. For example, one texr records: "Don Philipe de Mesa, maestro pintar, de Allyu Ingaco nas Libres en presencia del protector de narura1es e interprere se concierta can Phi lipe Sicos, Alcalde Mayor para pintar Lienzos ch icos y grandes cOllforme a las estampas se Ie diere" (A rchivo Departamental del Cuzco, 1704, Protacolo L5/T], Escribana Gregorio Vasquez Serrano, fol. 4)16, "Concieno de Don Philipe de Mesa, maesno pintar"). 59. As late as 1720, Inca masonry stones were reused from Sacsah uaman fo r the construcrion of the church of the Hospital de los Naturales in San Pedro, see Archivo Departamenta l del Cuzco, 1720, Protaco lo 61/)13, Escribano Matias Jimenez de Ortega, fol. 149, "Collcierto de saca r piedra s de Sacsa huaman." 60. The most complete published acco unting of artisans, their contracts, and w hat they produced is for those work ing in and around Cuzco; see J. c. Bouroncle, "Arte Cuzquefio, " pts. 1-6, Revista del Arc.hivo Hist6ri co del CII2:co (Cuzco) 2-5 , 8-5) (1951-54, J957-58). Most of this informatio n was publ ished in Bouroncle, D erroteros de Arte Cm:qlleiio D atos para ulta histo ria del Arte el1 Pent (Cuzco: Editoria l, 1960). I consulted both of these sources w hile lo oking for contracts in th e Archivo D epartamental del Cuzco.

COMMERCE AND COMMODIFICATION OF THINGS ANDEAN

2I7

qquero," as Francisco de Avila wrote in a sermon for Epiphany in r6486,

There was, then) a native artisan class in the southern sierras that was privileged for a number of reasons. First of all, the native artisan, unlike his counterpart in Mexico, was allowed to become a master in a guild, which meant that he could have his own workshop w ith assistants·' He was also released from mita and tribute obligations that he would otherwise have owed had he stayed within the village!' These obvious advantages raise the question, who had the easiest access to becoming an artisan? Training would of course be passed from father to son;4 but what about those people who entered the arts from the outside? There is always the example of the gifted or lucky individual, but what group had the doors open in a consistent way? In r639, Bishop Pedro Ramirez del Aguila wrote the following about native craftsmen: Indians practice aUthe crafts with great skill. ... they are very good . . . painters (some of whom produce paintings as perfect as those in Rome), silversmiths, smiths, masons, carpenters, chair makers

[probably makers of saddles or choir sta Us]; and in all types of craft, they are very dexterous and skilled .... T he Indians do not hold it in low esteem to learn, to know, and to lise these crafts; on the contrary, the second sons of curacas learn and practice th~m . 6, 6'[. "Y los que pintan can lacre la tar;a llamada clIfcufcca quero, no hazen 10 propio?" The Quechua version of dle sermon is slightly different in that the verb me,ming "to paint" is of the same root as lacre: "cllfcocc cunari manachu cufcufccan qqueropi hinattac inracc?" (F. de Avila, Tratado de los Euallgelios que lIuestra Madre 1(/ igiesia propane en todo el afio desde la primera domillica de adviel1to hasta la Iiltima l17issa de Diflll1fos, Sa/ltos de Espal;a y aliadidas en ell1l1evo rezado ... [Lima: Jeronimo de Contreras, 1648), vol. I:103). The verb cltzami, used by AviJa to refer to the painting of quetos, is a synonym for lJi111pillij compare Gonzalez Holguin's "Cuzcuni, a llimpini. Matizar algo 0 bbrar de colores, a esmalta r" (Vocabulario de la lel1gua general, 58). 61.. See K. Spalding, De Indio a Campesil10 (Lima: instituto de Estud ios Peruanos, r97-1l,17 6 .

6). This was onl y later officially recognized in a decree by Carlos il, freeing all India n artisa ns from "los cargos de trabajo.'" See Spalding, De Indio (/ Call/Pesino, 8) . 6+ For an example of father and son working together in a craft, see Archivo Departamental del Cuzco, .1626, Protocolo 591]28, Escribano Luis Diaz Morales, fol. 203, "Co ncierro de Hernando Gua man, cantero, can Rodrigo de Esq uivel. " 65. " ... todos los oficios los ejercican los indios .... son muy buenos ... pintores, que hay algunos que retratan y pintan laminas tan perfectas como en Roma, plateros, herreros, alban iles, carp interos, silleras y en todo genera de oficios son lllUy diestros y curiosos .... Los indios no se desestiman poraprender, saber y usaf estos oficios, antes los hijos segundos de caci ques y principales los aprenden y ejercitan" (P. RamIrez del Aguila, Noticias politicas de Indias y re/aciou descriptiba de la Ciudad de La Plata, metropoli de los Charcas . .. [I639J (Sucre: Division de Extension Universitaria, 1978], .p.).

Toasts with the Inca

uS

The last sentence is revealing. The sons of curacas were entering the professions, and many painters who signed their work indicated their noble lineage by including the term Inca in their name. Their choice of occupation was not, however, just rooted in a humanist tradition of the artist as a noble creator, as has been suggested." Native nobility entered the professions, but Ramirez del Aguilar makes it very clear rhat only one segment of that nobility did so: the secondary sons. The reasons for their choice of occupation are quite straightforward and have to do directly with the Hispanicization of native aristocracy, a suggestion already made by Matienzo in I567." By the seventeenth century, the laws of herediry in Peru in regard to curacaships had theoretically shifted to the Spanish notions of primogeniture." The move to primogeniture began wirh Toledo, who stipulated that a curaca's first son was exempt from mita and tribute whereas his orher sons were exempt only from mita. The traditional occupation of the second sons of European aristocracy, the priesthood, was by and large closed to Andeans. As craftsmen, however, the secondary sons were able to recoup their position and were in a much more lucrative position than if they had stayed in their villages. Yet although these children left their traditional villages and position, they were beholden to them. The children sent to the cities to apprentice in some craft had their apprenticeship paid for from the "caja de comunidad. "'9 The "caja de comunidad" was a cash box held by the village, in which the community's money and documents were kept. The three keys to rhe box were normally held by the curaca, another native dignitary, and the corregidor. Theoretically, the apprenticeship of any member of the community would have been paid from these funds, but the 66. See T. Gisbert,lcol1ografia y mitos illdigcnos CII eI arte (Lima: Gisbert y Cia, £980), 107-9. To advance the paimer's claim of his craft as "noble" and therefore deserving of

recognition as an "art, " seventeenth-century painters in Spain cited EI Greco's victorious court case against the a/cabo/ero (tax collector) of IIIescas in 1605_ n,is case established that painting was not subject to royal taxation. See J. Gallego, EI pintor de artesallO a artista (Granada: Uiliversidad de Granada, Departamento de Histo[ia del Acte, (976), ror-4R. r67-85· 67. "... Sll officio de estos caciques y principa les es holgar y bever y contar ... Estos

caciques y principales despues de rreducidos a pueblos y cassado 10 que e1los huviessen de aver, los aviar de enseiiac a leer yescrivir aelias y a sus hijos y la lengua espanola y que estuviessen muy instruidos en la docrrina ... . Demas de esro los avia de OCCl1par en hazer algunas obras de manos. Como ser pimores 6 plateros 6 orros officios semehantes" (Matienzo. Gobiemo del Peni, r6-:£.]). 68. For discllssion and documentation, see C. J. DI:::IZ Remenreria. EI Cacique ell eI Virreilloto del Perri estttdio bist6rico-;lIridico (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, (977), 40--18, rOO- 101., 165.208.

69. Dfaz Rementeria, EI Cacique, 64.

COMMERCE AND COMMOD IFI CA nON OF TH I NCS ANDEAN

219

traditional authority of the curaca weighed heavily in actual disbursements. f O

Ramirez de Aguilar's statement makes it clear that at least some of the sons of curacas were entering into the crafts. We can understand why and the fact that the way was paved for them. It accounts for why so many native painters and sculptors carry aristocratic names. Aguilar's text is also important because of his experiences as bishop in La Plata, where the manuscript was written." This is the same city mentioned by Espinosa as the place where painted queros were made and sold. It is possible that some of the sons of native elites became woodworkers who made, among other things, painted queros. However, 1 know of no contracts that reveal who made or bought queros. This is probably because queros were bought and sold by natives on the open market and because their production most likely did not require the paperwork necessary for a lengthy project.72 Yet querocamayocs did produce objects that would have appealed to a Spanish or acculturated Andean client, just as the silversmiths in POtOSI did. Few of these objects have survived. There is, however, a wooden chest in the Museo de Murillo in La Paz, painted with the same technique as queros and perhaps made at the end of the sixteenth century.7J The imagery on it is a mixture of colonial Andean and Spanish motifs, including a basilisk and mounted figures similar to the Atocha aquiUa figures.

Toward Quero Iconography From the bits and pieces of evidence, it becomes clear that queros and aq uillas entered into colonial culture and society in a very public way. 70. Chicanery was also a major factor , and more than one "caja " was improperl y used. See Stern, Pem's lI,diall Peoples, 97; Archiyo Departamental del Cuzco. r6.u, Proto~ colo 13+'591, Escribano Juan Flores Bastidas. fols. 768-70, "Testimonio del Cacique de San Bias." In this last documem. the curaca of San Bins in Cuzco argues in his will that the miss~ ing funds were not his fault. ] [. The manuscript. dated 1639. is now located at the Lilly Library, Indiana Uniyer~ sity, Bloomington. 72. Archival rese
220

Toasts with the Inca

Listed in wills, carried to Spain, and sold in markets, they appear normalized as commodities in colonial commerce. The imagery on the Atocha aquiUas make it seem that the figural designs were merely decorative additions. It could almost be easy to forget the vessel's importance within the Andean social and cultural norms before the conquest. But precisely the queros' importance necessitated their presence in every colonial Andean household. This need is very different from the desire that prompted people to collect such items as the chest just mentioned and the few chalice-like goblets with Christian iconography'?; Native colonial artists may have turned to European modes of pictorial expression as the objects themselves entered into the category of commodity. Yet once they left the sphere of the market, queros continued to operate within Andean ritual norms. Moreover, quero imagery almost always refers to native subject matter. At a primary level of illustration, the imagery- that is, its iconography-transcended the intrusive colonial aspects of production to have resonance within the communities where the majority of vessels were used and seen.

74. At least rwo other vessels have the same chalice shape; both are in the museum in Cuzco (nos. 39 II, 39-13). Vessel 39II is decorated on the ends with an un identified heraldic shield flanked by rampant lions. The long sides display a decorative motif of fantastic plumage, two birds. and a dog pursuing an animal. These last figures give a possible monastic significance to the vessel. The dog is painted white and has an unusually large red tongue. A white and black dog with a flame in its mouth is an atttibute of Saint Dominic, and in paintings of the Dominican order, dogs (Domilli canes, "dogs of the Lord," a pun on the saint's name) may be shown chasing away wolves (heretics). Vessel 3943 shows a herd of cattle on one side and a procession of Andean men and women on the other. The women are dressed in traditional costume, and the men wear Spanish-style dothes. The procession leads to a kind of triangular altar supported by a pole stuck in the ground. The triangle is decorated with fruit and white citcular ornaments. The triangular structure may represent a religious cargo, because simi lar devices are still used, and two are placed to either side of the cargo)loc (the person who is head of the religious ceremony) . The cargos are Catholic but heavily influenced by native ritual; this may be a depiction of ritual of increase. Nonetheless. this is the only image of a possibly native Christian ceremony. This, in relation to the miracles depicted on the other two vessels, suggests that perhaps all four vessels had a liturgical function in a Christian context.

CHAPTER TEN

Colonial Drinking and Quero Iconography

By the seventeenth century, coca, chicha, and queros were a significant economic part of colonial Peru. They were primarily produced by and sold to natives, but the fact that they were commercial items gave them a certain legitimacy in the eyes of Spanish authorities. Their commodification established a set of colonial conditions in which these Andean things operated, despite any evangelical efforts to destroy ritual objects. Yet the commodification of so many aspects of native material life and labor brought about a certain dissolution of Andean boundaries. I shaU argue that colonial queros and quero imagery worked, at one level of meaning, against that dissolution . Through its relationship to the ritual act of drinking, in other words, quero imagery affirmed fundamental beliefs necessary for the reproduction of native existence within ayllu communities. Of course, the sale of chicha and wine from grapes grown on the coast and sold throughout Peru by both Spaniards and native lords could and did decontextualize the Andean act of drinking and its meanings.' Some queros even mimic the goblet form of a European wineI. In addition to the commercialization of chicha, grapes and wine making were intra· duced by Spaniards on the coast in the sixteenth century. In lea, the natives occumulated income by growing vineyards and making wine that they sold on the coast and in the sierras; see Anonymous, Descripci611 de virreilldtc del Peni, Cronica inedita del comie11Z0 del Siglo XVII [ca. 1:62.0], ed. B. Lewin (Rosario; Universidad Nadonal del Litora l, f958), 107. The cacique of Tacna, Diego Caqui had vineyards and a winepressj see F. Pease, Curacas, Reciprocidad y Riqueza (Lima: Pontincia Universidad Cat6lica del Peru, 1992.), rs8. Wine was also a major source of income for the Jesuits, and although they were in Peru on an apostolic mission, a fair portion of their production fell into native hands through commerce; see N. Cushnet, Lords of the La/ld: Sligar, Wine, al1d Jest/it Estates of Coastal Peru. 1600-7.767 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1980). The distribution of wine and chicha to natives often came from the very source that was supposed to prohibit it-the corregidor: see F. de Avila, "Parecer y arbitrio de Francisco Davila beneficiado de Hll
221

r

222

Toasts with the Inca

glass, as if to call attention to the new status of what was being drunk (fig. ro.!). This does not mean simply that there was more native drinking and drunkenness- although there probably was. It means, rarller, tha t various social and moral conditions of drinking had entered Andean life.' Some of these new forms of drinking could be considered, in Andean terms, an antisocial, rather than a social, act-an act of dissolution . What the Spaniards thought of native drinking habits is less important than how natives perceived the changes that European occupation brought about in their own habits' and how quero imagery reaffirmed the traditional values expressed by native drinking codes. Few native COlnmentaries record these perceptions, but as in so many instances, Guaman Poma's assessment makes np for what is lost in quantity. About colonial native drwlkards, he writes, in Quechua, in a drawing of an Indian on his knees, vomiting: [You] who gets yourself drunk, the oue who is forever getting yourself drunk. [You] who drinks, the one who is forever drinking. [You] who vomits, tbe one who is forever vomiting. You, you are only made to serve, you are only made to work in the mines." II (1937), H I ; see also Bernadino Ca rdenas, " Provision de Fr. Bernad ino de cardenas prohibiendo, so pena de excomuoioll, vender villo ni chich:l a los indios, sa lvo eo los condiciones que expresa" [r639], in Colecci611 de docttllIelltos illeditos relativos al desclfbrim· iellto, cOllqllista y orgallizacioll de las al/tigl/as posesiol1es espailolas ell America y Oceanfa, sacados, ell S/l mayor parte, del Real Archivo de Indios, ed. Joaquin I. Pacheco et al. (Madrid: 1866).2:49<>-514. 2. Wine sold to Andeans might have been an economic gain. but it was a moral losssuch thilt an outo [edict] of Viceroy Ma rques de Mancem expressly forbid its sa le: "Au iendose informado, que la causa principal sido, y es la embriaguez de los d ichos Indios, borracheras, que hazen veuiendo conti.nuamente vino . manda se guarde y cum pie 10 siguienre ... no entren, ni hagan eotra r, vendan, ni hagan vender en las dichas Provincias vino algullo" (cited in F. de Avila, Trotado de los Evangelios que Illlestra Madre fa iglesia propone ell todo el aiio desde la primera dOlllfnica de adviellto !Jasta /a liitillla missa de Di{tlIItOS, Somas de Espmia y aliodidas ell eilluevo rczado . . . [Lima: Jeronimo de Contreras, 16481, vol. 1, n.p.). The auto was posted and read aloud with great fanfare ("can trompetas y chirimias") throughout Peru. 3. See T. Saignes, "De la Bortachera al retraco: Los cac iques andinos entre dos legitimidades (Charcasj," Rcvista Andilla S, no. , (1987) : 139-70; "Borracheras andinas: ,Par que los indios ebrios hablan en espanol?" Revista Andilla 7, no. J (1989): 83-u.8. + I have translated this text from Jean-Philippe Husson's ana lytica l French translation of Guaman Porna's QlIechua: " [roi] qui t'enivres, fais celui qui n'a de cesse de s'enivrer. [toil qui bois, fa is celui qui n'a de cesse de boire. [roi] qui vomis, fais ce(lli qui n'a de cesse de vomir. roil tu n'es fait que pour servir, tu n'es fait que pour travailler dan s les mines" (La poesie quechua dalls 10 ciJrol1ique de Felipe \"(Iaman Puma de Ayala [Paris: L'Harmatran, I98S], < 170). The passage occurs in F. Guaman Porna de Ayala's Ef Primer Nueva Corol1ica y Buell Gobiemo [ca. 16IS], ed. J. Murra a nd R. Adorno, trans. J orge Urioste

a

y

COLONIAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

223

Guaman Poma's condemnation of drunkenness and the drunkard is severe. He knows the consequences for anyone who was sent to rhe mines, but he righteously claims that drunkenness produces apostasy, poverty, and licentious-even incestuous-behavior. One can believe Guaman Poma's sincerity in this, but he reproduces almost verbatim the claims of many Spanish writers. Compare, for example, one of Guaman Poma's statements in the passage that accompanies the drawing, "I tell it as I have seen it; being drunk, they commit idolatry and fornicate with their sisters and mothers," with Diego Cabeza de Vaca's statement that "stimulated by drunkenness, they commit incest with their mothers, daughters, nieces, and sisters-in-law, and they return to their ancient rituals and worship." 5 Guaman Poma is following a colonial trope based on Lot's transgression as found in the Old Testament· According to (Mexico: Siglo XXI, 19110), p. 809, fol. 862 [876J. For a discussion of the drawing as an im:lge of chaos :lnd social disorder, see R. Adorno, ""Icon and Idea: A Symbolic Reading of Pictures in a Peruvian Chronicle," Indian Historian (San Francisco) n, no. 3 (1979) : ..p. Drinking and drunkenness are a part of most Andean celebrations, but drunkenness still has rules of propriety that mark one as a member of the community. Drink ing beyond capacity is frequent, and one is expected to unobtrusively sleep it off. Vomiting from drinking is a sign of :lntisocial behavior, and someone who does so is beb:lving not as a mila, a human, but as a dog (field observations by author, Pacaritambo, 1981). The metaphor of acting like a dog from drinking too much is European, introduced in the sixteenth century and incorporated into Quechua speech; see R. Adorno, Gllalllall Poma: Writing and Resistallce ill Colollial Peru (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986). 5. " ... 10 confieso como 10 e visro, estando borracho yduJatran y formean a sus ennanas y a SllS madres " (Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Corol/ica, p. 809, fol. 8631877] ); ""Redunda destas borracheras que cometen muchos estupros e incestos can madres, hijas, hermanas, sobrinas Y cllii.adas, y vuelven a sus ritos y adoraciones antiguas" (Cabeza de Vaca, j. Gutierrez de Escobar, and J. Vizcaino, "Descripcion y Rebcion de la Ciudad de La Paz" [15861 , RGI 1 [1.965]. 346). The Spanish equation between drunkenness, idolatry, and incest was a common theme throughout the Americas: see F. de Lejarda, "Las Borracheras y el problema de la conversion de los indios," Archivo Iber·Americano (Sevilla) 2 , no. 3 ("I9-l1): III--+2, 22.9-69; W. Taylor, Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion;11 Colonial Mexican Villages (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1979), 42-45. For almost ideneical wording from the Aetas sillodafes de Obispado de Quito, IJ70' see F. Salomon, Native Lords of Quito ill tbe Age of the Iltcas.' The Political Economy of Northem Andealt Chiefdoms (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986),76-77. 6. Very often, drunkenness was associated with incest. This was already a Chrisrian trope, and it became pictorial ized in the sixteenth cenemy in association with the objects with which one drank. beer or wine. Some sixteelHh-cemury European drinking glasses carried biblical images of Lot and his daughters and thereby moraljzed about the excess of drink at the same time that one drank. An example is a glass beaker in the collection of the Art Institute of Chicago (ace. no. 1927.(006). It is blown glass painted with polychrome enamel from Bohemia dating to :lbollt 1590. A man and two women in contemporary dress are seated drinking. They are accompanied by an inscription from Genesis 19 that refers to Lot's seduction of his daughters after he had become drunk. One is here reminded of the wrinen messages warning about the danger of drinking that are currently printed on containers of alcohol.

Toasts with the Inca

this formula , drunkenness was an affront to God and the root of many sins . It is invoked throughout the colonial period as the principal Andean vice. Francisco Avila's bilingual sermons published in 1648, which imagine a very Andean Catholicism, begin with a rather long discordant set of interrelated documents about native drinking, drunkenness, and idolatry. And as the Indians are so inclined to this vice of drunkenness and

allow themselves

to

be conquered by it with such faci lity and fre-

quency (as is well known), they create many opportunities to get drunk, and then they have less resistance and are lead easily into the idolatry inherited from their father ... and to · other sins to which the same drunkenness inclines them, such as fornication, adultery, incest, and other, more excruciating ugliness and abominations.7

The castigation of native drunkenness and the related sin of idolatry was not just the present in the words of sermons and edicts that could go in one ear and out the other. It could be conveyed continuously and simply by the representation of a quero. Just as the quero could be deployed as an iconographic element to convey the specificity of" Andeanness" for a Spanish viewer (as in Ocana's watercolor or the Atocha plates), the quero could localize the universality of sin for the native viewer. For example, a quero appears twice in one of a series of five paintings dedicated to the theme of postrimerias (the events leading up to and including the Last Judgment). Painted in 1739 for the Church of Caquiaviri in the area of Pacajes, Bolivia, it follows from a Jesuit imperative dating since at least 1600 and calling for the theme to be painted in all the churches of native reducciones.' In the Caquiaviri painting La Muerte, the death of the sinner appears in the bottom left of the picture plane. He lies in a bed, tormented by devils who personify his sins. From his mouth issues a legible text written in Spanish: "todo ya 10 he perdido ya no ai Remedio" [I have lost it all; there is no hope] (fig. IO.2a). The painting's principal figures, dressed like Europeans of the six7. " . .. ycomo los Indios son tan illcli nados aesre vicio de la em briaguez. se dexall veneer del con [anta facilidad. y freq uencia (como es nororio) rienen mas ocasiones. y son menos costofas fus diligencias para inducirlos eficazmente a la Idolarria heredada de sus padres. y excitada. y persuadida de sus viejos, y bechi zeros, y a atros pecados a que la rnifma embriaguez inelina, como son fornicaciones, adulterios. incesros, y otras mas execrables torpezas, y abominacio nes" (UEdicto de Pedro de Villagomez, Julio 1646," in Avila, Trat.ado de los EvaIJgelios, vol. J). 8. See j. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, Holgui11 y la pilltllra virrc11a/ en Bolivia (La Paz: Liberfa Editorial "Juventud," I.977) , 90-9.(.

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teenth century, are copied from graphic sources used to model the painting. However, above and to the right of the dying sinner, a £lying devil holds in his right hand a painted quero shaped like a wine goblet and bearing an abstract design (similar to the quero in figure 10.1), as if in the act of offering (fig. IO.2b). Above the death scene and just to the left of the devil are four roundels with individual scenes of sin. Three scenes depict Europeans in various acts of illicit pleasure and sin. The vice of idolatry, however, is represented by an Andean male and female who kneel before an altar worshiping the devil in the form of a goat. Before the altar, they have placed a cloth (manta) with coca leaves on it, and next to it is a quero. 9 The goat, the altar, the kneeling, and the praying are generic Christian images suggesting the sacrilegious ritual act of idolatry. The clothes, the quero, and the manta spread with coca leaves are particular signs that convey the Andean act of offering and localize the scene of idolatry and drinking. As Guaman Poma points out, the postrimerfas were painted in "cada yglesia,"'o and it is likely that queros were depicted as signs of both drunkenness and idolatry in these earlier series so as to visually con£late Andean acts with Christian sin." The quero and drinking were, from this point of view, formidable images of this most pernicious Andean vice. However, Guaman Poma departs from the received idea that drunkenness was an inherent Andean vice and sin. First, by sending the colonial native to the mines, he equates the offense with a European form of punishment. The author then makes it clear that drunkenness was not a traditional vice. [n the time of the Inca, there was no drunkenness (although they drank and had festival s), and it was especially prohibited fot women to become drunk, and they were greatly punished, as were the men whom they ca lled w ild, fornicators, and thie ves. The

drunkard was put to death under the Inca's law." 9. For a description and detail of the image, see T. Gisbert, "La Muerte en el acte virreillal andino," in AI Final del CamillO, ed. L. Millones and M. Lemlii (lima: Semina rio Interdiscipliuario de Estudios A ndinos, I996), 10-;. 10. Guaman Poma certainly saw these images, and he even employs the despairing phrase of the sinner, "no hay remedio," in both his land di spute and the Nueva CorO/llea to evoke an eschatological sense of the loss of possibilities, as if Peru had become hell on earth evoked by the refrain. 11. The iconographic use of local drinking cups to signi fy the vice of drunkenness seems to have been widespread throughout the Andes. In a ll1id ~seve nteenth ~ce utllry Muisca church of the Francisca n reduccio n of Sutataus3. the caciques of the tow n had 3 Last Judge~ ment painted. A devil appears at the mouth of Hell holding a painted mate, or gourd ves~ se l, indicating the sin of drunkenness. H.. "Que en tiempo de los Yngas y ad no aUla borracherfa, aunque ueufan y hadan fiestas y mas estaua uedado de que las mugeres que no se emborrachasen, grandes castigos en el1as. Y aci al bo rracho les llamaua haplla, lIochoc, stltla. yseaysullco. Y anci al borracho

226

Toasts with the Inca

Guaman Poma seemingly contradicts himself, as in an earlier passage about the Inca before the Spanish arri val, he writes that "the drunken and coca-chewing Indian is a true public sorcerer and pontiff of the Inca ."IJ There is a subtext to the contradiction. For Guaman Poma, there is a difference between native drinking and the drunkenness introduced by the Spaniards. The drunkard among the Inca was a pagan priest who was still very much a part of Andean society, to which Christianity had not yet been revealed. As such, he was part of an Andean society that awaited redemption. The drunkard in the colonial period, by contrast, is someone who has squandered that opportunity and is outside Andean , society: Indians who live in the cities and serve the Spaniards are the ones who fall victim to the vice. They are the natives who severed their traditional ties to Andean society (Guaman Poma calls them yanaeonas)!; About them, Guama n Poma writes: Although they know the Spanish language and know how to read and w rite, they are great drunkards. And thi s drunkenness causes

idolatry and disobedience of the commandments of God and the holy mother church. The Spaniards and priests teach all these vices . . . . So, it seems to me that someday they will rise up, and aban-

doning the Spaniards, they will take the vices and treason of the Spaniard against their king if they are not taken from them [Spanish houses and townsJ, and they will never be C hristians. I'i

The vice of colonial drunkenness signifies the breakdown of social order brought by the Spaniards. Guaman Poma stresses this by claiming that the Peruvians were more Christian before the arrival of the Spaniards, because although they were pagans, they kept the laws of God luego les mandaua ma Ea r la justicia del Ynga" (Guaman Parna de Ayala, Nueva Cor6nica, p. 809, fol. 86) [8nll. 13. " . . . el yndio borracho y coquero es cierto hichesero publico y ponrifise del Y nga" (Gun man Porna de Aya la, Nueva Coro1/iea, p. 304, fo!' 332. [33i]). :q. See N. Wachtel, The Vision of the Vallquished, trans. B. Reynold s and S. Reynolds (New York : Barnes and Noble, 1977), 131-36; L. M. Glave, Trajillalltes; Camillos il1digenos en la sociedad colollial Siglos XV flXV1l. (Lima: Instituto de Apoyo Agrario, 1989), 355-56; Sa ignes, «Borracheras andinas, " 83-12.8. 15. "Aunque sepn Jengun y Indino, leer y escriuir, pero grnn borracho. Y and la borracheria 10 causa 1a ydulatrFla; pierde los mandamiencos de Dios y de Ia santa madre yglecia. Todos estes uicios ensenn los espanoles y los saserdotes . ... Que me parese algun dfa se alsaran, aUO
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and practiced charity. As proof, he asks, how else can it he explained that there are so many drunkards now when there were none before?'· Guaman Poma equates drunkenness and the breakdown of Andean social order in two powerful images that distinguish Andean drinking as an integrative social act and Spanish drinking as a destructive antisocial act. The first is a drawing of Don Juan Capeha, curaca of Santa Maria Magdalene de Uruysa (fig. IO.3) He stands in an interior space, facing the viewer. He has a false beard (barbas de carb6,,) and is dressed almost totally in Spanish garb, with a felt-brimmed hat, seven-league boots, a cloak, a lace collar, and pants. This finery, Guaman Poma tells us, was unjustly subsidized by the unfortunate Indians of Don juan's village. Don Juan is surrounded by different containers, two of which are labeled, one as containing "vino anejo" [aged wine] and another as containing "chicha fresca" [fresh chicha]. He holds a quero in each hand. Guaman Poma's full caption identifies the figure as "Don Juan Capcha, Indio, tribute payer, great drunk, has four Indians in his village."" Don Juan is not rightfully a curaca but an ordinary Indian who, through deceit and the aid of Spaniards, has become a curacao Guaman Poma's image is of a thoroughly Hispanicized native who is a drunkard and who has upset the traditional social order by becoming a curacao The author denounces this situation in no uncertain terms in the accom-

panying text. But signifying this disruption in the image is Don Juan's solitary appearance, holding two queros. He does not extend either arm to offer one of them to someone else but is depicted as a solitary drinker. In all of Guaman Poma's drawings in which a pre-Hispanic figure holds two queros, there are other figures in the scene; either one of the cups is offered to one of them or to the sun (fig. 8.6), or both cups are carried toward the Sapa Inca . These are not scenes of some drunken bacchanal, as the cups are used to codify the hierarchy of socioreligious relations in Andean tetms. Don Juan Capcha's solitary portrait places him outside such a world and instead seems almost to enticingly invite the viewer to partake. This Andean is in league with the Spaniards, and he is a drunkard. Through this image of a thoroughly corrupted Andean, Guaman Poma is able to blame the Spaniards themselves for this dissolution. 16. Gunman POllla de Aya la, Nueva Cor6nica, p. 804, fol. 858 [872.]. Guam,ln Poma is not the only one who blames the Spaniards. Pedro de Villagomez, the bishop of Arequipa, wrote a letter to the king in 16.' 1 blaming non-Indians for exp loiting the Indians' weakness, which was their only solace for the abuses they received; see K. Mills, "Bad Christia ns ill Colonial Peru,'" Colonial Latill American Review 5, no. 2. (1996): 190. 17. "DOll Juan Capcha, Indio rributacio, gran borracho, tiene quatro yndios en su pueblo" (Guaman Poma de Aya la, Nueva Corollica, p. 7:!.4, fol. 776 [790]).

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Addressing his comments to priests, corregidors, and encomenderos, he writes, in relation to the drawing: Look how you lose your honor) seating an idolatrous drunkard at your table. He who converses with a drunkard is a drunkard, and he who accompanies a thief is a thief. 18

Like the image, the text implicates, through address, the one who holds the manuscript in his or her hands as an accomplice in the degradation of Andean culture. It is one of the most unsettling images and passages in the entire manuscript.

The drawing immediately fo llowing Don juan's portrait is just as revealing. It is the portrait of another curaca, Don Carlos Catura, and his son, Don Felipe Guayna Catura (fig. 10.4). The two men are just as corrupted as Don Juan. As curacas, they have charged their Indians twice the amount that was supposed to be collected for tribute and have used the money to gamble, to whore, and to get drunk. The drawing shows Don Carlos seated on a tiana as his son stands before him with two queros, one in either hand, indicating the proper form of Andean drinking etiquette. But Don Carlos eschews this tradition. He holds a serving flask by two hands and guzzles from the mouth. It is the crude act of any drunkard, but here it places him outside the Andean social world represented by the two cups held before him. The meaning of this gross act is clear because two queros, properly used, still signify for Guaman Poma the Andean virtues of reciprocity in native colonial labor tasks, just as they do in his images of pre-Hispanic Inca rituals. '9 In his drawing for the colonial month of August, Guaman Poma repeats the theme of his earlier drawing for the corresponding month in the Inca calendar (figs. Io.sa- b). In this depiction of the spring planting, a line of men led by the Sapa Inca use chakitacllas to plow the earth, and a line of women break the clods of dirt pulled up by the men. The coya stands between the two rows, holding a quero in both hands. As discussed earlier, the Sapa Inca initiated this ceremony and com1.8. "Mica como perdeys buestra honrra, asentandole a UI1 bocracho ydularra en tu mesa. EI quien conuersa con borracho es borracho, y el quien [a]compana con elladcon es ladron" (Guaman Poma de Aya la, Nueva Corollica, p. 725, fol. 778 [792)). 19. Th is kind of dialectic is nOt pecu liar to the images under discussion bur operates consistently throughout Guaman Porna's imagery to "reflect the values of Andean cu lture and how the Spanish invasion and conquest have perverted and destroyed those cherished values" (Adorno, Gllaman Poma, 99; see also R. Adorno, "On Pictorial Language and the Typology of Culture in a New World Chronicle,'" Sell1;otica [The Hague] 36, nos. 1-2['9Soli·

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menced the planting season thtoughout the rea lm. His participation signified his obligation within traditional rules of reciprocity, and toasts with two queros were used to seal the pact. Guaman Poma repeats this theme in a colonial context as a reminder of the cooperation still required for agricultural production in the Andes. It is distinct from his images of destitute yanaconas or dissolute Hispanicized curacas whose drinking-Spanish-style drinking-is an abomination and worse, a ruination of Peru. The August drawing, the only colonial image in which queros are properly used, significantly depicts Peruvians in complete Andean garb, working together. The queros here express the necessary bond of reciprocity. If we return to the trope used by both Guaman Poma and Diego Cabeza de Vaca, we can see the profound difference between the two assessments of Andean drinking. Both men say that drinking causes idolatry and incest. Cabeza de Vaca, however, prefaces this judgment with an explanation . . , . it is a custom that these Indians never drink this beverage alone, and for that rea son they all have the cups in pairs, and in drinking,

one [native drinks] in one of these cups [while] he offers a drink to th,e companion in the other,l.O Custom is the source of antisocial behavior for Cabeza de Vaca, who ends his commentary by writing, "virtue is unknown to them. ,,~, For Guaman Poma, however, it is through this custom that true Andean virtue is expressed: a pair of queros is a necessary part of every properly outfitted Andean household." The kind of riotous behavior that both authors describe for colonial natives did not occur before the Spanish arrival, according to Guaman Poma."' The Spaniards created a new Andean who drinks in a different way- alone or apart from community bormdaries. He has lost true Andean virtue, his kinship; the drunkard Don Juan Capcha is, according to Guaman Poma, a bastard.24 The 20. " ... es costumhre que nunca hebe ninguno destos indios esta bebida solo, sino que tienen todos los vasos a pares, y habiendo de beber el uno en uno de los dichos vasos, ha de dar de beber al compaiiero en el otro" (Cabeza de Vaca, Gutierrez de Escobar, and Vizcafno , "Descripci6n y Relaci6n de la Ciudad de La Paz," 346). 21. " . . . no se les conoce virtud ninguna" (Cabeza de Vaca, Gurierrez de Escobar, and Vizcaino , "Descripci6n y Relaci6n de la Ciudad de La Paz," 346). 22. Guaman Porna de AyaJa, Nueva Coronial, p. 741, fo!' 794 [808]. 2 } . Guaman Porna consistently uses sllch Spanish passages and inverts tllem to pJead his case for Peruvian auto nomy; see Adorno , Guamall Poma, 57--'79. 24. « • • . es hijo bastardo de un pobre yndio" (Guaman Porna de Ayala, N ueva Cor6nica, p. 724, fo!' 777 [791]).

'3°

Toasts with the Inca

yanaconas and false curacas are true antisocial drunkards in the colonial Andean world."' Thus, there is a moral iconography folded doubly into these representations of colonial queros and drinking. On the one hand, the representations fall under the fixed trope of idolatry and drunkenness as figured in the words of authors such as Cabeza de Vaca, or as depicted in Jesuit-sponsored images, as seen at Caquiaviri. On the other hand, Guaman Poma gives the iconography of cups a different valence. Through their image, drinking as a social act is framed not by Christian sin but by Andean norms. It is important to ask how any of this might be said to operate through the colonial queros and quero imagery.

Iconograpby of Colonial Queros Quero iconography depicts the world in which native virtue still existed for Guaman Poma, the world of the traditional ayllu, its hierarchy and order.,6 It is in this world that Cobo also found the painted queros made and used in pairs. They seat themselves at a distance, in a row, each parcialidad by itself, on one side those from hanansaya, and on the other side those from hurinsaya, facing each other as in two parallel lines, and they toast to one another in this order: the one who toasts to the

orher gets up from his place and goes before the orher with two 25. Drinking alone is still considered an antisocial act in traditional Quechua viUages and indicates that one is an unreliable partller in reciprocity; see B. J. Isbell, To Defelld Ourselves: Ecology and Ritllal ;11 all Andean Village (Austin: Un iversity of Texas Press, 1978),37. A simi lar sign of asocial behavior is to not partake in ritual exchanges of chicha or coca. The refusal marks the change from being YlOta to being mist; (European). See C. Wagner, "Coca y estructura cu ltural en los Andes peruanos, " AllpOl1Chis (ellzco) 9 (J976): 212..

'!o.6. The iconographic identifications in the follow ing section were first outlined in 198} in my paper "The Sources and Typologies of Colonial Kero Imagery and Their Reb· tion to Kero Production and Use" (paper presented at the Twenty·third Annual Meeting of the Institute for Andean Studies, Berkeley, Ca lif. , January 198} ). I gave a copy of this paper to Verena Liebscher, who used it as the basis of her iconographic categories for her La lcollograffa de los Qlleros (Linla: Herrera Editores, 1986). Since then, a considerable amount of work has been devoted to the range of quero iconography. The best and most comprehensive work is found in J. Flores Ochoa, E. Kuon Arce, and R. Samuez Argumedo, Qeros: Arte illka ell vasos ceremol1iales (Lima: Banco de Crediro del Peru, (998). In many ways, the last book mentioned is a companion to this volume, and I have gained a great deal from read ing it and discussing queros and quero pa intings with Jorge Flores Ochoa.

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23 1

cups of chicha in his hand and giving one to his companion. The host drinks from the other, both drinking at the same time.:!7

It is easiest to understand quero imagery's place in this world portrayed by Cabo if we begin with the agricultural scenes. These quero images are closest to any of Guaman Poma's drawings, and there can be no doubt about what is depicted in them. The subject is also the same as that depicted on the Atocha plates. It is the Chacra Yapuy Quilla ceremony (figs. 8.28a- b), the August ceremony used by Guaman Poma to demonstrate the proper form of Andean drinking in a colonial context. Quero images, the Atocha images, and Guaman Poma's drawings all represent this scene. They depict either a pair of figures or two rows of figures-one male and one female- facing each other. All wear archaic Inca clothes, and the males drive the chakitacllas into the ground while the women bend to break apart the earth clods and plant the seeds of corn. Behind them is a female holding a pair of queros, and in the quero scenes, an urpu filled with chich a is shown. The festiva l of spring planting was a crucial part of the Andean agricultural season. Spaniards recognized it almost immediately as one of the three most important celebrations in Peru" and described the dance in which the men carried the chakitacllas and women carried instruments for breaking the dirt clods." Even today, photographic postcards sold in Cuzco show an Andean male and fema le in the same pose as on the queros and in Guaman Poma's drawings. The pose and composition common to both sets of images depict the principal event of the Chacra Yapuy Quilla. This way of representing the breaking of earth has not changed over four hundred years. Two points can be made from the similarity between the images. First, Guaman Poma's image allows the quero scene to be identified as a particular ceremony, indicating that the quero image functions ar one level as a kind of illustration. More important, the scene depicts an agricultural ceremony in which the quero is acriveiy used in the proper, or 27. "$entabanse a comer a 101 Jacga, en ringlera, cada parcia lidad de por 51, a una parte la de banal/saya, y a otra la de /mril/saya, en freme una de otca, como dos Hneas pacalelas, y bcindaban los de la una a los de la otra por este orden: eI que bcindaba a otro se levantaba de su lugar e iba para eI con dos vasos de cIJichn en las manos y dando 01 1 otro eI uno, se bebfa eJ eI otco, bebiendo ambos a la pac" (S. Coho, Historia del Nllevo Mundo [.1653], BAE "-9' ['9561, bk. q, chap. 5, p. 24.\). 28. See P. Pizarro, Relaciol1 del descllbrillliento y cOllquista de los reillos de Penl (1571], CLDRHP, 1St sec., 6 (1917): 32429. See Cobo, Historia del Nuevo M1fndo, bk. 13, chap. 17, p. :t7I.

Toasts with the Inca

Andean, context. Second, the depictions of the ceremony were all created within" a colonial context, but because the figures are usually dressed in traditional garb, the images harken back to Andean values framed within an Inca context. This is Guaman Poma's only drawing for the colonial calendar that duplicates a ceremony depicted for the Inca calendar (fig. IO.5a). The Inca in both illustrations, as well as the Atocha figure, wears a tunic with the cassana design (the four rectangles just above the hem), identifying him as leader and as responsible for the well-being of his people.'o The Andean religious aspect of the Inca ceremony is divested in Guaman Poma's colonial drawing both iconographically and conceptually. First of all, agricultural ritual is framed within Christian calendrical time (fig. IO.5b)." Conceptually, the drawing is a mirror image of Guaman Poma's drawing of the Inca ceremony, reversing the valiance of the figures and the connotation of the composition. The men are placed on the viewer's right, and the women are on the left, thereby secularizing the ceremony." Another, less overt iconographic relationship connects Guaman Poma's drawing and the quero images with the ritual and each other. In Guaman Porna's drawing, two of the men, the Sapa Inca and another 30. Cassana. besides being the term for a textile design (see D. Gonza lez Holguin, Vocabulario de 10 lengllo general de todo PeTlll/amada Qqlliclma 0 del /11(:.a (160R] (Lima: Universidad de San Marcos, 19891, 90) was also the name of a building sa id to have beeD built in Guayna Capac's reign by Si nchiroca. Of this place, Martin de Murua writes, "servia quando esta ban en la plaza y venIa algun aguacero grande para recogerse dentro de el a beber. y tamhi en era como despensa donde los Collas, que era In gente a quien tocaba y pertelleda esto por mandado del Ynga, daban racion de carne a los que el ordenaba" (Historia general del PeTIt, ed. Manuel Ballesteros-Gaibrois (Madrid: Historia 16, 1987 [ca . .£615], 108). Thus, the cassana design carried the connotation of feasting and stocked provisions and thereby relates to the celebration of the beginning of the agricultural calendar. When worn by the Sapa Inca, it identified him as the provider for the people. See also R. T. Zuidema, "Guaman Poma and the Art of Empire: Toward an Iconograph)' of Inca Royal Dress," in Transatlantic Encollnters, ed. K. Andrien and R. Adorno (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 151-202. 31. See S. MacCormack, "The Inka and Christian Ca lendars in Early Peru ," in Native Traditions ill the PostconqJtest World, ed. E. Boone and T. Cumm ins (Washington, D .C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1998), 299. 32. See Adorno, "Icon and Idea," 37-39. Spring planting was, of course, an inevitable activity, and ritual s associated with agricultural labor and productivity were n Ot necessarily so profoundly connected to idolatry as were others. Early in the colonial period, Spaniards even incorporated parts o.f this celebration into the Catholic liturgical service, and it appears on the plates from the Atocha in the context of a church. (In 1551 or 1552, the choirmaster of the cathedral in Cuzco composed a song incorporating this ritual fo r the feast of Corpus Christi. Eight mestizo schoolchildren appea red in Inca dress carrying chakitacllas and acted out the song. See Garcilaso de 1a Vega, Comel/torios Reales de los Incas [1609] fBuenos Aires: Emece Editores SA, 1943], bk. 5, chap. 2, p. 244).

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man, have various flowers thrust into their headbands. On the queros, the figures rarely wear flowers, but the blossoms of cantu and i;ucch" flowers fill the spaces between the figures, while chinchircuma flowers grow at the base of the queros." The representation of flowers on queros and in Guaman Poma's drawing are not decoration but emphasize the fecundity associated with the Chacra Yapuy Quilla ceremony and drinking". The appearance of flowers on the queros and in Guaman Poma's drawing may also relate to the ancient means of predicting the precise time to plant or harvest. Agricultural lands throughout the Andes do not bear fruit at exacdy the same time, because of rapid changes in altitude. One means of gauging the propitious moment was (and still is) through celestial cues related to specific and local terrestrial cues," but there seem also to have been biological cues. One chronicler writes that before the Inca, "each place had its precise time for planting their crops, very different the one from the odler." He continues: Planting was marked by spiny thistles that sprout yellow flowers and other flowering plants that grow their stems and flower at this time. At the time that they flower, it is the time to plant, and they

[the Inca] have the same way of deciding when to harvest as well as for other things, .. . like shearing,36

Flowers painted between the figures and at the bottom of most queros refer to the association between ritual, chicha, and fecundity. The connection between plowing, flowers, and fertility is further strengthened by the image of the hummingbird between the flowers at Jj. For 3n identification of these flo wers on queros, see F. L. Herrera, "Fito latrla lndigena: Plantas y Flores simb6licas de los Incas," i!teo (Lima) I, no. l. (.92.3): 440-46j F. L. Herrera, "La Flor Nacional peru3na: Chinchiruna," RMN 3, no. 2. (1934): 192-96; F. Herrera and L. Yacovleff, "EI Mundo vegetal de los antiguos peruanos," RMN 4, no. 6 (193 5): 59-60,81-82,85-86. 3+ Flowers are stilJ associated with crucha and agricultural festivals. Men place them in their hats or behind their ears during this and other impo rrant agricultural ce lebrations. They are also hung in a container outside any house offering fresh chicha for sale. H. See G. Urton, At the Cross roads of the Earth Dnd Sky: An Andean Cosmology (Austi n: Urnversity of Texas Press, I98I), I94-2.04' 36. " ... tenlan sus tiempos en cada lugar para sembrar de sus mantenimiemas, muy diferenres los unos de los Otras; e para ella tenian cuenta con unos cardones espinasos, que echan flares amarillos; y otras ramones que echan sus flores y sus ramas a su tiempo, y al tiempo que las echan, es el tiempo de sembrar; la misma quenta tenian can los barbechos, como para otras casas, .. . como para trasquilar" (Anonymous, "Discurso de la sucesion y gobierno del Peru " [ca. 15651, ed. V. Maurtua, fuicio de Limites entre Penl y Boliuia, Prueba peruona preseutada 01 Gobiemo de la Repllblica Argentina 8 [1906]: I.47).

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the base. The hummingbird pollinates the flowers as it flies from plant to plant,l7 Whether or not Andeans recognized the precise symbiotic relationship, the bird's proximiry to the flower is a sign of fertiliry and agricultural fecundiry. These queros-Iike those that depict plowing with oxen (figs. IO.6a- b)-refer to one of the major celebrations in the Andean agticultural calendar. " The celebration and the images are abo ut labor, but labor within Andean terms and for native benefit. The paired vessels and mirroted images imply and depict the cooperation and reciprociry necessary for the ayllu to sustain itseU. The images are therefore petfectly coherent within the proper context of the quero. Moreover, the pictorial composition-right/left, male/female-accords with that context. Cobo descri bes the use of the cups within an expression of Hanan and Hurin-the division of Andean sociery through whicb reciprocity is represented." To realize that this expression underlies most quero imagery, we must consider the illustrative content of other quero imagery and how it corresponds to the Chacra Yapuy Quilla scenes. No other images from Guaman Porna or any other source show a one-to-one correspondence with quero images. Yet tbe pictorial narratives of most other quero images fin d resonance in Spanish textual descriptions of colonial native ritual and mythology. This is as it should be if quero imagery is concerned with Andean ayllu society. Most seventeenthand eighteenth-century colonial att production ignores the Andean as a subj ect. However, written sources narrate Andea n rituals for a variery of reasons.

37. See Herrera and Yacovleff. UEI M undo vegetal, " 81:. 38. A Inter date than queros with figures holding chakitadlas ca nnot necessari ly be

given for queros depicting oxen and plows, becallse cur
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235

Incari-Collari Quero images that are thematically and stylistically closest to the Chacra Yapuy Quilla scenes depict two figures seated facing each other and separated by twin mountain peaks, in the center of which are a lake and an anthropomorphic sun (figs. 8.33a-b). The seated figures are the Sapa Inca (Incari) and the Colla king (Collari), each holding a quero in his hands. Behind each king and in the foreground is a figure who bends and clears the soil with an Andean hoe, or lampa (fig. 8.33C). This figure signals the agricultural theme of the image. Interpretations suggest that the scene represents the adoration of the sun by these two kings. In other words, the image is explained as iconographical evidence of the continuation of ancient Inca religious beliefs.40 Certainly the image of the sun was understood as being more than the representation of a natural celestial body, as the sun's face has been deliberately scratched out on several examples, implying that at one time in their history, these defaced queros came into the possession of particularly devout Andean Christians. Rather than destroying the vessels, the Christians simply removed the offending images.+' The anthropomorphic sun and the lake are at the center of the composition, with all figures facing toward them. They identify the exact location of the scene. As has been suggested by Juan Larrea, the place is Vilcanota, the" House of the Sun. " This site is also known as La Raya, the watershed of the Altiplano Valley,+' while the source of two rivers: one flows north toward Cuzco and into the Yucay Valley, and the other flows south and drains into Lake Titicaca. 43 This natural -+0. See T. Gisbert, lconografia y mitos illd/gellas ell cI arte (La Paz: Gisbert y Cia, (980). 33. The relationship of this scene to the worsbip of Viracocha was first di scll ssed in J. La rrea, "Huirakocba en Huilcanota," in Corona llicaica {Cordoba: Facultad de Filosoffa y Humanidades, Un iversidad Nacional de COrdoba, 196o}, 220-2:1. See also E. Chavez Bailon, "Q ueros Cuzqueilos: Un Ensayo de Interpretacion Descriptiva de la lcollograHa Inca Contellida en los Keros 0 Vasos de Madera de Cuzco," Revista del Mllseo e Imtitllto de Arql/eo/oglo 23 (1984): 96-IO]. -+1. T he personification of the sun is a traditional Christia n symbol, and the fo rm it has on the queros seems to derive from this \Vestern source. There was contin ued worship of the SUil god Inti in the co lonial period, but the image took on the form of a fuJI male figure rather than a face withi n the orb, the latter of which is the traditiona l Christian per· sanification; see G. Cock and M. E. Doyle, "Del Cu lro solar a 130 clandestinidad de Inti y Punchao," Historia y GlIltura (Lima) '12 (1979) : 59-02. 42. Larre:l, "Hllirakocha en Huilcanota," 220-21. In Aymara, the name Vi/callota means "Casa del Sol"; see L. Bertonio, Vocablilario de /a lengllo aymora [1612.], ed. J. Platz· m:lnn (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1879), IJr. 43. Juan Larrea identified the location of the scene as being Vilcaoota. Because the quero he studied was damaged at rhe top, however, he was unable to identify the seated

Toasts with the Inca

divide also formed the political and social boundary between the Inca and the Colla. Lizarraga even describes a wall that traversed the valley from snowcapped mountain to snowcapped mountain and that crossed the royal road. Built to the height of a man, it was meant to keep peace between the tw"o nations.-I-1This is the only quero image that so precisely identifies location, but why? No other important Inca historical landmarks or sacred Inca huacas appear on queros," although the differentiation between the jungle and the highlands as areas of two distinct ethnic groups is a major element of quero iconography. The visual identification of Vilcanota, however, does not harken back to a specific Inca historical event or precise Inca religious dogma any more than does the Chacra Yapuy Quilla image. Rather, it is a kind of mise-en-scene meant to establish a sociogeography. The narrative relates to colonial native mythology about the past to emphasize present ayllu cohesion and the necessary complementarity between those living in the lower valleys (Inca) and those in the puna, or pastoral regions (Colia).'· The quero scene depicts the myth of Incari and Collari, a myth still common in the southern sierras. It is a colonial myth involving certain ayliu traditions and laws that are personified by these kings and their actions. There are several variations to the myth, but they ali refer to the same characters and the same 10caleY The myth's central concern is a competition between the Inca and Colla kings. What is important about the competition in relation to its representation on queros is the effect that the outcome of the contest has on agriculture." The competition begins with a reciprocal exchange of foods. The Inca king gives the figure to the left as the Colla king, suggesting instead that he is a priest. The bending figure

on the left, meanwh ile, esrablishes that this is the Colla side, because the figure clearly wears a Co lla-style headdress. See Larrea, uHuirakocha en Huilcanora,"

22.o-U.

44- R. Lizarraga, Descripci611 Breve de Toda la Tierra del Penl, TIIClllltd". Rio de fa Plata. y Chile {I59I], BA£ 216 (I968): 6545. Pedro de Cieza de Leon says that Vilcanota was the third m OSt important Inca Imaca, ranking behind the Coricancha and Huanacauri; see EI Seizorio de los lltcas, Segundo Parte de la Cronica del Pent [1554] (Lima: Centro de Estudios Peru anas, 1967), chap. 28, pp. 83-84. Neither of the first two huacas are identifiable o n qlleros. 46. See 1. Flores Ochoa, ""Tres temas pintados en qeros incas de los Siglos XVII-XVllr," Revista del Museo e lllstituto de Arqueo/ogia 2.5 (I995): I35-36. 47. For various editions of (he Incari-Collari myth, see the essays by Oscar Nunez del Prado (""Version del Mito de Inkarri en Q'eros"), Abraham Valencia Espinoza ("Inkari Qollari DramatiZ<1do"), and Jorge Flores Ochoa ("lnkariy y Qollariy en una Comunidad del Altiplano") collected illldeologia Mesiauica del Multdo A"dino, ed. J. M. Ossio (Lima: Griifica Morson, 1973). See also T. Miiller and H. Miiller, "Mito de lnkarri-Qo llari, " AIIpanchis (Cuzco) 2.0, no. 23 (.1984): r:z.5-44· 48. My outline of the myth is primarily taken from [he versions collected by Espinoza and Ochoa (see n. 47). See also Muller and Muller, "Mito de Inkarri-Qollari."

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Colla king a bag of toasted beans, while the latter gives his Inca counterpart a bag of £lour (maize, or kaniwa). The kings then wager as to which of them can finish eating his bag first. The Inca king wins the contest, and it is usuaUy said that he is aided by the wind, which blows the £lour away. The CoUa king cannot even finish one of the beans, because it is so hard and hutts his teeth. This part of the competition takes place on the two sides of La Raya or in the va lley below, before the second part of the competition begins. The second challenge is made by the Inca king, who takes and throws the hat of the Colla king's daughter into the lake of La Raya. The two kings then agree to race to the top of the mountain divide. Before the race begins, each king carries two urpus of chicha to the starting point of the race. The Inca king drinks three of them, while the Colla king can barely down one. After this test, the race begins, with each king carrying a golden staff. The Inca king runs to the top of the great peak of Vileanota called "Susuya .» From there, he throws his golden staff, which lands in Cuzco. At this point, his three servants call to him with great joy, blowing the pututu (conch-shell trumpet) as indication for him to come down. The CoUa king is less successful and faUs on his way up Vileanota's other peak, UlluUuma. The reason for his fall is that his stomach has burst because he is not accustomed to drinking chicha. Three faxes appear and heal him by licking his wounds. He recovers and throws his lance, saying that it should faU in Cuzco, but it barely reaches Ayaviri . In several versions of the myth, the kings also ravage each other's daughters. The outcome of all these contests explains why each ethnic group lives to either the north or the south of La Raya. Many of the components of the myth are depicted in the quero scene. The event takes place at Vileanota, and the two principal characters are the Incari and the Callari. The two kings sit on the proper sides of the mountain and toast each other. The lake is clearly depicted, and the figures on the Inca's side blow pututus while those on the Colla's side do not. In one example, the faxes that heal the Colla king are depicted. The quero scene does not illustrate aU the details of the myth, but there are enough common elements to link the image to the myth. 4' The 49· The relation between this motif and the Incari-Collari myth provides a geographical boundary for the production of thi s type of quero. The lncari-Co llari myth is restricted ro the area between CUlCO and Puna and possibly furth er somh. North of C UlCO, there is a distinctly different version of the myth that does not involve Coll ari and is much more messianic in its tone and structure. See]. Ossio, "Presenraci 6n," in Miiller and M iiller, "Mito de Inkarri-Qollari " Allpallchis (Cuzeo) 2.0, no. 2.3 : t26.

Toasts with the Inca

differences are due to the variations of the myth only recendy recorded, whereas the images were made some three hundred years ago. There is, however, evidence that the subordination of the Colla to the Inca is an old theme. Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yam qui records a song supposedly sung by the Colla king on the occasion of d,e marriage and coronation of Viracocha Inca. You king of Cuzco I king of Colla We will drink We wi ll eat We will ta lk Let everyone be si lent I sit on silver

You sit on gold You worship Viracocha Pachayachic [worship the sun..'i°

The song implicitly compares the prestige of the two rulers.>' One indication of prestige is the materials of the tianas of the two kings. Guaman Poma indicates different levels of authority in the Inca hierarchy by the height and material of the tianaY The Sapa Inca sat on gold, and the lords of the four suyu, of which Collasuyu was one, sat on silver. There are differences between this song and the modern variants of the myth, but the principal elements are the same . However, one element that seems to be absent both on the quero and in the song is the key element around which the modern variants are structured, the competition between the two kings. Competition may be implied in the hierarchy expressed in the song, but it is not apparent in the actions of the kings on the quero or in the song: they merely toast each other. But the toast itself explicidy manifests the element of competition. Both in Quechua, the language of the Inca, and in Aymara, the language of the Colla, severa l verbs define the act of toasting. Each language has one verb that closely allies toasting with competition. In Quechua, that verb 50. "'Cam Cuzco capac;] i'iuca Colla capaca, hupyasu, miCUSSll, rimassu, ama pi etc. tiuca eoUque tiya cam chuq ui tia, cam viracocha pachayachi fsie] muehha tiuea inti Illuchha,» Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacion de on/igiiedades d este reyno del Pi", fca. I615J (Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de las Casas" and Institut Franc;a is D'Etudes Andines, 1993), 217. jI . See C. Julien, Hallmqolla: A View of [Ilca Rule frollt the Lake Titicaca Regioll. University of Ca lifornia Publications in Anthropology, no. 15 (Berkeley: University of Ca lifornia Press, 1983), 39. 52.. Guaman Poma de Aya la, Nuevo Coroflica. p. 42.0, fol. 453 [455].

COLONIAL DRINKINC AND QUERO I CONOGRAPHY

239

is Q1~cossanacuni3 and it is translated as "beber a porfia con otro" [to drink in competition with another).'.! In Aymara, the verb c017chafitha is translated as "beber en comperencia" [to drink in competition).54 Alrhough neither verb is used in the Quechua text, this song speech is understood within the context of competition or challenge. 55 Drinking and toasting- acts that are common to the quero, the song, and the myth-signify competition at a variety of sociocultural levels. But the question then becomes, what does the competition between the kings mean specifically and how does it relate to agriculture? The Incari-Collari myth explains why the Inca live to the north of La Raya and why the Colla live to the south. This interpretation does more than explicate ethnic boundaries. The loss of the Colla king in all the contests means that he must live to the south, where, because of the higher altitude, his people cannot grow corn. Because of this, the Colla must go to the Quechua region to barter for the corn.5' Embedded in the myth, then, is a traditional account of rhe various climatic zones of Peru that necessitated a particular kind of vertical economy based on reciprocity and extended family ties." Nor only do the Inca and the Colla personify ethnic differences, but those ethnic differences then imply social and economic differences. These distinctions are presented in terms of complementarity and opposition as signified by the associations of Hanan and Hurin. Because of the categories of opposition, the Incari in the myth is always male while the Callari can be either male or female." On the queros, this is represented by the Colla always occupying the pictorial left and the Inca occupying the right. Not only does the division of the scene's composition into right and left suggest the spatial values of Hanan and Hurin, but these more general values are used to express the myth's underlying theme. 59 It is again evident that 53. D. de Samo Tomas, Lexicoll 0 voca/mlotio de In lel/gua general del Peni [1560] (Lima: Instituto de Historia, Universidad Nacional de San Marcos, I9SI), :!oJ+ 5+ Bectonio, Vocabillario de In leI/guo 0Y11lora, 93. 55. "y entonces traya [capac de los Hawn Coll as] su ydolo y guaca muy adornado y muchas vezes les podiaba al ynga deziendo," Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio/l de allligiiedades,2T.7. 56. See Flores Ochoa , "In kariy y Qollariy," 304. 57. See J. Mmra, "EI 'Control vertical' de un maximo de pisos ecol6gicos en la economfa de las sociedades andina s." in Visita de la Provi1lcia de Leoll de HwilllfCO Cit 1562 IJOr {jUga Ortiz de Zliiiiga (Hua nuco: Urriversidad Nacional Hermilio Valdizan, 1972). 58. See Ossio, "Presenracion," 125-2.6. 59. Chavez Balian ("Que ros Cusqueii os," 104) sllggests that the symbolic categories of Hanan and Hurin are represented in this composition by the disposition of the figure types. He does not, however, systema ticaUy relate the iconographic features of the figures to their arrangemenr in the picture plane so that the pictoria l left side of the composition

Toasts with the Inca

the properties of quero use as described by Cabo exist within the imagery itself. But the question now becomes, how is this image to be related with those values as they are expressed in the Chacra Yapuy QuiHa images? The odd man out in the quero scene is the figure tilling the ground. This character is not mentioned in either the myth or the song, and he is singled out in the image by being the only figure set in the foreground . Yet this figure clearly indicates agricultural activity and links the scene to the dramatization of the myth and its specific underlying agricultural theme. In the town of San Pablo in Canchis Province, just south of Cuzco, the competitions between the Incari and CoHari were reenacted until I94I. 60 It is still remembered, however, that the dramatization took place at La Raya, not too distant from San Pablo. The actors were always natives, and the drama took place in public in honor of the Virgin de Belen and after her mass, said on January 23 of each year. In the competition, the Inca king always won. This drama was eventually fused with Christian theology and altered by a local priest for didactic purposes. 6 ' The fusion seems to have been reciprocal, as the Incari-Collari competition is associated with the festival of the three Magi, one of whom is considered to be an Indian. The festival is also celebrated on January 6, partly by a horse race between the three kings. The prize for the winning king is the honor of carrying "el Niiio de la Virgen del Belen" before the Virgin's platform during the procession around the plaza . A second meaning attached to the race and its outcome relates to traditional agricultural concerns. If the Indian king wins, there will be an abundant harvest. If the black king wins, there will be a bad harvest and hunger. More important, the Indian king is identified as Incari and the black king as Callari. During the race, the onlookers actively try to obstruct the black king/CoHari. They throw hats and ponchos at him, represents Hanan and the right side represents Hurin. He therefore does not acknowledge the symbolic structural relationship between dle figures. In the example he illustrates, the positions o f the Inca and Colla are reversed. However, the Sapa Inca, who appears on the left side, is associated w ith Hurin characteristics; for exa mple, his tiana has jaguar markings that have decidedly Hurin association. Thus, in this unique representation, the position of the Inca and Colla ha ve been reversed on the pictorial pJane, bur the figures on the right still convey Hanan associations whi le those on the left convey Hurin associations. The Colla now stands for the highland population , while the Inca, by their association with the jaguar, are associated with the lowland. The highland/lowlan d dichotomy is the major cat· egory of distinction in the battle/presentation scene and wi ll be discussed later. 60. See Valencia Espinoza, "Inkari Qollari Dramatizado," 283-87. 61. See Valencia Espinoza, "Inkari Qollari Dramatizado," 2H3-87.

COLONIAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

throw dirt in his horse's eyes, or try to divert his route, always hoping that the Indian kingfIncari will win·' These competitions were part of a traditional Andean agricultural celebration in the same way that the Chacra Yapuy Quilla ceremony was. They are part of a January festival that anticipates the coming harvest. The competition at once signifies and tries to reconcile possible antagonism berween social groups and the possible conflict berween mankind and nature inherent in any agricultural enterprise. Also imporrant is the fact that the celebration took place in January. In this light, the tilling figure on the quero becomes even more significant. He is depicted bending over, using a hand hoe, or lampa. This is the only depiction of this tool on queros. Everywhere else, either the chakitaclla or the oxen and plow are used . The lampa therefore signifies a specific type of agricultural activity. In Guaman Poma's illustrations for the colonial months, a man is only once depicted using a lampa, whereas a man is shown using the chakitaclla in the illustrations for four diHerent months·' The illustration in which the figure uses tbe lampa is for the month of January. It is the month to clean the field s and to bank the earth in the fields in anticipation of heavy rains. There can be no doubt that this quero scene refers to agriculture and the desire for a bountiful harvest of potatoes. As in the Chacra Yapuy Quilla scenes, this motif expresses an ideal of Andean labor couched in terms of cooperative and amicable ayllu behavior as well as competition across ecological zones.6' It is not a depiction of labor itself, just as the Chacra Yapuy Quilla is not a scene of real or day-to-day labor. Rather, such images of labor through ritual codified the actual rules of Andean work and economy.

Aymuray and the TocapulFigural Format Scenes on queros with the tocapu/figural format may also depict ceremonial aspects of the Andean agricultural calendar. This is certainly the 62. Either the wbi te king or the mestizo king Mistirey occupies an intermediary position. If the intermediary king wins. it will be a bad year for agriculture and the harvest. but there will be an abundant amount of money. This ambivalence places the intemediary figure outside the polar opposites that the Incari and Coll ari represent. 63. Females are shown on two different occasions using the lampa, but rhey are subsidia ry to the main task at hand; see Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nllevo CorollicQ, p. 1032, fol. 1135 [1145]; p. 104 ... fol. I:I47 [U57). 64. See Flo res Ochoa, "Tres remas pinrados," 135-36.

» Toasts with the Inca

case on queros in which the Chacra Yapuy Quilla theme is abbreviated to a single pair of figures in the act of planting. Most other scenes in this category, when not copied from more expanded narrative scenes, are too cryptic to identify. At least one scene relates to a specific agricultural celebration, and it is the most common scene depicted on this type of quero (figs. 8.22a-b) . A consideration of this scene illuminates the persistence of indigenous symbolic categories in colonial imagery. The scene is composed of two figures, a male and a female. They both move toward the left of the picture plane, with the female following the male. The male carries a branch over his shoulder, while the female often bears a pair of queros in her hands and sometimes has an urpu strapped to her back. The branch identifies the procession as parr of the Aymuray celebration, the harvest festival taking place between April and May when the corn was picked and taken to the storehouses . Part of the celebration was the dance called the ayrihua, taking its name from the name of the AyrillUam.ita festival, the celebration of harvest labor. Before the festival, the parianes-those who were elected to guard the harvest-attached to a small branch from the maguey plant branches of the molle (pepper tree) and the willow tree." When the harvest began, ears of corn were also tied to the branch, which was taken to the plaza, where the celebration commenced . Tbe bra ncb was carried all night in the dance, and anyone who dropped it was fined one or two reales. At the end of the dance, the corn was ground together with coca leaves and offered to the ancestors. The dance was prohibited in the seventeenth century, first by Arriaga and then by Villagomez, but Luis Valearcel was able to describe a performance in 1946.66 By this date, the celebration was connected to 6S- This part of the description comes from a documem concerning the H acas area in the seventeenth century. published in P. Duviol s, "Hunri y lI acll3Z, agricultores y pastores: Un dua lismo prehispanico de oposicion y complemenraridad," RMN 39 (I973) : 165--66. 6(" For rhe prohibition of tbe d,lllce, see P. J. de Arriaga, La extirpacioll de la ido/atria ell eJ PeTli LI6:11"I, CLDRHP, l.d sec., I (I9:!.O), 52.-55. I99i P. de Villagomez, Carta Pas-

toral de Exortaciol1 e l11struccion contra las ida/atdas de los illdios del Arzobispado de Lima (1649] CLDR HP, Ist ser., 12 (T.9l9): 209. The ayrihua dance survived the prohibitions leveled aga inst it. In 1656, for example, Hernando Hacas Porna testified that for the ayrih113, "they make large branches flom maguey w ith peppertree and willow boughs, and they dance . .. after the harvest, ... having great drunken feasts" [ai rigua sa ras asian unos rami lleres grandes en unos palos de magei con famos de molle y sa uce y bailaban ... despues del coxidas, ... as iendo grandes borracheras) (Archivo Arzobispal de Lima, legajo 6, expediente 11, "Testimonio de Hernando Hacas Poma .... fol. nv, cited in L. Huertas Vnllejos, La Religion enUI1Q Sociedad Rural Andina (Siglo X VII) IAyacucho: Universidad Naciol1<11 de San Cristobal de Huamanga, 19811, app. I, p. In}. His testi mon y comes from an area of intensive campaigns against idolatry. If the ceremony could continue there, it must have also survived in the southern sierras, whe re the Ql1eros were made and w here seventeenth-

COLON IAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

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the May 3 Catholic celebration commemorating the Cross. The branch was not carried but was erected in the plaza. After the dance, it was shaken until attached fruits and gifts fell off." The image carries no overt "pagan" reference other than the branch itself. The male is dressed in contemporary costume rather than in the archaic costume of the figures in the images discussed earlier. Only the branch suggests a particular reference. Laden with a variety of fruit, peppers, and ears of corn, the branch is not from a single tree but is an amalgam. The man sometimes blows a conch-shell trumpet, further indicating that this is a festival scene of the harvest ceremony." As with the first two images, this scene celebrates Andean economy and subsistence. The image depicts a ritual that by explicitly commemorating the harvest also implicitly celebrates the reciprocal labor exchange that allows the harvest to be completed. This is implied by the inclusion in the name of the festival of the word mita, a term for corporate labor within the ayllu . A second feature common to all tIlIee scenes is the depiction of queros. The proper, or Andean, use of the quero is therefore associated r.::entury iconocl ,lsric campaigns were not as severe; see K. Mills, Idolatry alld Its Ellemies: C%uial Andean Religioll Gild Extirpatioll, 1640-1750 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, T997), 35 n. -+7· 67. For the contin uation of the dance until today, see L. Va ld rcel, "The Andean Ca lendar, " in H01tdl)ook of South American b,dialls. ed, J. Steward, Smithsonian In stitution Bu reau of America n Ethnology Bulletin 1:43 (Washington , D.C.: Smithson ian Institution Press, 1946), 2:473-74, See also Isbell , To Defend Ourseilles, 145-47. Isbell describes the harvest festival in which the crosses are brought from the puna, or high ground, to the village . They are decorated with tbe foodsruffs of eacb region, beginning with the crops of the puna, wh ich are added to as they reach the corn-growing area. The chapels are decorated with br3nches from the ol1goripo, a bush that grows in the puna. The branches are referred to by the term mol/ki, which means "sapling" as well as "ancestor," and Isbell interprets this use of the term as signifying renewal as well as continuation thrOllgh generations, 68. The harvest ceremony is also the possible subject of an apparently unique pair of queros. The figures on the pair are arranged in vertica l recessed bands. The top of the band depicts a storehollse. The two sets of related images rhen alternate around the vessel. One set depicts the different kinds of crops grown in the three climatic zones: the puna, the sierra, and the lowlands are represented respectively by tubers, different varieties of corn, and air (pepper) . The second is a scene of some type of ritual. Immediately below the store· house is a male who wears a red mask and digs with a chakitaclla. A second chakiraclla appears by itse lf, wh ile below it is a worm like figure that duplicates the man's costume. The next group of figures shows two women wearing similar masks, berween whom are two urpus. Below these figures is a single female holding rwo enormous gold queros. At her feet are two lampns, or hoes. The final scene depicts a male who seems to be in the act of slaugh· tering a pure white llama. According to Cristoba l de Molina, a white llama was sacrificed after tbe harvest; see Molina, Relaci611 de las fabu /as y ritos de los lllws [J573], CLDRHP, 1St sec., I {1916}: 34. These queros probably date to the sixteenth century, as they are closest to the formal style and depict masks and possible sacrifice, subjects that are almost never explicitly depicted on later queros.

244

Toasts with the I11ca

with these rituals by their appearance on the vessel, and the quero comes to be, by its ubiquitous presence, a sign for the ritual. In this context, some of the more obscure scenes in the tocapu/figural motif can be understood as somehow expressing the same sensibilities as the more easily identified scenes. For example, the second most cornman composition of the tocapu/figural queros depicts the same pair of figures. The male is on the right side playing a musical instrument, and the female either kneels or stands before him and sometimes holds queros (figs. 8.23a- b). These may be scenes of daily life, but this seems unlikely. Music is an integral part of Andean festiva ls, and its depiction, as weU as the presence of the queros, signifies that this is not a mundane scene but one of special importance. More important, the rigid compositional distribution of gender difference-wherein the male figure appears on the right and the female figure on the left-may convey ayUu relations as bounded by Hanan and Hurin associations. As such, illustrative content-compositional order, the pair of queros, and the manner in which they are used-is reified to connote ayllu social structure in relation to ritual expression. The spatial ordering by gender is so insistently carried through the quero at aU levels that one can further suggest that the two tocapu that form the other half of the tocapu/figural motif also signify properties of H anan and Hurin. By the seventeentll century, these tocapu symbols may have lost their specificity in relation to the Inca Empire and probably came to connote a variety of broad associations. Their consistent alignment in these queros seems to indicate iliat they took part of their significance from the quero and its associations rather than bringing some kind of external message to the vessel;6, that is, the associations of Hanan and Hurin operating at aU other levels in these queros also give meaning to the pair of tocapu. In the iconography and composition of the queros so far discussed, there is an insistence on traditional ayllu beliefs and ceremonies that are conveyed through the symbolic categories of Hanan and Hurin. To see 69. I suspect that the tocapu used most consistently in these queros, composed o f :l rho mboid with a series of five dots arranged in the form of a cross in its interior, signifies some aspect o f H anan's mea ning of superiority. In all but one occasion, this rocapu appears on the right-hand side. Moreover, this tocapu is suggestively close to the abstract form that Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui lIsed to designate the cave o f Inca origin at Paca riram oo. It is probable, therefore, that this abstract symbo l designated origin and supetiority. For an example of theories on the rocnpu as representing a w riting system, see T. B. Barthel, "Vi racochas Priinkgewand (Tokapu-Studien)," Triblls (Stuttga rt) 20 (r971): 63- I:q.

COLONIAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

that this is true throughout quero imagery, it is necessary to look at those unages that seem least likely to possess this kind of content.

ArrieTos and Coca Harvesting

The scenes of arrieros, or mule drivers, occur both in expanded narrative scenes in which the harvest andlor transport of wood or coca leaves is represented (figs. 8.35a-C) and in abbreviated compositions of the tocapulfigural motif (fig. 8.36). These are the only consistent images that depict direct contact between natives and Spaniards, and in some images, a Spanish mayordomo is in command of the enterprise, thus marking the only occasion in which a Spaniard is shown as an overlord to an Indian. They are also the only scenes depicting actual, rather than ceremonial, labor or ritual. Moreover, this is European wage labor rather than Andean reciprocal labor. Because such scenes depict nonindigenous figures, actions, and relations, they would seem to be outside the kind of imagery discussed earlier. It is significant that the images are restricted representations of wage labor. The full range of colonial labor as demanded by rhe Spaniards is not depicred on queros. One does nor find, for example, scenes of obraies (textile sweatshops set up by Spaniards) or of natives working in the mines. In the sixteenth century, these were the two major labor contributions owed by natives, rendered by the mila de millas and mila de plaza.'o Natives were also sent to work coca fields through the mila de plaza, and arrieros were originally gathered in this form, bur mining and weaving in factories were the major tasks for which the natives were conscripted." By the seventeenth century, however, obrajes, mines, agricultural tasks, and skilled labor, such as arrierfa, were often filled by natives who were contracted as wage laborers as well as by those who fulfilled their mita obligations.'" The question in regard to the quero images is, why are only two forms of wage labor-arrieria and coca harvesting-represented? 70. For a discussion of these two forms of mira service, see J. Rowe, "The Incas under Spanish Colonial Instituti ons," Hispanic America" Historical Review (Durham) 37, no. :t (:1957): 170-7 8. 71. See G. Dfez de San Miguel, Visifa hecha a la provi"cia de ChuCllito ... [r567] (Lima: Casa de la Cultura, 1964), H. 71. For a discussion of the shift from mainly mita to mita and wage labor in rhe seventeenth centtIry, see S. Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spallish Conquest (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, :198:t), 138-57-

Toasts with the Inca

To understand why as well as how these seemingly anomalous scenes correspond with what is represented in other quero scenes, one must consider the economics of the ayllu in relation to its monetary obligations to the state and how native communities created the cash resources to pay taxes and to purchase goods in the market. In this context, we can understand why the representation of arrieros and coca harvesting appears on queros. By the mid-seventeenth century, a great deal of the labor rendered to Spaniards in the Cuzco region was negotiated through contracts. The Indian promised to work for a period of time, and the Spaniard agreed to pay a certain monetary wage and to provide food and clothing. Even native artisans at the level of official (the rank of an artisan below a master in a guild) were partially paid in kind. This may refer back to Andean forms of remuneration, because contracts among Spanish artisans do not include this type of payment." Contracts concerning native artisans, however, demonstrate the artisans' severance from all other traditional community ties and indicate their increasingly independent status . They signed the contracts for themselves, and altho ugh it is often noted in the contract that they are Indian (e.g., one contract reads "Joseph Huaman Cayo, indio, Maestro ensemblador"7'), their ayllu affiliation is never noted. This is very different from the contracts signed by some natives who contracted for other tasks-especially those who contracted to work as arrieros and to harvest coca fields. In January 1645, for example, workers were needed to begin the harvesting and transport of coca from fields in Pacaurtambo, to the east of Cuzco. The various owners-Juan Garcia Duran, Cristobal de Leon, Pedro Gonzalez Tadeo, Juan de Vargas, and Juan Garcia-hired more than fifty Indians either to work in the fields or to serve as arrieros. Significant about this hiring is the different nature of the contracts that each Indian signed." Only a few were yanacona who had left their native communities altogether and who, like native artisans, signed their contracts as individuals. Also like native artisans, these individuals are named as Indians, and occasionally their places of origin, sometimes 73- The instance closest [0 a Spanish artisan being paid in part by clothes and food is the contract of rhe mestizo Esteban de Quiroz; however, this was a joint contract, and the other member was Juan Ochagualpa, "ladino en lengua espanola" (Arch ivo Departamental del ellZCO, I646, Protacolo 4+'724, Escribano luis Diaz de MoraJes, fo1s. 21-}5. "Concierto de Juan Ochagualpa"). 7+ Archivo Departamental del Cuzco. 1699. Protocolo 31716~r. Escribano N icolas Sola no, fol. 529. "Concierto de Joseph Huaman Cayo." 75 . The term signed is here a euphemism in thar none of these Andeans could read or write.

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247

as far away as Nueva Granada (Colombia), Arequipa, or Trujillo, are noted.'· The majority of the contracts, however, were with Indians from the area surrounding Cuzco-from Pacaritambo, Calca, and neighboring provinces- who were still attached to their ayllu and still subject to the authority of their curacas. For example, the contract of Diego Guaman reads: "Diego Guaman, native of the pueblo of San Cristobal, subject to Don Juan Tito, his curaca, contracts with Pedro Gonzalez Tadeo two and a half months to work in the coca field of Paucartambo ." The contract gives his sa lary, fifteen pesos a month, which is a third higher than the normal ten pesos a month." Important about these contracts is the short durations-most are for two to three months-and the relatively high sa laries. In fact, those who worked the coca fields made as much as did the arrieros." This is much better than wages for general agricultural work as documented for the Ayacucho area, in which the Indian received between twelve and twenty-four pesos for a year's work.'. The financial value of coca no doubt sustained these relatively high sa laries, but the fact that the Indians who worked these jobs could make relatively large sums of money and return to their community before they were reaUy missed is significant. They were hired in February after fall planting and, after two or three months work, could be back in time for the May harvest.'o An ayUu Indian could serve as either an arriero or a field hand in Paucartambo and make almost as much in three months as an Indian car76. For the yanacona from Nueva Granada, Arequ ipa, and TrujiUo, see Archivo Departamemal del CUICO, 16~5, Protocolo 13-v'59r, Esniballo Juan Flores Basridas, fols. 429,648,651; for the remaining contracts of other unattacbed y:lIlacona of undisclosed origin, see fols. 6.u, 6-17, 649, 676. 77. "Diego Guaman, natural del pueblo de San Cristobal, sujem a Don Juan Tim, su cacique, comrara con Pedro Gonzalez Tadeo dos meses y media para trabajar en In chacm de coca de Paucarrambo" (Archivo Departamental del Cuzco, 1645, Protocolo 1.3+'591, Escribano Juan Flores Basridas, fol. 69-1). 78. Tn this instance, the field hand was bener off contractua ll y than the arriero, because the arriero was financia ll y responsible for any mule that was lost, with each mule valued at ten pesos, an average month's wage (Archivo Departamental del Cuzco, 1645. Protocolo 13+'59r, Escribano .Juan Flores Bastidas, fol. 742). Working ill the coca fields, however, was much mote dangerous to a native of the sierras than being an arriero, so there was a trade-off in liabilities. 79. See Stern, Peru's ludian Peoples, .144-45. 1 have used Stern's figures as comparison figures because there does not seem to be a difference in wage scale between Ayacucho and Cuzco based on the wages of arrieros. In both ciries, the norlll was about ten pesos a month. So. Anyone leaving the
Toasts with the Inca

penter did in his first year of a two-year contract with the Convento de San Francisco.sr

This labor, which found representation on queros, was not necessarily antithetical to ayllu culture or values. Certainly, the forms of depicted labor were alien to Andean tradition, but if one sees these workers as going off to the fields as ayllu members who were fulfilling a needed obligation to maintain the ayllu's self-sufficiency, the act itself was within the traditional boundaries of ayllu laws. These are not representations of alienated yanaconas who were forced to sell their own labor because they had severed their ayllu ties and who therefore found themselves working for long periods of time virtually as serfs on haciendas or in mines. Both the arriero and the Indian who harvested coca in Paucartambo were identified as belonging to specific ayUus and subject to their curacas."2 These men remained within the ayllu, bringing in an income to help pay ayllu tax obligations without their absence being too much of a burden on the members who remained in the village. The contracts are phrased in such a manner that those who went to work in the fields did not find themselves in debt at the end of their work as did so many other laborers." In addition to the salary, the contracts stipulated that daily food would be provided, and arrieros were given new sandals (alpagatas) when their old ones gave out, as well as a generous supply of rope'. These workers were generally reliable; that is, they would not flee, although the contracts also list the consequences (imprisonment and whipping) if they did . In any case, a number of contracts list the worker's curaca as his fijador (guarantor), who vouched that his community member would complete the work."' As will be disIh. See Archivo Departamellta l del CUICO, 1649. Protocolo 136/550, Escribano Jose G. Ca lvo. fol. 4I5. "Concierto de Damian Cosma, carpintero." For the second year, the salary was raised to sixry pesos. There was, however, the possibiJiry of substantial amounts of mo ney to be made as a native artisan-way beyond what an arriero or coca laborer cou ld ever make in a year. For example. four years before Damian Cosma made his contract, Andres Siman, "indio," contracted w ith the Spani ard Juan Ruiz de Santa Cruz [0 work as a ca rpenter for a year for four hundred pesos; see Archivo Departamental del Cuzeo, T645, Protocolo 1°381.1021. Escribano l orenzo Meza Andueza, fol. 822, "Concierto de Andres Siman , Indio." 82. Coca itself is a ritual cro p, and its harvest and transport are imbued even today w ith auspicious signs, some of which ma y be represented in these quero images; see M. P. Paz Flores, "El Cultivo de Ia Coca en un Qero Inca Colonial," Revista del Museo e Iustitllto de Arqueologia (Cuzeo) 25 (1995): 161- 70. 83 . Foe natives w ho contrac ted work on ly to find themse lves in debt at the end of thei r allo tted time, see Stern, Pem's Indian Peoples, 145-46. 84. See Archivo Departamenta l del CllZCO, 1645, Protocolo 1341'55H, Escribano Juan Flores Bastidas, fols. 644-45. 673- 74, 678. 85. See Archivo Departamental del euzeo, r645, Protocol o 1341'59J, Escri bano Juan Flores Bastidas, fols. 678, 681.

COLONIAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAP HY

cussed in chapter II, this situation could lead to complications, but at the level at which we are discussing the images, it demonstrates the laborer's responsibility to the authority of his curaca and to the ayllu . By breaking his contract, he made them liable for his dereliction and would therefore be considered antisocial. Arrieros and coca pickers could be a source of community labor. They were hired out to the owners of pack trains and coca fields, but they were hired out as a corporate resource. Those who left for a period of time had their fields looked after. When they returned, they repaid in kind by working the fields of others and thereby allowing other members to work the following year to earn cash for their tribute and/or by contributing part or all of their earnings to the ayllu fund, the caja de comunidad. The exact mechanisms of this system are not spelled out in the contracts, because they were internal ayllu concerns, but the vety representation of this labor on queros implies that it was fully integrated into ayllu patterns of reciprocity. The images also refer to the very means by which painted queros would be acquired, in the sense that ayllu members performing these roles traveled the routes along which markets would be located. There may be ritual content to the images as well. In all the expanded narrative scenes of arrieros, their departure and arrival is always clearly indicated. This may be a function of creating a complete narrative sequence; however, in all other quero images, tIus is not a criterion for their composition. In this light, it is possible that the points of departure and arrival signify more than narrative sequence. They may signify the ritual that accompanied any journey undertaken by an Andean. Lizarraga records d,at every journey began and ended by drinking: " if they have to undertake a journey, no matter how short, they first have to get themselves drunk; if they return, the first order of business is to get drunk. "86 The drinking was meant to ensure a safe trip and a successful return. In one quero image, a male and a female face each other and drink from a pair of queros as the pack train, depicted on the lower register, prepares to leave. On the upper register, the figure on horseback arrives with the mules at the market, w here chicha is being sold. He drinks from a quero and toasts a traditionally dressed female, who holds the second quero. It is possible that the scenes on these queros refer to the rituals that began and ended the journeys to the 86. ". .. si han de comenzar viaje, aunque sea pocns leguns, primero se han de emborrncharse; si vuelven, 10 primero es emborracharse" (Liza rraga, Descripcioll Breve, 96). See also]. Polo de Ondegardo, "Instruccion contra las ceremonias y ritos que usan los indios, conforme .. 1 tiempo de su infidelidad" [1567], CLDRHP, )st ser., 3 (I9I6): l.~r.

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coca fields for harvesting. In this sense, these scenes, like those discussed earlier, refer to occasions in which a quero might be used in a proper, ritual context.

The Inca-Anti Battle Motif The group of scenes depicting various stages of the battle between Inca and jungle warriors, or Antis/Chunchos (figs. 8.29, 8.30) is another motif that appears at first to be outside the discussion already outlined. No figure in these scenes refers specifically to agricultural ritual or work. Rather, the scenes were once believed to be illustrations of Inca history'? However, the Inca-Anti battles do not playa major role in Inca histories. Even more significant, there are no other consistent quero images of Incas battling other ethnic groups. The consistent iconographic features of these battle scenes imply something other than an actual Inca battle. Just as with the Incari-Collari images, the identification of the figures as Inca and Anti does not mean that they are historical personages. Unfortunately, no known narrative elucidates the images as the Incari-Collari myth does Inca-Collari images. However, archaeological, ethnohistoric, and ethnographic evidence for an Andean practice sheds light on what is represented on these queros. Indeed, what this evidence suggests is that represented on queros are ritual battles still fought within Andean communities from Bolivia to Ecuador and ritual dances of battles between Antis (Chunchos) and Collas or Incas. They have a long history in the Andes. Such battles were staged in Tahuantinsuyu as a means to elide imperial hierarchy and ayllu moiety structure. The mock battles not only were an Inca ritual but were already a part of Andean agricultural ritual. The Incas held these battles in the month called "Camay Quilla," identified by different colonial writers as either December or March, beginning at the new moon." The youth of Hanan and Hurin Cuzco lined up against each other, using slings with fruits or thistles as projec87. See M . Schaedel, "Peruvian Keros," Magazille of Art (New York) 4-2., no. 18;

I

(I949):

J. Saborgal, EI "Kero." vaso de libaciolles clIU]lIelio de modern pintado, Publicaciones

del Instituto de Ane Permmo, no. 1 (Lima: Museo de la Cultum. Peruana, 1952.), 19; E. Chavez Bailon, ""EI Quero Cuzqueno: Supervivencia y renacimienro del acre incaico en la Colonia /" Clfftllra y Plleblo (Lima) 1, no. l (£964): 18-2.9. 88. Camay Quilla is identified as December by Molina (Relaci611 de la s {abu/as y ritos, 79} and in D. Fermlndez, Primera y segwtda parte de la Historin del Pent [1 5711. BAE 16 ..--65 (196"3): 86. Coho (Historia del Nuevo Multdo, 12.6-2.7) identifies it as March.

COLON IAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

tiles. The battle determined the bravest among the young men. Garcilaso de la Vega combines the battle with the male initiation ceremony, saying that the battle took place at Sacsahuaman, with one half of the participants defending the structure and the others trying to get in; on the second day, the two groups switched roles." Garcilaso notes that the battle stopped at the Sapa Inca's command, but not before some participants were wounded or killed .'" A two-day feast followed the mock battle, with the mummies of past rulers brought to the plaza and seated according to Hanan and Hurin affiliations. For the next twelve days, or until the full moon, everyone worked in the fields.9' This is the period when the maize kernels first began to germinate. There is an explicit connection between the mock battles, the coming of age, and the agricultural season between December and March. There is also a direct correlation between the flowering of Inca youth and the germinating of their most sacred crop. At one level of meaning, the battles were a prognostication of the coming harvesr and of future wars. The connection between the battles and the growing season is made clear by the fact that military victories and the harvest were celebrated by the Inca with the same song.?' The importance of the Inca imperial mock battles here is that they did not cease to be fought after the Inca Empire had ended. Ahnost 250 years after the Spaniards arrived in Peru, similar battles were still being enacted. We know more about them in the colonia l period from a 1772 Cuzco legal proceeding that details the investigation of a girl 's death in the province of Canas and Canchis.9' On March 4, 1772, the young men and women of a pueblo called Lanqui assembled in a field two leagues outside of the town. After a meal and drinking, they divided up into their two moieties and commenced the last of three days of ritual battles. From eight in the morning until midnight, they hurled fruit and stones at each other, and one girl, Sebastiana Lazo, was killed. Her corpse was laid at rhe door of the one who was rhought to have killed her, but when the trial took place, his accuser, the girl's father, retracted his testimony, and ti,e prisoner was let go. The authorities in the trial record that such 89. Garci laso de la Vega, COlllelltarios Reales, bk . 6, Chap. 2. ... , p. )67. 90· Garci laso de la Vega, COl1lclltarios Reales, bk . 6, chap. 2.4, p. 367 . See also P. Gutierrez de Sama Clara, Qllillqllenarios 0 Historia de las guerras civiles del Pent [ca. r6ooJ, BAE 165-67 (1963-6 ... ): 563. 91. See Molina, Relacioll de las fcibulas y ritos, 78-8+ 92. See Gonza lez HolgUin, Vocabulario de 10 lel/gllo general, 446. 93· See D. Hopkins, "juego de Enemigos," AI/poI/chis (Cuzcoj I i, no. 20 (1982) : r67-87·

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mock battles took place throughout the province and that it was always hard to obrain a conviction. 9' Important is not only the battle and the death but the date. It occurred in Ma rch, during Ca rnival, and as Diana Hopkins points out, the ethnographic evidence gathered for ritual battles in the twentieth century corresponds with what took place almost two hundred years earlier in Langui. There seems to be a relatively clear line of continuarion from the Inca ritual battles to those fought in the twentieth century. In this regard, it is possible to use modem ethnographic evidence to understand the meaning of ritual battles and, by extension, the scene of the Inca-Anti battle on gueros. Contemporary mock battles occur in different forms but usually during the period between December and March . In Chiarage and Togto, close to Langui, where the 1772 battle occurred, a similar fight still takes place, with the object of the battle being to mortally wound someone. The victorious side then usually takes the goods brought to the field of combat and seizes the young women of the losing side .. ' Bandelier records that a variation on this kind of battle took place at the beginning of this century in the Lake Titicaca region. On February 2, two processions entered the town plaza of Tiahuanaco from either side. From rhe north came the group Aransaya (Hanan), and from the south came the Masaya (Hurin) . Each group was composed of four to six Indians who carried a litter on their shoulders. Seated in each litter was an "Inca" armed with a sling. When the two groups met in the center, the two "Incas" arose, and a dialogue began that concerned the civil war between Huascar and Atahualpa, who were personified by the two "Incas." They challenged each other and began to pelt each other with fruits hurled from slings. The contest lasted until one of the "Incas," badly bruised and bleeding, gave up. Then all joined in a feast."" In Layrnis, north of Potosi, ritual battles are still fought. They are more benign but take the traditional form . The combatants pair off according to age, sex, and moiety affi liation in battles called t'ink". Here, the moieties are called in Spauish hermano mayor and hermano menor'" In Paria, in the area of Oruro in Bolivia, the combatants form 9+ The mosr famous eighteenth-cenrury casua] ry of rhese mock hatrles is rhe Cuzqueiio Juan Santos Atahualpa, who led a messianic uprising among the Campas Indi ans on the eastern slopes of the Andes; see A. Metrallx, "A Q uechua Messia h in Eastern Peru," Americall Anthropologist (Washington, D.C.) 44 (1941.): 724. 95 . See C. Gorbak, M. Lischetti, and C. Munoz, "Batallas Rituales de Chiaraje y del Tocto de la Provincia de Kanas (Cuzeo· Peru)," RMN )l (196"2): 248. 96. A. E. Bandelier, Th e Islallds of Titica ca alld Coati (New York: Hispanic Society of America, 19IO), 1I5-19· 97. See O. Harris, "Complementarity and Con flict: An Andean View of Men and Women," cited in Hopkins, "Juego de Enemigos," ' 73.

COLONIAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICON OGRAPHY

two lines, pair off, and hurl £lowers at each othet with slings, after which the combatants embrace each other. These battles are understood by the participants as related in one way or another to agriculture. More specifically, the batrles are related to ayni, a term that designates reciproca l agricultural labor, the prognostication of a coming harvest, and the relationship between human and animal fertility.9' For these reasons, Hopkins has compared these battles to the competition of the Incari-Collari myth,,9 The banles and what is depicted on the queros represent, however, a slightly different aspect of agricultural concerns than is signified by ti,e Incari-Collari myth. The multivalent meaning of modern battles is made clearest in Tristan Plan's description of the t'inku of the Macha, an Aymara-speaking community east of PotosI. '00 The Macha t'inku begins with the people who prepare for the conflict by entering the plaza and placing jugs of chicha at m e base of the church tower. The tower is called "Torre Mayku" (mayktt is the Aymara word meaning "curaca ") . It is considered masculine in relation to the plaza below, which is ca lled t'alla plaza or seiiora plaza. The plaza is also considered Pachamama, "Mother Earth." The relationship between these two elements is clearly sexual, and the phallic role of the tower is expressed by the lowering of small loaves of bread (semen) to those below. This is meant to ensure a good harvest and the fertility of the livestock.'o, Thus, the masculine element is expressed as high while the feminine element is expressed as low, and they are joined together in an act of fertility through the passage of the bread. In addition, male vitality and aggression is expressed by the chicha that is poured over the tower to give strength and stamina to the fighters. The confrontation takes place between Aransaya and Urinsayamen opposite men and women opposite women-w ith everyone in a complete state of drunkenness. Each side considers itself the winner.'O' When there are no national police present, injuries and deaths occur, 98 . See Ho pkins, "Juego de Enemigos," .l8I- 83. 99. Hopkin s, "Juego de Enemigos," 177. roo. T. Platt, Espe;os y Mafz: Tcmas de 10 EstructllYa Silllb61ica Andina, Cuadernos de Investigaci6n, no. 1 0 (La Paz: Cenero de Invesrigaci6n y Promoci6n del Campesinado, 1976), 15-2.1; "Symetries en Miroire: Le concept ya natin chez les Macha de Bolivie," Amlales Economies, Societes, Civilisatiolls (Paris) 33. nos. ;-6 (1978): "[090. 101. For the cross as a phal lic symbol in relation to Pachamama as an ex pression of fertiliry in other rirual batrles. see Hopkins, "Juego de Enemigos," 171)-81. [02. Platt says ill Espe;os y Mafz (IS) that neither side is declared the w inner. w hereas he says ill "Symetries en Miroire" (I090) that both moiecies claim victo ry. There is no real discrepancy. beca use having no victor and having everyone a victor amount to the same thing.

254

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and the victims are said to be "eaten. "ro3 There is also sexual license and

rape. The blood of the victims is, in Kanas, considered a sacrifice to Pachamama to aid the regeneration of the crops. <04 According to Platt, the t'inku can be interpreted at several levels. It is a rite of fertility, a reaffirmation of the political structure of the society, and a reaffirmation of individual and group land rights. He stresses, however, that there is an underlying sexual connotation. In many native accounts, there is an inseparable connection between the meal before the battle and copulation or between the battle and copulation. The confrontation between the two moieties therefore has a symbolic, sexual, and regenerative value. It implies a symbolic coitus between members of the same sex who belong to opposite moieties. Within the notion of reciprocity as understood by the Macha and as expressed within the battle, each side is the mirror image of tl,e other .'0, The opposition between them is therefore turned into a complementary union that recognizes the needed other half. Returning to the quero images, we begin to see that they too are an expression of the ritual battle and its relation to agriculture and reciprocity. No one quero has a full representation of all elements. Rather, different parts of the battle are variously depicted. Yet there is a sequence, beginning with the battle between Inca and Anti. The Inca are always on the right and the Anti on the left in the picture plane. Occasionally, one Inca stands on a masonry platform andlor the Sapa Inca is depicted frontally, seated on a tiana (fig. ro.7) . Subsequent scenes show the Sapa Inca seated facing left; a coya presents him with flowers, and an Anti prisoner is being led toward him (figs. 8.3Ia, Io.8a-b). The consistent disposition of the figures is again significant. Not only are Anti warriors consigned to the associations of Hurin by being placed on the left, but all their attributes indicate Hurin properties. They are the Anti; that is, they come from the lower area- the jWlgle. They are savages who wear face paint and jaguar skins, and they are always defeated. They are shown dead in batrle, they are led as prisoners with ropes around their necks, and the vessels that are made in the shape of a head represent either Antis or jaguars. These visual properties indicate the Antis' inferior or subordinate position to the Inca, but the queros formed in the shape of heads are the most revealing in terms of what the Anti represent. There are two 10 3. Bandelier (Islands of Lake Titicaca, 114-15) says that women would dip cblllios (freeze-dried potatoes) in the blood of those that had been killed and would then eat them. 104. See Gorbak, Lischetti, and Munoz, "Barallas Ritua les," 2.49-50, 2.90_ 105. Platt, Espejos y Mafz. 41-49.

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255

forms, the jaguar and the human head; however, they are conceptually equivalent, as is indicated by the fact that the scenes painted on the back are the same. Thus, one comes to see that the Anti not only are wearing jaguar pelts but are considered as jaguars. The Anti and Jaguar are synonymous, indicating that the Anti figure not only represents a jungle warrior but is a metonymic element that stands for the savagery of the uncontrolled nature of the jungle.'06 In this sense, the defeat of the Anti represents at one level Andean humanity's conquest over the chaos of nature. I07

This is made clear by two facts. First, the pictorial space is divided evenly between the world of culture (the right side) and the world of nature (the left side). These two worlds are represented by the attributes and surroundings of the two groups. The Inca warriors wear woven textiles and are related to architecture, either the towerlike structure on which one of them stands or the tiana on which the Inca sits. In distinction, the Anti always wear animal skins and occupy a lush natural setting that is separated from the cultural space of the Inca by a palm tree.,o8 Second, this is the only category of queros that has an anthropomorphic vessel form, and this morphological distinction is directly 106. The jaguar represeured for the Inca a number of negative associations, such as the lowlands, savagery, and sorcery; see R. T. Z uidema, "The Lion in the City: Royal Symbols of Transition in ClIZCO," Journal of Latin American Lore (Los Angeles) 9, no. I (1983): 81-87. AntisJChullchos are still considered as representing outsiders cap
Toasts with the Inca

related to the intent of the imagery. For the Inca, decapitated heads indicated not only the defeat of an enemy but also the restoration of social harmony-by the conversion of the heads into vessels. A similar conversion is implied by the carved jaguar and Anti heads. They are not just military trophies. By representing defeat in the form of a severed head that at the same time is a drinking vessel, they transform disorder into the restitution of harmony. In recognizing the significance of this vessel form, we can understand the second scene in the narrative. The Sapa Inca sits with a domesticated Anti holding a parasol above him while the coya presents him with flowers, and an Anti prisoner is led toward him. The victory is complete, and violent opposition becomes complementary, represented by the male and female. The results of successful fertility, the conquest over nature, may be represented by the flowers the coya offers to the Sapa Inca. At this level, the images and quero forms represent victory over nature and the assurance of a good crop. J0 9 It is important to remember the equations of human blood with chicha and of queros with decapitated heads. The metaphors occur in Betanzos's account of a threat that Inca Pachacuti made to his brother Urco. Pachacuti spilled chicha from a quero and said that if their father did not give Pachacuti the imperial crown, Urco's blood would spill in the same manner from his head. A similar metaphor is made in the t'inkus, where chicha is offered to Pachamama before the battle by being poured on the ground. During the battle, the blood falling to the ground (most fatal wounds were to the head) is similarly seen as a fertility offering to Pachamama. no The quero battle scenes, the vessels carved into the shape of heads, and the chicha that they hold all correspond to these symbolic concerns in ti,e ritual battles. The ritual battles do not only represent aspects of agriculture. They are a tacit acknowledgment of the competition and antagonism existing at the moiety level because one is always symbolically subordinate to the other. The ritual battles therefore controlled hostility by permitting the .109. Zuidema ("Lion in the City," 55) sllggescs that the Inca conflation of military victory and harvest was due to victory not over the earth, which is the nurturing element of agriculture, but rather over the weather, w hich is the element of nature that is unpredicrable and therefore both benevolent and destructive; victory occurs over this chaotic state. Zuidema's suggestion seems co be confirmed by Bandelier's observation (Islands of Lake Titicaca, I21) thar skuUs were displayed CO keep rainfall from becoming too heavy and therefore destructive co the crops. lID. See D. Gifford et 31. 1 Carnival and Coca Leaf: Some Traditions of the Peruvian Qlfechllo A),II11 (New York: St. Martin'S, I976), 85; Gorbak, Lischetti, and Munoz, "'Batallas Rituales," 2.W-jO, 290.

CO LO N IAL D RI NK ING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

2.57

expression of this antagonism while at the same time reuniting the two moieties at the end through reciprocal drinking and feasting as well as the exchange of females. The figures on the queros also bear attributes that codify Hanan and Hurin social superiority and inferiority. This is articulated by tbe difference in hair length. The Inca are shown with short hair cut at neck level, while the Anti figures all have a single braid of hair that reaches to at least the middle of their back. This small detail is imporrant because it is consistently carried through all examples. Hair length was a sign of social and political position in the Inca Empire. Pedro Pizarro, for example, records that there were two kinds of noble in Cuzco, although they were originally from the same parents and descended through two brothers. Those descending from the older brother had cut hair and were tbe "sefiores de este reino " [lords of this realm]. Those who came from the younger brother had long hair that rhey never cut and were subservient to tbe descendants of the older brother. '" A slightly different version says that there were once two kinds of noble, or oreion, in Cuzco. One group, " los sefiores y principales," had cut hair, and the other had long hair. They fought among each other, and those with the shorr hair "subjetaron " [defeated] the long-haired orejones, who never again raised their head up or lived in Cuzco. m The braid of hair so clearly distinguished on the queros figures as a sign of the ultimate subjugation of the Anti warriors. There is never any doubt in the quero images about who will be victorious. The Anti, with their long hair, are in all ways inferior to the Inca; it is always they who are subjugated. This is represented not only by the Anti prisoner but also by the attendant Anti who stands behind ti,e Inca in the presentation scene of the narrative. The Inca-Anti battle scenes refer to ritual battles that may date to at least the Moche period and probably earlier.'" The ethnic identities of the combatants have changed over the millennia, but the basic srructure of the narrative remains the same. The Inca-Anti dichotomy displayed on the queros represents Andean moiety affiliations and the batPiza rro, Relneioll del deselfbrimiento y eOllqll;sta. 267 . See C. de Mol ina [Socha ntre, pseud.] , Relaciol1 de m llebas eosas acaeseidas ell el Peru ... enla eOllquista y pob/atoll destos reinos ['1552.), C LDRHP, l ,St seL, I (1916): 139· The long-haired orejones, ca lled ehilqlles, were moved as mit1l1oku110 [people removed by the Iuca from home rerrirory and permanemly placed in another territory] ro rhe area of Vilcashllaman; see M. Salas de Co loma , D e los Obrajes de Canaria y Chilleheros II las C011/lIIullidndes indfgellt/s de Vilet/shuaman, siglo X VI (Lima: SESATOR, 1979), J:5-22.· lIJ . See A. M . Hocql1enghem, "' Les Combats Mochicas: Essai d'Interprctation d'un material archeologiql1e la Aide de l'iconologie, de l'Ethnohistoire et de l'ethnologie," Baessler·Archiv (Berlin), I1.S., 26 (I978): U7-58. III. H2.

a

Toasts with the Inca

tles taking place between them. This is made clear by a colonial textile and one, apparently unique battle scene on a quero. In the quero scene, the battle is waged between two Inca armies (fig. 10.9a). There is a castle on both sides of the picture plane, with an Inca on each hurling slings at each other. The dress of the two figures is almost identical, with both warriors wearing woven textiles. This seems to dispute the above analysis of a culture/nature dichotomy couched in H anan and Hurin terms. The Inca on the right, however, wears a solid blue tunic with a chumpi band at the waist (fig. 1O.9b). The figure on the left also wears a tunic; however, the woven design reveals the pelage markings of a jaguar (fig. 1O.9C). Thus, even in a battle between two Inca groups, the social identity of the opposing forces as signified by their leaders is framed by the distinction in the textile design. In this instance, the two figures may represenr the batde between Atahualpa and Huascar as it was reenacted in the pueblo of Tiahuanaco in the twentieth century and in Potosi in the sixteenth century!" It is significant that Atahualpa and Huascar were impersonated by members of opposite moieties,'" and the moiety distinction is clearly marked on the quero by the textile design. In this regard, it is important to look at the design of a colonial textile that was recovered in the Lake Titicaca area by Bandelier. The design on the front of this textile is composed of a variety of tocapu designs (fig. 10.10a). The design on the back is entirely diffetent and is woven in the form of jaguar markings, identical to the markings on the Anti tunics on queros (fig. 1O.lOb). On the bottom border of both the front and the back is a double band of horizontal rectangles that have within them pairs of either frontal Sapa Inca or Anti figures. These are interspersed with Spanish heraldic devices, including the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Here, dlen, in the two main fields of the uncu's design, the opposite forces, so to speak, are juxtaposed in a single textile. In chapter I2, I will discuss the political and social reasons for d,e textile design; in tbe meantime, this textile makes clear that the opposing forces as seen on the queros are two sides of the same thing. They signify Hanan and Hurin, which, when brought together, represent the entire or whole community .116 114. See B. Arz:ins de Orsua y Vela, Historia de la /Jilla imperial de Potosi [.17351, ed. L. Hanke and G. Mendoza (Providence: Brown University Press, 196"5), vol. 1:98. II5. It has been suggested that the c ivil war between Atahualpa and Huascar was in part a ritual conflict concerning the legitimation of political rule but expressed at the sa me time a symbolic struggle for order over chaos; see F. Pease, Los U{tilllos Incas del CltZCO (Lima: Ediciones P.L.V., 1972), 36-38, 9 1-100. n6. lnterestingly, the figures used on the textile are different formall y than those on the queros, and this may represent a temporal difference. However, the Anti figure as it

COLONIAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

259

From archaeological, ethnographic, and ethnohistoric evidence, we see that the battle/presentation theme refers to agriculture in terms of the social relations between Hanan and Hurin members of the community. The Inca-Anti battle is not an independent illustration of some abstract histoty or event but refers to the vety ritual in which the vessels could be used. In this sense, the images are an active and coordinated part of the signifying process of the entire vessel. Their meaning is not limited to illustrative content but refers to a number of oblique associations that pertain to the vessel and the manner in which it is usedspecifically in relation to ritual competition. Earlier in this chapter, I showed that Quechua and Aymara each have one term that means "to drink in competition." The r656 testimony of Hernando Hacas Poma from Cajatambo Province explains exactly what this means. During the night of [Corpus Christi], they celebrate the vecochina [in whic h the oral traditions of the village were recounted] ...

when all the ayllus and moieties leave the plaza . Going before them were the priests and ministers of the idols and the old women who accompanied them throughout the streets, playing drums, singing ancient songs and taq,,;es [dances] referring to the deeds of the mal/quis [ancestors] and huacas [idols], and entering the houses of the alferes [captains] of the cofradias [confraternities] they drank,

becoming drunk. Aod this lasted until morning, and they drank in opposition between one moiety and the other without sleeping all night . .. , and the first moiety that went to sleep was vanquished, and it was considered among them as an offense because they did

not know how to properly worship their gods, and the group that did not sleep was victorious and was held in great esteem, because this was the rite and ceremony of their past. [1 7

appears on the queros occurs on ocher native colonia l tex tiles, generaUy within bucolic scenes, where it represents the wi ld or nature as opposed to civilization represented by a figure dressed as a SpOln iard and carrying a rifle; see L. Engl and T. Engl, Twilight of Anciellt Peru: The Glory and Dec;[i/1e of the Inca Empire, trans. A. Jaffe (New York: McGraw-Hili, I96,), plate rx. The Inca are not represented in these particular texti les, but in one example, a cora figure kneels and seems to pour a libation to the earth. Two Anti figures also appear in a tapestry piece now in La Iglesia de Santa Catalina, Cuzco. They appear at the roO[ of a high gllaiJa vine that bears fruit. They aim their arrows at each other, but it is dear that they are personifications of jungle foods, because behind each figure is a llama with a pack, above w hich is w ritten either the word man; (peanut) or the word rOIllO (yuca). The food is clearly destined for the highlands, wh.ich is represented by the fair that is depicted in the center of the piece. See J. de Mesa and T. Gisben, EsCtlltura Virreillal ell Bolivia (La Paz: Academia Nac iona l de Ciencias de Bol.ivia, 1972.), :t:to and fig. 2.83. tI7. « . . . a In noche deste dia de fiesta hasianla vecochina que era salir todos los ai llos y parsialidades yendo delante dellos los sacerdotes y ministros de ydolos y las viejas que

260

Toasts with the Inca

Drinking, then, could literally be a competition, much like the ritual battles . In fa ct, drink and mock battles could be seen as the same thing. In the Quechua spoken in the Cochabamba region of Bolivia, the word tink" means ritual battle. This is the Quechua form of the Aymara word for battle, t'ink".,,' In the Quechua of the Cuzco region, the related word t'inca means to toast someone, and the word is connected to the toasting and offerings that occur in the major agricultural festivals. The verb t'incay means either to play marbles or to £lick chicha with the fingers to the apus (mountain deities) or to the ground before beginning work or at the start of a social gathering.'" The images of battle on the queros thus refer both to the ritual battles that were fought by moieties and to the competition that could occur in drinking feasts in which the queros would be used. The two competitions are united in the vessel through the image and the vessel fotm. Moreover, tI,ese competitions, while expressing latent antagonism between the moieties, provide an acceptable forum for it. The vessels bring the two social groups back together through the act of drinking that takes place in the context of an agricultural ritual that stresses the need for ayllu cooperation and reciprocity. This reuniting is further expressed by the fact that, although they are made in pairs, there is a slight difference in size, such that one is Hanan and one Hurin.no The individuality of each vessel is mitigated by their being mirror images of each other. This concept of mirror image, part of moiety competition and reconciliation, is called yanantin. Yanantin expresses the concept that each moiety member sees los acompaiiabaD con ta mborsillos toca ndolos por todas las ca lles caotanda cantares y taquies en su idioma
COLONIAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICONOG RAPHY

26r

b.is/b.er opposite in a member of tb.e other moiety. This is what Platt means when he says that the two sides of the combatants could symbolically be seen as having coitus, because the combatants recognized each other as being their sexual and social opposites. Yanantin takes a pictorial form in queros, because when a toast is offered, the two cups held up to each other produce a mirror image. Yanantin in fact pertains to all quero imagery, because all queros were produced in pairs. Ontologically, an object, such as a quero, that manifests yanantin exists as a pair and is not sufficient in and of itself. Its telos is as a pair. Gonzalez Holguin defines yananti" as "dos cosas hermanadas," which is recalled by Garcilaso de la Vega's categorization of queros and aquillas as "vasos hermanos." One thing completes the other, and either is inconceivable without the other. Gonzalez Holguin gives, as an example, "hue yanantin <;apato" [one pair of shoes] . The root word yana means "servant," but with the suffix -ntin, there is the implication that servitude is a condition of a thing, in that the two parts serve each other in order for their completeness of being to be brought into existence. m In chapter 12, I will return to the unifying concept of yanantin. Here, however, the concept of yanantin, as something already residing in the quero as one of two, also explains how opposition and reconciliation can be pictorially expressed by the batde/presentation theme.

The Rainbow Motif Queros with the rainbow motif are the least narrative of all pictorial queros (figs. 8.25, 8.26) . The Sapa Inca and/or the coya are the central figures, and the framing device of the rainbow sprouting from the head of a feline places them in an unreal or allegorical space. There is no immediate sense of an external textual or oral narrative referent. The images seem to stand between d,e pre-Hispanic abstract metaphoric imagery of the Inca and the more narrative imagery of the colonial period. Yet in the context of quero imagery as a coherent body of telated themes, evidence suggests that at one level of meaning, these images also signify agricultural concerns and relate to ayllu social structure. nI. Gonzalez HolgUIn, V ocabllfario de fa fellgua gelleral, }So-p. See also Platt, Espe~

ios y Maizj "Symetries en miroir," ro8I-JI07. Garcilaso de la Vega writes: "tuvieron ... Ios vasos para beyer todos herman ados, de dos en dos: 0 sean grandes 0 chicos, han de ser de un tamaiio, de una misma hechura, de un mismo metal, de o ro 0 plata, 0 de madera. Yesto hazfa n por que hu viesse igualdad en 10 que se beviesse" (Comel1tarios Reales, bk . 6, chap. 2.1,

p. 53).

Toasts with the I11ca First, in some cases, there is a direct forma l connection between the

figures in the rainbow motif and those from the battle/presentation theme. The battle motif's Inca and kneeling coya presenting flowers also appear below the rainbow (fig. 8.26). As in the battle/presentation motif, the Inca is depicted seated on a tiana in some examples, with the coya kneeling before him . The figures appear together under both rainbows or individually under separate rainbows, but they are always oriented toward each other, as in the battle/presentation scenes. The strict spatial order of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century quero imagery is introduced into the rainbow motif by the adaptation of the battle/presentation figures. Figures of the Inca and the coya with flowers are present in the latesixteenth-century examples, meaning that there is continuity in their significance even though there is a slight shift in the form of their later representation. Moreover, as the formal relationship between the later rainbow figures and the battle/presentation figures is so close, the associations of these two figures in the hattie motif may be carried over to the figures under the rainbow. In the battle/presentation motif, the Inca and coya scene suggests the restoration of order over disorder, the conquest of savage nature, which is equated with jungle motifs. In the rainbow motif, the space between the rainbows above the felines' heads is usually filled with animal and plant life from the jungle. In this composition, the two worlds are therefore separated and distinct. Humanity is represented within the rainbow, while aspects of nature-palm trees, monkeys, and parrots-are outside it. Conceptually, then, the distinctions between the Inca and the jungle occur in both sets of imagery. A second hint of the scene's relation to agriculture is provided by the very placement of the figures under the rainbow. The rainbow was a harbinger of rain. In Cajatambo during the seventeenth century, residents paid homage to the rainbow so as not to lack the necessary rains for their crops. m The rainbow was also a propitious omen for the Inca. Guaman Poma says that the rainbow was an important telluric sign for the Inca and that it was cast on the walls of the Coricancha by crystals suspended from the ceiling. Here, the Sapa Inca knelt below the rainbow and prayed to the sun. Guaman Poma adds that tI,ere were two puma sculptures placed in this room. Pachacuti Yamqui, writing at about the same time, mentions the rainbow as an important and propitious sign for the Inca, describing it as the signal for Manco Capac to found Cuzco and as a sign of the Incas' future prosperity and triumphs. :r.22.

See Huertas Vallejos, La Religioll, 76.

COLONIAL DR INKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

Manco Capac went to the highest mountain in the region, where next to him arose a beautiful rainbow of many colors, and over this rainbow appeared another rainbow, so that Manco Capac was

seen in the middle of the rainbow, and he said: "A good sign! We have a good sign!" And tbis said, they say that he said, "Much prosperity and victories we have to achieve in the future . .. . " And

after saying tbis, he was exceedingly happy and began

to

sing the

song of chamai guarisca. of pure joy.l:!.)

The place where the rainbow appeared over Manco was Huanacauri, the mountain peak just outside of Cuzco that was'considered a sacred buaca of the Inca . Interesting in Pachacuri Yamqui's text is the mention of the double rainbow appearing over the Inca . On queros, the rainbow also appears twice. This is a unique compositional arrangement, because this kind of repetition does not occur in other pictorial scenes on queros. In this case, one wonders if Pachacuti was influenced by these early quero images or whether his story and the quero images derive from a common Andean source. There is a second relationship between the rainbow motif on queros and Pachacuti Yamqui's description of Huanacauri. Several queros display a two-headed bird in place of the human figures below the rainbow (fig. 8.24a). The presence of a two-headed bird in this motif may be explained by Pachacuti's further comments about the rainbow and Huanacauri. He says that after entering the Cuzco valley, Manco Capac returned to Huanacauri because two of his siblings had been turned into stone. There, where the rainbow had appeared to him, he lamented but also reconciled himself to their loss. Pachacuti Yamqui says in an emendation to the description of Manco's actions that Huanacauri became an important huaca where a well-worked statue of a condor was placed. Pachacuti Yamqui says that the statue was regarded as "buen senal" [a good sign]!2' It is possible that the quero composition with the two-headed birds refers to the propitious sign expressed by Huanacauri and the statue. There is evidence that the rainbow with a bicephalic bird was a H3. " ... lIego al cliche ~erro mas al[o de rodo aquellugar y en doncle junto del clicha Apo Manco Ca pac, se [cbanto un arco del ~ielo muy ermoso de todos colores, y sabre eI area pare<jio otro area, de modo que Apo Manco Capac se bido en medio del area y 10 avia diche: 'buena selia l, buena seiial renemas.' Y dicho esto dizen que dijo: 'muchas prosperi* dades y bitorias que emos de alcan~aI en beniendo el riempo con todo cl deseado.' Y despues dicho esto se paseo con gran alegria y 10 comen~o a cantar eI canto de chamai guaricsa de pura alegrfa" (Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, Relaci6n de Qntigiiedades, I94). Il.4. Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, Relaciol1 de al1tigiiedades, J96.

Toasts with the Inca

colonial Inca symbol associated with rain. Martin de Murua says that one of the coyas, Cusi Chimbo, had a coat of arms over the principal door of the palace. It displayed a rainbow below which was a twoheaded eagle that Murua calls cuchucontor, meaning "condor." Murua adds that the rainbow was associated with the coming of the rains because it was then that the rainbow usually appeared. '" He asserts that this was a pre-Hispanic piece, but he in fact seems to be describing heraldic devices granted to native aristocrats during the early colonial period-devices that Murua depicts in his portraits of Inca kings. Their placement over the door is suggestive enough of European heraldic display,'" but there is also ample evidence that Inca colonial aristocrats were using Spanish-style coats of arms that included a bicephalic bird fifty years before Murua was writing. In I545, Charles V granted Don Juan Tito Tupac Amaru, son of Tupac Amaru, a heraldic shield that included in the center "a Royal eagle with two crowned heads" and "on either side two golden snakes hanging on to the ends of a rainbow." Above was ~~a condor with two heads." U.7 The birds under the rainbow are often explained as derivations from the two-headed eagle of the Hapsburgs. ,,8 The formal inspiration probably does come from this European source, although two-headed birds occur in earlier pre-Hispanic artistic traditions. On colonial queros, a bicephalic bird usually occurs in the context of the rainbow motif, so its meaning must be associated with the rainbow. Moreover, the bicephalic bird and basilisk are the only two European-derived images consistently depicted on queros. The choice is highly selective, and the placement of the bird under the rainbow is strictly Andean. In this regard, Munia's reference to the motif as a symbol of the coya and the coming of the rains probably points to Andean roots. Although the quero images probably do not refer directly to Huanacauri, they share 125. Murua, Historia general del Pertl, bk. I, chap. 2, p. 50; hk. I, chap. J4, p. 70. 126. In 1544, for example, Carlos V granted Don Alonso Tiro Uchi Inca , the son of

Huascar and the grandson of Huaynacapac, the right to display his coat of arms avec the door of his house; see S. Montara de Sedas, Nobiliario Hispano·Americal1o del Siglo XVI (Mad rid: Colecci6n de Documentos lneditos para la Historia de Ibero·America, 1927), 2:306-8. 127. " .. . una Aguila Real con dos ca bezas coronadas ... a los extremos dos culebras

doradas y pendientes a los remates de un area iris ... enc ima un bu itre con dos cabezas" (M. Medina, ed., ""Genea logia incaica de documentos ineditos" [1795], Revista Ulliversi· taria lCuzco] 65 [19331: 73-"74). 128. See M. Gusinde, "Un Kero con eI escudo de Hapsburgo," Internatiollal Congress of Americanists (Mexico) 35 , no. 2 (1962) : 23-26; "Die peruanischen Keros," Mitteilllngen der Allthropologischell Gesellshaft il1 Wiiil1 (Vienna) 46-.. 7 (T967): IJ5-24.

COLONIAL DR I NKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

in the Andean symbolic system that would accord a specific set of meanings to figures set within the context of a rainbow. The motif of a figure under an arc has a long tradition in Andean imagery. It dates as far back as the Moche and continues into the Middle Horizon period (ca . 55<>--900 A.D.).'" These images have all been interpreted as being related to fertility and agricultural concerns, and the central figures are interpreted as sky deities. ' ) 0 They also have been compared with textual descriptions of the Inca thunder deity who personified the coming of rain!" These associations may have been encoded into the rainbow motif of colonial queros. Rainbows in the area of Cuzco are to this day still related to water and are considered manifestations of the forces of procreation and fecundity. Moreover, rainbows are considered to be serpents (amarus) that rise from springs when it begins to rain. ' J' This association between serpent and rainbow is made in the earliest images of the colonial rainbow composition. For example, in the heraldic arms granted to Don Juan Tito Tupac Amarn by Carlos V in '545, serpents are holding the ends of the rainbow in their mouths. The frontispiece to Garcilaso de la Vega's Comentarios Reales shows a similar configuration, as do several other early colonial images of the rainbow. The rainbow's appearance in the frontispiece to the Comentarios Reales refers, of course, to the Inca sign. Within Christian theology and iconography, the rainbow is a harbinger of salvation. In the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Indian churches, depictions of the Last Judgment often show Christ seated above a rainbow. It may very well be that the colonial quero image of the rainbow as representing well-being and fecundity is a conflation of Christian and Andean understanding. 129. Chcistopher Donnan, personal communication with the author, 1982; see also D. Menzel, The Archaeology of Ancient Pert! and the Work of Max Uhle (Berkeley: University of California Press, t977), 33-3+ A mythica l fig ure below a felinelrainbow is also a motif used in the Huarochiri myths, collected in the seventeenth century. In the story about Huatay Curi, son of Pariacaca, the creator deity, Huatay Curi enters into severa l competitions with an arrogant man. One of the competitions involves seeing who has the best clothes. Pariacaca aides his son in the competitio n by giving him a red puma skin from a stream. Whi le Huatay Curi is dancing in the puma skin, a rainbow arches over him and he wins the competition. See F. de Avila, camp., The Hl/arodJiri Malll/script: A Testament of AI/cient and Colollial Andean Religion [ca. 16081, trans. F. Sa lomon and G. Urioste (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991), 58. "130. See R. Carrion Cachot, La religi6n ell el al/tigllo Pent (Ilorte y centro de 1(/ costa, periodo post-clasico) (Lima: !l. p.), cited in Menzel, Archaeology of Ancient Peru, 33. 13"1. See Menzel, Archaeology of Allcle1/t Peru, 33. ll!.. See Urton, At the Crossroads, 88--94.

266

Toasts with the Inca

The rainbow's association with rain and fecundity was fairly straightforward, with rainbows classified as male, female, or both. The quero figures below the rainbows may therefore personify the gender attributes of the raiubow. It is possible to suggest that the rainbow motif on colonial queros is the only consistent image referring directly to pre-Hispanic deities while drawing from Christian iconography; that is, the quero figures may, at one level, personify celestial phenomena in the same manner as Moche and Middle Horizon images did but in a colonial context. This would explain why some of the queros' rainbow motifs are similar to Moche scenes: the space within the arc is filled with white dots that, set against the dark background of the wood, appear like and are interpreted as stars. TB

The rainbow is not only a sign for benevolence in Andean mythology. While its appearance announces the coming of the needed rains, it is also a feared omen. It is important to recognize this significant aspect of the rainbow metaphor to show that it does not operate in the quero images. Murua, later copied by Cobo, says that the rainbow (cuychi) was considered as both a good and an evil sign. As an evil portent, one dared not look or point at it, as the evil could enter the person and kill him. This fear continued into the seventeenth century, and in twentiethcentury versions, a cat (rnichi) is said to emerge from where the rainbow is formed.'14 It could be suggested that the feline heads from which the rainbow springs in the quero scenes is a reference to this cat; however,

the cat and the rainbow together are specifically malevolent. To ward off their potential danger, they could not be looked at. Painting the evil image of the rainbow on a drinking vessel makes little sense within the general ritual context of quero use. More specifically, the danger of seeing this omen is manifested by a disease emanating from the rainbow and entering through the apertures of the body, especially when urinat133 . See J. Rowe, "The Chronology of Inca Wooden Cups," in Essays ill PreColumbian Art and Archaeology, ed. S. Lothrop et al. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), 337. Rowe attributes these dots only to queros painted in the forma l style; however, they also can appear in later, free-style images. Relying on Rowe's observation, Mariusz Ziolkowski has suggested that the early, formal-style rainbow compositions that are filled with stars were related to the Taqui Onkoy uprising in the IS70S and that the disappearance of the stars in later, free-style images is due to the suppression of Taqui Onkoy; see Ziolkowski, "Acerca de algunas funciones de los keros y los akillas en el Tawantinsuyu incaico y en el Peru Colonial," Estudios Latil1oameriCQlIOS (Wroclaw) 5 (1979): :1.3. This cannot be the case. given a large survey of queros that reveals an indiscriminate relationship between figural style and the decoration of the space within the rainbow. 13 4. Murua, Historia general del Pent J bk.l., chap. 34, pp. 438-39; Cabo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo, bk. 13, chap. 38, p. 2.33 · For the seventeenth century, see Huertas Vallejos, La Religion, 76; for the twentieth century. see Urton, At the Crossroads, 90.

COLONIAL DRlNK ING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

ing, as the malevolence travels up the stream. Urination, however, is a repeated need during tbe long hours of festival drinking,'" so it is hard to believe that the rainbows and felines painted on queros refer to the malevolent aspect of tbis sign. The rainbow motif is a sign of prosperity in that it stands for the elements needed for a productive barvest. Harvests are not produced solely through the workings of natural phenomena. They are achieved through the social acts of work and ritual conduct, which are not discrete in the Andean world. In this regard, the meaning of the rainbow motif is consistent witb the otber major motifs of quero imagery. The rainbow motif refers to natural phenomena, but the natural phenomena only bave social meaning through the cooperative behavior of the ayllu.

Iconography and Meaning Quero images refer, in one way or another, to the rituals in wbich the vessels were used. In this sense, there is an immediate relation between the vessel and the image, based on ritual use. Wbile this relationship is evident in the physical disposition of imagery on the vessel, it exists at the iconographic level as well. Unlike Ocana's illustrations (fig. S.I) and Guaman Poma's drawings, which relate to written texts, quero images do not produce meaning tbat is distinct from the vessel's significance within the performance of an exchange. Instead, the imagery reformulates the exchange. Queros and their images correspond to the proper, socially integrative function of Andean drinking as outlined by Guaman Poma, Acosta, and Cobo . The images emphasize ritual occasions, celebrating and corlifying ayllu cohesion manifested in reciprocal acts of agricultural labor. At this level of correspondence between vessel and image, seventeentb- and eighteenth-century quems remained a stable signifying unit from the colonial period through tbe republican period . Queros were (and continue to be) handed down from generation to generation, from father to eldest son . The ability of queros to maintain their place in traditional society is based on the image's and vessel's immediate signifying relationship fixed by ritual context. This is clear from a description recorded at the beginning of this century in the Cuzco region. I35. For example, Ciez.a de Leon (Cronica del Perti, 282) condemns native drinking and says "muchos tienen can la mana la vasij a can que estan bebiendo y can ]a otca el miembro can que orinan" (many hold the vessel from which they drink in one hand and with the other hold their member from which they urinate1.

Toasts with the Inca In some provinces of the department of Cuzca, large vessels of wood, of ancient manufacture, called queros. still belong to the Indians, which they possess by succession from father to son . . ..

They [queros] are held in great esteem, and they are only used for drinking cllicha in popular or religious festivals in which the whole ayUu congregates to celebrate the anniversary of a saint; the Ayrihua, or corn harvest; the P'alchai, dedicated to the procreation of livestock; the Pukllai, or the festival of Carnival; or the funeral ceremonies of P'ampai [burial] and Pusak-tura [fifth and final da y of mourning]. On such occasions, the vessels are an indispensable part of the ritual ... [and] they are circulated among the lIaktataitas [leaders] of the village.'" Two of the festivals here identified as represented on queros, the Ayrihua and Carnival, are cited as occasions when queros were still brought out to be used. A third festival , the P'alchai festival, dedicated to the procreation of livestock, is also an occasional subject for quero imagery.137 Moreover, the celebration of saints' days most often coincides with the traditional Andean agricultural calendar. Quero imagery continued to be vital at one level of meaning for some 2 50 years because it was intinlately connected to the principal Andean agricultural festivals. However, while the iconography of much of the imagery can be explained by its immediate reference to the occasions on which the vessels were used, this does not explain why the narratival, figurative 136. «En algunas provinci as del departamento de Cuzco se conservan en poder de los indigenas unos vasos grandes de madera, de factu ra antiguisi ma, denominados queros, que poseen por sucesion de padre a hijos.... Son teni dos por los aborfgenes en gra nde estima y s610 se les usa para las libaciones de Ia akk'a {chicha], en sus fiestas religi osas 0 populares, en que se congrega todo eI Aillo pa ra celebrar eI aniversario de lItl santo; eI Aim urai 0 cosecha del malz; eI p'a1chai, consagrado a Ia procreacion del ga nado; el Pukllai 0 fiestas de camaval 0 en sus ceremoni as flinebres del P'arnpai (entierro) y Pusak-tuta (exeq uias). En tales ocasiones es de ritual imprescindible el empleo de esros vasos ... con qu e se les hace circular entre los Ibkta-taitas del pueblo" (Herrera , " Fitolatria Indigena," +fo). For a similar description of the early twentieth-centu ry use of queros excl usively for agriculrural ritual as recorded by Toribio Mejia Xesspe in ]:92.5. see A. M. Soldi, "Un int';dito de Toribio Mejia Xesspe: ' Los keros de ChiUwa 192.5,'" in A rqueoJogfo, Alltropologfo, e Historia en los Andes: Homellaje a Marfa RostworolVski, ed. R. Varon Gabai and 1. Flores Espinoza (Lima: Insritllto de Estudios Peruanos, 1997)' r37. [n 192.5, Mejia Xesspe collected several queros in the community of Chillw3 that had been passed down from generation to generation. He wrote about their use, say ing: "EI empleo de estos obietos ha sido unicameme para los casos ceremoniales de la tillka, cbarq'lli y mtlfy de las llamas, paq'o allpakas, es decir durante los tributos paganos que rinden en el sei'i alamiento, el engendramiento y trasquiJ a de los ani males oriu ndos domesticos. Ademas creen q ue los poseedores de estos objetos de sus allkillos rienen poder Illajico sabre los animales domesticos antecesores por 10 ca ul los conservan como talisman sagrada ." Cited in Soldi, "Un inedito de Mejia Xesspe," 81.

COLONIAL DRINKING AND QUERO ICONOGRAPHY

imagery was necessary. After all, Inca queros did not have mimetic images of the festivals in which they were used. The iconography of colonial quero imagery can reveal at the level of pictorial reference what is represented, but it does not really tell us why it was necessary to represent it. Why was it necessary to depict on queros the very ceremonies in which the vessels were used? Had the traditional abiliry of the queros and the ceremonies in which they were used been so destabilized in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries thar meaning now needed to be graphically illustrated? Or did the vessels and ceremonies now signify differently because of colonial changes that made pictorial imagery necessary to complete a different set of meanings? Quero pictorial imagery did indeed have a broader frame of reference than the illustration of the festivals in which they were used. Queros were, of course, used to celebrate ayllu rituals that the images illustrate or imply. But I shall argue that this framework is historically specific and that the discrete levels of meaning are related not only to colonial ayllu fest ivals but also to the contradictions of native life brought about by colonization. In the facticiry of representation, the Hispanic formal source of quero imagery enters into the meaning of quero imagery as a force of colonial ideological transformation and domination. Quero pictorial imagery partakes of the authoriry of Western imagery as used in colonial Peru. This authoriry appears in quero inlagery as an image of autochthonous rule, but, as I shall show, this form of representation forges an ideological nexus between the ayllu and colonial institutions of power. Furthermore, this nexus represented by the imagery draws in part from the same associations that the Inca used to forge an Andean imperial ideology.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

Images, Ritual, and Colonial Society

Represented at one level of quero painting is the very structure of the Andean community. The images illustrate celebrations of communal labor in which the cups were used to express social categories of Hanan and Hurin. The pictorial elements were already in place by the end of the sixteenth century and were repeated with slight variations and additions on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century queros. Why, one might ask, is this kind of representation only presented consistently and coherently on queros? Pictorial representation of Andean subject matter does not occur in other media except textiles and then only in a most abbreviated form. The restriction suggests that the mimetic representation of Andean ritual did not signify independently of its site of appearance. Rather, the deployment of a Western pictorial form to represent Andean subject matter was contingent on the ground of its appearance. Representation is always conditional, however abstract or realistic it may be. The pictorial presentation of any subject matter must be made within a set of conventions that permits the individual image to be accepted as a legitimate and recognizable form for representation . The rectangular frame, the flat pictorial space, the relation between book illustration and text are all part of what convince the Western viewer to accept the presentation of the discrete image's intended meaning! In Peru, many of these Western conventions produced no resonance outside a Spanish institutional context. There are precious few paintings and no picrorial manuscripts with Andean subject matter produced by and for native Peruvians. Instead, native subject matter rendered in Western form appears on textiles and queros, because these objects a lready operated within representational values understood by rhe Andean community. Textiles and queros are the fora for Andean reception of European images beyond an evangelical sphere. I. See M. Schapiro, "'On Some Problems in the Semiotics of Visual Art: Field and Vehicle in Image-S igns,'" Semiotica (The Hague) I (1969): 223-39.

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27 I

Even Western and Andean forms of material production of imagery convey different framings. The duplication of imagery on a pair of queros is, for example, distinct from the Western mechanical reproduction of prints. Whereas the reproduction of the print is predicated on practicality (the same image can be in two places at once), the duplication of imagery on a pair of queros is predicated on ritual use proper to the vessel itself.' Quero vessels are made in pairs to materialize notions of Hanan and Hurin. The ritual associations embedded in their production are intensified by the paired images expressing the Andean social concept of yanantin, the mirroring of a moiety counterparts so as to bring them into completeness.' In other words, the vessel itself is a constitutive part of tbe quero painting and imparts to the new imagery a significance not reducible to Western mimesis. Tbe pictorialism predicated on Western concepts is made over to create pictorial forms of Andean concepts.' Althougb signifying Andean social organization and identity, quero imagery, nonetheless, derives from the Western pictorial tradition as presented to Andeans for Christian didactic and devotional purposes. Spanish colonial imagery illustrated or affirmed that wbicll was already known througb text. In tbe case of native colonial imagery, there was no such visual text, only oral narrative, images, objects, and

2. This distinction is a microcosm of the gulf dividing the world of Spanish culture and the traditional wor ld of Andean culture. The painting of the identical image on a pair of queros is still based on authenticity of the individual object. However, Walter Benjamin argues: "the instant that rhe criterion of authenticity ceases to be applicable to artistic production, the total function of art is reversed. Instead of being based o n riuml, it begins to be based on another practice-politics" ("The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction," in IfIUlIIilIOtio1lS, trans. H. Zohn lNew York: Schocken, T969J. 124). Certainly, I am stretching Benjamin's argument to include the art production of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Nonetheless, tbe development of printing ill the sixteenth century enabled Western imagery to be reproduced not only as riwal religious imagery but also as didactic imagery used as a cu ltura l tool of the political expansion of the Spaniards in the New World. Moreover, the distinctions that Benjamin makes define the ever increasing chasm between Western and oon-Western art. The persistence of the ritual aspects of 0011Western art have made it so appealing a source for modern Western artists. By attempting to regain all authenticity for their work through contrived metaphysical ritua ls, these artists deny the politics that Benjamin suggests. 3. For the meanings of yallal1till, see T. PIau, "Symetries en miroir: Le concept de yanatin chez les Macha de Bolivie," Anna/es Ecollomies, Societes, Civilisatiolls (Paris) 33, nos. 5-6 (1978): lo8T-I07. I have also benefited grearly frol11 discllssions with Bruce Ma llnheim abollt the concept. 4· My discllssion of this signifying relationship is in part ba sed on H. Damisch, "Semiotics and Iconography, " in The Tel/- Tale Sign, ed. T. Seheok (Lisse: Peter de Riddler Press, 196'9),2.7-}6.

27 2

Toasts with the Inca

ritual acts. Yet the values embedded in the quero vessel constituted a kind of permanent form of that discourse. The Inca used the associations generated by queros and their ritual exchange to manifest and affirm state religion and state policy throughout Tahuantinsuyu. The Inca primarily appealed to the vessel itself to convey these concepts in relation to incised geometric abstract designs. This is a major distinction between pre-Hispanic and colonial queros. In the colonial period, two codes of signification were in operation: the vessel and the image. The image appears to lie painted on the surface. Here, a second difference emerges between Andean and European conventions: the relation between color and wood mimics the relation between figure and ground in European painting. The inlay of resin paint is brought flush to the surface, giving the appearance that the ground is a flat undifferentiated support. Yet the figure begins as a fotm embedded in wood, and only then does the inlay of color make the negative read positive. Representation becomes as much about a relationship between figure and color as it is about a relationship between figure and ground. What does this combination of representational techniques enunciate, and why is it necessary to affirm it pictorially? The answer to the latter part of this question, in the abstract, is that the traditional significance of Inca vessels was no longer wholly capable of corresponding to, representing, and sustaining the new reality of the colonial world. Ayllu structure had been subordinated to a wholly different power structure. The quero form represented traditional values, but the vessel itself could not represent the colonial situation, as it did not originate from it. The quero did not partake of the formal language of the Spaniards. Pictorial narrative did, however. The decoration of colonial queros in a pictorial form voiced the presence of colonial reality within an Andean idiom. The coupling of the vessel with pictorial image brought two systems of signification together to produce a new and needed expressive form. The quero served very much as the frame or field in which heterogeneous images could cross over into the symbolic structure of Andean colonial communities. It is as if the quero brought the power of European painting into the world of camay, the Andean supernatural power animating the world. The question still remains, why is this content so insistently displayed on queros? Is there something intrinsic to quero form and use such that it could best provide a forum to express colonial content? The answer, provided by the Inca evidence, is yes. The quero was associated with power and status, and matters of power and status were the sub-

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text of every negotiation in colonial Peru. As these negotiations shifted into Western discursive forms, they would find representation in European media. ' Pictorial representation was one of these means. On queros, the figural appeared on an Andean surface, thereby providing an elision of two systems. What needs to be examined is how and why this imagery also takes meaning from the quero's ability to express Andean hierarchy and authoriry within a colonial culture. While the pictorial content of quero imagery illustrates Andean agricultural ritual and symbols, the presence of Western pictorial representation suggests more. Its presence goes beyond its capacity to illustrate and pertains to representation itself as something bound to colonial power and authority. The question is, what kind of authoriry is at stake and why? How does the representation of communal Andean celebrations translate into authority through allegorical figures of the Inca? Is quero imagery simply a native appropriation of the visual language of colonial power used to repudiate that power and to assert native cultural and political resistance? (After all, traditional native, rather than Spanish colonial, subject matter is represented.) Or is the appearance of Western-style imagery on queros a form of consolidation of the colonial power structure, another example of acculturation? Or is it both and something else? Is there an irreconcilable contradiction within quero imagery? Do factors of native autonomy and integration into the Spanish colonial system exist simultaneously? Finally, if such a contradiction exists, is it perhaps something also deriving in part from the quero itself? Is there not perhaps a similarity here to the contradiction produced by the way that queros were used by the Inca? Answers, in part, begin with the choice of figure rypes and motifs used in the colonial images to signify Hanan and Hurin. Here, another colonial content is given to queros. If pictorial representation brought to a traditional object a number of associations that pertained to the new colonial reality, we must ask if quero figure types and motifs had multivalent associations that extended beyond the tratlitional ritual context of queros and into the world of colonial interaction. It is, after all, the new form of decoration that identifies these vessels as colonial. We must therefore ask where else these figures appear and what other 5. For example, in colonial architecture, classical forms were used in Peru as l.l means to demarcate the distinction between native and Western cll lture and to arriculate the priority and power of the ianerj see V. Fraser, "Archirectl1re and Imperialism in SixteenthCentury Spanish America," Art His tory (London) 9, no . .-; (1:986): 3Z.S-3S; The Architectllre of Conquest: Building ill the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535-163J (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, I990).

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Toasts with the Inca

frames of reference might they have had. Finally, it must be asked what these exterior references could mean for their representation on queros. What makes it desirable to place images of the Inca and Andean ritual on these vessels?

The Raittbow attd Colonial Coats of Arms The rainbow with an Inca and a coya beneath is the most common quero motif. It relates, like other quero images, to agriculture, but its reference cannot be restricted to this field alone. Above all, the image of the Inca signifies, in some form, the memory of inlperial authority and draws the rainbow into that orbit of association. The Inca as a ruling class were deposed. No longer was there a Sapa Inca to personify divine authoriry, and Inca symbols no longer referred to present imperial power. Colonial depictions of the Sapa Inca and Inca imperial symbols connoted something else. They appear in other genres of colonial representation, reframing the rainbow and Inca as a multivalent set of images that, when seen on queros, simultaneously index other associations. The transformation of imperial Inca symbols occurred almost immediately after the conquest, with the rainbow and the image of the Sapa Inca at the center of this reformulation. The initial change concerned the transformation of the rainbow from a sign of Inca authority and sacredness to a sign of native aristocrats' allegiance to Spanish imperial authoriry. Critical elements to recasting Inca symbols as colonial images were the coats of arms granted by the Spanish king to native Peruvian nobiliry. These images were gifts, bestowed on native nobiliry in exchange for their submission and loyalty to Spanish suzerainry. Visually, they united the two social and political entities into a new realm of symbolic exchange for Andeans. Moreover, the creation of the shields subordinated autochthonous signs of status to a Spanish visual field of meaning. The combination of discrete cultural symbols did not cormote any pariry between the two cultures, because the Peruvian symbols were submitted to a symbolic form and arrangement ordered according to Western heraldry. Inca objects and representations lost any independent signifying value and took on colonial connotations, subordinated to and placed within a European context. The appropriation of native signs is clearest on sixteenth-century coats of arms granted to the direct descendants of Inca kings . One example is the coat of arms granted to the sons of Huayna Capac, Don Gonzalo Uchu Gualpa and Don Filipe Tupa Inca Yupanqui, by Charles

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275

V in 1545. The royal decree describes the shield as composed of two vertical halves or fields. One half displayed, in a field of red, two lions holding a rainbow with a royal eagle in the middle. The mascaipacha with two crowned snakes on either side was above the rainbow, and the words Ave Marfa were written in the center between the two fields. A castle in a field of yellow occupied the other side. The escutcheon was framed by a blne eagle, while in and aronnd the talons were forty-two Inca imperial crowns representing the Inca provinces" This is only one of a number of coats of arms granted to members of the Inca imperial family that included the rainbow and felines as part of the design.' The elirling of Spanish and Inca symbols began very early, and the rainbow came to stand as a sign for the continuation of a native aristocratic class that recognized the Spanish king as sovereign. The appropriation of Inca symbols as images into the European hierarchy of representation indicated the shift of power. This did not mean that individual native aristocrats who had rights to these coats of arms were necessarily allied with or subservient to the Spaniards'" It meant that the symbols of tl,e past ruling class of Peru were no longer exclusively native signs. Rather, they appeared subordinated to the new ruling culture's values and submitted to its forms of expression. The mascaipacha as an object was in coats of arms a representation of that object. This symbolic transfer of power was further expressed by the coats of arms devised for some of the conquistadors. For example, the new shield granted to Juan Porras in 1535 included traditional elements of Spanish heraldry, but it also displayed four rassels " like those that Atahualpa wore for a crown.'" The mascaipacha appearing in native coats of arms as a symbol of native hereditary privilege also appeared in a contemporary Spanish colonial coat of alms as a sign of Spanish colonial privilege gained through the conquest. 6. See S. Montoro de Sedas, Nobiliario His/Jallo-Americano del Siglo XVI (Madrid: Coleccion de Documentos Inedjtos para la Historia de lbero-America. 1:92.7), 2.:300-305. 7. Fe( example, ill 1HS. Charles V gcanted to Don Juan Tito Tupac Amaru a coat of arms that included "dos culebras de oeo que cojen arcos" (Ano nymou s, "Escudo nobiliario de los Tupac Amaru," Revista del Archivo Histdrieo del GI/zeo [euzco] 1. fr95tl: 396). 8. One of the first coats of arms granted (Q a non-Inca ethnic lo rd was given to the house of the principal curnca of Jauja in 156... ; see A. Paz y Melia, Nobiliario de los COftquistadores de Illdias (Madrid: La Sociedad de Bibli6610s Espanoles. 1892.). 2.72.. Felipe Guacarpl1cara had petitioned in Spain for the privilege. but his hrother, who also had rhe right to the coat of arms was one of rhe members of the Taqui Onkoy rebellioll; see j. Hemming, Th e COllquest of tbe [II'" (New York: Harcourr Brace Jovanovich , [970).306,592.. 9. « . . . como bs que el dicho cacique Atabalipa traia por corona " (Paz y Melia, Nobiliario, 95).

Toasts with the Inca

One cannot read the elements of native colonial heraldry in an isolated context. The Spaniards granted signs of nobility to Andeans, but those signs were never meant to signify independence from Spanish conquest and rule. Although some elements symbolized aspects of Andean anthority, they were incorporated into colonial heraldry to implement more fully a colonial infrastructure based in part on the cooperation and co-optation of native rulers. Even traditional Spanish elements, such as the castle appearing on Spanish and native Peruvian coats of arms, could signify the passage of sovereignty. In one instance, the castle, as a part of the royal coat of arms, represenfed Castile, a province of Spain; in another instance, it signified the transformation of Cuzco into a Spanish seat of power. The coat of arms for ti,e city of Cuzco, granted in 1540, was composed of a castle on a red background (fig. 11.1). The castle represented both Cuzco and the fortress (Sacsahuaman), as well as the fact that both had been gained by force. The defeat of the Inca city by the Spaniards was indicated on the borders by eight condors, " in memory of the time that the city was conquered [and] the birds came down to eat the bodies of the natives who died in it. "'O The oldest surviving painting of Cuzco's coat of arms shows a slight deviation , and a rainbow arches over the tower, thereby linking even more closely the rainbow's association wim colonial power." The iconography of colonial Peruvian heraldry could signify the conferring of colonial privilege through the act of conquest. Andean symbols continued to signify the authority of the class of original rulers, but as newly framed, m ey impressed on the viewer that all authority ultimately depended on rights granted by the Spanish colonial government. " In the sixteenth century, these symbols pertained primarily to members of the Inca imperial elite, the direct descendants of

10. « . .. en memoria que al tiempo que la dicha c iudad se gano baja ro n las dichas aves a comer los muertos naturales que en ella murieron" {]. G. Cosio, wEI Escudo de Armas de Cuzco," Rev;sta Vn;versitar;o 35 (19%.1] : 65). H. See T. Gisbert, lcol1ografia y mitos indigellas ell el orte (La Paz: Gisbert y Cia, 1980),158. Gisben gives no date for the painting but indicates th at it belongs to the seven~ eeenth century. 1nca and Spanish cosmologicaJ concepts of the rainbow were also conflated as expressions of eschatol ogical rime; see S. MacCormack, wpachacuri: Miracles, Puni s h ~ mellr, and Last Judgment: Visionary Past and Prophetic Future in Early Colonial Peru," Americalt Historical Revie//J 93. no. 4 (1988): 995- 1006. 1 2. It is not a coi ncidence that Guaman Poma disputes such Spa nish claims by reusing these coats of arms to claim the rightful position o f Andean sociery. See N. Wach eel, " Pe n ~ samiento salvaje y aculturaci6n: EI espacio y el tiempo en Felipe Guaman Po ma de Ayala y el Inca Garci laso de la Vega," in Sociedad e ideologra (Lima: Instihlto de Estudios Peruanos, 1973), IH-228; R. Adorno, Guamall Poma: Writing and Resistance ill Colollial Peru (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986), 95-99.

IMAGES, R ITUAL, AND COLON IA L SOC I ETY

dynastic rulers, and powerful curacas." In the seventeenrh century, they attained broader significance by standing for curacas in general. Curacas were granted a number of rights codifying rheir privileged position in colonial Peru. Many of the rights were set down by Toledo in the 1570S, but not until the beginning of the seventeenth century were the rules of inheritance and privileges firmly established by Spanish law.q The position of the curaca was basically recognized according to the Leyes de Toro that were written in 1505 to codify the rules of Spanish nobility." One of the privileges was the use of a coat of arms. In the Andes, these coats of arms not only appeared on Spanish legal documents of genealogy but were used on a traditional medium, cumbi cloth, the finest grade of Andean textiles. Cobo, for example, writing about pre-Hispanic Inca textiles, says that in the seventeenrh century, cumbi cloth bearing coats of arms was still being commissioned by the native nobility." Many coats of arms recombined elements that were part of the heraldic designs granted in the seventeenth century to the descendants of rhe Inca rulers. ' 7 Curacas called on them as legitimating signs of Inca .I}. Certain non-Inca curacas we re granted coats of arms if they had been instcumenta l in aiding the Span ish conquistadors. For exa mple, Don Felipe Guaca rpucara , the principal cu raca of Jauj a, was gra nted a coat of arms in I S64 becau se his father "fue uno de los que primero dieron la obediencia al Marques Don Francisco Pizzaro" and supplied him with troops to pursue the Inca aImy. Part of the heraldry incl uded Inca symbols, such as Inca military shi rts; see Paz y Melia, Nobiliario, 272. Overa ll, the shield rep resented the Huanca-Spanish alliance between 1533 and 1)54; see W. Espinoza Soriano, La Destmcciol1 del Imperio de los 11/cas: La rivalidad politica y seiiorial de los curacazgos al/di"os (Lima: Amaru Editores, I9Rr) , 188-91. 14- See Rea l Cedula de I2 febrero de 1589, Archivo Gene ral de Indias, Audiencia de Lima, leg. 274; Ca rta del licenciado Alonso de Bonilla al Rey, el 25 de Mayo de I59:!., Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de Lima, leg. 274; Real cedula de 5 de septiembre de 1598, Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de Lima) leg. 570; and Real Cedul a de 22. de febrero de r602, Arch ivo Genera l de Indias, Aud ieucia de Lima, leg. 57a-a Li in C. 1- Diaz Rementerfa, EI Cacique elt cI Virrei"ato del Perl;: Estttdio bistorico-juridico (Sevilla: U n i~ versidad de Sevilla, 1977) , US- lB. [5. See Diaz Remeoterfa, El Caciqlle, r6)-66. 16. " ... escudos de armas que les mandan " (8. Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mlflldo Ir653], BA E 91- 92 [1956J: bk. T}, chap. 13, p. 259). Cobo was describing the situation during the first ha lf of the seventeenth century, but cumbi doth with Spanish-style heraldic designs continued being produced for the native nobili ty during the second half of the cellwry; see F. A. Reyero, "Relacioll dada al Virrey de Lima" [1670], La Revista de Buenos Aires 24 ((871) ; 172. A few of these heraldic textiles have survived: see, for example, T . A. Joyce, U.A Peruvian Tapestry, Probably of the Seventeenth Century," Burlington Magazine (London ) :!.} (r9I3): 148; N. Zimmerman, "The Tapestries of Colonial Peru," Brooklyn MuseuJIl JOllmal 2 (I94}-44): plate 14; l. Iriarte, "Tapices can escenas bfblicas de l Peru colonial," Revista Andi"a IO, no. I (I 992.): 8I-I05; D. Fane, ed., COl/verging Cultures: Art and Identity ill Spanish America (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1996). I7. See, for exa mple, the heraldry illustrated in 1- Sahua ra ura, Recllerdos de fa JIlOllarquia perual10 0 bosquejo de 10 bistorio de los lucas (Pari s: De Rosa, Bouret, y Cil, :r850).

Toasts with the I11ca

278

descent and the hereditary right to be a curacao ,8 By the eighteenrh century, many coats of arms were completely fictitious within a Spanisb system of reckoning, but as there was no systematic recording of Peruvian heraldry, curacas used them to press hereditary claims." It is significant rhat many coats of arms included the rainbow and felines as part of their design. Some were painted in the interiors of the houses of native aristocrats.:l.O The earliest surviving example occurs in

Sayri Tupac's residence in Yucay, which be inherited from his grandfather Huayna Capac. Sayri Tupac rebuilt the palace, adding Spanish architectural features and painting heraldic devices of rainbows with Inca-style helmets below them in the blind niches of the interior walls." Coats of arms were also carved and painted on the lintels of the entrances to homes." By the beginning of the eighteenth centuty, sculpted examples existed on the lintels of curacas' homes from norrh of Cuzco to Lake Titicaca . Many of them displayed two rampant felines with a rainbow springing from their mouths. The rainbow motif had become a generalized sign of rhe curaca's status. This universalized character takes form in the sculpted lintel of the Colegio de Caciques de San Borja in Cuzco (fig. II .,a). Opened in 16>1, the Jesuit school taught the sons of curacas so that when they succeeded their fathers they would be well trained in "religion y buen gobierno."" The lintel dates to after 1650, when Cuzco was flattened by an earthquake. It displays from left to right the arms of Spain, the Jesuit order, and a hybridized crest of the curacas (fig. 11.2b).'4 Two elements in the curacas' insignia are of particular interest. In the upper part of the escutcheon are two antithetically posed felines with the ends of a rain18. See E. Dunbar Temple, "Los Caciques ApOi.ll
19. In I76:r, one author suggested that no greater service to the king could be offered

than the writing of a genealogical book that dealt only with the families of curacas and their coats of arms and thereby "sacanclo a ll1uchos indios}' algunos prevenidos de ellos del engai'io en que vive, s610 por dos apellidos supuestos que han usurpados de los Incas" (]. Eusebio de Llano y Zapata, Mcmorias historico·pJrysicas, critico-apologeticas de 10 America Meridional [Lima: n.p., 176rJ, roo) . The parallel to these kinds of images in Mexico might be represented by the so-ca lled Techialoyao manuscripts; see J. Lockhart, The No/mas after the CO llquest: A Socia! a/ld Cultllral History of the Indians of Central Mexico. Sixlecntb through Eighteellth Centuries (Pa lo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1992.),414-15. See Gisbert, Icollograffa, r64-65. See E. L. Moorehead, "Highland Inca Architecture in Adobe," Nowpa Pocho (Berkeley) 16 (1978): 85; 1. Flores Ochoa, E. Kuoo Arce, and R. Samanez Argumedo, Pilltllra Mural ell eJSlIr Alldillo (Lima: Banco de Cn!dito del Peru, 1993), 33. 20. 21.

:!.2.

See Gisbert, IcoITografia, 165.

2]. F. de Borja, "'Provisi6n Real" [1:623],ll1cO (Lima) r, no. r (192.3): 71.24. See Gisbert, lcol/ogrofia, 168-69.

IM AGES, RITUAL, AN D CO LO N IAL SOC IETY

279

bow coming out of their mouths. Below the rainbow is the Inca crown (the mascaipacha, llautu [headband], and feathers), with crowned serpents on either side. In 1582, this composition had been used as the exclusive emblem of the Inca dynasty in a painting of Inca and Spanish kings." In the second half of the seventeenth century, it appears as the general sign of a class of nobles who, for the most part, did not directly descend from these imperial monarchs, but who based their rule, in part, on Inca traditions. The bottom half of the escutcheon is divided vertically into two parts. On the left is a bicephalic bird similar to the one appearing under the rainbow on q ueros. On the right is a tower with banners. The tower perhaps derives from the coat of arms devised for the city of Cuzco, but it also identifies the relationship between the young curacas and the Jesuit college. A similar tower, with a mascaipacha in the center, appears in the heraldry decorating a side entrance to the Jesuit church fronting Cuzco's plaza (fig. 11.3). Like the rainbow and bicephalic bird, this iconographic element tI,at appears on the quero is used in the battle/presentation motif on which stands an Inca (fig. 11.4). Three aspects of San Borja's heraldry are important here. First, it asserted that all curacas were the direct inheritors of Inca dynastic rule, whether or not they were blood descendants of the Inca.,6 Second, it is possible that this image was seen by ayllu members regardless of whether or not they had ever been to Cuzco. It may have been worn emblazoned on the uniforms of the San Borja students when they returned to their native communities. The founding rules for both San Borja in Cuzco and a similar school established in Linla stipulated that students should appear in public wearing a uniform that bore the heraldic signs found on the schools' lintels.'7 Third, parts of San Borja's heraldry were copied onto the lintels of the homes of individual curacas. One example appears above the portal of a curaca, Sinchi Roca, in ~ s . See D. RodrIguez de Figueroa. "Carra y Memorial de Diego Rodrigu ez de Figlleroa al Virrey Don Martin Enriquez sa bre casas toca ntes a este reino y mina de Potosi," RCf ~ (I96"S): 66. ~6. John Rowe writes: "e1 gobierno espanol no sola mente permiti61a sobrev ivencia en la colonia de tradiciones politicas incas; mas aun, recenoci6 eI valor de estas trad ic ienes como antecedentes lega les para los de[echos y privil egios de los caciques. Los caciques busc.1[on eI o rigen de sus tirules ... en el nombramienro de alglin amepasado como curaca 0 gobernador por Tupa Inca 0 Huayna Capac. Tenemos llumerosos casos de pleitos del sigl e XVIII sohre dtulos de c,lciques en que ambas partes hasan sus preten siones en lin arhol genea16gico que mllestru Sll descendellcia directa de un fUllcionario del emperador inca, y tales pruebas £ue[on admitidas en las cortes de ju sticia de la colonia" {"EI Movimiento nacional inca del Siglo XVIII," Revista de fa Ullillersidad del CIIZCO 197 (~954): 2227. See F. de Bo[ja, "Documentos sobre los antiguos colegios de cac iques," Rellista del Archivo Naciolla l del Pertt (Lima ) T ( I9~O): 364.

280

Toasts with the Inca

Maras, north of Cuzco (fig. II.5). Two rampant, crowned lions support the ends of a rainbow above which is written the Jesuit motto. Below the center of the rainbow is the mascaipacha. The portal carries the date I7I1 (the last number is illegible). Similar lintels appear in Oropesa, to the south of Cuzco." There can be little doubt that by the mid-seventeenth century, the image of feline and rainbow was understood to represent curacas, associating their colonial position with symbols of Inca authority." As pictorial elements, the mascaipacha and the feline with rainbow marked the difference between these individuals and the rest of the native population.Jo At the same time, the native symbols, now as images, were coupled with Spanish heraldic imagery indicating the intersection between native and colonial institutions of power. Young curacas-to-be passed under San Borja's lintel on their way to lessons on religion, law, reading, and writing. These were Spanish cultural tools that had to be acquired by anyone wishing to be confirmed as a curaca by the Spaniards." The school, open only to the sons of curacas, insured that this theoretically hereditary class of individuals was seif-perpetuatingY Only they had regularized access to the necessary cultural skills required by the Spaniards." 28. For a discussion of other, similar portal sculptures belonging to curacas, see Gis· bert, Icollografia, 162-68. 29. See]. Rowe, "The Incas under Spanish Colonial Institution s," Hispallic American Historical Review (Durham) 37. no. 2 (1957): 1:56-57. 30. For Cllracas as cOllstituting a distinct class, see F. Pease, Los U/timos In cas del CIIZCO (Lima: Ediciones P.L.V., 1972.), 10); F. Pease, Curacas, reciprocidad y riqt/eza (Lima: Polltificia Universidad Catolica del Peru, 1992.); W. Espinoza Soriano, "Los Seiiorlos Erni· cos del Valle, " Anales Ciclltf{icos de la Ulliuersidad d el Centro (Huancayo) 3 (1974) : 131- 32; K. Spa lding, De Indio a Campesillo (lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1974), 20'-21; B. Larson, "Caciques, Class Structure, and the Colonia l State in Bolivia, " Nova Americana (Turin) 2 (1979): 1:9,235· 31. Espinoza Soriano ("Los Seilorfos Etnicos del Valle," 128) says that by the seventeenth century, an illiterate high-level cmaca was truly the exception. This is because throughout colonia l Spanish legislation concerning the qualifications of a curaca, it is stip· ulated that he know how to read and write and be Christian. See Draz Rementeria, EI Caciqlle, 12.6-2.7. 32.. Such institutions as the colegio gave a formal structure to the rank of curacaship and established its class definition. As ] already mentioned, individual natives were able to enter the rank of cmaca through court banles or extralega l activity. However, o nce they were recognized as curacas, it was important for them to adhere to the principles by which a curaca was legaU y and socia lly defined, and these individuals constructed elaborate genea logies to substantiate tbeir rights and sent their offspring to schools set up to educate this class. 33. The curacas did not even have to pay for the tuition; rMher, it was paid from rev· enue collected from the census of the comm unity from which the student came. See Borja, "Documentos sabre los antigllos colegios, " 357.

IMAGE S. RITUAL . AN D CO LO N IAL SOC IETY

Teresa Gisbert has pointed out the iconographic similarities between the portal sculpture and the r ainbow motif on queros.H But the similarities extend beyond iconography and are found also in the context of d,e images. The rainbow motif was an image that encompassed the transformation from autochthonous to colonial power. This is clearly represented by the San Borja's lintel sculpture, as well as by its appearance over doorways of the homes of individual curacas. As I shall discuss, these lintel sculptures stood before the architectural space assigned for gatherings held by the curacao Here, queros were used during fea sts affirming community solidarity and the traditional authority of me curaca oIt is not too much to suggest that a native participant in the meetings saw a visual relationship between me inlages on me quero in his hand and the lintels overhead.

Curacas and Images There is little question that by the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, many curacas held a great degree of new political and economic power. Curacas were freed from taxes and mita labor. They were also able to negotiate business contracts and land deals. Therefore, many native leaders were able to enrich themselves-often at the expense of their own community, in order to defend it, or both." For example, me curaca who signed as a (ijador for one of the arriero contracts could take me arriero's land and/or personal property in recompense if the arriero did not fulfill the conditions of that contract. The same curaca might opt to use the money earned to defend the community's land against a composici611 de tierras or some other legal mreat to the ayllu ..,6 The curacas had a vested interest in allying themselves with Spanish institutions of religious and secular power eid,er to protect the interests of their community or to exploit it. In either case, it was necessary for mem to maintain the outward signs of traditional authority. 37 The inlagery and the objects on which they appeared enabled curacas and me community to maintain some semblance of ancient patterns of meaning. However, such images as me rainbow motif also helped to 3+ Gisbert. Icouograffa. 168. 35. See Spalding, De Iudio a Call1pesillO. 31-60. 36. A composici611 de ticrras was a legal proceed ing that could declare Indian bnds vacant and therefore property of the crown, to be sold ro privace individuals. 37. See S. Stern, Peru 's Indian Peoples alld the Cballenge of Spanish Conquest (Madison: Un iversity of W isconsin Press, 1982.), 179-83.

Toasts with the Inca

create a visual association between traditional and colonial power. The rainbow and feline image identified the curaca and signified, in a sense, that, more than many Andeans, he had one foot in each world of social and cultural politics. He had become a Spanish agent in the Andean world, regardless of individual intentions and actions. Quero painting could thus carry associations that pertained to the curaca's position both in his traditional community and in the colonial power strucrure. The rainbow and feline composition is, however, only one element in the repertoire of quero imagery, and it is only half of the rainbow motif. What needs to be discussed is how the curaca could, at times, literally personify the Sapa Inca, whose figure appears under the rainbow as well as in other quero scenes.

Portraits of [Ilea Kings

At roughly the same time that Inca symbolic objects and images, such as the mascaipacha and the rainbow, were transposed from their original context into a European heraldic idiom, the representation of the Sapa Inca also changed. The shift was from the metaphoric images standing for individual Inca kings to mimetic portraits incorporating the meta phoric images as iconographic elements. In the frontispiece to Antonio de Herrera 's "Decada Quinta" of his Historia General published at the beginning of the seventeenth century, Western-style bust portraits of Inca kings hold their huaqui (totemic images) in their hands much as a European monarch was depicted holding a scepter (fig. II.6) . The representation of Inca kings in European figural form meant a further dissolution of the Andean visual order, as the significance of Inca royal regalia lost its status. As pictorial elements, they specified the figures as Inca kings rather than signifying the Andean properties of Inca authority. The transformation is also clear in rhe early-seventeenth-century portraits illustrating Murua's Historia General del Peru. For example, the figure of Inca Capac Yupanqui is placed in illusionistic space created by orthagonal ground lines (fig. 8.3) . He is given a contrapposto stance, with his head in a three-quarter view. The /igure gazes upward and away from the viewer, a common Western gesture used since antiquity to denote the divinely inspired ruler." He holds in his outstretched arms a shield and a tupa yauri. In the upper right-hand 38. See S. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony ill Late Antiquity (Berkeley: Universiry of California Press, 1981) , 3J-4Ij H. P. L'Orange, Apotbeosis ill A/lciellt PortaitLire (Oslo: H. Aschehoug, 1:9-+7), [9·

IMAGES, RITUAL, AND COLONIAL SOCIETY

corner is a Western-style escutcheon emblazoned with a rainbow in the upper half aud a pair of rampant felines posed against two trees that frame a sling." Portraiture represents Inca imperial symbols based on European iconographic elements to establish what is represented in a Western historical, not an Andean sociopolitical, sense. The colonial figure of the Inca makes manifest the dynasty that had been supplanted by the Spaniards. The first recorded colonial portraits of Inca rulers-the portraits commissioned by Toledo for Philip II-were specifically intended for this purpose. Here, the distinctive Inca elements appear in a pictorial formula already understood by the Spanish king. The received image (the portrait form) allowed for the strange elements to be understood as representing the Inca monarchy without requiring the Western viewer's knowledge of what those elements signified in terms of Andean rule. The portraits created a fictive equivalence between Andeans and Europeans and elided their differences. The painted figures codified, according to a European schema, the subjugation of native rulers, by transforming the authentic Andean meaning of native symbols into European signifiers of "Andeanness." The Incas became knowable to the European, depicted in an already known form. The intent of this transformation was the justification for European presence in Peru. According to this reasoning, the Inca were to be conquered because, being like Europeans, they were culpable for having transgressed the rules of European civilization. This is the gist of Sarmiento's text for which these portraits were created. From the beginning, colonial pictoria l representation of the Sapa Inca carried a Spanish agenda that integrated the image of the Inca into colonial structures. The images do not refer to the political and social disjunction brought by the Spanish conquest; rather, they offer a vision of historical continuity. The Inca were seen as pagan precursors to enlightened Christian Spanish rule. This teleology was not developed to accommodate Spanish conquests; it was well established in Western culture. Anagogical interpretation of the Old Testament provided a precedent for constructing legitimate continuity that could efface irreconcilable differences. The Inca had given way to Spanish rule just as the

,0

39. In the T590 Murua manuscript, the coat of arms appears in portraits of the coya. I thank Juan Ossio for sharing his photographs of the manuscript with me. 40. This process of making the Amerindian over into an inhlge of self begins with the conquest of America; see T. Todorov, The COl/quest of America, trans. R. Howard (New York: Harper and Row, 1984). For a disclission of the portraits sent by Toledo to Philip IT see T. Cumm ins "A ll f Va len, Aqui' Tambien: Pinruras del Peru en la Corte de Felipe IT," lconos: Reuista peruanD de c0l1scrvaci6n, artc y arqucologia, forthcoming.

Toasts with the Inca

Old Testament gave way to the New Testament. 4 ' In Spanish representations of Inca kings, the Peruvians were heathens predestined to be saved by those who already had embraced Christianity. The figural images of Sapa Incas therefore affirmed Spanish logic and culture. The portraits were not intended to eulogize or commemorate past Inca rulers; rather, their European image of the Andean past conformed with the image of the present. The earliest references to Inca portraits indicate that they were conceived as discrete images for single rulers in a single line of succession. This linear sequence, also present in textual descriptions of Inca kingship, brought Andean concepts into conformity with the European form of kingship, obscuring the possibility thar there were corulers in TahuantinsuyuY The European concept of a single historical line of Inca kings informs the composition of a 1582 painting commissioned by Rodrigues de Figueroa in Potosi. The painting, now lost, is known through Rodrigues de Figueroa's description. In the painting, new coats of arms and the European-style portraits of the Inca were brought together in an image of early colonial history. The central image depicted the newly founded mining town of Potosi. Around the borders were portraits of various historical figures . At the top was the pope, "who gave the concession to the Spaniards to come to the Indies to preach the gospel." To the right were royal portraits, beginning with Ferdinand and Isabel located closest to the pope. To the left were Carlos V, Philip II, the royal coat of arms, and the present viceroy, Martin Enriquez, talking to the king about proper governance. This was in part a reference to the colonial civil wars in Peru, represented on the left bor..p. The reference to Old Testa ment and New Testament prototypes to justify Spanish actions in Peru is made in the appendix of the anonymous chronicler of Yucay. According to Isacio Perez Fernandez, the appendix was added by Polo de Ondegardo. As I discussed in my introduction, the appendix uses the parable of the marriage of two daughters, OLle ugly and one beautiful-which originally referred to the distinction between the Church and the Synagogue-to distinguish between Spain and Peru and to explain why Spaniards were the first Christians who were attracted to Peru by its material riches, given by God to bring sa lva tion [0 the natives; see Anonymous, EI AIlOl1imo de ¥ucay Frellte a Bartolome de las Casas. Edic.i611 Critica del Parecer de ¥/lcay rrS7I] (Cuzeo: Cemro de Estudios Regionales "Bartolome de las Casas," 1995), 103-4, r60-6I. See also G. Gutierrez, "Una teologla polltica en el Peru del Siglo XVI," AllpOI1Chis (Cuzco) 16, no. 19 (19!h.): r30. 42. R. Tom Zuidema waS one of the first to suggest that there was coru lership among the Inca based on the Andean concept of Hanan and Hurin; see Zuidema, The Ceqlle S)'s~ tem of Cuzco: The Social Organizatioll of the Capital of tbe If/ca (Leiden: Brill, 1964) . Since Zuidema's initial wotk, this possi bility has been explored by a number o f scholars: see, for example. N. Wachtel, Sociedad e ideo/agio. 23-58; M. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Estructtlras Andinas de Poder: Ideologia religiosa y politico (lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1983)'

IMAGES, RITUAL, AND COLONIAL SOC IETY

der by the portraits of the decapitated leaders of the revolts. Of greater interest, though, are the portraits that were painted along the right border. Beginning halfway up were bust portraits of Columbus, Balboa, Francisco Pizarro, and the viceroys up to and including Martin Enriquez. Each figure was accompanied with a "written history ... of how they have defended this land from tyrannies." Below these images of Spaniards were Inca portraits, beginning with Manco Capac at the bottom and terminating with Atahua lpa. Each Inca figure was also accompanied with his history. Separating the last Inca portrait (Atahualpa) from the first Spanish portrait (that of Columbus) was the Inca coat of arms composed of two felines from whose heads emerged the ends of the rainbow. Within the rainbow was a tree with a condor and the mascaipacha. 41 The portraits on the right border established a clear historical sequence beginning with the first Sapa Inca, proceeding through the Inca dynasty to the first Europeans in America, and ending with the current viceroy and king of Spain. The image presented a linear progression that culminated-logically and inevitably-in the present. The image of the Sapa Inca appeared only to demonstrate that the Inca dynasty had been historically superseded by the present rulers. The Inca were characters in a Spanish drama that had been superceded by a historical necessity. A difference is discernible, however, between the portraits of the Spaniards and those of the Inca kings. The portraits of the Spaniards were self-referential. They referred to the actual historical actors who had brought about the present regime. The portraits of the Inca were only idealized images of primarily legendary figures-only Atahualpa had met the Spaniards. The rendering of individual physiognomy was significant in Spanish portraits, but it was not important for Inca portraits. Rodrigues de Figueroa made this distinction quite clear when he remarked about the quality of the painting he had commissioned: "it has no problem except that the hand of the painter did not know how to perfect the facial features of the Spaniards. "44 Figueroa makes no such critique for the Inca portraits. Their pictorial reference was to a 43. "que dio la concesion para venir los espaiioles a las lndias 3 predicar el Santo Evangelio ... historia escrira ... como han sustentado esta tierra de ricanos" (Rodriguez de Figueroa, "Carta y Memoria l," 65). 44. " ... no tiene orra dificulrad sino qlle Ia man o del pintar no supo perficionar los rostros de los gobernadores y otras casillas" (Rodriguez de Figueroa , "Carta y Memorial," 66). In the context of the full passage, the word gobemadores refers to Spanish leaders. The phrasing suggests that the pai.mer may have been an Andean and hence that the unfamiliarities of the European face made its accurate rendering difficult.

286

Toasts with the Inca

collective body of past rulers, while Spanish portraits referred to the present ruling body of colonial Peru through the depiction of identifiable individuals. In this sense, the generalized Inca portraits stood collectively for the past, while the distinct portraits of individual Spaniards stood for the colonial present. But if the physiognomically correct portraits of the Spaniards referred to contemporary people and their actual political and social position, it must be asked if the Inca portraits did not also connote colonial natives rather than simply denoting past Inca rulers? After all, the individual Inca rulers were not important here; at issue was the Andean past represented by the Inca kings. The Inca past was appropriated and transformed through these paintings to give a coherent image to Spanish rule of contemporary Andean society. What and who did the idealized, or undifferentiated, stereotypical images of the Inca address in native colonial society? Do these images relate to Inca figures on queros?45

Rainbows, Incas, and Curacas The coats of arms and Inca portraits were owned by Spaniards and members of the immediate Inca imperial family during the fifty years after the conquest. Apart from the heraldry displayed on doorways, access to the viewing of this imagery was highly restricted. The early images, however, were part of a body of representation in various media originating in the sixteenth century and becoming available to a wider public by the seventeenth century. This increasingly accessible body of imagery began to have a powerful impact on how Andeans recognized themselves in terms of their ancestry in relation to their present colonial status. Some portraits of Inca kings were used by Inca descendants to affirm rank and privilege in court in Spain, but others were hung in the homes of curacas and Inca descendants. 4' The Inca portraits .+5. The distinction between undifferentiated stereorypes used for Inca porrraits and the discrete images for Spanish royal portraits continued into the eighteenth century. In
IMAGES, RITUAL, AND COLON IAL SOCIETY

and heraldry were part of the broader Andean colonial concerns of status and power in which quero imagery participated. This relationship has to do with the colonial process by which the legitimacy of the traditional position of ayllu leaders, curacas, became conflated with precedents based on Inca ancestry. The most direct association between curacas and these portraits was made in the Colegio de San Borja. Not only did the colegio have the heraldic symbol of the Sapa Incas sculpted on the lintel of its entrance, but a mural of the Inca kings was painted in the interior. The mural dates to after 1644, when the colegio was moved to a new location just above the Plaza de Armas in Cuzco.4' It may be coeval with the lintel sculpture. The young curacas-to-be were taught in an enclosure that depicted their pre-Hispanic predecessors, and it can be postulated that the images of these ancient rulers validated the general class status of the pupils. More important, I shall argue that the stereotypical nature of these portraits of Inca kings, like those on queros, could also refer to the status of contemporary curacas. The association between the representation of past Inca rulers and contemporary native aristocrats was produced, in part, by the ceremonial life conducted in the two major centers of Spanish colonial power and commerce, Cuzco and Potosi. The two geographical poles marked the alea of production of most colonial painted queros. The display of Inca kings and traditional symbols was made over in these cities, principally through spectacle, to popularly represent the colonial order and to place in it the Inca and, by extension, the curacas. Impersonation of Inca kings by their descendants and curacas was one of the means of disseminating the visual representation of the Inca figure to a broader native audience. POtOSI is the most important of these two cities in regatd to this process, for two interrelated reasons. First, it was a new city, founded by the Spanish to exploit the local silver mine. Second, the Spaniards brought natives from all over the southern sierras to PotOSI through the Spanish form of mita. The city had no strong traditional links to the Inca past, and it had no original Inca inhabitants. The majority of natives brought to the city were non-Inca. Nonetheless, an image of the Inca dynastic past in relation to the colonial present was produced, representing the status quo as a logical unfolding of history based on a European model. The representations took the form of impersonations of Inca kings ..J7. See Gisberr,lcoltografia. 127.

288

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incorporated into Spanish religious and/or political festival celebrations. The dramas-in which curacas impersonated historical Inca leaders-presented a sympathetic yet nonsubversive portrayal of the indigenous past. The earliest Potosi record of Inca impersonations dates to 1555, only eight years after the mine's discovery." They took place during the celebration dedicated to the Holy Sacrament, the Immaculate Conception, and Saint James. Included were two separate impersonations: a series of eight dramas, of which the first four concerned Inca dynastic events; and a procession of the Inca kings, culminating with Sayri Tupac, the contemporaneous Inca leader of the armed resistance at Vileabamba. The dramas, under the direction of the Spaniards Pedro Mendez and Bartolome de Duenas, were written in mixed verse of Spanish and Quechua. The first drama concerned the foundation of Cuzco by Manco Capac. The next three plays focused on the last three Inca kings: Huayna Capac, Huascar, and Atahualpa . The drama of Atahualpa is described as depicting "the ruin of the Inca Empire": in it was represented the entrance of the Spaniards to Peru, the unjust imprisonment of Atahua lpa . .. the tyrannies and shame that the Spaniards inflicted on the Indians, the enormous quantity

of gold and silver that he [Atahualpa] offered so as not to be killed, and the death they [the Spaniards] gave him in Cajamarca." The content of the next four dramas is not recorded; however, it is evident that they dealt with some aspect of Spanish or Spanish colonial history, because they were performed by Spanish actors. Only the first four dramas, which portrayed Inca history, were presented by "los nobles indios." 48. See B. Arzans de Orsua y Vela, Historia de la villa imlJeria/ de Potosi [17351, ed. L. Hanke and G. Mendol.."l (Providence: Brown University Press, 1965), vol. I, 95""""99. 49. " .. . 1a ruina del imperio inga: represemose en eUa la entrada de los espaiioles al Peruj prisi6n injusta que hicieron de Atahuallpa ... tirianias y h'isrimas que ejecutaron los espaiioles en los indios; la maquina de oro y plata que ouecio porque no Ie quitasen la vida, y muerte que Ie dieron en Cajamarca" (Arzans de Orslia y Vela, Historia de fa villa imper;al. 1:98). For all early-eighteenth-centu ry description of the Atahu alpa-Pizarro reen;:actmem, see A. F. Frezier, Relatioll du voyage de fa Iller dll Slid aI/x cotes du Chili, du Peroll. et du Bresil, fait pendant fes amtees I7J:2, q I3~ et q14 (Paris: Chez J. G. Nyon E. Ganeau, I716), 2.49. After the uprising of Tl1pac AmaLU, Jose Antonio de Areche advi sed in I780 that such representations be abolished (cited in Rowe, "EI Movimiento," 30). This prohibition was hardly effective, and such reenactments have cominued unabated right through to [he presell[ time. See N. Wachtel, The Vision of the Vanquished, trans. R. Reynolds and S. Reynolds (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1977), 34-40.

I MAGES, RITUAL, AND COLONIAL SOC I ETY

Two related issues about the dramas representing Inca history are important. First, native elite, unspecified in the text but probably curacas, impersonated past Inca kings. Second, these impersonations took place in a context that gave a narrative sequence to Inca history leading up to the conquest and into the colonial period. The dramas were under the direction of Spaniards, and although they treated the capture and subsequent execution of Atahualpa with "compassion," they were not intended to subvert the existing Spanish colonial order. The sympathetic portrayal of Atahualpa was calculated to take advantage of native sentiment toward this particular ruler "who even today is held in great esteem, as is demonstrated when they see his portraits." so The specific treatment of Atahualpa was admittedly unjust, but the conquest itself was not questioned. The narrative structure in the sequence of dramas is similar to the sequence of portraits along the border of Rodrigues de Figueroa's painting of Potosi discussed earlier. Just as Atahualpa was treated in a sympathetic manner in the play, the portraits of the Inca were rendered in a dignified fashion, but only to give way to the portraits of Spanish leaders. The correspondence between early colonial paintings and public spectacle indicates the broader reference of the Inca king's inlage in the colonial periodY Through the actors who portrayed them, impersonations referred to Andean elite past and present. The identification between colonial native elite and past Inca rulers was forged in these colonial representations. As I shan show, Andeans who both owned Inca portraits and held the privilege to impersonate past Inca kings in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries continued to be primarily curacas and direct Inca descendants. These contemporary native leaders only played the parts of Inca leaders. They did not portray themselves or their contemporary situation . They played the historical roles that led to their present position in colonial sociery, but colonial society itself was represented by Spaniards. By playing the roles of the Andean kings who had given way to Spanish rule, colonial native leaders acknowledged in a teleological form their own contemporary subordination to the colonial power structure. The audience for these inlpersonations was composed not only of 50. " ... que hasta en estos tiempos es tenido en mucho de los indios, como 10 demL1estran cl1ando ven sus retratos" (Arzans de Orslia y Ve la, Historia de la villa imperial, 1:99). p. The general correspondence of Inca po rtraits with co loni al processions and dramas was first suggested in Gisbert, lcollografia, 42-43; see also]. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, Arqllitectllra Andino (La Paz: Colecciol1 Arzans y Vela, Embajada de Espana en Bolivia, [9 8S),20?'-30.

Toasts with the Inca

Spaniards but of members of the native elites' commUnIties who had gathered from throughout the southern sierras to work at Potosi." The impersonation of Inca kings occurred at the beginning of a colonial process whereby the position of the colonial curaca was identified with Inca heritage. In these processions, the distinction between Inca and curacas existing prior to the Spanish arrival was elided to forge an identity for the colonial native ruling class. Increasingly, curacas participated in the maintenance and transmission of Inca " history" and "symbols" within colonial culture, as their own colonial title to office was based in part on the fact that an ancestor had been a curaca at the time of the Inca. 53 Curacas took on the identity of the Sapa Inca to ensure their sociopolitical position, yet this identity also placed them in a new subservient position in relation to the Spaniards who had conquered the Inca. The impersonations of Inca kings continued throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and they increasingly made the subordination of the Inca to the Spaniards more explicit." Battle reenactments, processions, and other vestiges of Inca ceremonies were thus )2. Th ey saw their contempornry lenders dressed as Inca kings, but in this colonial context, the impersonations were transformed from any tradition al form of ancestor worship. The native audience now w itnessed the displ ay o f Inca kings in a colonial Christian celebration. At irs foundation, this ceremony commemorated the trilllnph over the Inca and Andean sove reignty in genera l. 111 this particu lar instance, the aspect o f triumph was made clear by the hon oring of Santi ago, who had activel y intervened 011 the Spaniards behalf to defeat Manco If in Cuzco. If this aspect of triumph was not made explicit in the fo ur drnmas, it was clear in the procession held six days larer under the auspice of the standa rd of Samiagoj see Arul.ns de Orsua y Vela, Historia de la villa imperial, 1:98. The procession was enormollsly costly, composed of hundreds of richly costmned Ind ians. It wound through the streets o f PorOSI led by Indian musicians and followed by two hundred natives carrying corn . Next came men borne in litters. In one of these lifts was a giant globe gilded half in silver and half in go ld and decorated with trees, plants, Rowers, and fruits signi fyi ng the fertil ity of the New World. This was followed by representati ves of all the different native ethnic groups brought to PotosI. The parade concluded with Inca kings. T he impersonators were richly d ressed in a mixture o f traditional and Spanish dress, and each Inca sat on a tiall a carried on a litter. 53. See Rowe, "EI Movimiento," 21; Rowe, "Incus under Spanish Colonial Institutions," 156-57; C. Espinosa, "L, Mascarada del Inca: Una Invesrigacion acerca del Tearro Politico de la Colonia," Miscela/lea Historica Eellatorimm 2 (I989): 6-39; Urton, The History ora Myth , 41-70. H. In Potosi's celebration of Phil ip IIJ's marriage in I600, the final eiemem in a procession of Sapa Incas was a carriage transporting images of the three Spanish kings who had ruled Peru: Charles V, Philip n. and Philip fIl. Seated below them, to denote inferiority, were the Inca rulers who ruled after the Spa nish arrival: Hliascar, Ata hualpa, Manco Capac II, Sayri Tupac. Cusi Tiro, and Tupac Ama rll. The last three Inca kings were included because, although they resisted the Spa niards, they had at least recognized the authority of [he Catholic chu rch, by being bapti zed; see Arznns de Orstla y Vela, His toria de la villa

jl11peria/~ l::LH.

Simi lar procession s were held in Cuzco and Lima. The best-docu mented ceremony occurred in Cuzco i.n honor of the bea tification of rhe Jesuit founder Sa n Ignacio de Loyol a. The fes tival lasted fo r twenty-five days, beginning 0 11 May}, 1610. An eyewitness description o f the festi val was written and published in Lima in 1610. (The part of the description

IMA GES, RITUAL, AND CO LONIAL SOC I ETY

linked to Spanish celebrations." They now represented the aUegiance of the different inhabitants of Cuzco not to the Sapa Inca but to Spa nish political and religious authority. This was codified by the part of the festivities that "most pleased the Spaniards,,:,6 the procession of the eleven Inca kings as impersonated by their closest descendants. These men were carried into the plaza on litters, and as they passed the corregidor, they bent their heads slightly towa rd him . The corregidor and his entourage responded to this gesture by removing their hats. The history of ceremonies reenacting Andean submission to Jesuit authority is particularly rich. The participation of native Cuzqueiios in the celebration of Ignacio de Loyola's beatification was consistently framed in representations of the Andean past. But in every instance, there was some form of acknowledgment of subordination to the new Spanish authority." T his symbolic subordination was made explicit in deal ing with the native participation cited here was republished as Anonymol1 s [attributed to Francisco de Avil aj, UFestividades del Tiempo heroico de CUlCO," ed. C. Romero, Illca [Lima] 1, no. 3 [1:9 2. }] ; 447-H.) Various processions were held by the natives of the six parishes o f Cuzco and its two outlyi ng parishes, San Sebastian and Sa n Jeronimo. On diffe rent d,lYS, the native members of one of the parishes marched to the plaza, making special reference to their contribution in one of the Inca's conquests. Fo r examp le, the natives of San Jeroni mo were led into the plaza by their curacas, who wore the insignia and crowns of the Sapa Inca and represemed in song the defeat of the Chanca. The song of victory, however, was sung in honor of the beatified San Ignacio. All other parishes made simib.r dedications, which were solemruy acknow ledged by rhe Jesuits. For exampl e, when the parish of the Hospital entered the Plaza de Armas dedicating their song from the time of Hua yna Capac to the sa inr, rhey were greeted by rhe co{radfa de j eslIs, a lay group of La Companla, who brought out the sratue of baby Jesus dressed in Inca imperial d ress. Seeing this COStume on Christ was significa nr for the Andean audience. Textiles were traditional signifiers of rank and authority in Peru. The costuming of Christ in imperial Inca rega lia indicated most forcefull y rhe new body of power in Peru to which these ancient songs of vicrory were now dedicated. In addition to the process ions of each parish, there were reenactments of historic Inca battles, stich as the defeat of the Cailares by H uayna Capac. The battles ended with the Inca or their allies winning by taking their opponents prisoner. The prisoners were then presented to the co[regidor, who was seated in the plaza with other Spanish dignitaries. The spoils of past Inc... victories were then symbolica ll y given to the new rulers. The amhor o f the 1610 anonymous description of the festival voices surprise that the reenactments could have been performed so well without having ever been practiced: " Oi6 grandisimo gusto por no esperarse tanto orden de genre en cosa que no habfan exercitado" (Anonymolls, " Festi vidades," 4S0). 55. See R. T. Zuidema, U. Barallas Rituales en eI Cuzco Colonia l," in Cultures et societes, Andes et Meso-Amer;que: Melanges ell bommage a Pierre DlIviols, cd. P. Du viols and R. Thiercelin (Aix-en-Provence; L'Uni versite de Provence, ]991), .!.;Sn-2.5. 56. " .. . dio mas gUSto a los Espan oles" (Anonymous, UFestividades," 45 I). 57. Tn a similar procession held in Lima in 172.4 to celebrate the abdication of Philip V, the Inca kings-impersonated by curaCas from the coast and the highlands-were preceded by someone imperso nating the inrerprete r for the Inca kings. He smpped before the viceroy and read a poem detail ing the Incas' submission to the viceroy. See Anonymous, "Una sllpervivencia del In kanato dura nte la colonia" [1775], ed. C. Romero, RH TO (T936): 92.-93·

Toasts with the Inca

the following month, during Corpus Christi, when, on June 26, all the descendants of the Inca and curacas in Cuzco came before the Cabildo and swore an oath of fealty to Ignacio Loyola." The Inca's submissive alliance with the Jesuits had, in a sense, already been consummated by the earlier, forced marriage in 1590 between the grand-nephew of San Ignacio Loyola, Martin Garcia de Loyola, and the Inca princess, Beatriz, daughter of Sayri Tupac. Submission here refers both to the fact that the Inca royal family had little power to oppose the marriage and to the form of the marriage. The marriage alliance was contracted between the male offspring of Ignacio de Loyola and the female offspring of Sayri Tupac, whose vast fortune she had inherited, which made her so attractive as a bride. One does not find the marriage between native male aristocrats and Spanish females an important or valued form of alliance.59 As Todorov has pointed out, however, the cross-cultural relations between Spanish males and native females reenacted in an individual form the greater social and political form of Spanish conquest and domination.'" Beatriz was bequeathed by Viceroy Toledo to Martin de Loyola as part of his reward for capturing her uncle, T upac Amaru, whose decapitated head Don Martin wished to incorporate into the design of his coat of arms. The contest over the guardianship of Beatriz's lands and titles among Spaniards both before her marriage to Don Martin and after his death reveals the subordinate social and political position of Beatriz. (Beatriz was supposedly raped at the age of eight by Cristobal Maldonado, in his attempt to claim he had consummated a nuptial agreement and to gain control of her inheritance. He was exiled but returned to Peru in 1580 and tried to stop the betrothal. )" It is significant in terms of quero imagery that in the seventeenth century, such ceremonial events as Beatriz's wedding were translated ss. See D. de Esquive l y Navia, Noticias Crollo16gicas de fa Grall Ciudad del CIlZCO [17S0] (Lima: Biblioteca Peruana de Cultura, 1980), vol. I, H. S9 . This is true for native as well as Spanish nobi lity, and one curaca, to underline his poverty, testified in J599. "par mi gran necesidad me case con mujer espanola" ("Memoria del Cacique Juan Astorgasay," cited in M. Marner, "La Infiltracion Mestiza en los Cacicazgos y Cabildos Indios, Siglos XVI-XVIII," Actas del COllgreso Intemaciollal de Americal1istas {Sevilla} 36, no. 2. [J966]: 156). 60. Todorov, The Conquest of America, 4S-49, "153-)4. 61. For the disputes over who had the rights to control Beatriz's estate after her husband's death, see M. Rosrworowski de Diez Canseco, "EI repartimiento de doihl Beatriz Coya en el valle de Yucay,'" Historia y CII!tura (Lima) 4 (1970): 15 3-268. For a description of the events surrounding Beatriz's betrothal to Don Martin and Don Marrin's wish to use Tupac Amaru's decapitated head in his coat of arms, see Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas,4s 8- 6 r.

IMAGES, RITUAL, AND COLONIAL SOCIETY

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pictorially into costumed interactions between Andean leaders and Spaniards in a Western narrative pictorial form. A painting daring to approximately 1690 and placed in La Compaiiia in Cuzco commemorates tbe wedding alliance between the Jesuits and the Inca imperial fanuly (fig. 11.7). Absent from the painting is any reference to the material reasons for the marriage. Rather, it is a painting of an amicable union entered into equally by both groups. In the left half of the canvas, Don Martin appears in the foreground with Beatriz standing beside him. She and her ancestral Inca family, placed in the upper left, are depicted in traditional Inca costume. On the right side of the canvas is the marriage between Beatriz and Don Martin's daughter and Juan de Borja, son of tbe second most important Jesuit saint. As Teresa Gisberr has pointed out, tbe intention of the painting is made clear in its legend, which boasts of tbe union between "the royal house of the Inca kings of Peru" and "the two houses of Loyola and Borja. "6, Here, the Jesuits were able to construct pictorially a political myth in which the costumed Incas participated willingly. Myth superseded historical reality to join tbe two political forces in a painting that was hung in La Compaiiia and was also copied to be hung in Jesuit churches throughout Lima and the sierras. 6, Perhaps the most important set of commemorative paintings is the series of paintings of Cuzco's Corpus Christi celebration that were completed around r680. There are sixteen paintings, in which six curacas are shown participating in the procession. Significantly, many of tbe sartorial elements that adorn tbe curacas also appear on queros, thus linking the vessels and the theatrical impersonation of the Inca by curacas. The curacas are dressed in Inca costume except for their billowing white European sleeves and short pants (figs. II.Sa-b) Their uncus, or tunics, are decorated with tocapu and chumpi bands. Each of the curacas is associated with a colonial version of the Inca crown: the mascaipacha and llautu. It is either worn or carried by a page. Each crown is slightly different, distinguished by the superstructure, sunturpaucar, that appears above the mascaipacha. Many of the sunturpaucar's elements are iconographic features that occur in quero scenes. For example, the unidentified curaca of the parish of San Sebastian wears a crown that has a single feather with two diagonal banners on either side and placed directly above the center of the mascaipacha. The feather is surmounted by two black birds that hold the ends of a rainbow. The crowns of Carlos Guinacapac (curaca of San Cristobal), Baltasar Tupa 62. Gisbert, lcol1ograffa, I55.

63. See Gisbert, Icollografia, I 56-57.

'94

Toasts with the [',ca

Puma, and an unidentified curaca all include a castle in the upper part of the crown and are arranged with elements of flora or fauna. Along with the remainder of their costumes, the various iconographic elements in tl,e sunturpaucar identify the hereditary position of these curacas. In the Corpus Christi paintings, the artist has carefully rendered the heads of the native onlookers at the bottom of the canvas so that one sees how- within the context of a colonial Spanish ceremony-these symbols could have been consumed as signifiers of native colonial aristocracy by an indigenous audience. One wo uld not be too hard pressed to imagine that a connection might have been made between tl,e symbols worn by these members of me elite and the symbols as they appeared on queros. Certainly some very high-ranking elites made the political connection between the two sets of imagery. In a portrait made approximately at the same time as the Corpus Christi paintings, a native female dressed in purely Inca costume stands with her right arm extended to touch a colonial Inca crown placed beside her on a table (fig. 11.9). The feather component has been replaced by the figure of a tiny Inca male similar to the Inca figures on queros. In seventeenth- and eighteenth-century portraits, the crown was an inlportant iconographic feature in pictorially declaring the Inca descent of the sitter. Meanwhile, the sunturpaucar, as seen also in the Corpus Christi examples, was often transformed into a miniature castle appearing on colonial textiles and queros as an Inca symbo!." The substitution of the Inca figure for the castle in the female portrait demonstrates that- at least to this particular sitter-the figure of the Inca metaphorically indicated her status as much as did the more abstract heraldic symbols . The Corpus Christi series presented to the viewer more man heraldic symbols. The sixteen paintings present the Corpus Christi celebration in a sequential and therefore narrative fashion 6 , Perhaps more than in any other existing colonial paintings, the elements of ritual action are here portrayed in a linear development. The depiction of native nobility within this narrative is important to me pictorialism of quero imagery and to the identification of the curaca as Sapa Inca . In the Corpus Christi paintings, the native aristocrats appear in the ritual procession as curacas dressed as Sapa Incas (fig. 1L8a). The figure of the 64- See J. Rowe, "Colonia l Portraits of Inca Nobles," in The Cil/iiizatiolls of Ancient America: Selected Papers of the XXIXth [ll temotiollal Congress of Alllericol1ists, ed. S. Tax (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, r95.1), 2.63. 65. See C. Dean, lnka Bodies alld the Body of Christ: Corpus CI"isti il1 Colonial Cuzco, Peril (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1.999), 62.- 96.

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curaca is posed as a focal element, placed before or alongside the carriage bearing the votive statue. He is among the principal actors in an unfolding narrative of a Christian ritual. Not only does his presence signify the curacas' contemporary sociopolitical position, but because he is dressed in anachronistic costume, past Inca kings are made present in this Christian ritual (fig. II .Sb) . All other figures are io contemporary dress, and together with important individuals, such as Cuzco's Bishop Mollinedo, the paintings work to visually make contemporary a ritual event. Costume played an important role in identifying the traditional status of a high-ranking curaca and the alliance of the Inca to the Spaniards!' The Corpus Christi paintings, moreover, were hung in Santa Ana, an Indian parish of Cuzco . The audience for the paintings was native, in part, and the Inca impersonators in the paintings were readily identified as curacas of Cuzco's native districts. Andeans became habituated not only to identifying the costumed Sapa Incas as their curacas io ceremonies but also to recognizing them as costumed subjects in narrative paintings of these ceremonies. Costumed celebrations, narrative paintings, Inca portraits, and heraldic coats of arms initiated a consistent iconographic pattern that lasted throughout the colonial period. Although portraits of the Inca and queros were gathered up and destroyed after Tupac Amaru's rebellion in 1780;' they were in the hands of native nobility long before rhe seeds of this late-eighteenth-century rebellion were sown." Traditional elites, direct descendants of the Inca and cmacas, began publicly to be identified and to identify themselves through the Inca imperial regalia and symbols clisplayed from the sixteenth century onward. Traditional signs of prestige and sociopolitical status quickly came to signify the iotermediary position of Andean leaders io the colonial world. By the seventeenth centmy, paintings depicted native nobility io ceremonies, dressed as Inca, signifying through their costume that they were the 66. Ibid. , H,Z- 55. 67. Amonio Arecbe observed in 1780 dUH th e portraits o f the Inca kings abou nded in cu raCaS' homes to sllstain or boast of their descent (cited in Rowe, «£1 Movimiemo," 30) .

Areche was not entirely sllccessful in eliminating such claims, and the nobil ity o f Cuzco continued to qualify themsel ves through their descent fro m the ancient Inca kings, as recorded in T786 by Mara Linares, a local funct io nary in CU2.co. Nonetheless, the wea ring o f the ma scaipacha waS prohibited, as was reading the work of Garcilaso de 1a Vega. See K. Bums, Colollial Habits: COl1vel1ts and the Spiritual EcollolIIY of CIIZCO (Durham: D uke University Press, L.999), T76-77· 61L The first documented group of Inca portraits to be owned by a native Peruvian (besides those sent to Garci laso in Spa in and those created by GU31llan Poma ) dates to 1648; see Gisberr, Jconogra{fa, n 6.

Toasts with the Inca

heirs to traditional rule but only so long as they acknowledged that it was subordinated to Spanish civil and ecclesiastical authority"9 A nexus was forged between Spanish and Andean cultural representations of power, because the native aristocracy was needed by the Spaniards to effectively control and utilize the Andean population. The rainbow and the Inca on queros did have reference to the colonial world. The reference was to the native elite, who dressed as Inca kings and reckoned their position according to ancestral precedents as recognized by the Spaniards. Two questions remain, however: how was the connection made between the figural images on the queros and the various representations of the Inca in the colonial period, and how were they connected to colonial Spanish concerns?

69. See Espinosa, "Colonial Visions," 84-89.

CHAPTER TWELVE

Queros, Curacas, and the Community

Such paintings as the Corpus Christi series and the depiction of the marriage of Don Martin and Beatriz imagine Andeans as figures within the European pictorial space of universal Christian ritual, unfolding locally in the Andean city of Cuzco. Most quero scenes also imagine figures of Andeans engaged in some activity related to ritual and taking place in an imagined Andean space, a space very distinct from what colonial Cuzco had to be. In this regard, both paintings and queros are utopian spaces. However, the different figures in relation to the surfaces of the objects on which they appear embody the particularities of their colonial references. The relationship between figure, iconography, and contemporary individual is not as direct on queros as it is in Spanish colonial paintings. In the complicitous fiction between viewer and image, there is no need for a meaningful relationship between image and canvas. The physical nature of paintings, hung on walls of Spanish colonial buildings, becomes relatively inert. This is not true, as I will argue, for queros and quero images. A second distinction can be made between the paintings and the quero images. In the Corpus Christi series, the figures in archaic costumes represent individuals, contemporary characters fulfilling specific colonial religious and political roles signified in part by their dress. The quero images are repetitive, and the figures first of all personify underlying socioreligious values through their relationship to the vessel. Appearing on objects used to conduct ritual, they pictorially reify ritual in the process of its celebration.' In this sense, there is a seeming timelessness to quero imagery, as it refers not to anyone celebration or individual but to all celebrations and celebrants. This is different than the r. European paintings are, first of all, imagined as images, rather than seen as objects, aud are not essential to the enactment of Christian ritual except when the painting becomes miraculous or devotional; that is, the s uppOrt of the image is not understood to be intrinsic to the image's meaningfulness.

297

Toasts with the Inca

relationship that exists in Spanish colonial paintings between the subject represented and the celebrant of the cult ritual. For example, through a portrait (a visual likeness that is specific to the individual), the contemporary social identity and action of an Andean donor can appear within the religious composition that has been commissioned, such that religious devotion, economic transaction, and artistic realization are congealed. The relationship between the quero figures and members of native colonial society is not based on a formal agreement between subject and object, although the quero scenes insistently refer to the ritual use of the vessel itself. Andean visual representation is, as a system, not necessarily predicated on pictorial likeness.' Rather, the visual image participates in a syntagmatic chain of associations, often based on metaphor. Metaphor activates the quero images beyond their pictorial reference. This activation occurs as part of the intimate relationship between image and objects, which we might otherwise read as simply a relationship between figure and ground. We understand this relationship as necessa ry but as not constitutive in the image'S referentiality. Reading the relationship of the image and the object as a relationship between figure and ground establishes a visual hierarchy that disregards the meaningful qualities of the ground itself to see the figure. The signifying relation between object and image is different for the quero. Although many of the iconographic elements of quero paintings occur in other contexts and refer to the status of an elite native, the meaningful properties already attributed to the quero activate a distinctive significance for the figures; that is, the referential practice in which queros are an integral element becomes in the colonial period a subject of representation.' The quero was an object that almost every Andean had or used in a social exchange, thereby begetting future relations. Through their social exchange and in relation to the production in pairs, the quero took on a material guise of Hanan and Hurin in a colonial manifestation expressed also by the composition and iconography of the pictorial. Through illustrations of or allusion to agricultural themes, the images referred ro communal reciprocity and thereby to the ayllu's 2. This does not mean that the pictorial is not an element in Andean art, but it is nor an essential component for the capacity of a visua l image to signify. Thus, one finds in southern Andean art a reoccurdng oscillation between the pictoria l and abstract that defies any scheme of linear development as found in Western art history. 3. My thinking and comments abollt referential practice stem from my reading o f the work of and discllssion with W illiam F. Hanks. He made me understand finally what I had only dimly grasped.

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUN ITY

299

physical and metaphysical well-being. The exchange of queros, the ritualized form of reciprocity, took place at different times and in various places, depending on precisely what was being commemorated in ritual. One crucial physical space of ritual interaction for which we have a substantive record was the plaza. The plaza, once an Andean space, was also at the center of the colonial resettlements known as reducciones. The colonial plaza was also where queros continued to be exchanged in large communal gatherings in which Andean metaphors still had currency to convey socia l hierarchy, just as they had had in Inca plaza gatherings. The nature of the plaza was slightly recast by Spanish institutions to penetrate Andean structures of authority, as was already evident when Manco offered a toast of fea lty to Pizarro on the day of his coronation in Cuzco's H uacaypata, part of the Inca ceremonial plaza . Ftom almost this moment on, the exchange of queros continued to be subtly inflected by the colonial status of traditional authority. Quero imagery participated in this transformation . The pictorial representation of Andean metaphor forged the association between traditional authority and its colonial form by linking the past, seen in the images, to future obligations, begotten by exchange, and thereby producing colonial time in the Andean form of competing obligations. 4 Metaphor, now couched in Western pictorial format, was the means by w hich the iconographic elements were transmuted into indigenous signifiers. The process is not neutral. The transformation of Andean meta phors into figural imagery on vessels offered and accepted in the plazas of reducciones helped reshape ayllu self-identity into a colonial identity-transforming the autonomy of traditional authority into the acceptance of a colonial form of authority. The plaza's colonial space and the exchange of queros found reverberation in the countryside, where agriculture and agricultural ritual took place. These repetitions of traditional rites continued to bear the traces of what had transpired in the reducci6n and what had transpired between Manco and Pizarro in Cuzco's plaza so many years before. Here, we can finally "appreciate" the paradox of colonial quero paintings and the metaphors they expressed. 4. Marcel Ma uss suggests that gifts are neither freel y given nor disinterested; see M. Ma uss, The Gift: Forms mId F,lftCtiOIlS of Exchallge il , Primitive Societies. trans. W. O. Halls (1923- 24; reprim, London: Routledge, I99O), 73 . The difficulty is that the future imag~ ined by the gift's interest is "compounded" by different expectations in colonial time. Andean reciprocity begets one form of future obligation, whereas the gift of the gospel begets an entirely different set of obHga tions.

300

Toasts with the Inca

Curacas and Queros: The Image of the Community In 1567, Matienzo described and analyzed the forma l structure of Andean power in relation to the symbolic seating arrangement of feasts in the plaza. In each repartimiento are two groups: one is called Hanansaya, and the other is called Hurinsaya. Each group has a CUIaca who commands the leaders of his group, and they do not enter into the rule

of the other's group except that the

CUIaca

of Hanansaya is the

head of the entire province and whom the other CUIaca of Hurin-

saya obeys, which is indicated as follows : he [the Hanansaya cUIaca] has the best place in the seats, and all the rest of his members of Hanansaya are seated at the right hand and those of Hurin-

saya on the left in low seats that are called duos [tianas]. Each one of these curacas has eight ayHus, and in each one [is] a leader who is seated by rank, those of Hurinsaya at the left hand of their curaca and those of Hanansaya at the right .... The occupation of these curacas and leaders is to rest, drink, and talk; and, to repeat,

they are better at this than any Spaniard.' Matienzo's description is important beyond the ethnohistoric information it provides. His analysis comes in the context of trying to articulate a system of colonial rule. Marienzo realized that Spanish authority could only be implemented through these traditional leaders and that it was therefore important to understand the Andean power structure. The description of the symbolic arrangement of Hanan and Hurin is part of this understanding. Matienzo wlderstood, moreover, that the traditional space for displaying this arrangement of authotity

5. "En cada reparrimiento ay dos parcialidades 13 una que se dize de anansaya y la otra de urinsaya, cada parcialidad tiene un cacique principal que manda los principales yndios de su parcialidad y no se enrromere mandar a los de la otra, excepto que eI curaca de la parcialidad de anansaya es el principal de toda la provincia y a que obedece el orra curaca de urinsaya, en 10 que se sigue tiene el mejor lugar en los asientos y que todo 10 demas los de 13 parciaLidad de anansaya se sienten a la mana derecha y eI de urinsaya al izqu ierda en asientos bajos que lIaman duos. Cada uno de estos curacas tiene acho ayllos, y en cada uno su principa l que se van asentado pot su orden, los de urinsaya In mana izquierda tras su cacique y los de anansaya la derecha, este de anansaya es el principal de todos y tiene este senorio sabre los de urinsaya.. .. Sll officio de estos caciques y principa les es holgar, y bever, y contar, y repetir que son en esto mas diestros que ningllll espa nal" U. de Marienzo, Gobiemo del PeTIt [I5671 [Buenos Aires: Compaiiia Sud Americana de Billetes de Banco, 1910], chap. 6, p. 16.

a

a

a

1;

I, QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUN ITY

301

was the plaza of the native communities.' Here, the community gathered to toast one another in the same form described by Garcilaso de la Vega for imperial Inca celebrations. What is significant about Matienzo's understanding of traditional Andean architectural space in relation to indigenous power structure is that he articulates the grid pattern (centered on the plaza) that was later implemented for colonial native towns (reducciones) based on what had already been done in Mexico (fig. 7.r). The pancolonial pattern was meant to implement Spanish culture and authority while at the same time reemphasizing the curaca's traditional role of authority within the colonial world.' Not until Toledo brought political stability to the viceroyalty was Matienzo's town plan effectively realized. In Toledo's ideal layout, there is a fusion of Andean and Spanish planning that subtly draws a link between the curaca's traditional authority and Spanish rule as understood by Matienzo. The plaza itself was the space where ultimate Spanish authority was displayed. Public punishment was carried out in the plaza, and during extirpation campaigns, all pagan objects found by the priests were brought to the plaza on the last day of the visita, with many of them burned there. These were punitive forms of authority exhibiting the un mediated physical force of Spanish power, but tiLe plaza was also a space where the interrelationship between Spanish and Andean authority was forged in a less ostentatious form.' In this context, Andean metaphors expressed by traditional objects, such as the quero, came to also signify the underlying presence of Spanish cultural authority by their use and decoration. The most overt form took place when Andean symbols of authority were incorporated into the Spanish 6. Matiel1zo, Gobiemo del Penl, 37.

7. For an excellent analysis of the grid as an instrumental form of colonial state power within Foucault's sense of power, discipline, and survei llance, see A. DUfsron, "Un Regimen

Urbanistico en la America Hispana Colonia l: El Trazado en Damero Durante los Siglos XVI y xvn," Historia (Sal1tiago, Chile) 28 (I994): 59-I.IS. 8. The single most important punishment publicly conducted in a plaza was the execution of Tupac Amaru by Toledo in the main plaza of euzco, after Tupac Amaru had converted to Christianity and recognized the sovereignty of the Spanish crown. The use of the plaza as a place for the display of punishment and fo r public political ritual stems from Spanish CUS[oOl. The pieota marking the center of a Spanish village's plaza was originally used [0 hoist the decapitated head of a rebel or crimina l: see C. Berna ldo de Quiros, La Pieota ell America (Havana: Jeslis Montero, I948); Nuevas l10ticias sabre picotas amer;callas (Havana: Jesus Montero, 1952). By the fifteenth cenrury. it became both a sign of independence and punishment and a meetin g place; see H. Nader, Liberty ill Absolutist Spain: The Hapsburg Sale of Towns (Ba ltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), J35-4 0 .

302

Toasts with the inca

political ritual of a high-ranking curaca's investiture conducted in the plaza of a reducci6n.' The investiture of a new high-ranking curaca was a lengthy legal procedure that involved several stages. It began with the corregidor consulting six witnesses of "advanced age" who could not be bribed and who lived in the area. They were asked about the candidate's ability and lineage. Their testimonies and other documentation were sent to the viceroy or the audiencia . When it had been deterrruned that the candidate was who he claimed to be and that he was capable, the corregidor or one of his lieutenants was sent to the curaca's village, where the investiture ceremony, called the toma de posesi6n, took place. The toma de posesi6n elided Spanish and native tradirjons of investiture and created the ritual nexus between Spanish and native authority and hierarchy. The ceremony was always held on " un dia de fiesta ," preferably on a Sunday after a high mass had been said. The curaca appeared in the public plaza, dressed not in regional costume but in Spanish-style clothing: coat, pants, hat, and shoes. Then, in the presence of a large crowd that included all other important native ayllu members, lesser curacas and alcaldes del cabildo de indigenas (members of the native town council), the corregidor took the curaca by the right hand and ordered him to be seated on a tiana placed in the plaza, facing the church. The corregidor confirmed the candidate as curaca by saying: "I give you possession and favor of the curacaship of [name of the community] and place you in it in the nanle of His Majesty. And I give you the investiture of said curacaship." W The native leaders in attendance then knelt before the seated curaca and kissed his hand as a sign of obedience and acknowledgment that he was the curacao The principle elements of the ceremony stem from European forms of investiture that conMued to be used throughout the colonial 9. Such overlapping also took place in the symbolic spatialization of Christian ritual within the g rid plan of the Span ish according to Andean social o rganization . For example, the ~684 celebration and procession of Co rpus Christi in Cajamarca was di vided spatially into two parts according [0 the socia l organization of Hanan and Huril1 ; see J. Zevallos Quifionez, "Consideraciones sebre la fiesta del Corpus en Cajamarca en el ane I684." cited in M. Piirssinen, TaWQlltinslIYu: Th e Illca State alld Its Political Organization, Studia Historia 43 (Helsinki: SHS, 1992.), 319-2.0. 10. "Yo te doy posesion y amparo del cacicazgo [name of the conununity1 y te meto en e llo en nombre de Su Magesrad. Yen esto te doy la investidura del cacicazgo" (cited for the investiture ceremony of a seventeenth-century curaea from Cajamarca , in W. Espinoza Soriano. "Los Senorfos Etnicos del Valle de Condebamba y Provincia de Cajabamba, " Allales Cielltf(icos de In U"iversidad del Cel/tro fHuancayo] 3 [:r974]: II8- 1.3). Similar investiture ceremonies were held throughout Peru; see. for example, the various in vestiture documents cited in R. Cuneo-Vidal, "Historia de los Antiguos Cacicazgos Hereditarios del sur del Peru," in Obras COlllpletas, ed. L Prado Pa stor (Lima: n.p., 1977), t::414. 41 7-18.

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMM UN ITY

30 3

period. U The curaca had to demonstrate his Hispanicization by foreswearing his ethnic garb and wearing Spanish-style clothes. Nonetheless, one object, the seat, rerained its indigenous form and therefore tied this Spanish ceremony to Andean precedents." The tiana was set in the plaza just as it had been under the Inca. The Spaniards, like the Inca before them, conferred rank by seating a native curaca on a tiana. ' J The tiana symbolically invested the colonial ceremony with traditional meanings of power and status, but the other actions and oaths fully demonstrated that the curaca's position ultimately stemmed from the viceregal authorities}4 These are the same seats that are depicted w ith Inca kings seated on them in quero scenes. Tianas continued to be made of wood in the colonial period as they were under the Inca. Some Inca tianas were sheathed in gold and silver to demarcate rank and status, just as gold, silver, and wooden queros did." Thus, it is not altogether surprising that at least some colonial tianas were painted by the same arrisans who made the painted queros. An example from the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago is carved with the concave seat resting on the backs of two fully modeled and painted jaguars (fig. I2 .~). The jaguars are parallel but face in opposite directions; they stand on triangular bases. The tiana is also painted with the same technique as queros. The outer rim of the seat is decorated with tocapu designs, and the bodies of the felines are painted with oval shapes, indicating the jaguar's spots. The exterior surface area of the base is painted with two antithetically composed profile jaguars set at either end. At the center is an arc above a head wearing an Inca helmet. IJ. T. Cummins, "Let Me See! Writing Is for Them: Colonia l Andean Images and Objects 'como es costumbre tener los caciques seno res,''' in Native Traditions ill the PostcOllquest World. ed. E. Boone and T. Cummins (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks,

T998), 108-13. n.. For the Andean metaphys ics and the curaca's power as embodied in tbe tiana, see

J. L. Martinez Cereceda , "EI 'Personaje Sentado' en los Keros: Hacia Una Identificaci6n de los Kurakas Andinos," Boletfll del Museo Chileno de Arte Pree%ll/bino .1 (I986): IOI-~-J; Autoridades en los Andes, los atributos del Sefior (Lima: Po mificia Universidad C.1tolica del Peru) Fonda Editorial, 1995) • .1}:r-50' [3. See, fo r example, 1. Ortiz de Zuniga, Visita de la Provincia de LeOIl de HlltlllllCO (Hmin llco: Universidad Na.cional Hermilio Va ldizan, 1:967-72), 2:54q. This was further demonstrated by the fa ct that a communi ty could not depose a curaca on its own but had {Q do it through the couns. Because the Cll[01cas were the members of a commu nity who read and wrote, they had an immediate leg up in any court case. Furthermo re, a case against a curaca was heard not in a loca l court but by the Real Alldiencia de Lima; see Espinoza Soria no, "Los Sei'1orfos Etnicos del Va lle," 125 . There is ample evidence that becau se of this law and fights over who would be a curaca, some curacas were poisoned by their community to get rid of them; see M. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Cllracas y sllcesio"es (cos ta IIorte) (Lima: Minerva, 1961), 29. 15. Some Inca tianas in museum collections still hf'l ve some of their si lver covering.

d

Toasts with the Inca

The tiana's sculpted and painted elements combine to form a composition similar to the feline and rainbow motif on queros and lintel sculpture. On the tiana, the colonial sociopolitical signification of this motif is conceptualized by the coordination between the imagery and the manner in which the object was used. The imagery on the base is, in effect, a two-dimensional representation of the curaca seated on the tiana. Just as the two modeled jaguars face in opposite directions, so too do the painted jaguars. The central painted head on the base becomes the curaca seated on the tiana, directly above and on axis with this image. The tocapu placed around the outer rim and at the ends of the base may be considered visual metaphors of Andean dress that could not be worn during the investiture ceremony. Tocapu were still used extensively in colonial costumes worn by curacas for their portraits and during religious and secular Spanish celebrations. The rainbow motif appearing on an object used in a colonial political ceremony emphatically linked the curaca's rule with that of the Spanish colonial state. The imagery referred in part to indigenous values, but as the high curaca's people knelt before him and kissed his hand, they saw a native leader seated above the felines and rainbow but dressed in purely Hispanic attire. The visual gathering of Hispanic and native symbolic elements may also have been reiterated in some towns by the lintel sculpture over a curaca's portal facing the plaza. In any case, through ritual and image, the meaning became clear: the curaca and, by extension, the ayllu were linked in a subordinate relation to Spanish rule and culture. Moreover, the tiana was used, as Matienzo describes, when the curaca hosted the community in his patio and when the queros were exchanged in ritual toasts. Certainly there would have been an association between the imagery on the tiana and the queros. At one level, the curaca and his community were united by the shared Andean associations of reciprocity and hierarchy expressed within the iconography and composition. Simultaneously, there was the underlying utterance coming from the image's Spanish colonial context. This context allied the Andean associations expressed in the feast with the curaca's position as confirmed by colonial institutions of power. The activities carried out in the plaza made both implicit and explicit connections between the authority of the curaca and the overarching authority of Spanish colonial institutions. It would not be too much to say that the curaca's role of mediator between his community and the Spaniards was symbolically represented in this conflation of traditional and colonial architectural space. It was a tacit demonstration to all

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUN ITY

30 5

community members that they were both members of an ayllu and subjects of a greater power. Theoretically, that power was always present; public gatherings in the plaza were to be held under the watchful eye of the corregidor and/or the Catholic priest.'6 Here, the intersection between the identity of a member of an ayllu and that person's identity as an individual within a greater political, cultural, and religious entity was rehearsed as public spectacle. Each of the two elements had been internalized in different colonial spaces. Ayllu identity was formed within the experience of interpersonal relationships in the social spaces of the Andes, aud it was performed in greetings, work, and all other unpoliced interactions. The notion of individuality was instantiated by the disposition of domestic dwellings in the reducci6n and in the sacra mental space of confession. The plan of red ucciones called for houses to have their entrances facing only onto the street rather than interconnecting with other architectural units. The social intent of this architecture was to reinforce spatially the nuclear family as the primary social unit. Extended ayllu relations were believed to foster promiscuity in relation to Andean architectural forms that permitted excessive access between them. '7 The Andean socius was broken down even further by the confession of self. In the physical space of confession, the Spanish priest inquired about personal action and sin in relation to spiritual and secular authority as structured within the colonial hierarchy. ,R SO, in the interrogation for the fourth of the Ten Commandments, "Honor thy father and mother," 16. See F. de Toledo, Ordcnallzas de DOli Fral1cisco de Toledo Virrey del Pent ['1569-811. ed. Roberto Levillier (Madrid: Imprenta de Juan Pueyo, r91.9) , 370; Matienzo, Gobierno del Pert" 37, ..6-.+7 17. See F. Pease, Breve Histor;a cOlltcmporal1ca del Pert' (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica , 1.995), ·15· r8. See R. Harrison, "The Tbeology of Concupiscence: Spa nish-Quechua Confessional Manua ls in the Andes, n in Coded Encounters: \"Vritillg. Gender, and Ethnicity in Co follial lAtin America, ed. F. J. Cevallos-Ca ndau et al. (Amherst: Uni versiry o f Massachusetts Press, 1994): 135- So; M. Azoulai, "Moral Sexual en los Manua les de Confesio n para Indios (S.XVll-XVIII )," Clladernos para 10 Historia de la Euangelizacion en America Latina:!. (.£987): 7-30; M. Fouca ult, The History of Sexuality, trans. R. Hurley (New York: Pantheon, (986), 1:)3-73; S. Gruzinski, "Individualization and Accu lru ration: Confession among Na huas of Mexico from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century," in Sexuality and Marriage in Co lo nial Latin America, ed. A. Lavrfn (Lincoln: Universiry o f Nebraska Press 1989) , 96-trS· Juan Perez de Bocanegra understood clearly that the use of Andean form s to express individuation rather chan collectivity in concess ion was impossible, and he forbade the li se of quipu sj see Perez de Bocanegra , Ritl/al (orll1/1lario e illstitucioll de CIIras para adlllillistrar a los naturales de este reyno los Salltos SacrOll1elltos. (Lima: Geronymo de Contreras, T631).

c

Toasts with the Inca

the Andean was asked, "Have you honored your parents, grandparents, priests, judges, and curacas, obeying the good things that they command of you?,'19

Like the tiana, queros came to be used in the plaza in such a way that the vessels and their imagery were elided with Spanish interests in confirming a curaca's authority. Viceroy Toledo emphasized the importance of the curaca's role by instructing how and where the principal curaca's house should be built. That it be a bit bigger with a bit more authority than the [houses of] ordinary Indians, in such a way that at the front there is an ample patio and room in wh ich the curaca, the leaders, and the Indians of the repartimiento can meet when they have to discllss

things regarding the general welfare and government of the repartimiento. :l.O

The house was to be built in the principal plaza, with the patio faced onto the plaza. The curaca's house and the plaza were seen as interconnected symbolic spaces in which the authority of the curaca was displayed by the size and position of his house. Here, in the patio, the duties of the curaca were carried out, one of which Toledo mandated by writing that "the custom of the curacas and leaders eating in the plaza

be maintained. flU The meals, which included drinking, were allowed to continue because it was here that the intersection between colonial and traditional authority as established in the toma de posesi6n could be ritually extended to the ayllu as a whole. The Spaniards sought to control and to use the curaca's authority for their own economic and political agenda . If the form in which the curaca's authority was confirmed by his people-that is, drinking-was contradictory to Spanish prohibitions, it could be overlooked . If drinking/drunkenness was considered a terrible native vice, it nonetheless was to be tolerated on these commu19 .... ~H;1S honrado;1 tu s padres 0 abuelos, a los sacerdores, a la s Juticias [sic] y a los curacas, obedeciendo 10 que te manda n en casas buenas?" COl1fesiol1ario para los cllras [15851, in El Catechismo del III Concilio Provincial de Lima y SitS Comp/emel1tos Pastorales (T584-1585), ed. J. Guillermo Dudn (Buenos Aires: Faculrad de Teologfa, Universidad Cat6lica Argentina, I9R:z.), p. 534, fol. 9V. 20. " . . . que sea con mas anch ura e alguna mas autoridad que la de los indi os particulares de manera que al principia ha ya patio y aposento bastanre en que se puedan juntar el cacique y los principales e indios del repartimiemo cuando hubiere de tratar de las casas toca ntes al bien publico y gobierno del repartimienro" (F. de Toledo, Tasa de la visita general de Fra"cisco de Toledo [J570--75], ed. Noble D. Cook [Limn: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, I97S], 164). 21. " . . . que se guarde la costumbre de comer en la plaza los caciques y principa les" (ToJedo, Ordel1allZLFs. 373) .

..

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUNITY

nal occasions, because of tbe greater gains to be had. We have seen the difficulties that Gonzalez de Cuenca encountered in 1566 when he tried to prohibit curacas of the north coast from distributing chicha to tbeir community members. He almost immediately rescinded the order afrer the curacas patiently explained to him that" it was througb chicha that the Indians obeyed them."" The canons of the Second Council of Lima make the reconciliation of the contradiction between prohibition and acceptance clear. Canon IDS states that "all means possible are to be used to abolish the pestilent vice of drunkenness of the natives, as it is the root of all infidelity and innumerable ills."" I have already cited this canon in reference to tbe general campaign to eradicate drinking after the Taqui Onkoy re beliion. The immediately following canon, canon 109, stipulates tbat "the feasts and drunkenness that the curacas are accustomed to celebrate in the plaza [on] fiesta days be beld with the moderation that is advisable"-enforcers of the mandate are told not to stop them-and that "the custom of giving food and drink to the poor and outsiders be continued. "'4 The reason for the tolerance of this pernicious evil as described in canon 108 is spelled out in canon III. The council instructs priests to treat curacas well and to try to win their favor because it is "true above aU else that the faith and salvation of these Indians depends on the will and authority of the curacas ."'1 The progression of thought in these three decrees is clear. Drunkenness is prohibited in general, but it is permitted in moderation for a specific occasion because the will and authority of curacas needs to be gained." 2.2.. For the prohibition, see G. G. de Cuenca, "Ordenanzas de los Indios" (1566], Historia y CII/turn (Lima) 9 (t975): 1:44; for the responses by curacas, see Archivo General de Indias, lusticia 458, fols. 1940V-t94H, cited in P. Netherly, "Loca l Level Lords on the North Coast of Penl" (Ph .D. diss., Cornell University, 1977),2.16. 2.3. « . . . que eI uizo pestilencial de embriaguez que es ralz de la infideljdad y de innumerables males se procure por codas las vias posi bles descerra r de la nacion destos indios'" (R. Vargas Ugarte, ed., Conciiios iimenses (15JJ-I77Z) [Lima: Ravago e Hijos, 1951-54J, vol. 1 :2.12.). 2. .... " . . . que los com bites y borracheras que suelen hacer los curacas en la plar;a los dias de fiestas tengan la moderacion que conviene pero no se les quite . .. y los que sue len hacer de dar de comer y beber a los pobres e forasteros 10 hagan" (Vargas Ugarte, Conci/iDS limenses, vol. J:l.I3). 2.5. ". .. cosa derta del todo que la fe y salvacion de los indios depende de la bondad y autoridad de sus caciques" (Vargas Ugarte, COllci/ios Iimeltses, vol. 1:2.14. 26. Th is tolerance toward the curacas' feasts continued into the seventeenth century, and the edicts of the Second Co uncil of Lima were used almost verbatim by Alo nso de la Pefia Montenegro in Itil1erario para parochos de il1dios (Antwerp: H. Verdussen, .(698), bk. 2., sec. 8. Reference to this sectio n of the Second Council of Lima is also made in the "Edicto contra ebriedad y la idolatda" written by Pedro de Villag6mez in 16...6 and published at the beginning of Francisco de Avila's Tratado de los Evoltgelios (Lima: Jeronimo de Contreras,

1648) .

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Toasts with the Inca

Certain forms of pre-Hispanic traditional practices were to be retained in colonial America. In Peru, these practices included the feasts offered in public by the curacas. Jose de Acosta, in De Pmcuranda Indorum Salute (How to Provide for the Salvation of the Indians), gives the philosophical basis for their continuation, in his chapter entitled "Mores indorum Christo non repugnances permittendos esse et de concordia praetoris cum sacerdote" ("Customs of the Indians not contradictory with Christian Usage are to be permitted, and regarding the harmony of secular and spiritual Governance"). One must go little by little instilling in the Indians Christian customs and our form of living. And one must eliminate step-by-step the rites and the superstitious and sacril egious and the customs of the savage barbarians. But in those instances in which their customs are not contrary to religion or law, I do not believe they ought sake of change. One must conserve their to be changed just for native and traditional customs that do not go against la justida. ~7

me

For the secular basis of his remarks, Acosta cites Plutarch, who, according to Acosta, says that one must try to understand the customs and traditions of a people and to discover those forms that truly express their profound feelings and desires. Acosta argues, "Insisting on changing the customs and traditions of a people by force and wishing to transform them quickly is not an easy task; rather, it is an absolutely chancy procedure, since such an undertaking requires a great deal of time and prolonged effort." For the spiritual basis of his remarks, Acosta cites Pope Gregory the Great's prose response to Augustine of Canterbury's letter inquiring about the conversion of the English."' Acosta then cites Gregory's letter to Abbot Mellitus in which the pope counsels that the English idols, rather than the temples where they worshiped them, should be destroyed. With this done, the English will naturally come to worship the one true god in their accustomed place of '1.7. "Cluistianis moribus disciplinaque nostra sun t quidem barbari paulatim imbuendi, omnes vero sacrileg.1.e superstirionis aut ba rbaricae feritatis ritus sensim amputandij attamen si qua in re illorum mores a religione et iustitia non discrepant, non existimo facile immutandos, sed patrias ac gentilitas consuetudines ab aequo non abhor· remes rerlnendas esse . . . " j. de Acosta, De Procurallda 11ldoTlf1l1 Saillte (t5881 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientlficas, 1984), 586-93. :2.8. "Etenim sratium mores et ingenia cona ri mutare populi Dovisq ue ea legibus mod· eraci ex templo velie, nOll modo non facile verum ne tutum quidem omnino est, ut res quae malta tempore et ingentibus vi vi bus indiget" (Acosta, De Procuronda, 588). For a discus· sian of medieval antecedems and their citation in Peruvian colonia l Christian texts, includ· ing tbe work of Acosta, see S. MacCormack, "Ubi Ecclesia? Perceptions of Medieva l Europe in Spa nish America, " Specuillm 69, no. :r (1994): 74-100.

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUN ITY

30 9

worship. Furthermore, since the English were accustomed to sacrificing oxen in their festivals, they could continue to do so while celebrating their festivals, honoring God all the while. Acosta then says that he has quoted from Gregory the Great not simply for the lesson that he teaches but for the example he uses. Thus, one may still permit the natives {barbaris} CO celebrate their solemn banquets and feasts in which they eat and drink in public, as long as it is also done in the public plaza as the laws of the Inca once prescribed. If done in this way, there is no fear that great drunkenness will proliferate so much, since they will be watched over and punished by US . 2.9

The traditional exchange of queros continued in the same form as before the conquest, but the context was slightly different. The exchange of queros between moiety members expressed their cooperative relationship, while toasts were offered by the native leaders in a manner similar to the way the Sapa Inca sent and received toasts during the Inti Raymi ceremony. We can be reasonably sure that this was the case, because the hieratic system of toasting to demarcate authority in a community feast still persists today in some Andean communities, even though the nature of that authority has changed.J°

Ayllu Structure and Quero Imagery: The Real and the Ideal In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, colonial native hierarchy was formed by relations between the curacas and their community members. What had changed, among other things, was the social space 2.9. "Quo place modo convivia et compotationes aliquado publicae permitti barbaris possum, ira dumtoxat ur in foro que madmodum ingarum leges habebant, edam et bibant, ubi ebrietatis iUa effusio non ita timenda est cum testes habeat ac vindices oculos nos[[orum omnium" (Acosta, De Procuranda, 590). 30. For example, the current leaders, or varayoqkuna. of rile Andean community Hualcan sit in rhe plaza at the head of a table for major (primari ly agricu ltural) festivals. (The position of rhe curaca was abolished aher independence and replaced by the varayoqkuna, who held elected and honorary positions of leadership). They exchange roasts with each other according to a descending order of rank. Toasts are then sent to the resr of the community, seated at the sides of rhe courtyard. See G. Urton, "Communalism and Differentiation in an Andean Community," in Andean Cosmologies tbrough TilllC, ed. R. Dover, K. Seibold, and 1- McDowell (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992.), 2.49-52; W. W. Stein, Hualcan : Life;11 the Highlands of Peru (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1961), 239. Fot a similar description of the hierarchy of toasrs in a contemporary Andean community, see B. J.lsbell, To Defend Ourselves: Ecology and Ritual ill all Andeall Village (Austin: University of Texas Press. (978), 145 .

3 IO

Toasts with the Inca

in which the toasts took place. The patio of the curaca's house now faced onto a Spanish-style plaza where the communal meals, sanctioned by both viceregal and ecclesiastical authority, took place. Precisely in this sanctioned context, we find one of the few colonial references to painted queros' use, written by Bernabe Cobo and discussed earl ier in this book. It is important to analyze the passage from a slightly different perspective here. Cobo writes: [in] the principal fiestas, the entire pueblo eats together in the patio of the curaca or other clear place, and the curacas are seated at the

head of the table on their tianas and the rest of the people on the ground .... They seat themselves in rows, each parcialidad by itself, one part hanansaya and the other hurinsaya, face-co-face, and they toast one anotherY

Here, pairs of painted queros were exchanged among moiety members within the context of the display of the curaca's authority. Moreover, the symbolic distribution of right and left demarcated where the moiety members were to be seated. This is the same symbolic space used to structure quero picrorial compositions. But as Matienzo had so perceptively stated, these symbolic spaces were defined by the location of the curacas' seats. The parallel rows of moiety members who faced each other only took on the connotations of right and left in relation ro each other by their orientation to the curacas seated on tianas at the head and between these two rows. The very disposition of symbolic space of Hanan and Hurin was ordered by the curaca's position of prestige and authority. In other words, the symbolic association of right and left assigned to the two rows of seated moiety members carried with it an implicit reference to the curaca's authority. The Inca had used this association in the ritual exchange of cups, but in the colonial period, this signification of authority was intensified through pictorial quero illustration. One quero image expresses this relationship most directly (fig. 12.2). In it, a profile Sapa Inca sits on a tiana holding a quero. Slightly before and on either side of him are two seated parallel figures. The figure to his lower right is a man with his back turned to the viewer. The figure to the Sapa Inca's upper left is a female who faces the viewer and 3r. ". .. [enl fiestas principales, comia en publ ico todo el pueblo en eI patio del cacique 0 en orro lugar parente, y los caciques se senraban en cabecera de mesa en SlI S dllhos, y la demas genre en el suelo . ... Sentabanse a comer a la larga, en ringlera, cada pa rcialidad de por si, a una parte la de hanOI/soya, y a otru, la de Imril1sayo, en frente lIna de otra, como dos lineas para lelas, y brindaban los de la una a los de la otra" (B. Cobo, His· toria del Nuevo Mundo [1653], BAE 9;1:-92 [1956], hk. I4, chap. 5, p. :!.45).

QUEROS, CURACAS. AND THE COM.MUNITY

holds a quero in her right hand, gesturing toward the profile Inca. Before the Inca and in the area defined by these two figures is a group of dancers. This appears to be the only quero scene in which deep space is used. It is also the only image in which a figure has his back to the viewer. The use of Western perspective and the variety of figural placement make this conceptually one of the most pictorially complex of all quero compositions. However, the artist has still maintained the symbols of Hanan and Hurin as they structure an Andean feast. The central figure toward whom the dancers face creates a right and left orientation. The malelfemale distinction between the two seated figures facing each other refers to the symbolic distinction between Hanan and Hurin as it is defined by their position in relation to the figure on the tiana . The disposition of figures to the right or left not only represents categories of Hanan and Hurin but illustrates that within the ritual context of the vessels' use, these symbolic spaces were defined by the position of the curaca- and that this was taken into consideration in the construction of quero pictorial space. Other quero scenes depict ritual activity, and while not depicting a seating arrangement of scenes, the spatial organization of figures pictorializes the underlying structure of Hanan and Hurin embodied in the cups. Not only does quero imagery reify ritual, but the spatialized presence of Hanan and Hurin pictorially establishes a binary chain to which further iterations of authority and ayllu reciprocity can be accommodated . Inherent in the composition is a referential practice that leads directly to Andean authority- an authority Spaniards needed to control and exercise. This authority had always been metaphorically present in the ritual use of the cups, but in the colonial period, that authority was also articulated pictorially. The metaphors were visually expressed so that within a traditional ritual context, Andeans came to represent themselves and their relation to authority using Western forms similar to those in such pa intings as the Corpus Christi series. Many of the shared iconographic elements referenced the Inca past for a variety of different reasons . Yet the public colonial display of that past did not have an overtly subversive agenda. It was evoked to confirm the status of native nobility within Spanish colonial authority." The conllation of past and present extended beyond the pictorial to the physical place of the colonial plaza, where Andeans arranged themselves by Hanan and Hurin affiliation but within the repoliticized space of Spanish social and cultural authority. 32. See C. Espinosa, "'La Mascarada del Inca: Una Investigaci6n acerca de l Teatro Politico de ]a Colonia," MisceJanea Hist6rica Ecltatoriono 2 (1989): 6-39.

3 12

Toasts with the Inca

The repetitive and stereotypic quero scenes and figures appear on vessels used in communal celebrations. In this sense, the imagety expressed the collective interests of the ayllu. Yet the relationship between the structure of quero composition and the structure of the seating places the curaca's authority at the metaphoric and physical center of those collective interests. An equation, moreover, could be made between these collective interests and their embodiment in the authority of an individual through the textiles worn by a curaca o Textiles were conceptually linked to queros, and at one level, this relationship was still expressed by the abstract tocapu designs on lateseventeenth-century textiles and queros. In the Corpus Christi paintings and in portraits of late-seventeenth-century and eighteenth-century curacas, tbe band of tocapu at the waist is a prominent part of the costume) and in queros with the most complex narrative scenes, the central band is almost always composed of tocapu. As I discussed earlier in this book, late-sixteenth-century and early-seventeenth-century dictionary entries suggest a linguistic equivalence between the two designs. " Textiles continued to be important social signifiers in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In 1670, for example, Reyero wrote that the nobles wore clothes "of extremely fine cumbi decorated with various images." H It was the curaca who most often appeared in archaic tunics, either dressed for ceremony or depicted in paintings. A visual reference between those who wore these fine textiles and the figures on the queros could be established by the conceptual relationship between the two tocapu bands. On one seventeenth-century uncu, this relationship is reversed (fig. 12.3a). At the waist, where the tocapu band normally appears, is a series of Inca with a coya offering two queros (fig. 12.3b). A similar set of figures is placed around the border of a seventeenth- or eighteenth-century heraldic tapestry. In this case, the center is composed with an unidentified coat of arms that is twentyone inches square. The main field of the rest of the tapestry panel has a design composed of animals, flowers, and mermaids playing guitars or 33. Queros and texti les were given together as gifts as a means of recognizing a curaca's authority in relation to his submission to Inca rule. Many cu racas under Inca rule on the north and centra l coasts carried the name Chump; as a sign of nobility conferred by rhe Inca. For example, the curaea of Pachacamac at the time of Hernando Pizzara's first visit was Tawi Chumpi. The word Chumpi may be a coastal variation of the word cttlllpi,

which refers to the finest textile given out by [he Inca. However, the elision of the two words could also refer to the signifying va lue of both the quality of the textile and the waistband design. See Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Curacas y sllcesiones, 12. H. "... de cmnbes finisimos matizados de various pinturas" (F. A. Reyero, "Relaci6n dada at Virrey de Lima" lI670J. La Rellista de Bllenos Aires 24 [I87IJ: 172).

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUNITY

3I 3

harps. This is bounded by a series of three framing panels, with the middle one being the widest. In the outer border, a series of hunters dressed in Spanish costume are depicted shooting at birds. The pose and style of these figures are very similar to the occasional hunter figures found on queros with the tocapu/figural motif. The middle panel has an abbreviated presentation scene repeated around the frame (fig. 12.4). An Inca warrior stands frontally with splayed feet, holding a shield in one hand and a spear in the other. He is approached from the side by a female who holds two queros, offering one to the Inca. Behind her is a hunchback holding a parasol over her head. At the center of the composition, on the two short sides, are schematic portals of a church. This visual reference alludes to the biblical passage emblazoned on the shield, "If God is for us, who will be against us." J5 The doors of the church do more than give a Christian context to the figures; they place the Inca and the coya into the imaginary space of the colonial plaza onto which the churches always faced. Just as important as the pictorial images of queros and ceremonies on textiles are the colonial textile designs themselves. Seen on Andean ritual uncus, the design organization also seems to visualize the underlying concepts expressed in the pictorial quero scenes, by articulating complementarity and opposition through an iconography that spatializes their relationship on the body of whomever wears the garment. For example, the design of a colonial tunic collected near Lake Titicaca (figs. 1O.1Oa-b) conceptually reproduces the dichotomy expressed in the battle scene of the battle/presentation motif.'6 The front is decorated with tocapu. At the bottom are two horizontal rows divided into a series of rectangles in which are placed two figures. The two lower bands continue around to the back. The upper part of the design, however, is different. Replacing the tocapu's geometric patterning is a woven design of a jaguar skin. The same two textile motifs occur on queros, to distinguish the two opposing parties in the battle scene between the Inca and Anti warriors (figs. 1O.9b-<:). On the Titicaca tunic, the motifs occur as two panels of a single garment worn by an individual, so as to place him between the two designs. If, as I have suggested, the two textile motifs on the quero represent aspects of Hanan and Hurin in the expanded sense of com35. "Si Dics es par nos quien sera contra nosn (see T. Joyce, "A Peruvian Tapestry. Probably of the Seventeemh Century," Burlingtoll Magazille [London] 2) ['[913]: J.j.6-jo). )6. The state of preservation argues for a seventeenth- or even eighteenth-celltury dace; see J. Rowe, "Sta ndardization in Inca Tapestry Tunics," in The Jllnills B. Bird PreColllmbian Textile COl/ference, ed. A. Rowe, E. Benson, and A. SchaUer (Washington, D.C.: Dumbacton Oaks, 1979), :q}-.J+

3'4

Toasts with the Inca

plementarity and opposition, the tunic's wearer occupies the area between them. In other words, just as the curaca would sit between the parallel rows of Hanan and Hurin ayllu members in a feast, the wearer occupies the center of these opposing designs. He defines both the opposition and its union, which may also be implied by the series of paired figures at the hem of the textile. More important, the design creates a visual relationship between the general meaning of the quero scenes and the individual wearing the textile. Whereas this tunic expresses the structure of Hanan and Hurin and its spatial reference to the authority of an individual through the two abstract textile designs, a textile in the collection of the Brooklyn Museum equates the wearer with the battle/presentation scene on queros by illustrating that scene in embroidery (fig. 12.5). Only the areas around the yoke and the hem of this textile are embroidered. From either end of the neck opening begins a vertical row of t hree different pairs of tocapu designs. Both rows are bordered by slightly different floral designs. The bottom part of the border on the tunic's front side is more elaborate and surrounds an escutcheon shape, in the center of which is a bicephalic eagle. Two different figural scenes are embroidered in horizontal bands above a row of tocapu at the lateral ends of the textile. On one side, a densely embroidered design is structured around a central motif of rampant lions posed against a petal form . This motif is repeated in a more compacted pattern at either end of the band. To either side of the central lions are two Inca warriors standing on a two-tiered masonry plinth surrounded by vegetal motifs. The warriors wear helmets, uncus with a central tocap u band, and leg bands. They face each other and are antithetically posed, each drawing back an arm to hold a weapon in a threatening gesture. The two figures are almost identical to the Inca figure on a plinth in the battle/presentation motif on queros. Normally, only one such figure is shown on the right side of the quero scenes, although the left side occasionally has a second Inca nearly identical to the one on the right (figs . IO.9b- c) . The only difference between the two figures is the jaguar-skin design of the uncu worn by the left-hand figure. The differentiation is not shown in the two figures embroidered on the textile, nor are the two textile Incas supported by other warring figures . Instead, the two figures are symmetrically integrated into the overall heraldic composition centering on the rampant lion motif, so they are not completely identifiable as the'combatants in the quero scene. The figures embroidered above the other hem also represent the

QUERO S, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUN ITY

battle/presentation theme. Alternating between rampant felines and a pair of birds facing a sun symbol, ti,e presentation scene occurs three times, arranged horizontally on a ground line of contiguous diamonds. The two outer representations are almost identical. The central figure, a Sapa Inca, stands frontally, holding a standard or club in his right hand and a tupa ya uri in the left. His feet point in either direction, indicating his stationary position. This figure is immediately fl anked by two fema les dressed in archaic costume. Although tbey are at eye level with the Inca, they appear to be kneeling, because the front part of their garb does not fall in a straight line but curves outward. This is the same curved line used in quero scenes to indicate the bent knees of the kneeling coya. One arm is extended toward the central figure as if to touch him or offer him something. Behind each female is a male figure wearing a simple uncu and playing either a drum or a conch-shell trumpet. The backs of these musicians are slightly curved, indicating that they are hunchbacks." The central presentation scene is similar to the outer two and is separated from them by a flowering plant. Emphasis is added to the central group by the slightly greater spaces between the figures and by a rainbow over the Sapa Inca, another indication of the relationship between this scene and the rainbow/figural motif. The three groups of figures represent the second half of the battle/presentation quero motif; however, it appears that they were not part of the original textile decoration. The entire design is stylistically and technically very different from me other embroidered border and yoke designs. This presentation design is not as dense, so me figures are clearly silhouetted against the dark background of the textile; the stitching is not as close; and the thread is coarser. The row of tocapu below is, however, in the same style and technique as on the other side. Thus, it appears that the area above it, where the presentation scene occurs, was originally left blank and that the presentation scene was added some time later. It is as if someone had wished to make the reference of the two warriors to the quero scene more explicit. In doing so, it shifts the metaphoric reference to an allegorical one by expanding the action to its various stages; mat is, the heraldic symbols displayed in the textile have been, in a sense, woven into the narrative of the presentation/battle theme as it occurs on the quero . The addition not only equates the 37. Occasiona ll y in quero scenes, the figure hold ing a parasol over the seated Sa p" Inca is represented as a hunchback. This character also appears ho lding a parasol over native aristocrats in colonia l portrai ts and may perhaps derive from Spanish aristocra tic portraiture .

Toasts with the Inca

textile motifs with the quero scene but also links the wearer of the textile with the figures on the quero. By having the elements of the batde/presentation on either side of the tunic, the wearer literally embodies the narrative.

What is significant about the motifs on these textiles is that they are analogous to the quero scenes depicting Inca figures and other «historical" figures of the past. The scenes are allegorical, referring to elements of mythology that pertain to agricultural ritua~ rather than being illustrations of the ritual itself. " The identification of the high-ranking lord with these scenes is therefore also created through the medium of textile, not only through analogy, but through metaphor. The textiles themselves are venerable garments, linking the wearer to the Inca past not only through their woven design but through their form. The form of the textile identifies dle wearer with tradition as it is depicted in textile and quero scenes." In the Spanish colonial world, curacas appeared in European media, such as religious ceremonies, paintings, or sculpture

exhibiting themselves, but within these media, curacas referred to the hereditary basis of their present status through traditional signs. This tradition also validated the authority of a curaca in the community. Textiles, in image and reality, maintained their preconquest ability to signify rank and could associate the quero scenes and the curacao In this sense, we also can understand the Spanish colonial dress of 3t!. When costumed dances are depicted, the dancers are clearly id entified as sllch. This is especiaUy the case in the "Ch uncho Dance" identified in J. Rowe, "The Chronol ogy of Inca Wooden Cups." in Essays in Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology, ed. S. Lothrop et al. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), HO. Oue of the figures is a bear, but the dancer's human hands and feet are clearly shown. Also, the Chunchos-another tide for Anti-are clearly to be understood as cosnllned dancers, because un like the Anti representation in th e battle scenes, the Chunchos here wear jaguar tunics amended by long billowing lace sleeves and pants. The explicit reference to the costume of the dancers is perhaps intentional, because a contemporary version of thi s dance ba s been interpreted as a burlesque of these racia l types; see L. E. Va lca rce l. "The Andean Calendar," in Handbook of South America11 It/dial/s, ed. J. Steward, Smithsorll31l Instirurion Bure3u of AmeriC311 Ethnology Bulletin 1.43 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1946}, 2:47+ However, Segundo Vilameme Ortiz describes another contemporary v... riant of the dance, karaclUlIICho, which is composed of two groups dressed as Antis and bea rs w ho eng ... ge in mock combat. The dance is performed on several different religious holidays. Oniz claims that the dance is Inca in origin; see Ortiz, Pallcartambo Provil1cia Fofkf6rica (Cuzco: Leon, 1980).1:54. The quero scene is possibly a com binario n of sa tire and ritual combat; however, as yet. no colonial description has come to light that would positive ly identify the significance of the dance. 39. The identification between individual and tradition as represemed by the fnc ... was sometimes made directly by weaving the name of the wearer or donor inra the design; see J. Rowe, "Kunst in Peru und Bolivien," in Das aIle America, ed. G. Willey, PropyHi.en KUllstgeschichte i8 (Berlin: PropyHien Verlag, 1974}, fig. 45.

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUNITY

figures on queros and their reference to contemporary individuals. Scenes with Andeans dressed in Spanish costume are descriptive rather than aUegorical. The eighteenth-century colonial dress immediately situates the scene in the present. For example, the figure in the Aymuray scene is depicted participating in the actual celebration of the ceremony, which is indicated by the cult object he holds (fig. 8.na) . The status of the individual is still signified by his dress-a status as defined by colonial rules. As previously noted, the Spanish dress of the curaca in the toma de posesi6n ceremony and the right to wear Spanish clothes in general was one of the privileges granted to a curacao ,0 In Gnaman Poma's drawings, for instance, the higher the traditional Andean rank of a figure depicted in the colonial period is, the greater is the number of European costume features depicted." Moreover, throughout the colonial period, curacas were depicted in Christian cult images as donors dressed in Spanish costume." High-ranking lords in the colonial period could be seen in archaic costume or Spanish colonial costume. Textiles were traditional Andean signifiers of rank and wealth, as were queros. It is possible, therefore, that the costume a curaca wore when participating in a ceremony or when seated with his community in the plaza could idenrify him with rhe scenes on the queros. As a political synecdoche of the ayUu, the curaca could draw the community into whatever imagined world was conjured up by the quero and its images. This possibility originated in the pre-Hispanic signifying relationship between queros and textiles; however, in the colonial period, such associations were also couched in figural imagery. The Andean pre-Hispanic understanding of authority invested in right and left and the representation of rank through textile and vessel were manifesred in a form that was Western . In the Spanish colonial world, this pictorial form was affiliated with the curacas' colonial status as observed by their portraits, the portraits of Inca kings kept in curacas' homes, coats of arms, or the appearance of the curacas in paintings of Christian ritual. Not only were Andean signs of authority incorporated into the composition of quero scenes, but rhe form of that representarion was used to signify the curaca's colonia l status as Spanish representative of his Andean communities. The pictorialism on both textiles and vessels therefore formed 40.

See Espin oza Soriano, "Los Sei'iorLos Etnicos del Valle,"

1}1 .

..p . See R. Adorno, "On Pictorial Language and the Typology of Culrure in a New World Chronicle," Semiotica (The Hague) 36, nos, 1-2 (1982): 6}, 42. See j. de Mesa and T, Gisbert, Historia de Pilltllra Cu:;;que,;a (Lima: Bibl ioreca Peruana de Cu hura, .£91:12.), 2.86-87.

'0

Toasts with the Inca

an intersection between the various levels of rank and autbority as they existed in the colonial world. Through their ancient associations, queros ideologically activated Spanish forms and symbols within a native ritual context.

Queros, as they were exchanged in colonial plazas, carried images alluding to more than interna l ayllu order. The rainbow motif on the queros may have referred to rains and agriculture as well as to Christian apocalyptic promise. But it also directly referred to the curaca's authority as invested by both Spanish colonial and native institutions. Such queros may even have been exchanged in plazas where the curaca's heraldry, composed in part by the feline and rainbow motif, was carved on the patio's portallinte!. Queros also were used in different locations for festivals or in plazas where there was no lintel sculpture. Yet an underlying association between the quero's image and its reference to the colonial power structure, as portrayed on San Borja's lintel (fig. 11.2a-b), persisted . Such motifs as the rainbow may have derived from pre-Hispanic images and meaning, but they had been subsumed into Spanish heraldry and then given back to native nobility as gifts from the king. The appearance of this heraldic device painted on queros marks the most elementary penetration of Spanish colonial C011cerns in what appears to be a wholly native symbolic object. On some examples, the exchange is quite specific as the coat of arms itself is painted onto the quero. This form of penetration did not only exist at the level of discrete symbols. Entire scenes depicting ritual or the myth encompassed in ritual actions are composed to visualize ayllu values. In this sense, they formulate, as John Rowe has suggested, a resistance to acculturation." But as the ayllu community gathered and sat to the right and left of their curacas, acknowledging both their moiety affiliation and the curacas' "natural" position in the community, they held and exchanged traditional objects with images formulated through a Western pictorial tradition. The composition of the imagery conveyed Hanan and Hurin associations that were internal to the COffilTIUnity'S social identity, and these associations were also embedded in the symbolic seating of the curacas in these feasts. But as I have already discussed, Spaniards in the sixteenth century legislated these feasts to maintain the curacas' authority. In this sense, traditional values were redefined to dra w the autochthonous subject into the colonial world." 43. Rowe, "Chronology." HQ-4I. 44. In this sense, the "cultural rena issance" that Rowe proposes for the seventeenth and eighteenrh centuries, in w hich he incl udes queros as an example, was more a phenom-

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUN ITY

This is not a question of intentionality; the Spaniards never directed the manufacture of quero imagery, nor did quero painters set out to create images of authority. However, that authority existed just the same. It existed because the object, the quero, manifested connotations of Andean hierarchy and authority just as the new form of decoration carried colonial concepts of authority. Forms of colonial authority are declared in various ways in quero imagery as if to suggest the acquiescence to them by the ayllu. But in reality, the images depict norms that were false and disputed. Rebellions frequently erupted throughout Peru as many natives refused a domesticated image of the Inca . They eventually looked to such figure s as Tupac Amaru as models of resistance. Queros in the late eighteenth century may have even been an important cultural part of that resistance. But to get to that point of active and articulated resistance, queros had to pass through the sociocultural transformations of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. They did not inevitably lead to Tupac Amaru's revolt of 1781 in some teleological fashion, somehow helping to shape first resistance and then rebellion along the way.

To Bind the Community That matters of power (metaphysical, social, and political) are central to quero painting cannot be questioned. The quero and aquilla had been ritual instruments among the Inca, used to effect the intercourse between the power of deities and rulers and between those rulers and their subjects. In the colonial period, power still was present both in terms of petitioning supernaturals (that is, after all, what part of agricultural and pastoral ritual is about) and in terms of social organization-the power of ayllus to produce subsistence needs in a cooperative or reciprocal mode within the ayllu and between pastoral and agricultural communities. The power also resided in the ayllu hierarchy that enon of acc ultura tion than one of regeneration, because Andeans learned abollt their past through European forms, both text and image. Moreover, it was the elite w ho had access to this knowledge, because of the privileges accorded to them by the colonial regime. Tt therefore entrenched that elite even more in their position o f power. That there were revolts, some led by men claiming to be descendants of the Inca, does not mean that the cu i· [Ural forms that desc ribe or depict "native Andean history" generated or culminated in that revolt as Rowe suggests. Rather, the revo lts came from intolerable abuses by both Spaniards and cmacas who were reading Garcilaso de 1.1 Vega and dressing as Sapa Incas. See Rowe, "£1 Movimiento naciona l inca del Siglo XV1IT." Revista de fa UllilJersidad del CIIZCO J97 (1954) : 17-47·

B

Toasts with the Inca

deeded to the curaca the ability to direct and control the ayllu and its resources." On colonial queros, a new element of authority intrudesthe authority manifested by pictorial representation." The elements of social exchange and authority existing in the quero as a ritually employed symbolic object became figuraUy imagined in relation to the past. The depiction of Andean ritual gave it a different form. These images declared what was already known in speech or song. By changing the descriptive mode of ritual, however, that knowledge was redefined." The visual manifestation was henceforth understood as exterior to the ritual so far as one was able to contemplate its expression through its pictorial representation. That is, just as there is a temporal disjunction between the historical period of the Inca and the colonial curaca dressed as an Inca, so too there is a disjunction between the representation of and the participation in a ritual, even while the quero is being used in the ritual. There is an always deferred reference in the case of the pictorial in that the image of the ritual is not in and of itself what it represents, a legacy of doctrinal teaching about images. Nonetheless, this sense of the visual is strained to its limit to be meaningful. The quero scenes often illustrate ceremonies in which the cups are being used . They are ceremonies codifying the cohesive structure of a society, the structuring structure, which entailed cooperative behavior to meet subsistence needs. The authority invested in the curaca was needed to organize and direct the labor tasks that were celebrated through the rituals depicted on these queros. In a society not impacted by European interests based on capital and Catholicism, ritual did not stand as a defense against external competing social, religious, and eco45. For a description of the cole of ceremony as would be found at the level of Andean agricultural ceremony, see V. Turner, "Social Dramas and Stories about Them,"' in all Narrative, ed. W. J. T. Mitchell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 159-60. 46. Hayden White writes: "narrative in general, from folktale co the novel, from annals [0 the fully realized 'hi sto ry,' has to do with topics of law, lega lity, legitimncy, or, more generall y, authority. And indeed, when we look at what is supposed to be the next stage in evolution of historical representation after annals form, that is, the chronicle, this suspicion is borne o ut. The more historically self·conscious the writer of any form o f histo~ riography, the more the question of the social system and the laws which sustain it, the authority of this law and its justification, an d threats to the law occupy his attention" ("The Value of Narrative in the Representation of Reality,» in 011 Narrative, ed. W. J T. Mitchell lChicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981J, 13). Although White is here addressi ng the written form of narrative, I believe that his comments can be applied to the shift in quero decoration from the abstract to narrative designs and that the lise of pictorial narrative resu lts because the social system of the Andes was in question. 47. See H. White, "The Narrativization of Real Events, » in 011 Narrative, ed. W. j. T. Mitchell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 2St.

QUEROS , CURACAS, AND THE COMMUN ITY

321

nomic factions that could destroy that society. Rituals, whatever else they do, work to reconcile differences within tbe society itself." Inca rituals were effective because the society in which they were performed was effective. It was a culture unquestioned and lmquestioning because it functioned at all levels- economically, socially, politically, and religiously. In this sense, Incan subjects did not bave to declare the content of ritual as it would be declared on colonial queros. Rather, they carried out ritual as part of a culture's synthetic discourse. But in the depiction of various aspects of those ceremonies on queros, one finds ceremony in this form to be the working out of sometbing more: the conflict between tbe authority of a curaca and the colonial pressures placed on the community. What is at stake in quero paintings at one level is the authenticity of tbe ritual practice in relation to the authority of the curaca and the stability of the community. As traditional ayllu participation was brougbt into question, ritual acrion in the colonial period was no longer necessarily convincing. Traditional existence within an ayllu society, in other words, was no longer unquestioned. The ability of ayllu society to provide a coherent and unmediated identity was at issue. Colonial pressures, such as mita, taxes, and a system of economic corruption, tested and eroded traditional values. Was it worth remaining in a redncci6n and adhering to traditional rules and identity when that social identity provided so little protection? Quero scenes depict aspects of Andean ritual as if the values of the society in which tbey were performed had not beefl questioned. They present an image of a society functioning at an optimum level within a subsistence economy. As such, there is a profound disavowal operative in the depiction of normalcy, because the serenity and composure with which quero scenes are represented is exactly the opposite from colonial reality in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In 1683, Viceroy Duque de La Plata conducted a census that revealed a major failure in the Toledean reforms of the previous century. One of the reasons Toledo settled natives into reducciones was to produce a self-sufficient population that could easily be taxed and organized for mita labor as collected and organized by their curacas. The census of Viceroy Duque de La Plata revealed that the native population in the area of mita service for Potosi-the area between Cuzco and 48. See C. Levi-Strauss, Triste 1961 ),230-3:1.

Trapiql/es~

trans. j. Russell (New York: Criterion,

322

Toasts with the Inca

Potosi where the vast majority of painted queros have been found-was almost evenly divided between originarios and forasteros. 49 Originarios were those natives who lived in reducciones as ayllu members of the original community and who had direct access to community resources as defined by traditional law. The term forasteros, meaning "outsider" or "foreigner," refers to natives who were alienated from their ayllu and had no landholding rights. 50 These individuals had several options. They migrated to the cities; settled as subunits of ayllu communities, renting lands from the communities; worked as wage laborers on Spanish haciendas; bought and worked land that had been claimed by the Crown through composicio"es de tierras; or hired themselves to work as mule drivers, miners, and so on,S1 Forasteros represented Toledo's failure, because by I683, F,348 of the 64,58I counted natives (males between the ages of eighteen and fifty) in the sixteen provinces subjected to the mita de Potosi and in Arequipa and CuzCQ Provinces were forasteros)' In other words, nearly half the native population in the southern sierras had forsaken their kinship ties and were neither taxed nor available for mita. The I683 census only confirmed a problem that had existed since the early years of the colony and that had simply grown worse and continued to do so into the eighteenth century.5.1 At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Viceroy Luis de Velasco commented in his report to his successor that Toledo's reducciones had been somewhat less than successful in the highlands of southern Peru and Bolivia because of native mortality and because many Indians had fled to avoid "the mitas de minas and other personal services to which they had been assigned." 54 Mita and tax obligations were almost too much of a burden for natives to withstand while still maintaining the tradi-

49. See N. Sanchez-Albornoz, Indios y trilmtos en eI Alto Perti (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanas, T978), 49. 50. See B. Larson, "Caciques, Class Structure, and the Colonial State in Bolivia," Nova Americana (Turin) 2 (I979): I98. )1. See A. Wightman, Indigenous Migratiol7 and Social Change: The Forasteros of Ct/zco, IJ2frI720 (Durham: Duke Universiry Press, .1990), .I38-49. 52. See Sanchez~Albornoz, Indios y triblltos, 49. 53 . For the early disintegration of ayllu communities, see N. Wachtel, Sociedad e ideologia (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, .l973), 81-162 . 5+ " .. . las mitas de minas y orros servicios personales a que estan repartidos" (Luis de Velasco , Memoria de los Vireyes que han gobernado cI Pent durante el tielllpo del coloniaje Espmlol fI751-S6j [Lima: Libreria Central de Felipe Bailly, 1859], .I :I.I 8-19, cited in Sanchez~AJbomoz, Il1dios y tributos, 46).

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUN ITY

tiona I life replete with ayllu obligations. Thus, many Andeans simply left their native communities and became forasteros. This alternative did not substantially improve the material conditions of a native's life, but as a forastero, a native no longer had to balance his ayllu and state obligations, a balance that was increasingly more difficult to sustain as tax obligations for the ayllu remained the same while the tax base dwindled by mortality and fleeing members . More important, there was an increasing disaffection between the curaca and the ayllu members, as the colonial privileges of curacas often turned the traditional relationship into one of economic exploitation and capital accumulation by the curacao Traditiona l ties between ayllll members and curacas became strained as the interests of curacas and Spaniards became intertwined. Through their privileges, curacas were able to better their personal financial position in a number of ways, such as engaging in commerce, laying personal claim to communal property, and graft and corruption. 55 But in exchange for the privileges and for the opportunity for collusion with Spanish officials, curacas had an instrumental function in the maintenance and financing of Peru. They were obliged to collect taxes and provide mita labor, which meant they needed their community. They could not afford the dissipation of the ayllu structure; without it, they lost their base of power and the reason for their privileges. Forasteros put a double srrain on the curaca and his responsibilities to the ayllu . Their absence from the community represented the loss of

5;. A considerable am0l111t of literature is accumulating on the transformation of the curaca's social [ole in relation to his economic role in the colonial period. From [his body, J have formulated my discussion o f the curaca: see S. O'Phelan Godoy, Kurakas sin SlIcesiol1es: Del Caciql/e al alcalde de Indios (Penl y Bolivia, I7So-r83S) (Cuzco: Cemro de Estudios Regiona les Andinos "Barto lome de las Casas, n 1997); F. Pease, Cttracas, reciproc.idad y riqueza (Lima : Pontificia Universidad Cat61ica del Peru, !991.l; C. Diaz Rememerfa, El Caciquc CII el Virreil1oto del Pent: £Studio historico-juridico (Sevilla: Unive rsidad de Sevilla. 1977); E. Dunbar Temple, "Los Caciques Apoa laya," RMN 2, no. 2. (19"'2): 147-'78; W. Espinoza Soriano, "La Sociedad Andina Colonial," in Historia del Penl (Lima: Juan Mejia Baca), I31-HO; Larson, "Caciques"; M. Marner, "La Infiltraci6n Mestiza en los Cacicazgos y Cabildos Indios, Siglos XVT-XVID, " Aclas del Congreso Internaciol/af de Al1Ieric01tistas (Sevilla ) 36, no. 2. (r966): 155--60; J. Rowe, "The Incas under Spa nish Co lonia l lnstiwtions, " Hispanic American Historical Review (Durham ) 37, no. 2 (:1957): 155-99; K. Spa lding, De Indio a Campesil10 (lima: Instituto de Esrudios Peruanas, 1974); S. Stern, Peru's hldian Peoples and the Challenge of Spallish Conqllest (Madison: University of W isconsin Press, !982); R. Varon Gaba i, Cttracas )' encomellderos (Lima : P. l. Villa nueva, 1980); G. Urton, The History of a Myth: Pacariqtambo alld the Origin of the IlIkas (A ustin: University of Texas Press, 1990).

Toasts with the Inca

part of the assigned tax base, which had to be made up, and it provided the example for others sti ll struggling within the ayllu to simply leave. As Viceroy Melehor de Navarra y Rocaful wrote in I68I, the forasteros liberate themselves from these molestations . .. fleeing and abandonjng their homes to find relief in cities and provinces that do not have mira, where they have settled themselves under the name of forastero. 56

Curacas could not prevent members from fleeing, as many simply never returned from their mira service. However, curacas did not give in to this flight altogether. Either they pursued those who had abandoned

the community, or they sent a kind of bounty hunter, a hi/cata, after the forasteros. A hileata was someone charged by the curaca to travel throughout the Andes in search of ayllu members, to collect the taxes they owed, and to make them either return for mita service or pay for a replacement. The position was dangerous but well worth the risks. Legally, the hilcata kept a portion of what he collected, and he was exempted from mita. JIlegally, hileatas tried to collect more than was due and pocketed the extra. However, the job of hileata was not easy or necessarily successful. First, the hileata had to locate the absent ayllu member; then, he had to make him pay . Technically, forasteros still remained tied to their village and subject to the obligations they incurred there, but forasteros on Spanish haciendas, for example, were often protected from the hileata's demands by the hacendados, who had at stake their own interest in keeping the forasteros indebted to themselves .57 The "Republica de Los Indios" in which Spaniards had envisioned Indians maintaining themselves by their customs was as much a myth as a reality, because the ayllu in and of itseU was no longer inviolable." In this contested world, tradition became a practice that had to be made palpable, as it was in tradition that the ayllu realized itself in distinction to Spanish colonial society. Tradition, its customs, and the exercise of its customs are a colonial invention that became recogniz56. ". , . librarse de estas molestias . .. huyendo todos y desamparando SllS cassas para hallae eI alibio en las ciudades y provincias que no miran. adonde se han situ ado con nombre de fora steros" {Don Melchor de Na varra y Rocafu l, Memorias de los Vireyes que ball Gobemado eI Peni durante el tiemfJo del Cotolliaje Espmiol [r689'"'"'98J [Lima: Libreda Centra l de Felipe Bailly, 1859], 2:2.41. 57- See S3.nchez-Albornoz, Indios y tributos, 92.-95, 113--19· 58. On the concept of the two "'repliblicas" and their interrelationship, see J. Tord Nicolini and C. Lazo Garda, Hacienda, COlllercio, Fiscalidad y LlIchas Sociales (Lima: Bib[ioreca Peruana de Historia, Economfa y Sociedad, 1981), 72.-73.

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUNITY

32 5

able in distinction to Spanish colonial forms of culture and society. At the same time, tradition became a clear political necessity for Spaniards and Andeans. By tradition, the curacaship continued to exist as a position of authority even though men who had no hereditary right to that position occupied it." Queros manifested traditional values and beliefs through their being and their use. Moreover, these values and beliefs were supplemented by their own image. They became stated in a direct and unequivocal manner. What was depicted, the ritual and/or myth that celebrated ayllu reciprocity and traditional authority, was no longer unquestioned as a practice in and of itself. Yet the images steadfastly stressed ayllu cohesion through both form and iconography. The quero images thus address the objects on which they appear within a time and place most often located in the mythic past of the Inca. The integrity of the ayllu was accentuated through allusion to a past in which these ritual practices were conducted by leaders in communities that had not suffered tile trauma of colonial existence. It was an integrity couched in an illusion of normalcy and tranquility painted through a Western pictorial tradition. Perhaps this illusion of decorum and stability was also something learned from Western painting. One need only think about the paintings of Beatriz's marriage to Martin de Loyola (fig. IL7) to see that historical truth and representation were not in accord. But even if natives looking at these paintings did not remember Beatriz's rape or her shabby treatment by Loyola, one must wonder what natives contemplated before the painting of the entrance of the Virgin into the cathedral from the Corpus Christi series. In the left foreground, a group of sumptuously dressed native dancers stand in an orderly and reverent fashion, facing toward Bishop Mollinedo and his party as they prepare to enter the cathedral. It is an image of calm and veneration. How different from reality. Less than twenty years after the painting was hung, the same group of dancers was Involved in a drnnken brawl in the streets of Cuzco while tlley marched in the Corpus Christi procession. Punishments of two hundred lashes were meted out to the offenders, and the dancers were prohibited from performing the following year. 60 If descriptions of other proces-

59. Increasingly, cl1racaships were occupied by men with no legal claim ro the position who were in stalled by Spaniards, and against ulllaw, mesrizos became curacas, with examples including the curacas of Pomata and Ilave in r683. See Sanchez-Albornoz. Indios)' tributos, 84, 12.5; Marner, "La Infiltracion Mestiza"; M. Marner, La corolla espartola y los {orallcos CII los pueblos de indios America (Stockholm~ Almquist and Wiksel, 1970) . 60. See D. de Esqu ivel y Navin, Noticias Crollof6g;cas de fa Gran Ciudad del Cuzco {I750] (Lima: Biblioteca Peruana de Cultura, 1:980), 2.:18 3.

Toasts with the Inca

sions are to be believed, such rude behavior was the norm.'r Yet only the ideal behavior, the correct ritual behavior, is represented in the Corpus Christi series. 6~ Correct ritual bebavior is also depicted on queros. Behind the correct image stood the corruption of the ayllu by external, uncontrollable forces. For some (i.e., for the forasteros), the ayllu no longer offered an existence, an identity as a kin member, worth the trouble brought on by excessive colonial obligations. Quero images stood against the deterioration of the values that rituals in a previous period, a period now identified with the Inca, celebrated rather than declared. To remain in the ayllu meant believing not just in the power of apus and huacas but in the value of kin-based reciprocity. It also meant subnutting to taxation and mita. In this sense, quero images depict the value of cohesion, rather than simply embodying the values themselves. Emphasis is placed on the very subjects that were in question: reciprocal ayllu responsibility and traditional authority . As one held the queros with images that reified the values of traditional life, one also submitted to the authority of the community and of the curaca and thereby also pledged to pay colonial taxes and provide mita labor. Such was the existence of a native who maintained an ayllu identity in the colonial period.

To Serve a Community There are many ways of interpreting queros and the meaning of their imagery!' More important, the image of the Inca was not static in the colonial period and could come to stand for many different, often contradictory things. In this regard, one need only think of the place that the image of the Inca held in the rebellion lead by Tupac Amaru in 61. For comments on the raucous behavior of natives dueing other Christian celebrations, see A. F. Frezier, Relation dll voyage de la Iller du Slid aI/X cotes du Chili. du peroll. et dll Bresil. fait pendant les al1nees 17I2, I7L3, et 1:714 {Paris: Chez J. G. Nyon E. Ganeau, 17 16),249. 62. The paintings also provided an ideal constcuct of the procession, rather than being

faithful depictions of it. For example, several of the carriages as well as the representations, San Sebastian and the Immaculate Conception were copied from drawings by Caudi of a 1662 procession in Valencia. See J. de Mesa and T. Gisbert, Arquitectura Alidina (La Paz: Coleccian Arzans y Vela, Embajada de Espana en Bolivia, 1985), 234, 242-..D; C. Dean, "Copied Carts," Art Bulletin 77, no. r (1996): 98-no. 63. For contemporary Q uechua interpretations of quero dtawings, see C. Allen, uThe Incas Have Gone Inside: Pattern and Persistence in Quechua Iconography" (Department of Anthropology, George Washington University, photocopy).

QUEROS, CURACAS, AN D THE COMM UN ITY

32 7

1780,64 Moreover, colonial queros were used to drink and toast for a number of purposes- not the least of w hich was religious. I have not stressed the religious or cosmological interpretation of queros and their paintings. Whatever cosmology may be expressed in quero images is secondary to the pictorialization of the vessels and rituals themselves. The cosmology or religious content predates the paintings. I also have not stressed the possibilities of political resistance that could be read into the queros and their images at particular historical moments,6' What is new are the paintings themselves. Technology-here expressed as a pictorial system-is never neutral, for it can never exist outside of culture. The paintings are a cultural part of the sociopolitical changes brought about by the conquest. As such, I have stressed the sociopolitical content of queros under both Inca and colonial rule. Within the continuity of quero production, Andeans came to represent themselves in terms of the past to validate their present, be it through the quero's relation to Tiahuanaco for the Inca or through the image of the Inca for colonial Indians. Moreover, the expression of continuity was not just for existential validation but bound members of a community to each other through forms of authority. The distinction, however, between the Inca and colonial periods is that the binding to Spanish authority brought with it the colonial seeds of the community's disarticulation. Whereas the Inca had been imperial oppressors before the arrival of the Spaniards, the image of the Inca in the colonial period was used in a much more subtle manner to initiate a totally new form of oppression. If the Inca came to stand as some form of tradition represented in various ways in quero paintings, one might say that tradition was used in the end to serve up a native people for a colonial economy. It would be a mistake, nonetheless, to think of colonial queros and the images on them only as an insidious colonial object, somehow working the colonial will of Spaniards on their Andean subjects. Queros and their images were used in rituals that reaffirmed a sellse of community as both a social and religious entity for those who saw and used them. Communion with the Andean supernatural continued to be enacted by pouring chicha from the vessel to the surrounding powers. But the study of Inca and colonial queros, aquillas, and their images allows us to see more than just the religious ritual of Andean society. These objects and images reveal the dynamics of Andean cultural forms 6+ See, for example, A. Flores Ga lindo, Buscando IlII In ca: Identidad y Utopia en/os Alldes (Lima: Editorial Ho rizonte, I986); Rowe, "EI Movimienro. >t 65. For such a reading, see J. c. Esrenssoro Fuchs, "La Plastica colonial y sus relaciones con la gran rebelion," Revista Andhta 9, no. 2. (I991): 415-39.

Toasts with the Inca

in relation to changing social and political conditions. We often tend to let the documents produced within the literate world of colonial Peru reveal how Andeans interacted with Spaniards and among themselves. Yet these texts were almost always directed toward a Spanish colonial audience, whereas queros and aquillas were foremost used within Andean communities. I have therefore tried to weave an interpretation of the written sources together with an interpretation of this critical Andean category of objects, objects that frequently appear in the documentary sources themselves. I have attempted to give equal weight to both Spanish and Andean expression, to understand how they informed one another within Peruvian colonial interactions.

Coda I have no idea if a colonial Andean would recognize my analysis of quero paintings, because I have looked at these works as object and image, stressing aspects of power and authority that do not lie at the surface. Yet in their various guises, power and authority are, in a very real sense, at the center of colonial interactions . I am not altogether sure, however, that there is not at least one Andean author who might recognize as true some of what I have written. Guaman Poma de Ayala has in a sense been a coauthor to this study. It has been in part through his drawings and writings that I have come to understand quero paintings and what they could signify in a colonial society. He, more than anyone else, was able to articulate the transformation of the Andean world under European colonialism. He understood how traditional signs could be altered to serve an alien overlord. And although his drawings predate by at least some fifty years the majority of extant colonial quero paintings, it is appropriate to allow him, as an Andean voice raised against colonialism, to have the last word and image. In a drawing of colonial relations that condenses their complexity, Guaman Poma shows us an interior scene of a corregidor seated at a table with a mestizo and a mulatto (fig. 12.6). Coming into the picture frame from the left (the viewer's right) is a figure identified by the words "tributary Indian" written above his head. The gloss at the top of the page reads "Corregimiento, The corregidor toasts low people at his table, the mestizo, mulatto, and mita Indian." However, the actions of the corregidor and the Indian reveal something else. The corregidor holds two identical goblets---different from the single vessels held by the mestizo and the mulatto-and offers one to the Indian, who stretches

QUEROS, CURACAS, AND THE COMMUN ITY

forward to receive it. The corregidor's gesture is clear. The cup is offered by a superior on the right and received by an inferior to his left. However, the figure on the left is called three different things: a mita Indian (written in the gloss at the top of the drawing), a tributary Indian (written above his head), and a curaca (when addressed by the corregidor). The last title is antithetical to the first two, because the curaca did not have to perform mita or pay taxes. But the curaca, as the traditional authority figure in his community, did setve the corregidor by collecting that tribute and providing that labot. This is what is meant by the traditional Andean gesture proffered by the corregidor to the Indian. So ·that we may understand that this action is the primary signifying element in the drawing, Guaman Poma has transferred the speech, which in the author's other drawings emanates from the figures' mouths, to their arms. On the corregidor's outstretched arm offering the cup is written in Spanish, "Brindes cotes Senor Curaca" [Toast to the profits [obtained from the Indians to benefit the corregidor], Senor Curaca]'6 To this, the curaca replies, written half in Spanish and half in Quechua on the atm extended to receive the cup, "Apu rouy senor noca ciruiscayqui" [Lord, high lord, I am going to serve you].

66. Corominas, under the entry for coto, lim cotes. Coto is defined by Sebastian de Cova rrubia s Orozco as follows: "eJ precio y Ia tasa que se pOlleen 10 que se com pea 0 se vende. y en esta significacion usa deste termino Ia ley 2, tit. 7, part. 5, que dice asi: 'Corose posturas ponen los mercaderes entre 51 ... 2.. Acotar una cosa es aceptarl a por eI precio en que esta puesta'" (Tesoro de fa Lenglfa Castellana 0 Espmioia [r6uJ, ed. F. Maldonado and M. Camero, 2d ed. [Madrid: Editorial Casta lia, r995}, 364). I thank Carmen Arellano for pointing me in this direction.

Glossary

Quechua terms have been spelled according to the manner in which they most often occur in colonial documents and dictionaries. Anti aqha aquilla ayllu audiencia cacique camay chakitaclla

chich a chullpa coca

collca cumbi curaea doctrinero

encomienda forastero

huaea mascapaicha mate mira obr aje Pachamama puna

An Inca name for a jungle inha bita nt; also known as chunch. Corn beer. A paired Inca drinking vessel made of gold Or silver. All Andean social, ritua l, and territorial unit; also a bola . Royal judicial and administrati ve cc unei.! fo r a regio n. A Caribbean word used by the Spani sh for native elites, such as curaeas. T he Inca concept of the supernatural vita lization of all material things. A diagonally held Andean foot plow. An Andean fermented beverage made from maize; see aqha. Burial structure. T he potent leaf traditionall y chewed by the Inca, which became a prized conunodity. An Andean warehouse. Fin e tapestry produced in the An des. A regional Andean leader. A Catho lic priest w ho lived among the Andeans. A system of land di visio n wherein tracts of land were allocated to Spanish overlords. A term meaning "outsider" or "fo reigner" that designates natives who were alienated fro m theif ayllu and had no landholding rights. A local sacred site. The tassel worn by the Inca king. A drinking vessel made from a gourd. Corporate labor with in the ayllll. A textile sweatshop instituted by the Spanish in the seventee nth century. Mother Earth. Pastoral land.

33 I

33 2 pututo quero reduccion repartimiento requerimiento

Tahauntinsuyu tiana

['inku rocapu tumi urpu visita yanantin

Glossary A conch-shell trumpet. A paired Andea n drinking vessel made of wood. A Spanish-style town based on a grid plan and into which An deans were resettled.

A distribution of Andean labor. Document read out loud by the Spa ni sh, giving them legal and mora l au thority to conquer a territory. The name of the Inca Empi re based o n a conceptual wvision into four parts. A low stool on whic h the Andea n leaders would sit at ceremonial events. Ce remonial battles fought in the Andes. Geo metric Inca designs. A hunting knife. A large vessel used to store liquids, such as chieha. A general tour of inspection by the Spanish. The concept wherein a member of one moiety member sees himlherse lf mirro red in a member of the other.

Bibliography

Abbreviations BAE

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Index

Abstraction defined, 1-2in Inca board painting, 130-37 in Inca visual culture, 28, 92-}>3 in quero decoration, 27-28, 92-93, 135- 37

in stone carving, 2.7-2.8 Acosta, Jose de on acculturation, 308-9 on Andean painting, 130 on coca, 203-4 on feasting, 309 on marriage of Sapa Inca, 70 Adorno, Theodor, 10 AJbornoz, Cristobal de on Inca memory, lSI-53 on queros, 135 relations with GU3ma n Perna de Ayala, 16r-62repression of the Taqui Onkoy, 146-48 Alvarez, Bartolome, on idolatrous images, 1 )3-54 « Andeanness» in colonial Spanish taste, 175-77, 283-86

defined, 13 Andean socia l structures. See also Hanan and Hurin; Inca conceptsj lnea Empire feasting, 39-44, 50-54, 99-105 gifting, 82- 87, 89-92soc ial reciprociry, 42-«, 46-54, 57-5 8,83-87,228- 2 9

Aqha, 40, 43, 103, 109-10, 207. See also C hicha Aquillas, 6, 13, 30, 107, 109, 138-39, 178-88, 190, 2II-q. See also Atocha. Nuestra Seiiora de; Queros Arriaga, Jose de on Christian images as surrogates for Andean beliefs, 159 on extirpation, 198 Arrieros. See also Native populations contracts of, 2.46-50 images of, 245-50 Atahualpa in colonial theater, 2884)1 death of, 18 drinking from head, 90 encoul1Cer with Pizarro, 14-19, II8 rivalry with brother, Huascar, 90, 100,258

Atocha. Nuestra Seiiora de. See also Aquillas; Queros aquillas on, 178-88, 190 Europea n-style vessels on, 183-86, 192-93 importance from quero chronology, 182.-83

passengers on, 178, 186 Avila, Fra ncisco de on drinking, 224 on quero painting in sermons, 175, 216-17

sermons of, 175, 2I6-I7, 2.24

Index

370

Ayllu. See a/so Curacas; Hanan and Hurinj Inca Empire defined, 40 under Inca Emp ire, 9~I02, 105 persistence in colon ial culture, 246-49, 267-69,281- 82,3 0 4-5. 30 ,9-26

Ayrihu3, fest iva l of, 268 Bakhtin, Mikhail, on do uble voice, 145 . See

also Taqui cokoy

Bandera, Damian de la, on Inca gifts, 57-58 BeatIiz (daughter of Sayri Tupac) marr iage of, 292-93 painting of, 293-97, 325-26 Bertonio, Ludovico definition of katari queros, 96 on painted quero designs, 201 Betanzos, Juan de

as ambassador to Vi1cabamba, no difference from Cabello Balboa's account, 54 on drinking custo ms, 83-84. 104 on Inca history, 47-51, 83 on metaphor of head and quero, blood and aqha, 9<>-91 on Pacaritambo, 132-33 Bracamonte, Fray, on religious power of painting, 176-77 Cabe ll o Balboa, Miguel difference from Betanzos's account, 54

on Inca power, 46 on painted cups, 1.51 Cabeza de Vaca, Diego, on nati ve drinking, 229 Ca may. See also inca conceptsj Native artists definition , 28-2.9 in relation to Europea n concepts, 157-60

Caqui aviri image of quero, 2.25 painting at, 2.30 Chicha . See also Aqha; Drinking; inca and colonia l Andean ritual

as commodity, 205-7, 2.21 income from, 206- 7, 209 as object of ritual exchange, 16-18, 83- 87 production of, 205-7 sale of, 207, 221 Chicherias, 2.07 Cieza de Leon, Pedro de on coca, 203 depiction of PotosI, 180 on drinking, ISO, 2.67 on gift of queros, 84- 86 on inca mythic hi story, 84-87 on Inca " treaties," 47 Coats-of-arms. See also Heraldry on Co legio de San Borja in C uzco, 278-79 of Cuzco, 276 of Don Juan Tito T upac Amaru, 26 5

of Francisco Pizarro, IS in frontispiece of GarciJaso de la Vega, 265 of Garda de Loyola, 292 of J uan de Porras, 35, 275 with portrait of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, 134, 173 privileges of, 276- 77 on Sayei Tupac's pa lace, 278 of sons of Huayna Capac, 274-75 Cabo, Bernabe on board painting, 12.9-30 on queros, 33- 34, 86, 2 00, 2.08, 230-3 1 ,3 10

on quilca, 132 on Tiahuanaco, 61-62 Coca as commodity, 202-4, 246-50 ritual significance of, 202.- 4 Colonia l visual cu lture importance of human representation in, 164-68, 185, 188-89 pedagogical aims in, 157-60, 17 6--77

place of European representations in, I25-26, 156-60, 224- 25. 270"-'96

politicization of, 127.158-60, 176,

INDEX

182,270-96 ,3 09- 12 ,319-2.2, 32 5- 29 stylistic hybridity of, 3-4, II-I 3, 125-26,155-60, 178, 182-83, 270-96 ,3 26-29 Confession, 305-6. See also Religious

structures, colonial Coricancha , 32, 109-10. See also Cuzco Corpus Christi, festival of, 292-93, 325- 26. See also Cuzco; Religious structures, colonial Council of Trent. See also Religious structures, colonial policy on images, 158 in Second and Third Councils of Lima, 156-58 Cova rrubias Orozco, Sebastian de, on Peru, vii Cumbi, 23, 28, 312. See also Native artists; Textiles Curacas. See also AyUu; Inca Empire; Social structures, colonial authority of, 25, 42-44, roo-II7, 247-49,2.81

in colonial festivals, 287-96 dress of, 56, 279-80,293, 302-4, 31 7-2I duties in Inca Empire, 49-54 education of, 279-80, 287 investiture rituals of, 302-4 social starus of, 81-87, rOO-IT7, 141-43,227-30,2.77-82,287-96, 300-3 12 ,3 16-29 Cusipata. See Cuzco; Plaza

Cuzco (Inca and colonial) Coricancha of, 32, 109-10 Corpus Christi paintings of, 293-97 division into Hanan and Hurin, 10I metaphor for division, 101, II 3 as modeled on Tiahuanaco, 62-63 as mythic center, 49-51, H3-IS richness of, 20-2.1, 51 as ritual center, 44, )I-56, TOI-5, 112- 15,250-5 1,290-92 Doctrinero, r41-43, 149. See also Religious structures, colonial

37I

Dramas, colonia l curacas in, 2.87-89 political claims, 287-92 reconfigurations of Inca history, 28 7-9 2 written by Spaniards, 288 Drinking colonial transformation (as "drunkenness"), 138-39, 149-50, 206- 7,221-3°,306-12 cultural significance of, 39-40, 42-44.197-202,2.2.1-34,249-50, 1.60-61, 306-12 and idolatry, .l49-50, 153-55, 223-30, 307

improper toasting, 227--2.8 and incest, 223-2.4 role in Inca imperial project, 52-)3. 78-87,103-17

toasting, 42., 83-87. 103-17, 197, 199, 23 0,23 8-39

Encomienda system/encomenderos, 141- 44,322.-2.5. See also Social structures, colonial

Falcon, Francisco, redefinition of woodworker, 33 Fanon, Frantz, I, I2 First Council of Lima, 142 . See also Religious structures, colonial Flaubert, Gustav, definition of Peru, VII

Forasteros, 32 2-24. See also Native populations; Social structures, colonial Garda de Loyola, Martin. See also Beatriz (daughter of Sayri Tupac) capture of Tupac Amaru, 292 coat-of-arms with head, 292 marriage to Beatriz, 292 painting of marriage, 293, 297, 32 5-26

Ga rcilaso de la Vega au Inca feasting, 101-2., 109-14, 2.51 life and times of, 137 on native painting, 123-2.4. 156

Index

372

Garcilaso de la Vega (continued) on queros, 2.7, 137 on Tiahuanaco, 61 Gift. See also Andean social structures as analytical category, 6. 8- 9 deployed in colonia l metaphor, 6- 10, 141-42

in Inca feasting, 56-58, 105-8 in Inca imperial expa nsion, 80-87 of queros, 84- 87, 105- 8, 115-17. 186 Gonzalez Holguin, Diego definition of painted queros, 201 definition of quero, 22 definition of yanantin, 261 on painted queros, 137 Guaman Porna de Ayala, Felipe. See also Native anists and Andean artistic forms, 94-96. 161-64,168-69,171-]2.,23 2

dra wings of, 94--95, 160-75, 188, 227- 34, 32 8-29

on drinking, 22.2.-31 on function of images, 177 on "Inca times" and absence of drunkenness, 2.2. S-2 7 life and times of, 137. 162-64, 328- 29 and Murua, 167-68 on painting of Last Judgment, 157 portraiture of, 167-69, 2:q-28, 32.8- 29 on queros, 137,2.01,225-31 relation of drawing to silverwork, 18 5 relations with Albornoz. 161-62 Hanan and Hurin. See also Ayllu; Cuzco; Inca concepts; Inca Empire defined, 40-41 in exchange of queros, 78-79, 102, 1I3-16. 190

geographical sign ificance, 101-5, 108-16,250-61,300-3 01

ritual significance, 54-56, 101-5, 108- 16,250-61,300-301

visual manifestation of. 92.--93. 168-69, 190, 2.44, 271, 3II- I4

Hegel, G. W. F., on Western "Spirit," 4

Hera ldry. See also Coats-of-arms; Colonial vis ual culture Andean symbols on, 274-82., 318 used by curacas. 277-82., 317-18 Herrera, Antonio de, and Inca portraits, 282 Hilcara, 324. See also Social structures, colonial Huacas. See also Inca and colonial Andean ritual; M ummies carved, 26-28 Christia n images as, I58 destruction of, 146, 199 in Taqui Onkoy, r44-45 Huaycapata. See Cuzco; Plaza Ignacio de Loyola, beatification of, 291-92 . See also Cuzco Inca and colonial Andean ritual of agricu ltural calendar, 54-S6, I09-15,~31-45,250-61

Capacocha, 199 Citua ceremony, 54- 56 of conquest, 81-9~ Corpus Christi, 2.92.-93, 325-26 in Cuzco, 103- 5, lO9-r5 of imperial authority, lOS-IS Inti Raymi festival, r09-r5 mock battles (t'inku ), ' Scr54, 2.56-61

wma de posesi6n, 30~-3 vecochina, 259 Inca concepts chaos, 87- 92 creative activa tion (camay), 28-29, 157- 60 ,272

gender, 90-9I,102-S, 189-90 history, 45- 48, s,-62. object, 29-30 property, 50-51 punishment, 52-55, 82-92 regal status (tupa), 69, 74 slll1ilitude (yanantin), 260-61, '7 '

Inca Empire (Ta hauntinsuyu). See also Ay llu; Curacas; Sapa Inca

I NDEX

feast ing in, 39-44, 47, 51-56, lOl-I 3, 30 6 growth of, 44-S8, 80-87, II6-17 Inca imperial marriage. 69-74 "peacefulness" of, 78- 79, 87--92, 105, II6-17

power of, 26, 52-58 redistribution in, 53- 54, 57- 58, 73, 82-87, 106-8, 112-17 social reciprocity in, 42-44. 46-54, 57-58, 82-87, 106-8, In-l]. 228-29

social structure of, 40-58, 68--'76, ICX>-10S, III- 14

transformation of Andean feasting, p·-54,99- I I7

Inca myth. See also Inca concepts; Pachacutij Tiahuanaco of competition with Calia, 235-41 mythic wa r widl Chanca, 87-91 origins of Andean peop le, 60-61, 66-74,7 6--'7 8

rise of Inca Empire, 4S, 47-52 role of queros in, SI- 52, 68-74, 76--'79

Inca visual culture abstraction in, 28, 92--93 human representation in, 93-95, 12 3-2 4 panel painting in, 127-37 as significant through ritual, 133 standardized natu re of, 25-26, 80, 92- 93. IQ- I5, 208

vessels in, 1-2, 30, 36- 39, 99, 114- 17

La Plata, painted queros bought and sold in, 214- IS

373

portrait of, 123-27 rebellion of, lIS-2.0, 123. 137 Maps colonial, 165-66 rocapu as, 134-35 Marx, Karl, 6 Mascaipacha, 49, 74. 168, 191, l.7,. 280,285_ See also Colonial visual cuhure; Heraldry; Sapa Inca Mare. See also Queros in colonial homes, 201 gourd vessel, 30-31 in inventory of Philip 11, 187 Mexican mates in Andean wills, 21 3-1 4 punishment wi th, 91 transformation of heads into, 88 Matienzos, Juan de on colonial towns, 146-47 (see a/50 Toledo, Viceroy Francisco de) on expense of coca, 209 on feasting, 300-301 on occupation of co lonial curacas, 2I8 Mesa, Alon zo de, on Inca punishment, 89-9" Mira, 42.. See also Social structures, colonial Molina, Cristobal de, o n Inca history painting, n8--29. 136 Mummies. See also Huacas; Inca and colonial Andean ritual extirpation of, 146, 149, 199 ritual participation of, 103-4 Murua, Martin de portraits of Inca, 173--'74, 282. queros as antidote to poison, 59 on rainbows in Inca coats-of-arms,

264,266

Manco Capac. See also Inca myth and incestuous maniage, 69-74 mythic, originary status, 66, 69'11, 73-74,7 6-7 8

seeing rainbow over Huanacauri, 262-63

transformation of feasting, 101-2 Manco Capac II. See also Ollantaytambo

relation to Guaman Poma de Ayala, r67--68

Native artists. See also Guama n Poma de Ayala, Felipe; Ollantaytambo; Painting, Andean aesthetic ability of, 27, 164-65. 173... 175, 21 7

board paintings by, 127-32

Index

374

Native artists (continued) craft organ ization of, 20-27, 32- 34, 143, 177, 208, 215-19, 246-47

as cu mhicamayocs, 203, 28-2.9 production in colonial culture, 123-24,155--77,184-88,208, 2. 1 5-20

as querocamayocs, 20-24, 28-2.9, 2. 0 9. 216

rock paintings by, 123-27, 133-34, 15 6

training of, 143. 156, 215-19 Native populations. See also Curacas; Social structures, colonial as arrieros, 246-50 as foras teros, 322-2.6 as labor force, 2.05-6, 209, 245-50, 321 - 26 as naturales, 2.1I as ya nacones, 2.2.6, 246

Ocana, Fray Diego de depictions of queros, 174-'75 o n "Inca and coya" motif, 174-75, 18 3 portraiture by, 173- 75 O ll antaytambo Manco Capac II at, 12.3-2.7, 137-38 painted queros at, I2.5-2.7, 136, 154-55

portrait at, 123-28 Pacaritambo, 76-78, 132- 33. See also Inca myth; Ma nco Capac PachacuD (e ighth Sapa Inca) in auguration of Inca feasting, I05 institution of imperial marriage, 6!r74 mythic s ignificance of, 45, 47-52, 87- 9 1

at Tiahuanaco, 61--62 Painting, Andean. See also Native artists " history" painting, 12.7-36 rock painting, 123--2.7, I3 3-34, 1.56 techniques, 126-27 Parecer de Yucay, on God's gifts, 6-8, 12.2

Peru colo nial culture of, 2- 3, 12.1-2.3, 143-44, 160

commercial routes of, 207-IO, 214- 1 5 Covarrubias Orozco on, vii Flaubert's defillition of, vii foundation of, 138-41 Pictorial narration o n Atocha vessels, I86 in colonial painting, 282-87, 294-95 novelty and importance in colon ial Peru, I2- q, 268--69, 272, 294-95,2.97-99,3 20 ,3 26- 29 Pizarro, Francisco address to Manco Capac II, II8- 20 encounter wi th Atahualpa, 14-15, u8 on queros, 30 Pizarro, Pedro on ha ir, 257 on Inca feasting in Cuzco, 103- 4 Platt, Tristan, on ritual battles, 253- 54,260 Plaza (Inca and coloni al), as space of ritual interaction, 44, 99-105, 109-IO, 299-3 II

Polo de On degardo, Juan on Inca Empire, 34, 45-47 on Inca history painting, U9 Porras, Antonio Diaz de, on Inca board painting, 13I Portra iture, co lonia l in Colegio de San Borja, 285 commissioned by Rodrigues de Figueroa, 285- 86 commissioned by Viceroy To ledo, 1.29,1.64-65,283- 84

by Europeans, 173 evidentiary status of, 164--68 of the Inca, 1.64, 173- 75, 282-87, 28 9,294--95

indigenous market for, 286-90, 295

by native artists, 164--68, 287 at Ollanta ytambo, 123-27 sent to Garcilaso de la Vega, 166--67 PotosI. See also Dramas, colonial;

I NDEX

Native popu lations; Social structures, colonia l depicted o n aquiJIas, 180-81 dramatic im personation of Inca at, 2. 87- 90 as market for commodities, 203-10, 21 4, 28 7 mining culture of, 205-10, 287 Principe, Hernandez, and return of aq uiH as to colonial owners, 199 Querocamayoc, 20-24, 29, 209, 216. See also Native artists Que ros (as formal objects) abstractionltocapu on, 27- 28, 92-93, .135-37, 179-80, 190, 192.,2.44 colonial iconography, 93-98, 123, 187-95,231-69,274,313-21 depiction of agricultura l activity, 193-95, 23 1-67 'Ianns and head" motif, 94-95 arrieros,245-5 0 Aymuray, 241-45 basilisk, 98, 18r, 191 II battie/presentation" motif, 193-94,259-62 ,3 14-15 butterflies, 153-55, 175 Chacra Yapuy Quill a ceremony, 231- 32,239-41 coca harvesting, 245-50 coya,192,2.56-65,274 fe li ne figures, 179-80, 254- 55, 266 Inca, 174, 188, 192--94, 235-41, 254-65,274- 75,3 10-11 Inca-Anti,250-61 lnea battles, 250-61 lncar i- Coll ar i, 235-41, 2.53 "nature," 254-57, 262-67 rainbow, 191, 261-67, 274- 81 reptiles (katar i), 95- 98, 12.6, 153-55,180 (see also Queros, depiction of, basilisk) ritual, 319-21, 325-28 Santiago, 181 figure/ground distinction on, 2., 126-27,188-89,272., 298

375

importance of human figuration on, 174, 185- 90,297, 3J6-17 materia l of, r06-8, 138 O ll antaytambo style, 125-27, 136, 154- 55,179,209 pictorial space as metaphoric composition, 189-90 pre-Columbi an decoration of, 25-29, 36, 92-98, u5-26, 135- 37 proximity to European vessels, 22.1-22, 22.j, 264 relation to textile design, 258 self-reflexive design (depiction of quero ritua l on), 174/5, 183- 87, 190,243-45,276, 297-98,310,31?-21,325-28 shape of, 25- 26, 37, 88-92, 194. 2.55-5 6 in shape of head, 255-56 Spanish imagery on, 274/5, 316-17 stock figures, 188 stylistic hybridity of, nO-2!, 155- 56,178- 87,261,270-76, 310-12, 317- 19 Queros (as social objects). See also Inca and colonial Andean ritual; Tupa Cusi as aesthetic objects/c uriosities, 176-82, 186-87 as antidote for poison, 89 as co mm odities, 186- 87. 202., 208- 21 in Europea n royal collections, 187 as funerary objects, 125-27, 135 as gifts, 57- 58, 80-87, 89-92, 105- 8, II5-22., 135- 36, 186 as Incaic lu xury good. 23. II5. '7 2-73 indigenous consumption of, 195-96, 198,200-202,208-20,230, 267-69, 298, 310-12, 3I7- 19, 32.6-28 as loc lls of sin, 224-25 mediating pre-Columbi an cultural exchange, 19, 2?-30, 37- 38, 57- 58.7 6- 87,115- 17 as metaphor for head, 90 and native identity, 201, 271, 325- 29

Index Queros (continued) negotiating native/colonial cuJtures, I5-I9, n8-2 3, I38-39, 214, 222- 34, 267-74,3 10-29 ontology of, 197 physical act of exchange, I:I3- r6 position in extirpation discourse,

150-55,175-77,186,197-99 production of, 2.0-} 0, 32.- 34, 37, 67-68, 126- 27, 138- 39, 188-8" 195-96,209-20 as property, 211-14 status in Inca culture, 37-38, 65-69, 107-8,114-17,272-73 and Tiahuanaco, 62-68 twentieth-century use of, 267-70 use in pairs, 25, 86-87, re6-8, 115-r6,227-31,310 Quipus, use with pictures, 129-33 Ramirez, Balrasar, on sa le of painted wooden vessels, 209-10 Religious structures, colonial administration, 146-60, 320-25 confession, 305-6 destrucrion of native objects/images, 142-43, 146-60, 197-99 doctrinero, 141-43, 149 evangeliza tion, 14.2-43, 147-48, 156-58, I]6-77 and Jesuits, 291-93 use of images in, 157-60, 176-77 Requerimiemo, read in Cuzco, lI8-I9 Rowe,John categorization of queros, 125-26, I79-83 imerpretation of colonial symbols, 31 8- 1 9 Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamq ui , Joan

de drawings of, 132--35 o n Inca myth, 52- 53, 66-69, 73-74. 76,13 2,23 8,262-63

Santilhln, Hernando de, on Inca conquest and queros, 80--81, 85 Samo Tomas, Domingo de. absence of painted quero notations, 137

Sapa Inca. See also Inca Empirej Portraiture, colon ial coronation of, 74- 87 incestuous marriage of, 6"-74 sta tus of, 6,.-87, 104-17, 235-38, 29 2--9 1

Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro, his history of the Incas, 128-29, 164-65, I66-67 Second Council of Lima on drinking, 149, 307 on paintings in sermons, 156 rel igious injunctions of, 148-49 Siegen baptisma l font history of, 184-85 relation to Guaman Porna de Ayala drawings, 185 simil arity to Atocha pieces, 184-85 Social structures, colonia1. See also Curacas; Plaza; Toledo, Viceroy Francisco de administrative structures, 146-47 encomienda system, 141-44, 32.2.-25 hilcara, 324 importance of curacas in, 146, 247-49,275- 82, 302- Il., 316-29

indigenous labor (mita), 205-7, 245-50, 321- 2 5

market economy, 202.-20, 246-50, 3 2 0--2 5 reducciones, 146-48, 210, 300-301, 30 5-6 Stone carving of huacas, 26- 28 of Sapa Inca (huaqu i), Il.4-2.5, 282 Taqui Onkoy nature of, I44-45 Spanish response to, 145-50 Textiles as gifts, 106-8, 120 iconography of, 181, 258-59, 312-16 relation to Inca and colonial queros, 2.3,28,108,135-37,153-55, I81, I97- 202,258,312-I8

Third Council of Lima, on paintings in sermons, 156-57. See also Religious structures, colon ial

INDEX

Tiahuanaco. See also Inca concepts figurative sculpture of, 63-65 and Incaic queros, 62-68, 87-91 in Inca imagination, 59-68 Tianas. See also Curacas; Inca and colonial Andean ritual; Sapa Inca defined, 21, 194 design of, 303-4 ritual use of, 50, lID, 300-304 Tiru Cusi Yupanqlli (son of Manco Capac II), narrative of Atahualpa's meeting with Pizarro, 15-19 Toasting. See Drinking Tocapu definition, 92'"""93, 131 and funerary towers (chllllpas), 134- 35

as " map, " 134-35 meanings of, 92-93, 130-37 Toledo, Viceroy Francisco de. See also Portraiture, colonial; Religious structures, colonia l on Andean material culture, 151, 153 on curacas, 306 organization of metalsmiths, 177 and production of art, 164-65, 177 reforms of, I47-jI, 205-6, 210, 3 21- 2 5

377

Tupa, definition of, 74. See also Inca concepts; Queros (as social objects); Sapa Inca Tupac Amaru, death of, II9, 292 Tupac Amaru (ll), rebellion of, 5, 326- 2 7

Tupa Cusi, ritual use of, 66, 69, 74-87. See also Inca concepts; Queros (as social objects); Sapa Inca

Urpu gold and silver material of, 34-35 relation to queros, 35 symbolizing Inca rule, 35 Tiahuanaco design on, 67 Va lverde, Vicente de, image of, at Cajamarca, 14 Viracocha. See also Inca myth and gifts of aqu illas, 66 re·creation of world, 60, 65 relation to Cuzco's plaza, 68 as seen at Tiahuanaco, 61 Wills, indigenous, including queros, 210-14

Yanaotin, as similitude, 260-61, 271. See also Inca concepts

Plates

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Frontispiece to Cristobal de Mena, "La conquista del Peru" (Seville, I534)

Fig. 1.2 . Pair of golden aquillas with embossed decapitated head motif. Ht. ca. 6 in. Private collection. (Photograph courtesy of Craig Morris.)

Fig. 1.3 . Carbonized fragment of a quero with concentric rectangle motif found in situ at Huanaco Pampa. Ca. I520. (Photograph courtesy of Craig Morris.)

Fig. 1.4. Inca quero from Cuzco with concentric rectangle motif and a colonial repa i_t. (Courtesy of the N ationa l Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Llstitution, Was hington, D.C., acc. no. 15.0180.)

Fig. I. 5. Inca quero from Cuzco. Ca. 1500. (Courtesy of the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonia n Institution, Washingrol1, D.C., acc. no. 13.6899.)

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Fig. 1.6. Inca quero. Ca. 1500. Private collection.

Fig. 1.7. Drawing of the Inca quero design of repeated chevrons ca. 1500. (Drawing by Kyle Huffman after

John Rowe.)

Fig. 1.8. Upper half of a quero with head-and-arms motif. Ht.

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Fig. 1.9. Huaca found in situ at Machu Pichu. Ca .

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in. Private collection.

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Fig. I.IO. [nca uncu (tunic) with key design in horizontal band. Ca. 1500. 5taatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum fUr Volkerkunde, Berlin, acc. no. VA4576.

Fig. I.II. Lip fragment of a ceramic quero from Hatun Qolla. Ca. Huffinan after Catherine JuBen.)

1520.

(Drawing by Kyle

Fig. loll.. Urpu for transport of aqha (corn beer). Ht. ca . 3 in. Staatliche M useen zu Berlin-Preussischer KuJtw·besitz, Museum fur V6Jkerkunde, Berlin, ace. no. VA7890.

Fig. loI3a. Figurine £rom Pachacamac with urp u and quero, front view. Hr. 12 in. Staatl iche M useen zu Berlin -Preussischer Kulturbesitz, M useum fur V6lkerk unde, Berlin, acc. no. VAI907·

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Fig. I . I 3 b. Figurine from Pachacamac with urpu and quero, side view. Ht. 12 in. Staatliche M useen zu Berlin ~ Preussischer Kulturbesitz , Museum hir Volkerkunde, Berlin, acc. no. VA1907.

Fig. 1.13C. Figurine from Pachacamac with urpu and quero, side view. Ht. 12 in. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin~Preuss i scher Kulturbesitz, Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, acc. no. VAI907·

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Fig. 3. I. Bennett Stele, from Tiahuanaco

Fig. 3.2.. Ponce Stele, from the Kalasasaya Tiahuanaco. (Photograph courtesy of Alan' Ko lara.)

Fig. 3.3. Rollout drawing of the Bennett Stele. (Drawing

Kyle Huffman after A. Posnansky.)

Fig. 3.4. Ceramic quero from Tiahuanaco . (Photograph courtesy of Alan Kolata.)

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Fig. 4.1. Inca ceramic quero with centra l band similar to rocapu motifs on queros. Hr. 4.2 in. Ca. 1500. Staadiche Museen zu Ber linPreussischer Kulturbesitz, M use um fUr V6lkerku nde, Berlin, ace. n o. VA422j

Fig. 4.2. Inca royal uncu. Ca. 1530. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collections. Washington,

D.C.

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Fig. 4.3 . Inca uncu with the single repeated tocapu design known as the key motif, which through orientation and color variation creates larger geometric abstract units. Ca. 1500. Private collection.

Fig. 4.4. Inca quero. Ht. 13 in. Ca. 1520. Staatliche Museen zu BerlinPreussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum fUr Volkerkunde, Berlin, acc. no. VAI603·

Fig. 4.5. Inca quero with concentric rectangles, zigzag bands, and diamond shapes organized inca five horizontal registers. Courtesy of Phoe be Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropo logy and the Regents of the University of California.

Fig. 4.6a. Quero with head-and-arms motif. Hr. 7 in. Ca . 1500. Museo Nacional de Antropologia y Arqueologfa, Lima, ace. nO·4 ox .

Fig. 4.6b. Detail of quero in fig. 4.6a sbowing incised diamond-shaped eyes, mouth with bared teeth, and arms with hands

Fig. 4.6c. Quero with recognizable bead-and-arms motif. Hr. 3 in. Sraatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum flir Volkerkunde, Berlin. acc. no. VA2669.

Fig.4.7a. Aquilla with embossed design of schematic arms and head. Ht. 5 in. Ca. 1500. Private co ll ecti on .

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Fig. 4.7 b. Rollout drawing of the schematic design of head and arms on the aquilla in fig. 4-7a. (Drawing by Kyle Huffman.)

Fig.4.7C. Quero with schematic motif of head and arms. Ca. 1500. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Michael C. Rockefeller Memorial Collection, Bequest of Nelson A. Rockefeller, 1979 (19 79.206.1°74). All rights reserved, The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

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Fig. 4.8. Drawing labeled "£1 Quarto Capitan Apo Maitac lnga," in Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El Primer N ueva Coronica y Buen Gobierno (ca. 1615), fol. 151. Dani sh Roya l Library, Copenhagen. Counesy of Siglo Veintiuno Ed itores, Mexico City.

Fig. 4.9. "Capitulo, Primera Calle, Visita General," in Felipe Guarnan Poma de Ayala, EI Primer Nueva Coronica y Buen Gohierno (ca . 1615), fol. 196. Danish Roya l Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veintiullo Editores, Mexico City.

Fig. 4.IO. Katari quero. Ht. I2 in. Private collection.

Fig. +II. Silver and gold katari aquilla found in a tomb near Quito, Ecuador. Ht. 5 in. Ca. I520. Former collection of Preseley Norton.

Fig. 4 .I2a. Detail of a pa inted colonial quero with a basilisk figure WIder a rainbow. Hr. 13 in. Ca. l620. Museo de la Cultura Peruana, Lima, ace. no. 30/387 .

Fig. 4.I2b. Painted colonial quero detailed in fig. 4.I2a showing a coya WIder a rainbow

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Fig. 6.1. Rock painting at Ollanraytambo after a sketch by Johann Mori tz Rudendas (ca. 1844), with pictograph of an Inca in the upper right corner. (Drawing by Matthew H unter.)

Fig. 6.2. Painted colonial quero with a male fig ure dressed in helmet and shield and with an UDell placed between two rainbows and over a fe line head. He. 13 in. Late seventeenth century. Private colJection, Lima.

Fig. 6.3. Detail of a painted jaguar on a quero excavated at O llantaytambo. Ca. 15 35. Museo Inka, Cuzco, acc. no. 139.

Fig. 6.4. Pen-and-ink drawing of Tambotoco, the cave of Inca origin, from Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, Relaci6n de antigii.edades deste rey'lO del Piru (ca . 1615)

Fig. 6.5· Inca chuUpa with painted checkered des ign fro m Churi-Patilla, Bolivia. Ca. I5 20. (Photograph co urtesy of Teresa Gisbert. )

Fig. 6.6. Late six teenth-century document for the concession of a coat of arms to the Cusicanqui curacas by Charles V. Ministerio de Educacion, Cultura y Depo rte, Arch ivo Gene.ral de Indias

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Fig. 7.2. Pa inted colonia l quero with spiders, cray fish, and tropical birds. Hr. 7 in. Ca . 1600. Private collec tion.

Fig. 7.3. Colonial painted quero wich abs tract and butterfl y motifs. H r. 8 in. Priva te coUection .

Fig. 7.4. Inca uncu with checkerboard and butterfly design. Private collection.

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Fig. 7.5 . Portrait of Tapa In ca Yupanqui, in Felipe Guama n Pama de Ayala, El Primer Nueva Car6nica y Buen Gobierno (ca. 1615), fo!' II O. Danish Royal Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veintiuno Editores, Mexico City.

Fig. 7.6. Portrait of Viceroy Caiiere, in Felipe Guarna n Poma de Aya la, El Primer N ueva Coronica y Buen Gobierl1o (ca. 1615),101. 438. Danish Royal Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veintiuno Editores, Mexico City.

Fig. 7.7. Portrait of Domingo Guaman Malque de Aiala, cacique of Santa Catalina, a mid·seventeenth-century copy of a portrait drawn for a court case by Guama n Porn a de Ayala ca. 1594. Danish Roya l Library, Copenhagen. Conrtesy of Siglo Veintiuno Ed itores, Mexico City.

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Fig. 7.8. M ural painting in the areo coral of the Church of Oropesa, with portraits of the donors attributed to Gua man Porna de Aya la. Ca.

1600.

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Fig. 8.2. Portrait of Manco Capac, in Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El Primer Nueva Cor6nica y Buen Gobierno (ca. r6r5), foL 86. Danish Royal Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veintiuno Edirores, Mexico City.

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Fig. 8.4a . Illustration of Manco Capac emerging from Pacaritambo, in Martin de Murua, Historia general del Peru (ca. I6rl-I3), fol. 19r. J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, MS Ludwig XIII I6.

Fig. 8.3. Portrait of Inca Capac Yupanqui, in Martin de Murua, Historia general del Pent (ca. I6II-I3), fol. 30V. J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, MS Ludwig XIII I6.

Fig. 8.4 b. Quero with two Inca fig ures standing within a landscape in poses simjlar to figures depicted by Ocana (fig. 8.1) and M unla (fig. 8.4a). Late sixteenth or early seventeenth century. Musco Llka, Cuzco, acc. no. 3917.

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Fig. 8.5. "Abril Carnai Inca Ramai," in Felipe Guaman Porna de Ayala, EI Primer Nueva Coronica y Buen Gobiemo (ca . 1615 ), fo1. 242. Danish Royal Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veintiuno Editores, Mexico City.

Fig. 8.6. «Junio Havcai Cvsqvi," in Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El Primer Nueva Cor6nica y Buen Gobierno (ca. 16I5), fol. 246. Danish Royal Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veintiuno Editores, Mexico City.

Fig. 8.7. Colonial painted quero from Cuzco with butterflies, parrots, palm trees, and tocapu. Ht. 13 in. (Courtesy of the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., acc. no. 15.24 12.)

Fig. 8.8a. Pair of silver aquillas with Inca concentric rectangular motif recovered from the Nuestro Seiiora de Atocha~ sunk in I 622. (Photograph by Scott N ierLing, courtesy of the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society, Inc.)

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Fig. 8.8b. Drawing of one of a pair of aquillas recovered from the Atocho. (Drawing by Kyle Huffman.)

Fig. 8.9a. Pair of aquiUas with jaguar motif recovered from the Atocha. (Photograph by Dylan Kibler, courtesy of the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society, Inc.)

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Fig.8.loa. Pair of aquillas with European lion motif recovered from me Atocha. (Photograph by Dylan Kibler, courtesy of the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society, Inc. )

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Fig. 8.IIa. One of a pair of aquillas recovered from the Atocha with embossed images of Potosi, a lion, a standing male dressed in European clothes, a basilisk, and a rider with a sword. (Photograph by Scott Nierling, courtesy of the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society, Inc.)

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Fig. 8.12a. One of a pair of aquillas recovered from the Atocha with figures of a man with a trumpet, a lion, a standing man in European dress, and men working the mines of PotosI. (Photograph by Dylan Kibler, courtesy of the Mel Fisher Marrime Heritage Society, Inc.)

Fig.8.12b. Drawing of an aquilla (fig. 8.12a) with Potosi motif recovered from the Atocha. (Drawing by Kyle Huffman.)

Fig. 8.13. Drawing of an aquilla with Potosi motif recovered from the Atocha. (Drawing by Kyle H uffman.)

CER!ODE

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Fig. 8.14. Woodcut illustration with view of Potosi, in Pedro de Cieza de Leon, Cr6nica del Peru, Primera Parte (1553), chap. LXXXVlli, p. 122V

Fig.8.Ip. Detail of an early-seventeenth-century quero with a trumpeter similar to the figure on the Atocha aquillas. American Museum of Natural History, New York. (Photograph by Serge Guilbaut.)

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Fig. 8.I5b. Drawing of a detail of an early-seventeenth-century quero w ith a trumpeter similar to the figure on the Atocha aquillas. American Museum of Natural History, New York. (Drawing by Ky le Huffman after John Rowe.)

Fig. 8.I6a. Colonial tapestry-woven poncho with four figures playing trumpets similar to the trumpeter figure on the Atocha aquillas. Seventeenth century or later. Los Angeles County Museum of Art, gift of Miss Bella Mabury,

M.40.I.76. Photograph ©2.00I Museum Associates! LACMA.

Fig. 8.16b. Detail of a figure playing a trumpet from fig.

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Fig. 8.17a . Silver bowl recovered from the Atocha with Inca male and female figures planting and drinking with queros. (Photograph by Scott Nieriing, courtesy of the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society, Inc.)

Fig. 8.17b. Drawing of figures using queros and planting corn on a silver bowl recovered fro m the Atocha. (Drawing by Kyle Huffman.)

Fig. S.rS . Drawing of a silver plate recovered from the Atocha with a series of Inca figures in a landscape with buildings, celebrating the planting season and holding queros. (Drawing by Kyle Huffman.)

Fig. 8.19. Drawing of a silver plate from Potosi wi th motifs similar pla[e (1586). Siegen, Germany. (Drawing by Matthew Hunter.)

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Fig. 8.2Ia. Quero with the figure of a coya between two parrots in the upper register. Ht. I2 in. Early seventeenth century. Private collection.

Fig. 8.20. Drawing labeled "EI Tercero Capitan" featuring a figure toasting the sun with a pair of aquillas, in Felipe Guaman Poma de Aya la, El Primer N"eva Cor6nica y Blien Gobierno (ca. I6IS), fol. I49. Danish Royal Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veintiuno Editores, Mexico City.

Fig. 8.2Ih. Q uem with the fjgure of a coya with a shield and helmet on either side. Ht. I I in. Late sixteenth or early seventeenth century. Private collection.

Fig. 8.22a. Colonial quero with Aymuray celebration motif, with a male figure in colonial dress carrying a branch over his shoulder and blowing on a conch-shell trumpet. La te seventeenth century. Private collection.

Fig. 8.22b. Detail of a quero with a female figure in the Aymuray celebration. Late seventeenth century. Private collection.

Fig. 8.22C. View of one of two tocapu designs on a colonial painted quero with Aymuray celebration motif. Late seventeenth century. Private collection.

Fig. 8.230. Colonial painted quero with a male musician playing a ha rp and approac hed by a fema le figure ca rrying two queros. Hr. 6.5 in. Late seventeenth century. Pr ivate collection.

Fig. 8.23 b. Colonial painted quero with a female figure approaching a male musician and carryi.ng two queros. Hr. 6.5 in. Late seventeenth century. Private collection.

Fig. 8.24a. Drawing of a seventeenth-century quero with rainbow motif. (Drawing by Kyle Huffman.)

Fig. 8.24b. Quero with two-headed (Hapsburg) eagle with torso in the form of an Inca shield. Ht. 6 in . Seventeenth century. Museo de la Cultura Peruana, Lima.

Fig. 8.24C. Drawing of the two-headed eagle on the q uero in fig. 8.24b. (Drawing by Kyle Huffman.)

Fig. 8.25. Painted quero w ith a male figure framed by a rainbow and dressed as an Inca (facing toward the viewer's right) and a fema le figure below a second rainbow and dressed as a coya. Ht. II.2 in. Seventeenth century. $raatliches M useum fur Volkerkw1de, Munich, acc.

no. D409 .

Fig. 8.26. View of female figure dressed as a coya, framed by a rainbow, and facing the Inca sim il ar to the figu res in fig. 8.25. Ht. 8 in. Late seventeenth century. Private collection.

Fig.8.27a. Quero with an Inca and a coya facing each other, Inca side. Ht. 7.3 in. Seventeenth century. Linden Museum, Stuttgart.

Fig. 8.27b. Quero with an Inca and a coya facing each other, coya side. Ht. 7.3 in. Seventeenth century. Linden Museum, Stuttgart.

Fig. 8.282. Colonial painted quero depicting the planting ritual (the Chacra Yapuy Quilla ceremony) with fig ures similar to those on some of the items recovered from the Atocha. Private collection.

Fig. 8.28b. Detail of quero in fig. 8.28a

Fig. 8.29. Quero with a battle scene between Incas with spears and Anti (jungle) people with bows and arrows. Ht. 8.6 in. Late seventeenth century. Private collection.

Fig. 8.30. Q uero in the shape of a feline head with Inca~Anti battle scene and one Inca sta nding o n a small stepped tower, taken from a burial cave by Adolphe Bastien in the mid-nineteen th century, the first such vessel [0 be reported in modern literature {Zeitschrift (iir EIIl%gie [Berlin] 4 [r 872J' 39r-92). (Draw ing by Kyle Huffman after A. Bastien .)

Fig. 8.3Ia . Painted quero carved in the form of a human head with a scene of an Inca and a coya served by Anti warrio rs holding fearn er pa raso ls. Ht. 8.9 in. Late seventeenth or early eighteen th century. Pri vate collection.

Fig. 8.3 tb. Profile of a painted quero in the form of a human head with an Anti figure depicted as a servant to a seated Inca; the face paint of the servant-in three horizonta l bands of green, yellow, and red-is identical to the paint on the face of the quero itself. Hr. 8.9 in. Private collection.

Fig. 8.32. Quero carved in the form of a jaguar head with a battle scene painted on the back. Hr. 17 in. Private co llection.

Fig.8.33a. Dra wing of a deta il of a quero w ith a sea ted Inca and Colla. Late seventeenth century. Museo Inka, Cuzco, acc. no. 3891. (Drawing by Kyle H uffman.)

Fig.8 .33b. View of quero showing detail of the center of the scene drawn in fig. 8.33a

Fig. IO.I. Quero from Cuzco carved in the form of a Span ish-style gob let and painted with tocapu and a figure playing a harp. Ht. 7 in . Eighteenth century. Courtesy of the Nationa l Museum of the Amer ican Indian, Smithsonian Instinltion, Washington, D.C., acc. no. I7.5445.

Fig. IO.2a. Detail of the painting La Muerte with a quero held by a devil not visible in the photograph but just above the devil playing a guitar; this oil on canvas depicting the death of a sinner was painted in I739 for the Church of Caquivari, Bolivia . (Photograph courtesy of Teresa Gisbert.)

Fig. IO.2b. Detail of the devil offering a quero in La Mttel'te. (Photograph courtesy of Teresa Gisbert.)

Fig. 10.3 . Portrait of the colonial curaca Don Juan Capeha, in Felipe Guaman Porna de Aya la. El Primer Nueva Coronica y Bllen Gobierno (ca. 1615), fol. 776. Da nish Roya l Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veintiuno Ed itores, Mexico City.

Fig. 10.4. Portrait of [he curaca Don Carlos Catma and his son, in Felipe Guarnan Porna de Aya la, El Primer Nueva Cor6nica y Bt/en Gobierno (ca. I6I5), fo l. 780. Danish Royal Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veintiuno Editores. Mexico City.

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Fig. Io.sa. Representation of the Inca agricultural ritual for spring planting (the Chaera Yapuy Qui lla ceremony) that falls in the month of August, in Felipe Guaman Poma de Aya la, EI Primer Nueva Coronica y Blien Gobierno (ca. 1615), fol. 250. Danish Roya l Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veintiuno Editores, Mexico City.

Fig. Io.Sb. Representation for the colonial month of August depicting a similar planting ritua l to that used to represent the Inca month of August, in Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, EI Primer Nueva Coron;ca y Buen Gobiemo (ca. 1615), fol. 1053. Danish Royal Library, Copenhagen. Courtesy of Siglo Veinriullo Editores, Mexico City.