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THE USE AND ABUSE OF HETAIRAI: FEMALE CHARACTERIZATION IN GREEK ORATORY
by
Allison Mary J ane Glazebrook January 29, 2001 A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of State University of New York at Buffalo in partial fiJ]fiJJment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy Department of Classics
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UMI Number: 9997948
Copyright 2001 by Glazebrook, Allison Mary Jane All rights reserved.
UMf UMI Microform 9997948 Copyright 2001 by Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml48106-1346
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Copyright by
Allison Mary Jane Glazebrook 2001
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ForDavid
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I am grateful to the faculty of the department of Classics for making the Ph.D. experience a positive one. I am especially thankful to my advisor, Dr. Susan Cole, for her suggestions, conversations, and energy- all of which helped to make the dissertation that much better. Thanks is also due to the outside reader, Dr. Madeleine Henry, for her careful reading and helpful comments. I want to thank my fellow graduate students, but especially Francesca Behr, Doug Welle, Barbara Roeeves and Sybil Hill. Finally, thanks is due to my family, especially my sister Trish, my parents George and Marion, and Dawn and Susan Sharpe for their encouragement and support. A special thanks is owed to my husband David Sharpe for his interest, enthusiasm, and frequent help.
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CONTENTS Chapter 1: SETTING THE STAGE_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 1 Overview of the Literature 2 Using Oratory 9 Narratives on Women 11 Chapter 2: PERSUASIVE WOMEN _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _19 The Art of Persuasion 20 Persuasion and Gender 24 Women as Victims of Characterization 27 Recognizing Female Characterizations 33 Conclusion 39 Chapter 3: THE MAKINGS OF A HETAIRA _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _41 Names that Shame 42 Demonstrating Praise and Blame 54 Acting the Part 62 Conclusion 71 Chapter 4: GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _75 No-Name Gune 76 Coming to Terms 79 To Be or Not to Be S6phr6n 91 Conclusion I 05 Chapter 5: SPEAKING OF WOMEN _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 108 Female Character and Tradition 109 Breaking the Link 113 All Roads Lead to Rome 118 Conclusion 131 Reforence List Vfta
133 --------------------------------------------------149
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1.1: Speech by Charge and Issue Table 1.2: Speech by Date, Speaker, Opponent, and Prosecution or Defence Table 1.3: Speech by the Woman's Relationship to the Principals Table 3.1: Representations of Women Compared
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12 13 13 74
ABSTRACT Judicial oratory is a rich source for ancient women in Classical Athens; however, oratory is also very complex as a historical source. Orators employ rhetoric when speaking about women and so historians need to adopt a method of analysis sensitive to rhetorical flourishes and the aim of the speaker when using oratory as a source of evidence for ancient women. In this dissertation, I examine how speakers characterize women associated with
the opponent in six speeches for the prosecution (Neaira and Phano in [Demosthenes] 59, Plangon in Demosthenes 39 and [Demosthenes] 40, the woman associated with Olympiodorus in [Demosthenes] 48, Phile's mother in Isaeus 3 and Alce in Isaeus 6). Although the status of the women in each of these speeches and the circumstances behind each speech differ, the speakers employ similar language and techniques to influence the jurors regarding the reputation of each woman. They draw upon a social stereotype of the hetaira (sexual companion/prostitute) to characterize women associated with the opponent, and establish an antithesis between women associated with the opponent and an ideal of the sophron gune (virtuous wife), which speakers associate with their own female kin and with women associated with the jurors. The use of antithesis to speak about women as good or bad has origins in the literature of the Archaic period. Associating bad women with prostitutes begins in Classical Athens, and is fully developed in the Roman context. Although prostitution is a part of ancient male culture, my examination shows that the image of the prostitute and sexuality associated with the prostitute are used to judge and abuse all types of women.
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''Then," Mr. Jackson continued ... '"then Lemuel Struthers came along. They say his advertiser used the girl's head for the shoe-polish posters: her hair' s intensely black, you know- the Egyptian style. Anyhow, he- eventually- married her." There were volumes of innuendo in the way the "eventually'' was spaced, and each syllable given its due stress. Edith Wharton, The Age of Innocence.
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Chapter I
SETTING THE STAGE
A PERUSAL THROUGH the bibliography for women in Greek antiquity reveals few works devoted to the study of ancient prostitution. As Davidson points out, feminist scholars largely overlook the prostitute and courtesan (1997: xix). Yet, an examination of the portrayal of the prostitute in oratory is important to the larger study of women in Antiquity in two ways. First, social historians and feminist scholars frequently cite examples from the orators to support their arguments. 1 Although Todd (1990) has brought rhetorical techniques to the center of recent studies on oratory, there has been little consideration of how rhetoric represents gender.2 Since oratorical texts have become a major source for historians interested in the lives of ancient women, an examination of the rhetorical methods of oratory, in particular the issue of persuasion in relation to gender, and how an orator's concern with persuasion affects representations of the female prostitute and females in general is necessary.3
1
Some examples are Pomeroy (1975), Keuls (1985), Just (1989) and Blundell (1995). 2 For a solid discussion of persuasion see Kennedy (1963). For more recent discussions of persuasion and the art of rhetoric see Todd (1990) and Carey (1994), but note that the impact of gender upon oratory and persuasion is not discussed. Hunter, however, gives some coverage to the issue of gender and the genre of oratory (1994: 113-16). 3 There is an assumption that oratory is a more objective source of evidence on women than other genres (Pomery 1975: x-xi). A summary of the scholarly support of this stance appears in Just (1989: 4-5). Although, more recently, historians on women in Antiquity do accept that orators shape their testimony to convince their audience of an argument (Fantham et al. 1994: 74), the effect of persuasion on representations of females is only a passing consideration (Ibid. 114-15).
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CHAPTER I Secon~
studying representations of prostitution in oratory gives further
dimension to the ancient reality because such study sheds light on societal attitudes towards women and on the issue of female sexuality. Studies on modem prostitution illustrate this well. For example, feminists and sex workers writing about the modem world claim that the image associated with the prostitute affects the perception of prostitute and non-prostitute women alike. They argue that the female psyche is split into a series of related dichotomies: madonna versus whore, good girl versus bad girl, and wife versus prostitute.4 Society views the madonna, good girl, wife as a pure, heterosexual, normal, monogamous woman; but the whore, bad girl, prostitute as the impure, bisexual, deviant, multiple partnered woman.s Furthermore, the designation as good girl or bad girl is not the woman's self-defining choice. Arrington points out that as soon as a woman appears to step outside the boundaries of being a 'good girl', she becomes a 'bad girl' and it is next to impossible for her to step inside the boundaries of the good girl again (1987: 175). Finally, the underlying premise ofthese designations centers on female sexuality by splitting women into sexual and asexual beings, encouraged to oppose each other. 6 This brief discussion demonstrates that studies on prostitution are not marginal to, but central to the larger topic of women's studies.
Overview of the Literature One of the problems for the historian researching female prostitution in Classical Ath.ens is that the evidence available is largely from the male perspective. Male writers writing 4
Bell 1994:2, 40-41; Bell1987: 16-17; St. James 1987: 84.
5 Bell1994: 71-2; Pheterson 1987:215.
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SETTING THE STAGE on prostitution do not commonly do so to inform an audience, but to titillate.7 Recent studies use textual sources to determine the common price of prostitutes and taxation of prostitutes, but little is known about the lives of such women from this material. 8 Vase painting is a rich source, but presents many of the same interpretive problems as the written evidence.9 Prostitution imagery is common on vessels associated with the
sumposion, and once again it is necessary to separate male fantasy from female reality. The archaeological evidence on prostitution is promising, but so far not extensive. 10 As an interest in prostitution increases in popularity, more archaeologists will pay attention to and look for evidence of prostitution in the archaeological record. Much of the scholarship that does exist focuses on texts and is dominated by a taxonomy of prostitution based on status. Scholars focus on hetairai, drawing a distinction between hetairai (companions), and pornai (brothel workers or street walkers). Historians in the early twentieth century defined the classical hetaira as educated, cultured and witty.Il They emphasized hetairai as intellectual companions for men rather than sexual partners. Influenced by these earlier studies, more recent books on women in Antiquity view hetairai as largely free from the daily experiences of pornai
Bell 1987: 122. identifies a "pornographic perspective in classical antiquity'' (1992: 253). She focuses her argument on the work of Athenaeus and argues that he equates women with food and gives men "the right to obtain and consume food/women." He pays no attention to the physical realities of the lives of prostitutes (256-7). In her conclusion, she suggests that scholars rethink Classical writers, such as Aristophanes, from a pornographic perspective (266). 8 On prices (and taxation) see Halperin 1990: 107-12; Loomis 1998: 166-85. 9 The most extensive works on representations of prostitutes in Attic vase painting are Keuls (1985), Peschel (1987), and Reinsburg (1989). For problems involved in interpreting images ofwomen in vase painting see Williams (1983). IO Knigge has excavated and identified a brothel in the Keramaikos (Building Z) (1988; rpt. 1991: 88-94). Also see Davidson 1997: 85-90 and Lind 1988: 158-69. Excavators have also uncovered fifth century BC Athenian cults connecting Aphrodite with prostitution. One cult is Aphrodite Pandemos on the Acropolis, where pandemos is interpreted to mean common sexual pleasure. Another such cult to Aphrodite is outside of Athens on the Sacred Way, where dedications with representations of vulvae have been found. See Halperin 1990: 104-6, esp. n.ll5 and n.ll9. 6
7 Henry
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CHAPTER I and distinct from that group. Cantarella describes the hetaira as "more educated than a woman destined for marriage, and intended 'professionally' to accompany men where wives and concubines could not go" (1987: 49-50). She characterizes the relationship between Athenian men and hetairai as "gratifying for the man, even on the intellectual level, and thus completely different from men's relationships with either wives or prostitutes." In a more recent example Blundell describes hetairai as "sophisticated beauties ... who charged very high prices ... the only group of economically independent women" (1995: 148). Other scholars reject the early twentieth century view. While there is evidence that some hetairai obtained a privileged position, the definition of the hetaira as a financially independent and cultured companion requires revision.12 Keuls and Reinsberg critique such a view of the hetaira as an idealization, and draw few distinctions between
hetairai and pornai. 13 Both labels could be applied to women who were slave or free, working for a procurer or on their own.14 In addition, Keuls point outs that all prostitutes, regardless of status, could suffer physical abuse at the hands of male clients and any of these women could be denigrated by men.15 Total equalization between all prostitutes could be going too far, and Davidson argues against such a view by emphasizing the diversity and complexity ofthe sex market in Athens (1998: 76). Davidson, however, takes his argument too far in the opposite direction. In his attempts to re-establish the significance of the hetaira he argues that the hetaira went to great lengths to avoid 11 Seltman 1956: 115-6; Licht 1925; rpt. 1932: 53; and Wright 1923: 62. 12 Theodote and Aspasia are examples of two successful prostitutes. On Theodote see Xen. Mem. 3 .11. See Henry ( 1995) for ancient references on Aspasia, and also a discussion of the various identities ascribed to Aspasia since the fifth century BC. Also on Aspasia see Reinsberg 1989: 82-4. 13 Reinsberg 1989: 80-6, 88-9 and Keuls 1985:204. 14 See Kurke 1999: 178-9. Also see Reinsberg 1989:80.
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SETIING THE STAGE having herself and her relationships with men made explici4 and that she had choice over whom she had sex with (1998: 112-26). He argues that she purposefully avoided mention of price, payment and sex, but talked of gifts and friendship instead.16 Calame, on the other hand, draws a complex image of hetairai, oscillating between privileged women, such as Aspasia, and flute players, whom men hired for sex ''whenever the need arose" (1999: 111). 17 Regardless ofhowwe might define such terms, there was always the chance that a pallake, the personal companion of one man, or hetaira might eventually end up as a brothel worker. In Antiphon 1.14 for example, Philoneos plans to place his
pallake, presumably tiring of her, in a porneion (brothel). When we focus our arguments on the female perspective rather than the male perspective, pallake, hetaira and porne do not appear so categorically distinct. Thus, scholars need to be aware of overly idealizing the historical realities of ancient prostitution, especially in the case of hetairai, and of the perspective they use when examining issues of prostitution. Other recent work departs from reconstructing the historical reality of ancient prostitutes, and frames the question in terms of context instead. Henry (1985), in a study of hetairai in the Greek comic tradition, identifies the hetaira as a character type in comedy. In old and middle comedy portraits of hetairai are typically negative (vicious, greedy and drunken) or at least ambivalent, while in new comedy the hetaira becomes the main force behind the resolution of conflict in the play. Henry's work demonstrates the benefits of isolating genre and date in studies on prostitution. Halperin (1990) and
15
1985: 174-86, 200-203.
16 He uses Theodote (Xen. Mem. 3.11) and Phryne (Ath. l3.591a) as an example ofthis (1998: 121 ). Still, he does not support his argument well or explain the references to money and sexual accessibility in the narrative on Neaira except by stating that in the beginning Neaira was not a hetaira because she was hired out to whoever wanted her (1998: 125). But if this was indeed the case, why did Apollodoros associate her with the term hetaira from the very beginning of his speech?
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CHAPTER I Kurke (1997 and 1999) discuss the significance of hetaira and porne in male discourse. Halperin identifies a direct relationship between prostitution and democracy. He argues that male citizens developed a common identity as socially and sexually assertive based on cheap access to female prostitution and the disenfranchisement of male prostitutes. This new identity compensated for any social and economic disparity within the citizen body. Kurke relates prostitution to a social and political agenda as well in her analysis of the opposition between hetaira and porne in Archaic poetry. She argues that hetairai were associated with the elite, pornai with the ordinary citizen. Elite males used the hetaira and the sumposion to distinguish themselves from the non-elite and the public sphere, identified with the obscenity of the porne. In addition, within the sumposion they sometimes identified the hetaira with the pome to keep hetairai distinct from themselves. The work ofthese scholars moves away from questions of status to focus on specific contexts. Their research on references to female prostitution informs about men and male culture. Such an emphasis on context is a more useful way to approach the issue of ancient prostitution in texts. The common tendency of ancient writers to interchange the terms porne, hetaira and pallake confounds modem attempts to separate ancient Greek prostitutes by status. Halperin shows that Greek authors use pallake (concubine) and hetaira, and hetaira and porne synonymously. In reference to pallake and hetaira, he states, "no doubt the dividing line between the two categories of kept women was indistinct" (1990: Ill). He further comments that:
17
Also see Cox 1998: 173-74. Kurke (1999), however, suggests that flute girls, acrobats and dancers at the symposion occupy a grey area- are they hetairai or pornai if they engage in sexual activity?
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SETTING THE STAGE Anaxilas defined a hetaira as a woman who submits to her lover pros kharin ('as an expression of gratitude or good-will': fr. 21), but in another passage Anaxilas uses hetaira interchangeably withporne (1990: Ill). Authors of a specific genre seem to prefer one term over the other. The term hetaira is fairly common in oratorical texts, while the use ofporne is rare. Based on an EnglishGreek word search on 'prostitute' in the texts on the website Perseus, hetaira occurs forty-five times, while porne occurs only eleven times.1s In old comedy, porne is slightly more frequent, occuring eleven times, while hetaira appears only seven times. In other Classical genres, such as tragedy, history and philosophy, hetaira is a rare occurrence, but incidences ofporne are virtually non-existent.19 One explanation for the low frequency ofporne in Classical literature is thatporne is a 'dirty' word. Old comedy commonly uses vulgar language and obscenity, and so the occurrence of porne in this genre is not surprising.20 Orators use porne more cautiously because their audience expected a more refined and polished vocabulary. They try to avoid unnecessary obscenity that might offend, and regularly apologize when they introduce unseemly material or vulgar terminology.21 The term hetaira is most frequent in [Demosthenes] 59 and Isaeus 3. Porne appears along with hetaira in Aeschines 1 and [Demosthenes] 59 and 48, but, like other uses of obscene language in law court speeches, porne always
18 http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-binlenggreek?Jang=greek. The statistics on other genres also come from searching this database. Although the search is limited to the selection of texts in Perseus, they reveal a general pattern. 19 There are only eleven references to hetaira in these genres, with seven of the total appearing in Plato alone. Porne does occur in Xenophon once. In Herodotus porne is absent, but forms of porneuein and kataporneuein each occur two times. 20 Henderson notes that obscene language is absent in Attic literature outside of old comedy. He does not discuss pome specifically, but focuses on terms for the "sexual organs, excrement and the acts which involve them" (1975: ix-xi, 11-13, 17, 29, 31-2, 35). Still, his arguments provide a context in which to view the frequencies of porne in old comedy compared to other Classical literature. 21 See for example Aeschin. 1.37-8 and Isae. 3.11.
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CHAPTER 1 appears in a very specific context with a very specific e:ffect.22 This brief survey suggests that the use of hetaira or pome to refer to a prostitute depends more often on context and author's motive rather than on differing status between such women.23 A focus on context also reveals the significance of the image or identity of the prostitute to ancient women as a collective group. McGinn (1998) considers the image of the prostitute in relation to non-prostitute women for the Roman world in his larger project on prostitution and Roman law. He argues that Augustan legislation equated wives caught in adultery with prostitutes. As part of their punishment, such women had to replace the stola of the matrona with the short toga of the prostitute. In this way, the image of the prostitute was used to shame women identified as sexually deviant. Scholarship examining the connection between the image of the prostitute and nonprostitute women for the Greek world is wanting. Katz argues that "conceptualizations of such phenomena as prostitution, rape and pornography" shed light on female sexuality, which remains "an unfinished project for the study of women in ancient Greece" (1995: 37). Examining how the Greek male represents the prostitute, and how men applied that identity to a real woman is one step in such a research programme. Athenian oratory is a genre well-suited to exploring this process. In the context of litigation, men identify women as hetairai and pornai on the one hand, and as wives, sisters, mothers and daughters on the other.
22 Hetaira appears throughout [Dem.] 59 in association with Neaira, but Apollodoros associates porne with her in his final emotional appeal as a final insult (112, 113, 114). Also see Aeschin. 1.124; Dem. 19.229; Dem. 22.56, 58, 61; [Dem.] 48.56; Lys. 4.9, 19.
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SEITING THE STAGE
Using Oratory The corpus of the Attic orators is assumed to be a rich source for social history, but oratory is a complex historical source. Todd (1990) raises a number of issues for consideration when using oratory as evidence. He urges historians to understand oratory as a genre, and understand as well the political, legal, social and even literary context of a particular passage within the work and within the corpus. Several issues are relevant: it is important to consider whether a speech is made for the prosecution or for the defence, the type of case being undertaken, and the relationship to the speaker of any female mentioned. Moreover, the historian must try to distinguish between typical and abnormal representations of every day life, and between fact and fiction_24 The perspective of the Athenian lawcourt was adversarial and not inquisitorial as it is in Britain and North America today. Athenians were not interested in discovering the truth, but in determining who had the more persuasive argument. In addition to using testimonial, documentary and real evidence, orators relied on repetition, arguments from probability, representations of character and appeals to emotion to convince jurors of their arguments.25 They even stooped to gossip or outright slander against an opponent, which makes it difficult for us to determine the truth of all that an orator says.26
23 Compare the comments of Flemming for the Roman context: ..The Latin language may be rich in words for •prostitute', but, outside the plays ofPiautus and their lexicographical legacy, these different terms carry differentials of tone, connotation and emphasis rather than of status, methods of soliciting, and service provision" (1999: 47). 24 Todd 1990:169. 25 Carey and Reid 1985: 6-13; Kennedy 1963: 87-103. Also see eh. 2. Note that before 380 BC, witnesses gave oral testimony in court and could be cross-examined, but rarely were. After 380 BC, witnesses gave written testimony (written by themselves or by the speaker) and then swore in court to the statements recorded. These witnesses were never cross-examined to determine the veracity, accuracy and completeness of their accounts. In addition, the purpose of witnesses was not primarily to tell the truth, but to support the litigants for whom they appeared. See Todd 1990b and Humphreys I 985. 26 See for example Hunter 1994: I 00-2, who claims •
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CHAPTER 1 Even a cursory reading of Attic oratory uncovers some of the rhetorical tricks orators employ when speaking about women. Speakers employ various topoi: they accuse opponents' mothers and wives of servile origin, of being an alien, a hetaira or commonlaw wife. 27 Women associated with the speaker appear as pitiful victims, having been transgressed against by an opponent.ZB An opponent's association with hetairai is given as evidence ofhis extravagance.29 The speaker's purpose in including such references to women is to bias the jurors against the opponent and his family.30 Most often, such references appear among a list of other insults directed against an opponent and are easily recognized as such. Descriptive portraits of women are rarer, and the rhetoric more difficult to interpret. The detailed narrative on Neaira in [Demosthenes] 59 is a wellknown example. Despite the detail, the narrative is merely a smoke screen. Neaira is not the real target; the orator's purpose is to attack the male opponent and his household.31 The speech occurs at the end of a long history of litigation between two political opponents, Apollodoros and Stephanos.32 Given the purpose of oratory, to influence opinion, we should not use references to prostitutes in orations as factual accounts. 33 Instead, representations of prostitutes are clues to attitudes: references to individual hetairai in oratory are part of the strategy for
27
Aeschines charges that Demosthenes was a Scythian on his mother's side (Aeschin. 2.78, 93, 180; 3.172). Euxitheus defends his mother against accusations that she is xene or a slave (Dem. 57.30-37, 40-45). Diodorus accuses Androtion of slandering Athenians by calling their mothers and wives pornai (Dem. 22.61 ). Also see the discussion in Hunter 1994: 111-12 and Cox 1998: I 0 I. 28 See the treatment of the old nurse in [Dem.] 47.55-63. 29 Aeschines claims Timarchus was slave to flute girls and hetairai (l.42, 75, I 15). See Hunter 1994: 113. 30 Hunter 1994: 113, 115. Also Cox 1998: 101. 31 See Patterson's analysis of the attack against Neaira in [Dem.] 59 (1994: 202-3). 32 Theomnestos summarizes the past quarrels between Apollodoros and Stephanos ([Dem.] 59.115). For an analysis see Trevett (1992: 147-51). 33 For an uncritical interpretation of Apollodoros's narrative on Neaira's life as a prostitute see Blundell (1998: 97-8) and Calame (1999: 111-12).
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SETIING THE STAGE attacking opponents, and portrayals of hetairai reflect social stereotypes of the prostitute. Henry's work (1985) on the representation of hetairai in comedy reveals the hetaira as a character type; yet the extent to which rhetorical exploitations of the hetaira in lawcourt speeches also depend on a character type is not always acknowledged. Perhaps this is a reflection of the confidence historians feel and a result of the approach they take when using oratorical texts. Todd comments as follows: Most ancient historians have probably at some stage read through the orators: once, fast, to get an idea what is in them. Those who, like me, are perpetually trying to save time will have used the right-hand side of the Loeb page for this purpose. But that method necessarily encourages a 'dipping' or 'index' approach: we remember in the back of our heads that there is a passage somewhere that has some bearing on the point we are at present considering; we locate it; we read round a few lines (in Greek so as to do our job responsibly) to check that it actually says what we thought it did (1990: 163-4). Todd's critique emphasizes the historian's lack of respect for issues of genre when dealing with law court speeches, and demonstrates the need to pay close attention to rhetorical flourishes and the speaker's intent when using oratory as a source of evidence.
Narratives on Women Tables 1.1-1.3 catalogue fourteen orations containing multiple references to or extended narratives on twelve individual women, who frequently appear in discussions of the life of ancient women. 34 These orations provide the most detailed portraits of women, which commonly appear in the narratio. Table 1.1 lists the primary issue of each of these speeches and shows that women are secondary to the main issues under dispute. They
34
Cox 1998; Foxhalll996; Hunter 1994.
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CHAPTER I focus on political, economic and familial rivalry between males. The single exception is Antiphon I, where the speaker accuses his stepmother of murdering his father.35 . : S;peechb>y Charge andissue T a ble 11 Speech dike or waphe Issue Political rivalry of Apollodoros and Stephanos _[Q_emJ59 g. xenias Rescission of agreement to split estate of Comon _illem.l48 d blabes Dem.39 Who should take name of paternal grandfather d blabes? [Dem.]40 d proikos? Mantitheus claims mother's dowry from estate Isae.3 d. pseudomarturion Inheritance ofPyrrhus's estate after the death ofEndius Isae.6 d pseudomarturion Succession to the estate of Euctemon Lys.l d akousios fonos ? Murder ofEratosthenes cau@t in adultery with a wife Lys.32 d epitropes Diogeiton's squandering ofhis nephew's inheritance Ant. I d bouleusis fonou Death of father by poisoning And. I g. asebeias Political rivalry; who will marry daughters of Epilycus Dem.45 d pseudomarturion Apollodoros claims Phormio robbed his patrimony Dem.27 d epitropes Aphobus' s squandering of Demosthenes' s inheritance Dem.28 d epitropes ? Return of Demosthenes 's patrimony Dem.29 d pseudomarturion Demosthenes' s inheritance
Tables 1.2 and 1.3 show that portraits of women are most frequent in speeches for the prosecution and in cases where a woman is associated with an opponent. Table 1.3 demonstrates that speakers commonly question the status of such women, and try to convince jurors that women associated with an opponent belong in a category different from that of wives, mothers, daughters and sisters. Adversaries argue that such women are not what they seem. Apollodoros, for example, claims that Neaira is not Stephanos's wife, but a hetaira, and that Phano is not Stephanos's daughter, but Neaira's daughter by another man ([Dem.] 59). If Apollodoros convinces the jurors of these facts, then Stephanos risks losing his status as citizen.36
35
More on this speech below.
36 See the law cited in [Dem.] 59.52, which states that anyone giving an alien woman to an Athenian as wife, representing her as related to him, is to be disenfranchised and his property confiscated.
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SETIING THE STAGE e ence T able 1.2 .. S;peechb'Y Date, s;peaker, 01pponent, andP rosecutionor Dfc c: 0 ·.;: ::: Q cu <11
Speech [Dem.]59 [Dem.]48 Dem.39 [Dem.]40 Isae.3 Isae.6 Lys.1 Lys.32 Ant.1 And. I Dem.45 Dem.27 Dem.28 Dem.29
Date 343-340 343-341 c.348 c.347 Before 343 c.364 403-380 399/98 Before 411 399 c. 350 364/63 c.363 c.363
Prosecutor37 Speaker Apollodoros Theomnestos Callistratus Mantitheus Mantitheus Bro. ofEndius Friend Chaerestratus Euphiletus Fam. ofEratos. Son-in-law Son of 1st Wife Andocides Cephisius Apollodoros Demosthenes Demosthenes Demosthenes
T able 1.3 S Jeechb the
ccu
s-.
Cl)
..0~ ..... Cl) Speech [Dem.]59 [Dem.]59 _[pem.]48 Dem.39 [Dem.]40 Isae.3 Isae.6 Lys.1 Lys.32 Ant. I And.1 Dem.45 Dem.27 Dem.28 Dem.29
Name Neaira Phano
·~m - 0..
' Re Iations . hiLP to w omans
c ..00 ..... c.. ·- c.. ~0
-'""
Alce
• • •
• Chrysilla Archippe Kleobule Kleobule Kleobule
•
• • •
• •
• •
c.E Cl) 0
• •
• • •
•
• Diogeiton Son of 2"d Wife Callias Stephanos Aphobus Aphobus Aphobus
•
•
• • •
• •
e nnctpl s
Cl) '"" ..... tn
..... 0
s
·oo
..0
OJ)
:l d
"'0
u
• • •
Opponent Stephanos Olympiodorus Boeotus Boeotus Nicodemus Androcles
c:,)
s::
Cl)
'"" ..0 Cl)
• •
Plangon Plangon
...0 0..
Cl)
•
• •
•
• • •
•
c.E
..0 0
U38
•
•
u u u u • •
•
• •
• • • •
• • • •
•
'"" Cl)
.....
.[i
•
• • •
• •
accusation hetaira notaste hetaira not wife not wife hetaira hetaira corrupted insulted murderer corrupt corrupted
3 7 Prosecutor listed in Table 1.2 only if different from speaker. 38 'U' stands for uncertain or ambiguous and depends on what the opponent will claim.
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CHAPTER 1 In contrast, Table 1.3 also reveals that speakers confidently defend the status of
women associated with themselves, and in their arguments claim that the opponent corrupts or insults these women. For example, Euphilletus emphasizes how his wife was the most sophron wife in the polis until Eratosthenes began to visit her (Lys. 1.7-10). The speaker ofLysias 32 narrates how Diogeiton compell·ed his daughter to oppose him before a group of arbitrators on account of his insulting mistreatment of her and her children(§§ 11-18). Apollodoros argues that Phormio corrupted his mother ([Dem.] 45.79). Taken together, the information in Tables 1.1, 1.2 and 1.3 suggests that orators only include accounts about women that portray oppoments in a negative light. Speakers rarely employ narratives involving women to boost tlieir own character, but use such narratives as part of their attack against opponents. Four speeches differ from this pattern. Three speeches, Demosthenes 27-29, include references to Demosthenes's mother in his attacks against Aphobus. Although scholars claim much about Kleobule's character, pers.onality and activities from Demosthenes's speeches, the actual statements concerning her are uncolourfu1.3 9 Demosthenes does not use his mother as a weapon ag;ainst his opponent in the same way that orators do in the remaining ten speeches. In the fourth speech, Antiphon 1, the speaker charges his stepmother with poisoning his fatlher. This speech of Antiphon stands out because of its early date and because it charges a woman with planning the murder of her husband. This case is exceptional in that the oratorr aims his attack at the woman herself and, as in Demosthenes 27-29, does not use her as a ploy in an attack on a male
39 Foxhall comments: "Kleobule seems to have been a very tough lady" (1996: 146) and Hunter that she was "a woman of independence and intellegence ... " (19•94: 30). For detailed analysis of Kleobule's involvement in the events see Foxhall 1996:144-7 an,d Hunter 1994: 30-33,41-2.
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SETIING THE STAGE opponent.40 The speaker's portrait of his stepmother is unique in other ways. He applies a label form myth, an uncommon strategy in later oratory, when he calls the woman 'this Clytemnestra here' (§ 17).4t Referring to the stepmother as Clytemnestra is a way to emphasize her guilt and increase the jurors' anger towards her. Antiphon's narrative style in this speech is also very reminiscent oftragedy.42
Portraits of six women (Plangon in Demosthenes 39 and [Demosthenes] 40, the female associated with Olympiodorus in [Demosthenes] 48, Neaira and Phano in [Demosthenes] 59, the mother ofPhile in Isaeus 3, and Alce in Isaeus 6) give some idea of the way in which orators use common images drawn from the world of prostitution to influence jurors about a woman. Four of the portraits in these speeches discuss women as
hetairai, while two only associate women with hetairai. There are other similarities in the speeches. All six speeches are for the prosecution. The women who appear (Plangon, the female associated with Olympiodorus, Neaira and Phano, Phile's mother, and Alce) are associated only with the speaker's opponent, and the status of the women and the nature of their relationship to particular men are issues in the speaker's attack. Isaeus 3 and 6, although very different cases, represent inheritance suits in which the speaker discredits claimants on the grounds that their mothers were hetairai and not
enguai gunaikes. In Isaeus 3, the speaker disputes the claim ofPhile's husband that Phile is an epikleros and thus has claims on the property of Pyrrhus. 43 The speaker argues that
40
Gagarin suggests the opposite: "Ant. 1 may similarly be part of a dispute between the speaker and his half-brother, who presents the case for the defense" (1998: 40), but he offers no details. 4 l The only other mythical reference used against an opponent in the corpus of Attic oratory is Andoc. 1.129, where Andocides suggests the son ofCallias should be called Oedipus or Aegisthus. 42 Due 1980: 20; Gargarin 1997: 116. 43 This actual speech represents one court action in a series with regard to the issue of whether Phile is an epik/eros. The charge here is a charge of false or improper evidence against the brother of Phile's mother who claims he married the woman to Pyrrhus as wife.
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CHAPTER I
she is not eligible as an epik/eros because she is not a legitimate daughter of Pyrrhus, but the daughter of a hetaira. He uses neighborhood gossip and the absence of a dowry for Phile's mother as evidence for her status as a hetaira. The issue in Isaeus 6 is who will inherit the property ofEuctemon. The case is complicated because Euctemon dies after the sons of his first wife have already passed away. The speaker, a friend of the adopted son of one of the original sons ofEuctemon, disputes a rival claim for the inheritance of Euctemon's property. He argues that the two sons sired by Euctemon late in life and accepted into his deme are actually illegitimate. He claims these 'sons' are the sons of Alce, a freedwoman, who had control and influence over Euctemon during his intimate association with her at the end of his life. [Demosthenes] 59 is unique within these speeches in that it is a graphe, not a dike. 44 It represents the last speech in a series oflegal disputes between Stephanos and
Apollodoros intended to harm each other politically. Apollodoros claims that Stephanos has been living with the woman Neaira as his wife, but that she is not an aste. He charges her with xenia for impersonating an aste and argues that she is really a hetaira. He includes a colorful narrative on Neaira's career as a hetaira in Corinth, Megara and Athens. He also implicates Phano by arguing that she is the daughter ofNeaira, and not Stephanos, attempting to portray her as the daughter of a hetaira. If true, she could not be
aste and her two marriages to Athenians would be unlawful. In the course of his narrative, Apollodoros tries to make Phano's own behaviour resemble that of her mother and thus that of a prostitute.
44 The main difference between the two is that anyone qualified to plead could initiate a graphe, whereas only the wronged party or the relative of a wronged party (if the wronged party was female, a child or deceased) could initiate a dike. Thus a graphe covered wrongs where no clear individual was wronged, but the community as a whole. See Harrison 1971; rpt. 1997: 76.
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SETIING THE STAGE In the last three speeches the women involved are only colorful additions to the main argument. The speaker of [Demosthenes] 48, Callistratus, enters into a dispute with Olympiodorus over an agreement to split equally the inheritance of Comon. Callistratus married Olympiodorus's sister and uses this familial connection to gain support and sympathy from the jury. He charges that Olympiodorus never married, but lives with and spends this inheritance money on a hetaira whom he has freed, while his sister and niece live in poverty. Callistratus insists that this hetaira has too much influence over Olympiodorus. Mantitheus, the speaker ofDemosthenes 39 and [Demosthenes] 40, introduces us to Plangon, the mother of his opponent and half-brother, obscuring the relationship she had with his father, Mantias. In Demosthenes 39, the speaker disputes Boeotus' s claim to the name Mantitheus. Boeotus is Plangon' s son and asserts himself as the oldest son ofMantias. Traditionally, the oldest son took the name ofhis paternal grandfather, in this case Mantitheus. The speaker, however, argues that his father recognized Boeotus as legitimate only after he was tricked by Plangon. She initially agreed to swear an oath that Mantias was not Boeotus's father, but when before the public arbitrator she swore instead that Mantias was the father of both her sons. In a second dispute, in [Demosthenes] 40, Mantitheus attempts to recover the marriage portion of his mother from Boeotus' s part of the inheritance. Once again, the speaker brings up the incidence with Plangon and the anecdote on Boeotus' s spurious legitimacy as the son of Mantias. My study of the narratives on these six women (Plangon, Neaira and Phano, Alce, Phile's mother, and the female associated with Olympiodorus) proceeds as follows. Chapter 2 looks at methods of persuasion to determine the most relevant rhetorical
17
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CHAPTER I techniques orators employ in the case of women. It concludes that character typing is an important technique used by orators to influence opinion about women. Chapter 3 examines the language used to describe women associated with a speaker's opponent and demonstrates that orators discuss these women using terminology drawn from a generic stereotype of the hetaira. Chapter 4 studies how orators oppose women associated with the opponent to their own women and to women associated with the jurors, and argues that orators consciously manipulate images of the prostitute and the sophron gune in order to create two contrasting categories. Finally, chapter 5 traces the issues from the Archaic period to the Roman period and shows how oratory as a male discourse conforms to the patterns of other periods and genres.
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Chapter2 PERSUASIVE WOMEN
THE ORATORS THEMSELVES recognize that persuading an audience about a woman's reputation and status can be an effective rhetorical strategy. They acknowledge that statements about women cannot always be trusted: Now I bid you pay close attention to this, in order that, if he really dares (tolmai) to utter any slanders (blasphemein) about the mother of our wives or about the documents, your knowledge of the facts make it impossible for him to deceive (exapatan) you with his talk (Dem. 41.20). 1 To/man and blasphemein are strong verbs intended to discredit Spudias, the speaker's opponent. Aimed at Spudias, the words nevertheless indicate the kinds of attacks speakers make and that slander is not entirely out of place in the court room. The difficulty for the jurors is recognizing what is defamation. Should the audience heed the speaker's warning? Or is the speaker slandering Spudias? A skilled orator can deceive (exapatan) his audience into accepting his falsehoods as truth. We encounter the same interpretive problems as the jurors when we read judicial oratory. Foxhall points out that speakers often brutally attack women in court and that even women who are not on trial can be subject to verbal abuse (1996: 141), but she is not interested in analyzing the techniques of such attacks. Hunter, however, addresses the issue more directly. She
19
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CHAPTER2
considers women as objects of gossip and demonstrates how orators use such gossip to their own advantage (1994:113-6). Understanding the art of persuasion behind attacks against women in oratory is necessary because of the frequent use of law court speeches as a historical source for ancient women, and requires sensitivity to two issues: 1) rhetorical techniques and 2) how the gender of the individual appearing in a speech affects the strategies employed by an orator.2
The Art of Persuasion In the Rhetorica, Aristotle defines rhetoric as the ability to perceive the persuasive
argument possible for each and any situation (1355b 25-26). He supplies the means of persuasion, the pisteis (proofs), that make the argument successful? Such proofs are classed as either atechnoi (without artifice) or entechnoi (artificial). Proofs without artifice include the use of witnesses, evidence from the torture of a slave or other evidence of events having taken place, laws and decrees, private documents, such as wills, bank ledgers and contracts, and lastly challenges.4 These proofs are not manufactured, but gathered together by the speaker (1355b 35-39). They exist independent of a speaker's oration and any trial. The litigant could provide atechnoi 1
-rou'tcp yap iiS111tpocr£xE'tE 'tov vouv, tv' i:.av O:pa -roA.J.L{i n x:at 1tEpt 'tile; J.LTl'tPoc; 'trov yuvatx:rov j3A.acr
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PERSUASIVE WOMEN
pisteis himself, demand them from the opponen~ and/or collect them from a third party. He then presents the proofs in court to give credence to his words. 5 The gathering of such evidence was the responsibility of the litigan~ not the state.6 Aristotle divides artificial pisteis into three types: ethos, pathos, and argument. 7 In a technical sense, ethos refers to the self-portrait created by the speaker to establish credibility and gain the confidence and sympathy of his jury (1356a 4-8). 8 A speaker tried to create the impression that he was agathos (possessing goodness) and eunous (having goodwill), someone whom the audience could trust (1366a8-12). In addition to establishing his own character, the speaker attempted to rouse his listeners to pathos. Aristotle argues that certain emotions, such as love and hate, or anger and complacency, affect the opinions of a listener (1377b 30-78a 3). The speaker's goal is to arouse specific emotions in the jurors, emotions which will influence judgement in his favor. To convict an opponen~ the prosecutor should try to arouse the jurors' anger and fear; to acquit himself, the defendant should try to arouse sympathy. 9 In order to achieve this result a speaker exploits what pleases and what offends his audience (1356a 20-25). Aristotle also mentions a further method of artful persuasion: the representation of the opponent's character and the character of individuals associated with the opponent
5
Sometimes free women are the third party upon whom a litigant depends. In Lys. 32, for example, the private documents and information supplied by the wife ofDiodotos form the basis of the trial against Diogeiton. 6 For Aristotle's detailed account ofunartful proofs and how to employ them in an argument see Rh. 1375• 22-1377b 12. For a modern discussion see Harrison (1971, rpt.1997: 133-53). 7 Aristotle actually states that the proofs of the speech are based on the moral character of the speaker, the disposition of the audience, and on argument itself(that is, proving or seeming to prove). (Rh. 13568 1-4). See Carey (1994: 26-45) and Kennedy (1963: 52-124) for an excellent and thorough discussion of pathos and ethos. 8 Aristotle repeats his stance on the importance of the moral character of the speaker in Rh. 1366• 23-28 and 1377b 20-28. 9 In Pseudo-Aristotle, the use of emotions to support an argument also appears. [Rh. Al.] 14288 3638.
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CHAP1ER2
who are mentioned in the course of an orator's speech. 10 Discussing the moral qualities of such individuals in detail can enhance the ethos of the speaker or arouse the pathos of the audience. Aristotle, for example, encourages adding details which convey the arete (virtue) of the speaker or the kakia (wickedness) of the opponent (1417a 3-8). 11 Such contrasts add to the persuasiveness of the orator's argument, since the speaker presents himself as an upright citizen, incapable of wrongful behaviour, and the opponent as base and, without a doubt, capable of committing the offense in question. The speaker can also characterize the opponent so as to influence the emotions of the audience. If the speaker convinces the audience that the opponent is an offensive character, he will arouse the audience's disgust. Allegations of a luxurious lifestyle, sexual deviancy or insatiability, theft, violence, political misconduct, lack of patriotism, sycophancy, spurious citizenship, and servile origins all arouse negative prejudice. 12 Even claiming an opponent's expertise in law and oratory can bias the jurors against him. 13 By far, the most effective way of arousing anger against an opponent is to prove that he has little concern for other citizens or the city itself. 14 In most cases, discussion of character does not require a detailed or
10
See Russell on the orators' three different uses of character (1990: 198). Hunter provides a detailed discussion of character in relation to a speaker's opponent (1994: 101-110). 11 This is repeated in Rh. 1417a 36-1417b2. Also see 1417b 27-28 ' ... it is only in the case of a dispute as to this question of fact that one of two parties must necessarily be wicked (poneros).' In Rh. l419b 10-17 it suggests that it is equally necessary in the epilogue for the speaker to present his opponent unfavorably as it is to present himselffavorably. In Rh. l368b l -1375 8 21, Aristotle discusses the motives and character of those who commit wrong and the character of those who are often victims. These examples together suggest that in judicial oratory the character of the opponent is just as persuasive an element as the character of the speaker. Also see [Rh. Al.] l444b 36-38. 12 Aristotle, Rh. l366b 9-22, lists injustice, cowardice, licentiousness, avarice, small mindedness and meanness. Davidson argues that Athenians viewed excessive habits of consumption as a dangerous threat to the individual themselves, their family, and even the state. Athenians felt that such habits revealed a propensity for criminal action (1998: 213-308). 13 For an interesting discussion of the difficulty facing an orator, generally a member of the elite addressin~ a democratic audience, see Ober (1989). 1 [Rh. Al.] l442a 9-l4lists disloyalty to one's country and friends, ingratitude and hardness of heart. Hunter lists some good attacks on male opponents: Aeschin. l; 2; Dem. 18; 19; 21; 25-26; 39; Din. l; lsae. 4; 5; Lys. 14 (1994: 110). Also see "Appendix: Gossip in the Lawsuits" (Hunter, 1994: 118-9).
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PERSUASIVE WOMEN
balanced portrait of an individual, but is rather a matter of invoking a particular character type based on knowledge of social stereotypes. 15 Consideration of character is a strong persuasive element in any orator's speech.
16
Knowledge of character types and people's reactions to specific character traits are particularly important in forensic speeches, as their extensive use throughout the orator's speech shows. Although the handbooks often identify the prooimion (introduction) and the epilogos (epilogue) as the appropriate points for including ethos and pathos respectively, Carey points out that the orators themselves were much more flexible than the rhetoricians, and often utilized these pisteis in the diegesis (narrative) and agones (argument) of the speech (1994: 43). Digressions on the character of the opponent and his associates are most often found in the diegesis. Direct contrasts between the character of the opponent and the character of the speaker or even other members of society are frequently found in the epilogos. The exaggerated emphasis on character comes as a surprise to the modem reader, because such digressions, particularly the negative character of the defendant, are somewhat out of place in a modem courtroom. 17
15
Rh. 1356b 30-34 'Rhetoric will not consider what seems probable in each individual case, for instance to Socrates or Hippias, but that which seems probable to this or that class of persons.' Also see Aristotle's discussion of stereotypical character types (Rh. 1388b 12-1391 bl7) and the discussion in Russell 1990: 199 and Scafuro 1997: 64. 16 Russell succeeds in showing how portrayal of character dominates in all kinds of oratory, but especially forensic oratory (1990: 200-205). Aristotle states that the moral character of the speaker is the most effective means ofproof(Rh. 1356a4). See also Scafuro 1997: 56-66. 17 Individual character is a factor in current trials of family law, particularly with judgements concerning the custody of children. In criminal cases, character is not an issue until the sentencing stage, after the jury has decided an individual's guilt or innocence. In each case, discussions of character must be relevant to the issue being decided upon.
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CHAPTER2
Persuasion and Gender Although prosecutors and defendants represented themselves in the Athenian court system, a free woman, like slaves and children, was never speaker in a trial. 18 Instead, her !curios (father, husband or other close male relative) answered any charges against her or
prosecuted on her behal£ 19 In addition, astai were not eligible to sit on the jury. Scholars ususally agree that astai and female metics could not act as witnesses in a court oflaw. 20 There is one possible exception: some argue that free women, and even slaves, could give evidence in an Athenian court against individuals accused of murder, but not in their defense. 21 Yet this claim is contentious: MacDowell concludes that not enough evidence exists to determine if such testimony was common procedure or not (1963: 109).22 Instead of testimony, speakers presented evidence from free women in a court of law only through a challenge to an oath, through her !curios or in a narrative account. 23 In the case of oaths, the concerned party issued the challenge in front of witnesses who could
18
McClure points out that only men had the right to speak in public. Being a citizen meant actively participating in the public speech of the assembly, law court and so on (1999: 8). 19 Examples are: Neaira in [Dem.] 59 who is the defendant, but represented by Stephanos; the step-mother in Ant. 1 charged with poisoning, but defended by her natural son; the widow ofDiodotos in Lys. 32 who is behind the prosecution argued by her son-in-law. For other examples see Hunter 1994: 53. 20 Harrison is skeptical or at least finds the question as to whether women (free or slave) could testify in a court oflaw to be unresolved. See p.145, n.6 in particular (1971; rpt. 1997: 136-52). Also see Scafuro 1997:49 and Gagarin 1998:41-2. 21 Bonner 1906: 127-32 and 1912: 453; Harrison 1971; rpt. 1997: 136. Note that after 380 BC all testimony was taken down in writing and read out in court by a clerk, but the witness was normally present to confirm the veracity of the testimony. Cross-examination of witnesses was not a procedure in the Athenian court system at this time, but may have been a possibility before 380 BC. See !sager and Hansen 1975: 112-3 and Todd 1990b. 22 See Mac Do well for a concise summary and evaluation of the arguments for and against the use of women and slaves as witnesses in homicide cases (1963: 102-9). The main speeches and passages involved in this debate which relate to women are Ant. 1, Lys. l, Dem. 47.69-70, and PI. Leg. 937a-b. Todd argues that women were excluded from giving testimony in homicide trials, like other trials, because women could not be sued for false witnessing (1990b: 26-28). 23 See Harrison 1971; rpt. 1997: 152; Gagarin 1998: 43-5; Goldhill1994: 357.
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PERSUASIVE WOMEN
later testify in court if necessary.24 The prohibition against astai and slaves as witnesses affected private claims concerning an individual's declaration of kinship and status, property, or right of inheritance, since wives, mothers and slaves often had knowledge of such issues.25 Speakers commonly involved women in trials through artificial proofs. Even though women had no voice in the courtroom, they were sometimes physically present at trials to arouse pathos?6 For example, a defendant could bring the astai of his family to illicit pity from the jurors. More frequently, speakers merely mention women or provide a narrative on a woman. The most detailed references or narratives deal with women associated with the opponent or women associated with the speaker and wronged by the opponent.27 Unsurprisingly, rhetorical techniques used against the opponent are also used against the women associated with them. Carey argues that an orator's manipulation of prejudice and defamation includes the stirring up of bias against an opponent's associates and relatives (1994: 32). A speaker could also arouse prejudice through the use of diabole (slander) against witnesses and supporting speakers. Slander of an opponent's female kin is another way to bias the jurors against an opponent. In Demosthenes 41, for example, the speaker urges the audience to pay close attention to his words so that the jurors will 24
For examples of oath taking by women used as evidence in a court of law see Dem. 39.3-4, 40.l0, 55.27 and lsae. l2.9. Goldhill points out that the only oath taking actually performed is the oath of Plangon in Dem. 39 and 40. 25 Hunter discusses women's knowledge of household issues such as an individual's status and family finances (1994: 36). 26 See Harrison l971; rpt. l997: l63-4. For a recent discussion on the presence of women during a trial in the Athenian courts to illicit pity see Gagarin, who argues women appeared on occasion, but their presence was not part of common procedure (1998: 46-7). Also see Goldhill, who argues that the status of a female (as slave or prostitute rather than aste gune) may explain the few instances of female presence in the courtroom (1994: 358-60). The main support for Goldhill's argument is Neaira's presence, however the · fact that Apollodoros is trying to prove her status as a prostitute is problematic for Goldhill -why would Apollodoros spend a third ofhis speech trying to prove Neaira was once a prostitute and slave? Her presence in the courtroom would prove this, ifGoldhill's arguments were true.
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CHAPTER2
not be swayed from the facts, if the opponent should slander (blasphemein) his motherin-law(§ 20). The underlying assumption behind such accusations assumes that those in close association with an individual reflect that individual's own character. Slander against women often relates to sexual conduct and social status. Speakers sometimes refer to an aste associated with a political opponent as hetaira, porne, or even slave. In Demosthenes 22, for example, the prosecutor lists rumors started in the assembly by the defendant, Androtion. Such rumors include accusations that a citizen's parents are slaves, that the mother of a citizen's children is a prostitute (porne), and that the mother of another citizen has worked as a prostitute (pomeuein) (§ 61). Defendants and prosecutors employ similar malicious representations of women in forensic oratory. They accuse women associated with their opponent of being slaves, ex-slaves, foreigners, prostitutes, or of questionable ancestry, and suggest these women masquerade in marriages never made official?8 Such slander damages a woman's reputation, but most importantly it stirs up prejudice against a male citizen and his oikos. 29 An orator's more subtle use of character also affects the presentation of :free women associated with the opponent. Although ample bibliography on the characterization of male opponents in forensic oratory exists, scholars, both ancient and modem, have neglected how orators develop portraits of women and how such characterizations of females invoke generic stereotypes. Even Aristotle does not mention women in his discussion of character types. 30 Granted, rhetorical strategies of speakers are often the same for male and female representations. Orators associate both male and 27
See eh. 1 and Tables 1.1-1.3. See Hunter (1994: 111). 29 Hunter emphasizes the woman herself is not the direct target (1994: 113). Also see Table l.l. 28
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PERSUASIVE WOMEN
female characters with offensive types ofbehaviour, and compare and contrast them with more upright members of the community. What defines offensive behaviour for men and for women, however, differs. For example, orators commonly accuse women of being manipulators, of extravagance and of sexual impropriety, whereas accusations against male opponents are more diverse. 31 Furthermore, speakers commonly contrast male opponents with themselves as a way to heighten their own ethos; yet the jurors would ridicule anyone contrasting themselves with women. Instead, speakers oppose women associated with an opponent to virtuous women in their own households or the community at large.
Women as Victims of Characterization Female characterization is a particularly effective strategy, because free women (both astai and metic) are an easy target for character typing and diabo/e. In general, only kin,
close acquaintances and neighbors were familiar with female members of the household and with how a woman conducted herself. Women had relative obscurity in the larger community because of their exclusion from politics and even from certain public spaces. 32 They did not attend the assembly, sumposia or the law courts, where males regularly gathered.33 Astai in particular had limited contact with non-kin males to avoid
30
Rh. 1388bl2-1391bl7. For modern considerations of character which ignore the issue of female portraits see Davidson (1997), Russell (1990), Ober (1989). 31 Hunter (1994: 114) for a list of examples from forensic oratory. On men see n.'s 12 and 14 of this chapter. Also see Hemy (1995: 19-28) on the characterization of Aspasia compared with the characterization ofPerikles in Old Comedy. 32 Hunter 1994: 98-99. 33 However, women were important to and participated in the religious life of the city. See Fantham et al. 1994: 83-96; also McCiure 1999: 22: ''much of the speech that is represented as socially sanctioned for women in Attic drama revolves around religious activities ... "
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CHAPTER2
accusations of sexual impropriety.34 Elite astai even avoided the agora. 35 Slander or rumor circulated unchecked in the community because non-kin males had no public persona by which to judge attacks against women. Allegations against a woman in a court oflaw were effective for the same reasons. The speaker's oration was often the only source of information about a woman's character the men on the jury had. This initial introduction of a female was so influential that anyone refuting a speaker's comments about a woman would find the rumors, acc~ations and slander difficult to dispel. 36 Listeners would not easily forget a speaker's innuendo. For example, Foxhall remarks that suspicion raised in court affected a woman's standing in the community long after a trial was over, whatever the outcome of the case (1996: 140).37
Astai were particularly vulnerable to insinuations about status or family origins, since there were no permanent records of the status offemales. 38 Instead, women were dependent upon individual witnesses who could attest to parentage and to a history of participation in traditional and communal events. 39 Very little of the ritual designed to assimilate the child to private and public groups, however, applied to females. In the ceremony known as the amphidromia, the father recognized a child, whether male or female, as an official member of the family and worthy to be brought up. Then at the
34
Cairns 1993: 123, 306. Astai from poorer families had to buy goods in the agora themselves (if they could not afford to keep a slave), or may have even worked in the agora, out of necessity; Arist. Pol. 4.12.9, 6.5.13. 36 In Hyp. 1.8-10, the orator states that speaking first is an advantage because the second speaker has to refute allegations which distract the jury from the actual charge. Hunter discusses the difficulty of laying to rest allegations about a male opponent once aired (1994: 108). Such difficulty is even more pronounced in the case of women, of whom the jurors are unlikely to have heard. 37 Hunter comments, ''the courtroom became a route to the whole city" ( 1994: I 0 l ). 38 See Cole 1984b: n. 25. 39 See Patterson (1998: 108-14) on the lack of legal recognition for the state of matrimony and Scafuro on the importance of witnesses in determining an individual's status. Scafuro emphasizes that there are different proofs for males and females and a summary ofthese follow (1994: 157-63). Compare Hunter (1994: 112). 35
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PERSUASIVE WOMEN
dekate (ten day ceremony) the father gave the infant a name. Marriage with engue marked a woman's status as aste. 40 Betro~ included, but did not require, the provision of a dowry, which was additional evidence of marriage status.41 Invited guests to each of these events could later act as witnesses to a woman's family origins and status as married if ever questioned in a court oflaw. Public recognition was even rarer. A newlywed husband held a sacrifice and marriage feast (gamelia) for his phratry. Husbands of the liturgical class were expected to finance a festival, such as the
Thesmophoria, on behalf of their wives. A speaker could point to any of these events as evidence for a woman's status.42 Males, on the other hand~ had a series of public rituals that recognized their status as Athenian. Fathers introduced sons into their phratry during the apatouria at birth and again at adolescence.43 They formally enrolled sons in their deme and had their names recorded in a register (lexiarchikon grammateion or koinon grammateion) when the sons reached age eighteen.44 Such events publicly acknowledged a male's status and citizenship, and established his right to participate in the democracy. All males of citizenship status enjoyed such recognition. In contrast, many men never publicly
40
Perikles's citizenship law of 45110 ( [Arist.] Ath. Pol. 26.4) meant that both parents had to be astoi in order for their children to be recognized as legitimate. Although this law may have lapsed near the end of the Peloponnesian war, it was reintroduced by Nikomenes in 403/2. By the middle of the fourth century marriage between an Athenian and a foreigner became illegal ([De m.] 59 .16). 41 Wyse 1904; rpt. 1967:308. 42 Cole (1984b: 237) emphasizes marriage and the gamelia as indicative of a woman's status as aste. Although Scafuro (1994: 163) mentions that a son recognized and accepted by the father's phratry and deme indicated his mother's legitimacy since a woman's status as aste was required before the son was accepted, I do not consider this to be proof in a court of law since the questioning of her status is often a way to bring the status of the son into question. 43 There is debate about whether the birth of girls was announced to the phratry at the offering of the meion as well. The only text to suggest this is Isaeus 3, but it may be a special circumstance since the girl Phile may be an epikleros. For a discussion and summary of the arguments on this issue see Cole (1984b: 233, 235-6 and n.l9). 44 [Arist.] Ath. Pol. 42.1-2. Dem. 57.26, 60.
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acknowledged female kin as astai, making their status easier to question than that of males. 45 For example, dowries and marriage feasts were not a legal obligation, especially if the families involved were poor.46 Thus, women depended heavily on individual
witnesses to their birth and marriage to confirm their status, while men depended upon the official witness of entire societal groups, such as members of the deme. For examples of the evidence required to prove a woman's status we look to Isaeus 3 and 6. Although the uncles ofPyrrhus attest to the wedding ceremony ofPhile's mother, the speaker requests three additional items to demonstrate her status: 1) the proof of a dowry, 2) the introduction ofPhile to her father's phratry, and 3) Pyrrhus's public service on behalf ofPhile's mother. The speaker oflsaeus 3 demands these items as proof that Phile's mother was not a hetaira(§§ 77-80). The speaker oflsaeus 6 also uses the identified strategy to claim that the name of a mother is not enough to establish the status of her male child and his right to inherit(§§ 64-5). Witnesses are necessary to attest that Euctemon married the woman and that he performed liturgies on her behalf. The speaker adds further that the locations of a woman's grave and a description of the tomb are also needed, as well as witnesses who can testify that they have seen Euctemon and his "sons" performing the customary rites over her grave. None of these events, except the reference to Phile's introduction into her father's phratry, involve public recognition by a phratry or deme. 47 Thus a speaker easily questions a woman's status, since witnesses alone attest to her position in society, and because female status is contingent upon so many issues. In addition, the very young age (12-14) at which girls married must have affected the 45
Cole (1984b: 233) emphasizes the political and public function of rituals surrounding boys in contrast to rituals associated with girls which focus on their future role as mothers and their domestic duties instead. 46 Wyse (1904; rpt. 1967: 294, 308).
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witnesses available to them later in life. For astai past their 40's, many witnesses would already be dead. Females were also vulnerable because of the various types of acceptable sexual unions between men and women. Men associated with wives, pallakai and prostitutes. Each one of these unions could produce children, but only a narrowly defined group could be considered astoi. While Athenian fathers were not likely to acknowledge offspring of a prostitute, they could recognize offspring of a more permanent union, for instance a child born of a pallake. Athenians referred to such children as nothoi/ai. Although paternally recognized and having a place in their fathers' household and in the
polis, such children were in an ambiguous position because they were born from a mismatched or unequal union. 48 They were recognized by their fathers and by the polis, but excluded from inheritance and from participation and membership in the polis.49 Only male children born from a gune enguete had such rights. Thus, Athens had at least three classes of offspring: those not recognized by their fathers; those recognized by their fathers but who had no inheritance or political rights; and those recognized by their fathers who became their fathers' heirs and full members of the polis. Strict legislation shows that Athenians worried about transgressions. Perikles' enactment of 45110 BC required that only offspring born from an aste and an astos had
47
Phile may be a special case. See note 43 above. Patterson 1990: 50-51, 62. 49 Traditions of family inheritance rules completely excluded nothoi. For a certain period they were allowed to inherit if there were no offspring from a gune enguete. Patterson argues that allowing nothoi a place in cases where there was no offspring of a wife does not seem out of place in Archaic Athens, but that after the reforms of Cleisthenes nothoi were likely excluded entirely ( 1990: 51-57). Scafuro makes 403/02 the latest date at which nothoi were completely excluded from inheritance (1997: 197). The law excluding nothoi from inheritance appears at Dem. 43.51 and is paraphrased at lsae. 6.47. 48
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full share in the polis. 50 The citizen body scrutinized the status of officials at the
dokimasia before they entered public office. 5 1 Heavy fines punished marriages between astoi/ai and xenoilai. 52 Punishment for falsely passing off children as astoi was severe: marrying a xene to an Athenian as aste resulted in disenfranchisement and property confiscation if discovered. 53 Ye4 there is evidence that Athenians had reason to be concerned. Obsession with obtaining an heir and conflict between family members could result in fathers claiming sons as Athenians, who, as defined by the state, were not. 54 At the death of the sons born to him by a legally married wife, Perikles requested that his illegitimate son be given full citizen status rather than adopt other male kin. 55 Other Athenians might make such decisions for themselves behind closed doors. Athenians lived with their wives, but also with pallakai- sometimes even in the same household. 56 On account of the various possible unions and the strict restrictions on citizenship, Athenian juries were easily suspicious of female members of a household and quick to question the status of an individual's mother or wife. 57
so [Arist.] Ath. Pol. 26.4. The law was ignored towards the end of the Peloponnesian War, but reinstated in 403/2 (Scafuro 1994: 156). st [Arist.] Ath. Pol. 55.3. S2 [D em.] 59.16. SJibid. 52. s4 Cox 1998: 184. Apollodoros provides this as the reason why Phrastor attempted to introduce his son by Phano to his phratry ([Dem.] 59 .57). Connor argues that there was more mobility across geographical and social boundaries than is commonly acknowledged, resulting in offspring with a nonAttic parent finding their way onto citizenship lists (1994: 36). ss Plut. Per. 37.2-5. Evidence suggests, but does not confirm, that the mother ofthis illegitimate son was Aspasia. See Henry 1995: 13-15. s6 Cox 1998: 184-87; Foxhall 1989:24. s7 Cox 1998: 189. For examples see Dem. 22.61; Dein. 1.71; Isae. 4.10.
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Recognizing Female Characterizations It is often tempting to believe that hetairai, and/or women having worked as hetairai mentioned in oratory, were well-known among Athenian males as prostitutes. Modem scholars generally asstime that Neaira was famous among the Athenian elite and that her reputation as a hetaira was well-established in classical Athens. 58 The orators themselves often stress such notoriety in the case of hetairai. When the speaker of Isaeus 6 introduces Alce, he adds 'whom indeed I think many ofyou know.' 59 In this way the speaker stresses Alce's notoriety among Athenian males. Yet in the case ofNeaira in [Demosthenes] 59, the speaker suggests that few Athenians were familiar with Neaira's past life as a hetaira. Apollodoros has to spend one third of his speech in a detailed narrative ofNeaira's career as a prostitute. From this we can gather that he is trying to give an exact history for an audience ignorant ofNeaira's past status(§§ 18-48). Apollodoros begins with Neaira's early life, when he says she was a slave ofNikarete. Next, he details Neaira's various lovers and gossip about her conduct. Last, he explains how Neaira ended up in Athens and came to be shared by Stephanos and Phrynion. Neaira, who is not working as a hetaira at the time of the trial, is probably in her fifties when Apollodoros brings forward his charge of xenia. According to the chronology set out by Patterson, Apollodoros chronicles Neaira's life as a hetaira from 390-370 BC. The trial occurs circa 340 BC, after Neaira has been living with Stephanos for 20 to 30 years in an arrangement that seems fairly respectable. 60 With such a lapse of time, it is conceivable that any possible memories of a past career as hetaira, much of which 58
Fantham et al. indicate Neaira was 'infamous' to the jury (1994:112). See also Calame 1999: 112 and Patterson 1994:207. An exception is Carey 1994: 95. Also see Omitowoju 1997: 7-14. 59 § 19: i\v lC<Xt i>~&v oi~at 1toA.M>tx; Ei~£vat.
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Apollodoros describes as taking place outside of Athens, would not occur to the jurors until they heard this speech. 61 A similar situation and narrative pattern is present in Isaeus 3, where the speaker argues that Phile is the daughter of a hetaira, not an epikleros born to a legitimate wife of Pyrrhus. Once again, the status of a woman as a hetaira does not appear to be common knowledge, since part of the narrative is used to establish the mother's identity as such (§§ 13-14).62 Although this discussion is rather brief, the speaker indicates that he did discuss the mother's status as hetaira in more detail at a previous trial(§§ 11-12). The present speech simply summarizes the earlier argument, which centered on proving the woman's status as hetaira, and not gune- an argument the speaker claims his opponents are not contesting. In addition, we are again dealing with events from the distant past. This trial takes place 20 years after the death ofPyrrhus (§56), an indication that the events involving Phile's mother are even older. The speakers ofboth orations commonly avoid specific references to the status of the women under discussion. The speech about Neaira, [Demosthenes] 59, contains a narrative concerned with her life as a prostitute, but the infrequency of terms like pallake, hetaira, and porne stands out. In the narratio, hetaira occurs eight times in relation to 60
Patterson 1994: 206. I do not agree with Patterson (1994: 207) that Neaira's "disreputable" past would have been well-known to the Athenian elite, since all we know ofNeaira in the Classical period comes from this speech. There is one brief reference to a courtesan called Neaira in Philetairos's Kunagis (PCG fr. 9.5, Ath. 13.587e) dated to 370-365 BC, but comedies titled after courtesans named Neaira (by Timocles and Philemon) appear after this triaL See Kapparis 1999: 44; Carey 1992: 94-5. I do agree with Patterson's interpretation that "in the twenty years or so before the trial Neaira had settled into a more respectable domestic life, on the surface not so very different from that of the ordinary Athenian woman - until the moment Apollodoros blew the whistle" (207). 61
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Neaira Porne and pallake do not occur in this part of the speec~ and paidiske only once (§ 18). Furthermore, the references to Neaira as hetaira are curiously indirect. Apollodoros initially employs a hypothetical statement: 'as if she were a hetaira' (h6s an hetaira ousa (§ 24)). The syntax of an in combination with a participle makes the statement hypothetical, and implies that Neaira was in fact never a hetaira, but only resembled one. 63 Later, when Apollodoros uses 'like a hetaira' (h6s hetaira ousa) to indicate status as a prostitute, h6s with the participle gives the motivation for Neaira's actions, but in no way confirms her identity as a hetaira. 64 Neaira is simply 'like a courtesan' and behaves 'as if a courtesan'. In contrast, when Apollodoros mentions Sinope, his remark is unambiguous: Sinope the hetaira (Sin6pe he hetaira(§ 116)). Apollodoros refers to Neaira as a hetaira directly only when reporting the words or opinion of a third party (§ 30, 39). In direct speech, his narratio emphasizes a generic portrait cut to fit the situation he wants to create. 65 In the same way, the speaker of Isaeus 3, when he wants to argue that the mother
ofPhile was not the legitimate wife ofPyrrhus, never calls her 'the hetaira'. He uses the term hetaira only in allegations about her status as a prostitute(§§ 13, 15). Later, he alludes to the mother's alleged status as prostitute by the repetition of'as born from a
62
Modem scholars, unconvinced by the speaker's argument, have begun to question the accuracy of the designation ofPhile's mother as hetaira. Hunter states "His evidence consisted of gossip, sworn to by neighbors and other acquaintances (1994: 113). They told of quarrels, noisy parties, and wild behaviour whenever Pyrrhus's "wife" appeared on the scene (13-14). Thus arose the belief that the woman was a courtesan. Was she? It is impossible to say." Compare Patterson 1990: 71-3. 63 See Kapparis 1995. 64 §§ 25, 28, 37, 48, 49. See LSJ ~+participle and Goodwin (1890: 342). 65 Although primarily concerned with understanding graphe hubreos in relation to rape through a reading of[Dem.] 59, Omitowoju recognizes the emphasis on characterization when she states that Neaira's episode with Phrynion ''forms part of a narrative designed to illustrate how we should view a certain character in a text" (1997: 7). She also further hints at the rhetoric behind Apollodoros's speech. See pp. 8, 12, 14, 22 n. 59.
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CHAPTER2 hetaira' (hos ex hetairas ousan) in seven references to the daughter Phile. 66 Hos with the participle suggests Phile is born from a hetaira, and explains the circumstances and conditions of her marriage. 67 The phrase, however, does not confirm Phile's status as the child of a prostitute, just as it does not confirm her mother's status as hetaira. 68 The speaker relies on a persuasive narrative to construct a portrait for the mother. Like these two speeches, direct mention of Alce's status in Isaeus 6 is indirect. The term hetaira never appears, butpaidiske occurs once(§ 19). Alce's narrated history follows the pattern ofNeaira's in many ways. She is referred to as apaidiske at a
sunoikia of Euctemon in the Piraeus, kept by a freedwoman for the purposes of prostitution (§ 19). The speaker uses kathesto en oikemati in the same passage, a phrase which Wyse equates with cella in in cella meretricia (1904; rpt. 1967: 506), to refer to her trade as a prostitute; yet, the speaker provides few details about Alce's actual career. He states instead, in contrast to [Demosthenes] 59 and Isaeus 3, that he will set the information forth as briefly as possible (§ 19). The speaker refers to her relationship with a freedman called Dion that in many ways resembles that of a hetaira-client relationship. After the birth of two children, the relationship appears to change. The speaker in fact states that Dion brought the children up as his own until he left Athens for Sicyon (§ 19). Next, he tells us that when Alce became too old for prostitution she was freed. At this time Euctemon put her in charge of a sunoikia in the Keramaikos, perhaps
66
§§ 45, 48, 52, 55, 70, 71. Phile has a small dowry despite her father's fortune valued at three talents, and Endius, Pyrrhus' adopted son, did not marry her, suggesting she was not an epik/eros (§§ 49-50). 68 Patterson remarks "I doubt, however, we should trust the speaker on this point....The repeated phrase~ £1; E'ta.ipac; might also have the effect of recalling to the jury's mind the earlier description of her mother's character'' (1990: 72). 67
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even as a brothel keeper(§§ 19-20).69 Eventually Alce appears to have become Euctemon's personal hetaira orpallake (§ 21). In general the speaker's language is discreet and the terminology euphemistic, intentionally so because of his relation to Euctemon and his family's embarrassment at Euctemon' s relationship with such a woman. Clearly, though, Alce is recognizable as a hetaira just from the narrative.
In two other accounts a woman's identity as a hetaira is not the goal, but speakers imply a resemblance between the woman under discussion and hetairai. The term hetaira does not appear at all in Demosthenes 39 and 40, even though Mantitheus appears to come close to suggesting that Plangon is a prostitute. He tempers his statement: 'He had some sort of relationship (eplesiazen) with the mother of these men, but it is not my place to say.' 70 Plesiazein is the common term orators use to refer to the relationship between a hetaira and her client. 71 Its appearance here means the speaker wishes to imply that Plangon is similar to a hetaira, although he feigns reluctance to be more specific about her relationship with his father. Similarly, the term hetaira is not associated with Neaira's daughter Phano in [Demosthenes] 59, but Apollodoros makes it clear that she acts like one. 72 Many of the details about Phano resemble particulars associated with Neaira and Phile's mother that the speakers use to establish their identities as hetairai. Much of the language employed to describe these three women is very alike. Although the speakers in these trials are not concerned to prove that Phano and Plangon are hetairai, they seek to 69
Knigge recently uncovered a brothel in the Kerameikos, designated Building Z (1988; rpt. 1991: 88-94). Also see Davidson (1998: 85-90) and Lind (1988: 158-69) on this building. 70 40.8: 't'ft ~£ 'tou'tcov Jl.T\'tpt nA.an6vt £1tl11ma~ev ovnva oiJ 1to't' ouv 'tp61tov· ou yap EJl.OV 'tOU'tO AE'YEtV EO''ti. 71 See eh. 3.
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influence the jurors' opinion of these two women. These two portraits are a cautionary reminder against accepting what orators say about women associated with the opponent as fact. One exception in this discussion of the orator's use of terminology to refer to prostitutes seems to be [Demosthenes] 48.53. On first reading, the use of the label hetaira here might seem more aggressive than the use in [Demosthenes] 59 or Isaeus 3. The speaker says his opponent keeps a hetaira at home, but his remarks are prefaced with a claim that the opponent has neither married an aste, nor produced any children(§ 53). A discussion of the woman as a source of conflict and extravagance follows. The whole argument is punctuated with a claim that the speaker's comments are not diabole (§§545). This short passage reveals a desire to convince the jurors that the woman is a hetaira, as in the narrative accounts in [Demosthenes] 59.18-48 and Isaeus 3.13-14. For this reason, a reader should be cautious in accepting the designation of the woman as
hetaira. 13 The speaker also refers to the woman as porne (§ 56). The close proximity of hetaira indicates that pome is not meant to convey status, but to insult the woman directly. The speaker wants to lower the jurors' opinion of the woman even more and thus also their opinion of Olympiodorus by using such abusive language. Apollodoros employs a similar strategy in the epilogue of [Demosthenes] 59, when suddenly he turns to the termporne, passing over hetaira(§ 114). The substitution comes at the climax of
n In the case ofPhano, the resemblance is quite strong. Kapparis (1999: 37) recognizes this fact when he states that "Another way of disproving the citizen status ofPhano is the attempt of Apollodoros to present her as a foreign prostitute (67-71, cf. corn. ad loc)." Also see Omitowoju 1997: 16 and Scafuro 1997:333. 73 Foxhall suggests the designation hetaira in [Dem.] 48 may be a slanderous attack on a legitimate wife (1996: 151).
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his speech and is intended as an insulting reference to Neaira's character. 74 Examining the context of terminology provides meaning and reveals the innuendo surrounding the orator's use of terms.
Conclusion In some speeches, such as [Demosthenes] 59 and Isaeus 3, speakers attempt to prove that
women are hetairai; while in other speeches, such as Demosthenes 39 and [Demosthenes] 40, orators use innuendo to create the impression of a contemptible female persona In every case, we must pay attention to the orator's art of persuasion. The manipulation of character types is a dominant strategy of persuasion. For example, artful pisteis (ethos, pathos and argument from probability) involve knowledge and manipulation of common stereotypes. In forensic oratory, an orator associates his opponent with a particular character. When a litigant discusses females, he also draws on specific character types. Orators use character portraits to vilify women associated with the opponent. There are several reasons for this. First, character portraits offer a more subtle and credible combination of fact and fiction than the direct use of slanderous terminology. Second, out of politeness and a concern for their own ethos, speakers might favor an approach which did not require the use of strong terms to refer to women directly. 75 For example, orators sometimes apologize for the content of their speeches and are concerned
74
Kapparis (1999: 408-9) supports this view. Also see my discussion of the uses of hetaira and porne in eh. 1. 75 See Schaps 1977: 37: "Demosthenes: that orator, it would appear, was sufficiently polite to avoid speaking disrespectfully of women when their relatives had a suit against his clients."
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with being accused of slander. 76 1bird, characterizations allow for entertaining and sensational narratives which will keep the attention of the jurors and influence their final judgement. Fourth, in the case of speeches dating to the distant past, it is unlikely that the audience would have been familiar with the precise details of the target's case, allowing for greater invention. Many of the statements in [Demosthenes] 59 and Isaeus 3, for instance, are difficult to prove or disprove, since, after 20 years, witnesses to birth, marriage and other events could be forgetful, easily confused or even deceased. Recognizing portraits of women in forensic oratory as 'character portraits' enriches our interpretation of these representations. Narratives involving women associated with the opponent are neither historical reconstructions of women's lives, nor accurate representations of historical individuals. Such narratives present a stock, artificial identity, which the orator uses to cast doubt on the status and/or respectability of his target.
76
See Isae. 3.lland6.17; [Dem.]48.55.
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Chapter3 THE MAKINGS OF A HETAIRA
AN ORATOR'S SUCCESS came from effectively combining fact and fiction. Spicing up the facts gained the attention of and entertained the 500 member jury, but could also insidiously influence them. After all, jurors were not concerned about truth, but looked to be persuaded. Orators added convincing invention to a speech using characterizations
which played on negative stereotypes, as in [Demosthenes] 59.50-1 when Apollodoros begins his narrative on Phano: Stephanos here gave the daughter of this woman Neaira, whom she brought to his house as a small child, and who was formerly known as Strybele, but now Phano, in marriage to an Athenian, Phrastor of Aigilia, as though she were his own daughter, with a dowry of thirty minas. When she went to live with Phrastor, a working man who had amassed his resources by careful living, she did not know how to adapt to Phrastor' s ways; she hankered after her mother's habits and the dissolute way of life in her house, since she had, I suppose, been brought up among licentiousness of this sort. Phrastor saw that she was not a decent woman nor willing to obey him ... t Apollodoros has just finished discussing Neaira's life as a prostitute, and is about to relate the reason why Phrastor divorced Phano. He intends his introduction both to 1 'tftv yap Eh>ya't£pa 'tftv 'tau't'Tlcrl. Neaipa~. ilv iiMev exoU
<; 'tomovt 1tatSapwv J.l.tKp6v, ilv 't6't£ J.Ltv :E-rpuj3ftA.:qv £KaA.ouv, vuvt S£ ct»avro, £KoiocP-rocrl. ci><; owav ai>-rou &uya-r£pa avopi 'A9Ttvai.cp ~pacr-ropt 'AiytA.tet, Kai 1tpotKa £tt" aiYtft oi.Soxn 'tptaKOV'ta J.LVcX.;. ci><; S' iiA.9£V ci><; 'tOV ~pacr'topa, avopa £pra't'TlV Kai cXKp$6><; 'tOV j3i.ov O'UV£tA.EyJ.!Evov, OU'IC 'l)mcr'ta'to 'tOl~ 'tOU ~paO''tO~ 'tp01t0l~ ap£crK£lV, aA.A." e~i}'tEl 'tcX 't'ij~ J.11l'tp0.; E811Kat 'tftv ttap" au't'ft cXKOA.aO'i.av, EV 'tOtai>'tn otJ.Lal. £!;oucri.c;:t 't£8paJ.1J.1EVTI. op&v 0.. 0 cl»pacr-rc.op ai>'tftv OlYt£ KOO'J.Li.av oucrav OU't' £e£A.oU-rou aKpo(icrSat. Translated by Carey (1992: 51).
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titillate and anger the jurors. The mention ofNeaira's habits (ta tes metros ethe), the debauchery in her house (ten par'autei akolasian), and Phano's upbringing there (en toiaute! exousiai tethrammene) indicates scandal, excites the audience, and leads them to anticipate more. At the same time, Apollodoros incites outrage against Phano's marriage to Phrastor. He stresses her status as the daughter ofNeaira and contrasts this with Phrastor' s status as an Athenian.2 He portrays Phano as the wicked wife who rejects her husband's modest lifestyle (akribos ton bion suneilegmenon) and refuses to obey (out'ethelousan hautou akroaasthai). He calls her indecent (oute kosmian ousan), refers to her by her personal name (Phano) and remarks that she was formerly known by another name. 3 None of this endears her to the jurors. The bare facts introduced are that Stephanos gave Phano in marriage to Phrastor with a dowry of thirty minas. The only claim Apollodoros intends to pursue is whether or not Phano is Stephanos's daugther. 4
He cites no witnesses to testify to Phano's behaviour, or to attest to a double identity for her; yet, Apollodoros might just win his case by skillful use of merely anecdotal material.
Names that Shame Athenian names, whether compounded or not, carry a lexical meaning that reflects the values of the family and the individual's social role.s Names for women can be simply
2 Athenians felt so strongly about citizenship that they disenfranchised anyone who claimed an alien woman as his daughter and married her to an Athenian man ([Dem.] 59.52). 3 Known to whom is what the audience will be thinking. 4 See Kapparis who discusses the weakness of Apollodoros's case against Phano (1999: 34-39). Also Carey (1992: 9-11). 5 A recent investigation of names and their lexical meaning is Robertson (1998). Bechtel (1902) provides the standard account of women's names.
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THE MAKINGS OF A HETAIRA
feminized names of males or made from roots that emphasize physical or personal traits associated with femininity: Malthake 'soft', Eukoline 'contented' or Eutamia 'easily managed.' Scholars frequently argue for a connection between the lexical meaning of women's names and a woman's status. For example, Golden concludes that names referring to feminine attributes commonly designated foreign women and slaves (1986: 249-50). Carey suggests that the name Phano in [Demosthenes] 59, derived from
phainein (to show), is not an appropriate name for an aste. Instead, with the name's implications of visibility, Carey claims 'Phano' indicates a hetaira (1992: 112). The recent publication of Volume II of the Lexicon ofGreek Personal Names demonstrates, however, that Phano was in fact a common name for astai. Moreover, Robertson shows that sexually suggestive elements were common in names of astai, and concludes that citizens did not infer a sexual meaning from names (1998: 99-100). Identifying women as metic or hetairai on the basis of the sexual connotations of the lexical meanings of their names is not a valid strategy. The names 'Plangon,' 'Phile' and 'Cleitarete', are also common to astai for the Classical period and so we should not expect jurors to be surprised at or question the status of these women based solely on their names.6 'Alce,' 'Neaira' and 'Strybele' are uncommon in this period.7 Alce appears only in Isaeus 6. Likewise, the only textual references to Neaira and Strybele are in [Demosthenes] 59.8
6
Dem. 39, [Dem.] 40, and Isae. 3. Note: Cleitarete is not as common, but its lexical elements are popular in names of acr'ta.L See LGPN vol. II. 1 After the speeches oflsae. 6 and [Dem.] 59, Athenians were unlikely to name their daughters Alce and Neaira for fear of associating their daughters with these women made famous as prostitutes, but this does not explain the rarity of the names before these speeches. Note: Sommerstein argues the name Glykera may have become uncommon for acr'ta.i after 300 BC on account of the notoriety ofHarpalos' mistress Glykera (1980: 400). 8 Strybele occurs in a fourth century BC inscription from Athens (IG II2 12672). Neara (related to Neaira) also occurs in an inscription ofthe same date (IG II2 12242). See LGPNvol. IT.
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An orator could exploit an unusual female name to hint that a woman was foreign and not aste. For example, when Apollodoros mentions the name ofNeaira's daughter for the first time, he refers to her as 'the one whom they now call Phano,' implying that the daughter originally went by another name.9 Later he gives the second name as Strybele: 'whom at that time they called Strybele, but now Phano.' 10 Apollodoros reminds the audience ofthe girl's two names one more time near the close ofhis speech(§ 121). Because the name Phano is more common for Athenian women than Strybele, Robertson suggests that Apollodoros wants to imply that Neaira and Stephanos attempted to disguise Phano' s foreign origins and illegitimate status by replacing an uncommon name with a popular Athenian name (1998: 100). Robertson's suggestion, however, is inconclusive as the name Strybele is not only rare in Athens, but in other areas of Classical Greece as well.l1 Undergoing a name change may indicate a woman's status as hetaira. According to Cox, a woman who has more than one name is automatically suspect, because hetairai are often given nicknames (1998: 176-7).12 Orators exploit such conventions. Apollodoros implies Phano is a hetaira when he repeatedly emphasizes that her previous name was Strybele. 13 Still, caution is advised in assessing character based on name change alone. Another woman who may have undergone a name change is Phile in Isaeus 3. The speaker states that Xenocles claimed Pyrrhus' s estate on the ground that his wife was a legitimate daughter ofPyrrhus and an epikleros. When he claimed the estate, Xenocles
9 [Dem.] 59.39: ilv vovi clla.vcilKal..o\knv.
10 § 50: ilv 'tO't£ ~V l:'tp'U~TtAllV E!CclAO'UV, vuvi o£ cllavro. 11 So are the names of Alce and Neaira. See LGPN vol. I & IlL 12 See Ath. 13.583a, e; 585f-586b, f; 587b-c; 59 le for examples of nicknames given to hetairai.
13
[Dem.] 59. 39, 50, 121. See Cox on Phano's name change (1998:176).
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entered his wife's name as Phile (§ 2, 30). When the uncles ofPyrrhus testified to Phile's legitimacy, however, they named her as Cleitarete (§ 30). Cox suggests that because Phile has a changed name, her status is in doubt (1998: 176). The context, however, suggests
another view. The speaker presents the changed name as evidence that the witnesses are lying.14 The context in which Athenians used a female's personal name, however, definitely reflects attitudes about a woman's status and level of respectability. Sociolinguistic theory argues that the way in which a speaker addresses or refers to another person follows strict patterns and reflects cultural ideas of age, status, sex, familiarity and kinship. Violations of such patterns can have a powerful effect. 15 In some contexts violation of an expected pattern is insulting and pejorative. Dickey notes that th.e vocative anthrope is commonly used as a neutral term to address an individual who is unknown to the speaker. Sometimes a speaker violates this usage by applying it to someone well-known. In this context, anthrope carries a negative connotation (1996: 150-3). In oratory there was no opportunity for speakers to address women directly, so references to women are indirect.16 Although scholars often distinguish between direct and referential usage of address, transgressive use of a pattern of address is equally
14 See Wyse 1904; rpt. 1967: 310. Also Patterson 1990: 72, note Ill. Cox's idea explains the emphasis on two names for Neaira's daughter in [Dem.] 59, but in the case ofPhile the argument is weak. 15 See Dickey 1996: 6. 16 Dickey 1996: 243.
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powerful in both modes of discourse.17 Orators deliberately transgress normal patterns of reference to women to create particular effects on the jurors. 18
In ordinary public discourse, Athenian males scrupulously avoided personal names when referring to women.19 David Schaps has demonstrated that when it was necessary for orators to refer to women in a court oflaw, they deliberately avoided using women's personal names (1977: 323-30). Instead, speakers identified a woman as the wife, sister, mother, daughter, niece or grand-daughter of a male.2o For example, in [Demosthenes] 40.6, Mantitheus refers to his mother as the daughter ofPolyaratus of Cholargus, and sister ofMenexenus, Bathyllus and Periander.21 In Isaeus 5.5, Menexenus illustrates the stark contrast between the public naming of men and the public naming of women. Here the speaker mentions his uncle by name, but identifies his mother only by her marriage to his father, Polyaratus. Men are labelled with their own personal names, while women are identified by reference to the names of their closest male relatives. There are exceptions to this habit of circumlocution when it came time to identify a female in judicial oratory. Schaps identifies three different situations in which it was common to refer to women by their own name: 1) women who did not have husbands or
17 A speaker's direct address of an individual can differ from the way in which a speaker refers to the individual within a particular group. Scholars refer to the former as direct usage and the latter as a referential usage. See Dickey 1996: 11-12. 18 In the discussion on ''Distinctions of Gender," Dickey does not consider that orators might transgress patterns of reference as a way to insult women (1996: 241-45). 19 This discussion focuses on the verbal use of names of women. Names of women on gravestones, dedications and honorary inscriptions conform to different rules. These inscribed media regularly record the personal names of women along with a patronymic and/or andronymic or name of another male relative. On Attic gravestones the patronymic is most common suggesting its primacy in identifYing even married women. See Vestergaard et al. 1985: 183-5. 20 Schaps 1977: 326. 2 1 See Schaps (1977: 325-26) for more examples.
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other kurioi, 2) women connected with an opponent, and 3) women no longer living.22 Other genres in fact employ the same conventions. Sommerstein has established that writers for the comic stage refer to hetairai and deceased women by personal names; while they identify the gune enguetes by the name of her husband or other male kin. 23 The evidence from comedy suggests that a prohibition on naming astai is relevant only to free men in a public context; male kin address their women by personal names in private, as do women with each other when in all-female company.24 Such conventions of naming women, as laid out by Schaps for oratory and Sommerstein for comedy, can be extended to Athenian society as common cultural practice.25 Schaps and Sommerstein contend that the conventions of naming directly relate to the issue of female reputation: Athenian citizens expected men to name women publicly only if the women were notorious in some way. To use a woman's personal name implied that the speaker and his audience were familiar and perhaps even intimate with the woman. Such familiarity connotes notoriety, since association with non-kin males was not decorous for respectable astai, and expected only of hetairai.26 The famous lines in Perikles' funeral speech hint that reputation of any kind was negative for a woman (Thuc.
22 Ninus in [Dem.] 40.9; Dem. 25.79; 392; 22.56 are a few examples of named hetairai. Dem. 39.9 is an example of naming the woman of an opponent. [Dem.] 44.9-10 and Dem. 57.20-21, 37 are examples of naming women who are no longer living. See Schaps (1977: 324-8). 23 Sommerstein 1980: 393-418. 24 lbid 394-401. 25 See Dickey 1996: 243-5. Robertson notes three exceptions to this verbal practice: dokimasia, marriage ceremony, and proof of citizenship (1998: 87). 26 Just 1989: 106-25; Hunter 1994: 115-6.
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2.46).27 Thus, any violation of the standard practice of avoiding reference to women by first name would have a powerful effect.
Recognizing transgression is important when assessing the portraits of women in oratory. Naming a female in public was disrespectfhl and insulting to both the woman herself and her family, brought the woman's reputation into question, and belonged to a deliberate rhetorical strategy for denigrating opponents.2s Naming an opponent's wife, sister or niece, for example, conflated her with women oflow repute, such as hetairai and pornai. Astai were not supposed to be known to outsiders. Even if particular jurists did not know a woman themselves, they could infer from public mention of her name that others did. The jury could also wonder about the woman's status: if she were aste, they should not know her personal name, but only the name of her kurios.29 There was a contrast between an orator's reticence about the name of women in his own family and his easy exploitation of the names of his opponent's female relatives. The orator used this contrast to create an impression of moral superiority. He elevated the women in his own family and affirmed their legitimate status by withholding the name of these women. He created the effect of a bad reputation for the entire household of his opponent by naming the women in the opponent's family.
27 "Ifi also
must say something about a wife's virtue to those of you who will now be widows, I will state it in a brief exhortation. Your reputation is glorious if you do not prove inferior to your own nature and if there is the least possible talk about you among men, whether in praise or in blame." (Trans. Fantham et al. 1994: 79). 28 Schaps identifies disrespect and insult as a motivation for naming women publicly, and points out that such a use of naming was a matter of rhetorical taste, variable between orators. There was always the chance that it might reflect badly on the ethos of the speaker. "Demosthenes: that orator, it would appear, was sufficiently polite to avoid speaking disrespectfully of women even when their relatives had a suit against his clients" (1977: 37). See also Sommerstein 1980: 407. 29 Schaps also provides a few examples where women are referred to by name which do not fit into eitherofthe above three categories (Andoc. 1.16, Dem. 57.67-8, [Dem.] 43.8-10) and is quick to point out that ''the speaker in such cases has a particular interest in being as open and as explicit as possible" (1977: 328).
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An orator's deliberate violation of standard naming practices was an effective
strategy for influencing the jurors.JO In Demosthenes 39, a speech where the whole issue revolves around the use of names, the speaker insults the mother of his opponent Boeotus by using her name. The name ofPlangon is used only once in the speech, but the context of this use makes it clear that the speaker intends disrespect and wants to cast doubt on the reputation ofBoeotus's mother.Jl When Mantitheus first refers to her, she is properly 'the daughter ofPamphilus' (§ 3), the title Boeotus used for his mother in the previous trial. When Mantitheus mentions Boeotus's mother elsewhere in the same sentence with his own mother, however, he creates a contrast between the two by calling one 'mother' and referring to the other directly by name: 'By Zeus, are they to write in addition 'son of Plangon,' if they register you, but if me, the name of my mother?'32 The use ofPlangon's name is unnecessary, especially as he had just called her 'the mother of these men'(§ 3), an expression which would easily fit in the present context. By withholding his own mother's name, Mantitheus conveys that she deserves the jurors' respect. Naming Plangon implies that she is not respectable, and suggests an ambiguous status. The use of Plangon's name immediately follows the discussion of how Plangon tricked the father of
30 Dickey (1996), Sommerstein (1980) and Schaps (1977) do not consider how an orator could manipulate naming practices to his own advantage. 31 Mantitheus has to proceed cautiously in order that he does not offend his audience, since Boeotus and his brother have been recognized as legitimate. Mantias adopted them and then enrolled them in his deme (§ 4). 32 § 9: 1tpo<J1tcxpa.ypa'lfoum vi} ai.cx 'tOV ElC ITA.cxn6voc;, av cre £npa<poxnv, cxv ()' EJ.l.E, 'tfjc; EJ.Lf\c; Jl.TI'tpOc; 'tOUVOJ.l.CX. The dispute between the speaker and Boeotus concerns who rightfully should bear the name Mantitheus. In Classical Athens, the eldest son traditionally took the name of his paternal grandfather, in this case Mantitheus. Mantias did not recognize Boeotus as a son until he reached adulthood. Boeotus then claimed the name Mantitheus arguing that he is in fact the eldest. The original Mantitheus argues that Mantias only recognized Boeotus because Plangon, Boeotus's mother, tricked Mantias into doing so. Thus, he argues, only he should be Mantitheus. In addition to personal name, the name of the father and the name of the deme identify the male citizen. ln this section Mantitheus stresses the confusion if they both have the same name, and the absurdity if it is through the identification of their mothers that they can be told apart.
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Mantitheus into recognizing her sons as legitmate (§§ 3-4) and therefore insults the status of Boeotus' lineage. In his second speech, [Demosthenes] 40, Mantitheus increases his use of
Plangon's name, which occurs eight times. Four times he calls her 'Plangon the mother of these men,' when 'the mother of these men' would suffice.33 Four times she is simply 'Plangon. ' 34 The use of her personal name adds injury to insult. She is Plangon when Mantitheus refers to her deceit, perjury or extravagance.35 She is also Plangon when Mantitheus uses plesiazein to refer to her connection to his father(§§ 8, 27). The choice ofplesiazein is striking, since men commonly used this verb to refer to sexual intercourse with prostitutes.36Naming Plangon directly in such contexts adds strength to the accusation. By using her personal name, Mantitheus knows that the jurors will not be surprised at the behaviour he attributes to her in the same passage. In fact, they may even expect it. Reversing the normal practice of naming women has a damaging effect. In Demosthenes 39, Mantitheus initially followed standard practice and referred to Plangon as the daughter ofPamphilus (§ 3). Yet, when mentioning her father Pamphilus in his second speech, Mantitheus specifies which Pamphilus by adding 'who was the father of Plangon. ' 37 Through this reversal, Mantitheus implies that Plangon is not only notorious
33 §§ 2, 8, 27, 51. 34 §§ 10, 11, 20, 61. 35 §§ 2, 10, 11, 51. 36 Apollodoros usesplesiazein to refer to Neaira's relationship to her clients in [Dem_] 59.19, 20, 41. Also see the entry in LSJ and the discussion later on in this chapter, Acting the Part. 37 [Dem.] 40. 20: ~ -nv 1ta'titp 'tile; I1Aa'Y"(6voc;.
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in the male community, but better known than her male relatives. 38 He thus manipulates his audience into questioning Plangon's respectability, perhaps even her status, and insults the men of a family fallen on hard times.39 Identifying Pamphilus by his daughter hints at the disgrace of the father and alludes abusively to the absence of the sons from public life. The connection between naming and notoriety is also emphasized in Isaeus 6, where the speaker regularly refers to Alce by personal name. The first use highlights her career as a prostitute. The speaker draws the jurors into his confidence when he names her by saying 'whom indeed I think many of you know' (§ 19). He implies that when a woman is named, men are expected to recognize her because they know her. He addresses Alce by name four times, and each time he names her the reference is overly emphatic.40 He accentuates her personal name with demonstratives (haute and ekeine), and with phrases to indicate her notoriety, and distinguish her from astai.4 1 The speaker deliberately stresses and emphatically uses Alce's name to convey her identity as a notorious prostitute. Theomnestos and Apollodoros also use naming to prepare their audience for the identification ofNeaira as a hetaira in [Demosthenes] 59. When Neaira is named, the naming is always calculated and pronounced. Theomnestos refers to N eaira by name in 38 Inscriptions on Attic tombstones reveal that the filial relationship was more important to a
woman's identity than the uxorial relationship, even when the father was dead. The filial relationship indicated a woman's family on her father's side, giving her status and indicating her eligibility to marry a citizen. See Vestergaard et al. 1985: 185. 39 Phamphilus served as Hipparch in the Corinthian War and was elected general in 389/8 BC. He was on his way to a prominent career, when his luck changed. The expedition under his generalship failed and he was charged with embezzlement, which led the state to confiscate and sell Pamphilus's estate. At his death he apparently still owed money. The father's fall from grace and debt explain why none of his sons had a public career. On Pamphilus's career and family history see Davies, APF 9661. 40 §§ 19 (twice), 20, 55.
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the opening line of the speech. His own female relative is always 'daughter,' 'sister' or the 'mother' of her children; he never uses her personal name. The same goes for his own wife(§ 2). Neaira's name in close proximity to these carefully oblique references to the women of his own family emphasizes his contempt for her person. To make the point more obvious, Apollodoros refers to Neaira by personal name not once, but twice in his opening(§ 16). Eventually he names Neaira a record number of80 times. She is never the 'wife ofStephanos', even though Apollodoros claims the two are living as husband and wife. Apollodoros needs Neaira's name for clarity only twice: in laying the charge(§ 16) and when he identifies Neaira as the defendant. 42 The frequent use of her name otherwise is a device to influence the jurors. Whenever Apollodoros wants to emphasize Neaira's role as prostitute or her status of slave or xene, he explicitly uses her personal name. 43 Naming Neaira associates her v.ith hetairai, slaves and xenai and suggests to the jurors that Neaira is a hetaira, slave and xene. Apollodoros uses the same strategy for Neaira's daughter. When Apollodoros introduces her, he states immediately (but unnecessarily) that her name is Phano (§ 39). The immediate context contains Apollodoros's story about Neaira's move to Athens with her children, and specific identification of the children at this point in the narrative is superfluous. Phano' s name appears here because it implies negative and ambiguous status. Apollodoros also inserts her name deliberately in order to prepare the audience for his narrative about Phano later(§§ 50-87), when he will name Neaira's daughter five
41
42 43
See Demonstrating Praise and Blame further on in this chapter. §§ 25, 32, 34, 40, 47, 48. §§ 16, 17, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25,28 (twice), 34,48 (twice), 124, 126.
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more times.44 He will also suggest two names for her, Phano and Strybele, casting further doubt on her status and reputation.45 In contrast, the speaker oflsaeus 3 never provides the name ofPhile's mother. He
discusses her status as a prostitute in detail and indicates that she was well-known as a hetaira to Pyrrhus's friends and neighbors (§§ 13-14). Surprisingly he never mentions the mother's name in his brief narration. One explanation is that he does not know the mother's name.46 After all, he does name the daughter Phile four times. 47 In the middle two instances, the naming of the daughter is appropriate to the context, since the speaker is pointing out two different names used to identify her: her husband identifies her as Phile and her father's uncles identify her as Cleitarete (§ 30, 32).48 In the first and last instances when the speaker uses 'Phile', however, her name is in contrast to gnesia thugater appearing in the same sentence(§ 2, 60). After the short history on her mother's life as a hetaira, the audience becomes aware of why the speaker makes this contrast. The close connection between Phile and the speaker makes the speaker cautious to attack Phile other than suggesting that she is the daughter of a hetaira. 49 Instead, he prefers to attack Phile's mother and her mother's brother. so In some ways though, the speaker's
44
45
section.
§§50, 71 (twice), 84, 121. See the discussion on the significance ofPhano's previous name as Strybele earlier on in this
46 The events of the narrative go back at least twenty years and the mother may be long deceased.,
making it difficult to find out her name. 47 §§ 2, 30, 32, 60. 4 8 Cox argues that the speaker's use of two names here implies Phile is also a hetaira (1998: 176), but I follow the stance ofWyse that the two names emphasize instead that the witnesses are lying (1904; rpt. 1967: 310). 49 Endius, the speaker's brother, married Phile to Xenocles. For this reason, the speaker does not dispute that she is the offspring ofPyrrhus or even that she is aste. IfPhile is not aste, the speaker's family is guilty of a serious offence. Marrying an alien as aste to an Athenian male carried a heavy penalty. For this law see [Dem.] 59.52. so The rest of the discussion of this text focuses on Phile's mother and not Phile, since it is the mother whom the speaker chooses to characterize.
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reticence regarding the name ofPhile's mother reduces the credibility of his argument that the mother was a well-known hetaira. si
Demonstrating Praise and Blame The way in which an orator names a woman creates a prejudice among the jurors. Orators also influence or inflame the prejudice of jurors by using emphatic terminology and gesture to express scorn and stress a woman's notoriety even more. In addition to referring to women associated with opponents by personal name, orators can add emphasis by using a demonstrative pronoun or adjective. The demonstrative houtos for a male is typical and indicates the individual's reputation in the community or among a particular group. The demonstrative can also imply notoriety and infamy.s2 Houtos is more frequent, but ekeinos occurs with the same implications. 53 In oratory, the speaker's use of emphatic demonstratives to point out his opponent connotes contempt. 54 Using the demonstrative adjective to refer to a woman associated with a male opponent draws attention to the woman, points her out as an individual, and puts her on public display. It identifies her as a well-known member of the community, automatically suggesting a bad reputation and marking her as notorious, since reputation of any kind reflects badly upon a woman. ss
5l Some scholars question the status ofPhile's mother as a
hetaira. See Hunter (1994: 113).
52 Smyth 1254 provides two examples of such uses: ropyiac; ou'toc; this (famous) Gorgias, and
'tOU'touc; 'tO'i>c; cruK<><pavrac; these (notorious) informers. 53 Ibid. 54 LSJ s.v. omoc;. ss Thuc. 2.46. See n. 27 above.
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In Isaeus 6 the speaker refers to Alce as 'this Alce here' (haute de he A/lee ) (§
19). The speaker has just recently introduced Alce with the addition 'whom indeed I think many of you know,' stressing her celebrity within the male community. 56 Once the speaker implies that Alce is well-known to his audience, he continues to emphasize this standing through the use of haute and, in one case, ekeine. In three out of the four times he names Alce, he points her out with a demonstrative. 57 Drawing attention to her with a demonstrative is not only emphatic; but implies notoriety and a particular status. Because astai did not associate with non-kin males, women in male company or well-known to the male community were by definition assumed to be prostitutes. The use of the demonstrative adjective haute to point out a female creates a negative impression and hints at her status as a hetaira. When Apollodoros uses demonstratives to point out Neaira, his demonstratives have an intensifying suffix. 58 His preferred form is hautei, indicating her presence in court. Neaira is named 80 times, and in 27 of these cases her name is coupled with hautei. The demonstrative is especially frequent when he is referring to charges against Neaira, her behaviour towards the city, and her career as a prostitute. Theomnestos uses it first when he charges that Neaira is a foreigner living in marriage with Stephanos and alleges that she has committed many crimes against the city(§ 14). Apollodoros uses a form of hautei the very first time he names Neaira (§ 16). He repeats it when he refers to the charge against her and to her status as alien, and at the beginning of his narratio on her
56 § 19: i\v x:ai UJ.l.OOV oiJ.L<Xt 1toA.A.oU<; £lo£vat.. 57 §§ 19, 20, 55. 58 §§ 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22,24 (twice), 43, 44, 45, 47, 50, 56 (twice), 62,63 (twice), 64 (twice),
65, 72, 83, 115, 117, 118, 119.
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life as a prostitute. 59 Repetition of hautei combined with the repetition ofNeaira's name creates reproach for her crimes and suggests she is a notorious hetaira. Even a juror who had never heard ofNeaira would become unsympathetic and in doubt about her character. Apollodoros also uses toiaute, the most emphatic demonstrative used of a female, one that indicates not only contempt, but derision. The word implies extreme behaviour and is used of an individual who is excessive in some way. 60 A form of toiaute is used four times for Neaira's daughter Phano in the context of her role as wife of the Kingarchon.6 1 The term is derogatory, intended to emphasize Phano's status as xene and to remind the audience of her reputation for adultery discussed previously(§§ 50-70).62 The term toiaute also contrasts Phano with the traditional requirement that the bride of the King-archon be a citizen and a virgin because of the connotation of adultery(§ 75). For Neaira, hautei with her personal name is more common than toiaute, used only once. At a climactic moment at the end of his speech, after discussing citizenship for the Plataians and comparing the character of the Plataians with that ofNeaira, Apollodoros refers to the Plataians as the greatest benefactors of the city and stresses how the Athenians carefully defined the terms of citizenship granted to them(§§ 107-8). In contrast, Neaira is a prostitute who has plied her trade all over Greece. The substantive use of he toiaute, with which Apollodoros punctuates his comparison, refers directly to this aspect of her character and slyly indicates to the audience that Neaira could not legally be aste. The proximity of a verbal phrase, which sums up Apollodoros's description, provides the
§§ 17, 19, 20, 22, 24, 115, 117, 118, 119. 60 LSJ s.v. 'tatai>'t'fl. 6l §§ 73 (twice), 81, 85. 'tOt.ai>'t'fl is used adjectivally each time. 59
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exact definition of what exactly Apollodoros means by toiaute.63 The term is meant to refer specifically to Neaira's career as prostitute and identifies Neaira as a woman who is known to have worked as a prostitute (§ 108).
In Isaeus 3, the mother ofPhile is pointed out five times with toiaute. The first use
comes right on the heels of a discussion about her sexual availability and the improbability of her status as gune (§ 16). The context establishes that toiaute, whether as adjective or substantive, refers to Phile's mother as a prostitute and, more, one who has never been married.64 In [Demosthenes] 48.56, toiaute follows a reference to a woman as
porne and alludes to her status as a prostitute(§§ 53-5). In all of these examples, toiaute functions pejoratively and is intended to draw attention to the negative aspects of a woman's character, and to cast doubt on her status. Oratory has a whole arsenal of terminology used against women. Sosin argues that in Greek oratory and classical literature he anthropos is derisive or contemptuous, "reserved for women who are somehow unwomanly, as a result of physical, moral, or legal characteristics" (1997: 77). 65 It also designates a female as extremely pitiable, but more frequently he anthropos connotes derision and contempt. 66 The insult is tied to neutrality in conveying status. Orators choose this term over gune and thugater, which are associated with astai and respect. In [Demosthenes] 59, Apollodoros refers to the prostitute Metaneira as he anthropos (§ 21 ). He anthropos is also demeaning because it
62 Smyth 333e: 'tOtoi>'t<><; refers to quality (in reference to people this should be interpreted to
mean moral character) and points backward to what precedes. According to Goodwin ( 1930) 393a, it refers ..to what has been described in the preceding context." 63 Apollodoros's definition is somewhat more exaggerated: 1t£ptcpa.v&<; eyvoocrJlEVTtV uno naV'tc.ov 'Yfi~ 1t£pi.o3ov £ipy<X<; in the case of men. 66 [Dem.] 59.9 is an example ofav9pron~ used for a pitiable woman.
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was often used of slaves. 67 An orator could thus use the term to indicate or imply a woman~ s
original slave status.
While Apollodoros most commonly refers to Neaira through the use of her personal name, he uses he anthr6pos four times at the end of his narratio on her life and career ([Dem.] 59.46). In Isaeus 6, the speaker refers to Alce as he anthr6pos five times. 68 In the first instance, he is overly emphatic: 'this woman here, Alce' (ten
anthr6pon tauten, ten A/ken) (§ 20). Context reveals that the phrase is not used for clarity, since talk of Alce dominates the previous discussion(§§ 19-20). Instea~ he anthr6pos reveals the speaker's contempt for Alce and alludes to her previous status as slave. The demonstrative haute refers back to the description of Alce's life as a prostitute, while the use of her personal name reminds the jurors of her notoriety.69 The speaker uses
anthr6pos, haute and her name Alce together to influence the jurors, for whom the use of he anthropos, the demonstrative haute, and her personal name will have a cumulative effect. Even when used alone, as in the next four references, he anthr6pos will carry the connotations of this first example.70 A similar pattern occurs in [Demosthenes] 59 where Neaira's daughter Phano is frequently he anthr6pos, a designation preferred even over the derisive use of her personal name. Apollodoros names Phano four times in his narrative about the daughter's marital career, whereas he uses he anthr6pos ten times. n Generally he anthr6pos appears on its own, without emphatic modifiers. In the context of Stephanos marrying Phano to 67 Gagarin 1997: 116; Hunter 1994:73 lists the terms used of slaves in oratory. 68 §§ 20, 21, 29, 38, 39. O.v9poo1t<><; is slightly more common than the use ofher personal name which occurs four times. 69 For Alce's career as a prostitute see §§ 19-20. 70 §§ 21, 29, 38, 39.
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Theogenes, however, he anthr6pos is intensified using a form of haute (§ 72). Haute stresses and is defined by Phano' s alien status and adulterous relationship mentioned immediately prior. 72 Apollodoros also intensifies he anthr6pos with Phano' s filial connection to Neaira: 'the woman, the daughter of this Neaira here' (ten te anthr6pon ten tautesi Neairas thugatera) (§ 83)).73 He wants to stress that Phano is neither parthenos nor the daughter of Stephanos, since he claims that her marriage to the King-Archon was illegal and her performance of duties as the wife of the King-Archon polluted a ritual act (§§ 72-73).
Another way for an orator to demonstrate praise and blame is through the use of gestures and the manipulation of his voice. Although modem scholars have only texts, but no access to their performance, gesture and voice in oratory are known to have been important for influencing an audience. 74 Ancient handbooks discuss how body language and changes in verbal stress increase an orator's effectiveness. 75 The orator could decorate his characterization of a person with gesture or body movement. The speaker could increase derision by pointing aggressively at the opponent and by varying his tone. The use of the demonstrative pronoun and adjective verbally pointed to an individual, and provided an opportunity for physically pointing at an opponent. 76 Voice stress indicated to the audience how to interpret the use of demonstratives as well. In the case of women, the orator could use gestures to strengthen implications made with words and further 71 cl.v9p0>1to~: §§51, 54, 59, 67, 69, 70, 72, 82, 83, 84. Phano: §§50, 71 (twice), 84. 72 §§ 49-70 provide a full discussion ofPhano's previous marriage and adulterous relationship. 73
See also§ 72.
74 See the recent discussion on gesture in Boegehold (1999). On the orators' use of gesture in
particular see pages 78-93. 75 See for example Ad Herennium 3.11.19-3.1527 and Quint. Inst. 11.3.1-123.
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single women out. Using a demonstrative or speaking a· woman's personal name provides an opportunity to point physically and aggressively at a woman. Intonation of the voice can deepen the aggression. The speaker of [Demosthenes] 59 likely pointed at Neaira at least 27 times, at least each time her name is coupled with hautei.7 1 A comment in the epilogue indicates that she was present at the trial. Apollodoros calls on his audience to look at Neaira's appearance and consider whether she is guilty as accused.78 Apollodoros's statement is also another opportunity for gesture. We can imagine the question as we might read it, or we can imagine it as Apollodoros might ask it in a court of law with accompanying gestures. The two approaches achieve quite different effects. Even if a woman is not physically present in the courtroom, vocal stress and physical gestures made in combination with emphatic terminology (haute, toiaute, and even he anthr6pos) or a woman's personal name aggressively call attention to a woman and suggest to the jurors that her reputation is somehow compromised. 79 In the context of praise and blame, Neaira's association with Corinth is also important. Apollodoros states first that Neaira is an alien(§ 16), next that she was a slave and prostitute(§§ 18-19), and third that she lived in Corinth(§ 23). He states that she
76 See Boegehold on the deictic iota: "In fact, to attempt a general rule, whenever a deictic iota appears and it is obvious that the object or person intended is in the vicinity, we should picture for ourselves a pointing finger or hand" ( 1999: 85). 77 §§ 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 24 (twice), 43, 44, 45, 47, 50, 56 (twice), 62, 63 (twice), 64 (twice), 65, 72, 83, 115, 117, 118, 119. 78 § 115: 't'ftv -r£ chvtv cxi>tij~ i.<56v-r£~, £v8UJ.l.Eto-8£ -rou-ro J.!.6vov, £i Necxtpcx ouacx -rcxu-rcx ~tcx1t£1tpcxx:-rcxt. Also see Goldhill1994: 359 and Gagarin 1998: 40. Other cases of women appearing in court are related in Isoc. 18.52-52 and [Plut.] Hyp. 849e, but both ofthese examples are unusual and relate the woman's appearance second hand. See Gold.hill1994: 360 and Gagarin 1998:45. 79 There is debate concerning whether or not women were present in the Athenian courts and how the status of a woman might affect this trend. Goldhill argues that only prostitutes and slaves would ever have been present in a court oflaw (1994: 358-60). See my comments on this in eh. 2, n. 26. I am inclined to agree with Gagarin's conclusion that wives and daughters of citizens were not present as part of normal procedure, but that their presence was an occasional occurrence (1998: 45-7). I do not agree with Gagarin's suspicion that a woman ofmetic status would normally be present (1998: 41).
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worked openly in Corin~ where she was lampra, a celebrity (Carey 1992: 39), who had many lovers (§ 26). Her association with Corinth in her capacity as a hetaira is repeated two more times. 80 Apollodoros alleges that she remained in Corinth until told to leave by Timanoridas of Corinth and Euk:rates of Leukas. Nikarete originally sold Neaira to these men for 30 minas (§ 29). They eventually allowed her to buy her freedom on condition that she never again practice her trade in Corinth (§ 30). He claims that for this reason Neaira left Corinth and travelled to Athens(§ 32). The agreement Neaira made with her Corinthian lovers prevented her from returning to Corinth when she left Phrynion. Instead, she travelled to Megara, returning to Athens when she gained the protection of Stephanos (§§ 35-38). Apollodoros implies that Neaira would have preferred to return to Corinth (because someone with a reputation like hers belongs in Corinth), but that the agreement with Timanoridas and Euk:rates prevented her (§ 36). Placing a woman in Corinth was in itself a significant act. Corinth, where there was an important sanctuary to Aphrodite, was famous in Antiquity for prostitution. 81 Strabo associates temple prostitution with Corinth (8.6.20). Athenaeus, in the voice of the symposiast Ulpian, also emphasizes the institution of prostitution at Corinth (13.573c4c). Selections from the epigrams and odes ofSimonides and Pindar quoted by Athenaeus suggest that Corinth's association with prostitution goes back at least as far as the late Archaic and early Classical periods. 82 A few lines quoted from Alexis indicate that prostitutes were so important in Corinth that they celebrated their own festival in
80 §§ 28, 30. 8l Beard and Henderson argue that ideas about prostitution in Corinth are myths (1998: 56-79). N.
Spivey argues for secular prostitution at Corinth (1996: 176), while sacred prostitution at Corinth is upheld by B. MacLachlan (1992: 146). 82 Simonides: 13.573d-e; Pindar: 13.573f-574b.
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honor of Aphrodite (13.574b-c). Furthermore, "Korinthia Kore (a girl of Corinth) was proverbial for a man-pleaser (Plato, Republic 3.404d) ....The verb korinthiazomai (to go Corinthian) meant to 'whore' or to 'pimp' ."83 The narrative about a past Corinthian history for Neaira automatically implicates Neaira in prostitution and identifies her as a hetaira.
Acting the Part Orators deliberately use women's names plus three levels of demonstrative intensity to create in the mind of the listener a negative impression of the female under scrutiny. Using the narratio to associate women with the type ofbehaviour expected of women who are not astai, such as prostitutes, creates a context for the orators' derisive and finger-pointing terminology. By adding such a narrative to their use of pejorative language, speakers develop a negative impression into a generic stereotype. Orators regularly refer to the relationship between men and women associated with the opponent with a form ofplesiazein. ·In general terms plesiazein simply refers to a close association between two individuals. 84 In the oratorical texts, plesiazein is reserved for relations of mixed gender between women and non-kin males. The speaker of [Demosthenes] 40, Mantitheus, refers three times to the relationship between Plangon and his father using a form ofplesiazein. 8s The speaker of Isaeus 3 alludes four times to the relationship between Phile's mother and various men using this verb.86 In
83 Beard and Henderson 1998: 79, n. 72. See PI. Resp. 3.404d. 84 85
86
LSJ s.v. 1tA.'f10"UX~EtV. § 8, 27 (twice). §§ 10 (three times), 15.
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[Demosthenes] 59.67, Apollodoros also uses a form ofplesiazein to describe the relationship between Epainetos and Neaira's daughter, Phano, but more commonly he uses the verb for Neaira and her clients. 87 Sometimes a form of chresthai or suneinai substitutes for plesiazein. Chresthai is used for the relationships that various men had with Phile's mother, and describes the relationship that Timanoridas and Eukrates had with Neiara (when they shared her favors), and appears again for the relationship that Stephanos and Phrynion had with her (when she was again shared).88 Apollodoros prefers
chresthai when he describes Phano' s relationship with Epainetos. 89 He uses suneinai of the couple once(§ 71), and once ofPhrynion and Neaira (§ 33).90 Suneinai is also used in Isaeus 6 to describe the freedman Dion's relationship with Alce (§ 20).
Plesiazein, chresthai and suneinai regularly connote sexual intimacy when used of male-female relationships.9l In [Demosthenes] 40, Boeotus is the child born from the association between Plangon and Mantitheus's father, Mantias. The speaker of Isaeus 3 states that Phile's mother never produced any offspring despite her relationship with numerous men(§ 36). In [Demosthenes] 59.65, Apollodoros states that Stephanos tried to blackmail Epainetos with a charge of moikheia involving Phano. 92 He describes Neaira as
87 §§ 9, 20, 37, 41. 88 Isae. 3.10; [Dem.] 59.30, 47. 89 §§ 67, 70, 71. 90 A form of suneinai also describes Neaira's relation to Phrynion and Stephanos after the two men have come to an agreement about sharing her (§ 46). Neaira is the subject making the meaning here slightly different than in the other examples. It indicates that Neaira will alternate living with the two men. Seen. 90. 91 LSJ 1tATt
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working toi somati.93 In Isaeus 6, the speaker identifies Alce as a prostitute working in a brothel (§ 19). The implication here is that the involvement of men with these women was always unquestionably sexual. Plesiazein and chresthai, are not used to describe the relationship between husband and wife (for which orators commonly use gamein, echein gunaika and sunoikein), but refer instead to sexual relationships between men and women outside ofmarriage.94 In most cases, such women would be foreigners and prostitutes.95 These verbs then incline the jurors to identify the relationship of these men and women with the stereotype of the prostitute-client relationship. Orators emphasize sexual availability and payment when discussing women associated with an opponent. In Isaeus 3, the speaker describes Phile's mother as 'common to whoever wants her' (koine toi boulomenoz).96 He also argues that she is a hetaira serving 'whoever wants her'(§§ 13, 15).97 Likewise, Apollodoros claims that 'all who wish' are able to have relations with Neaira.98 He emphasizes this sexual availability both when Neaira is working for Nikarete and when she is living with Stephanos in Athens (§ 41 ). References to work and payment further associate Neaira with prostitution. Apollodoros regularly refers to her as working with her body, working for
93 §§ 20, 22, 49. 94 Plesiazein in oratory appears only in reference to male-female relationships in the speeches discussed here. For other examples of the use of chresthai in reference to a male-female relationship see Dem. 24.197 and Dem. 25.56. For an example of the use of chresthai in the context of male prostitution see Aeschin. 1.68. 95 See Cox 1998: 182 and Fantham et al. 1994: 79-80, 116. 96 §§ 11, 16, 77. 97 A form of boulesthai is also used. 98 [Dem.] 59.19, 20, 23, 41. Similar to Isaeus 3, a form ofboulesthai is also used. Omitowoju suggests that Apollodoros questions Neaira's status as aste gune and likely demonstrates such status for Neaira as false "specifically by reference to her sexual actions" (1997: 14).
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pay, and charging a high price.99 He attributes sexual availability to Phano as well: Stephanos allowed Epainetos to enjoy Phano whenever he was in town and desirous. Boulesthai is the term used, as in the other examples. too Furthermore, Phano too ends up
receiving pay for her services. According to Apollodoros, Epainetos claims to have spent a great deal of money on Phano and Neaira, and uses this as part ofhis argument that he is not an adulterer(§ 67).101 Stephanos, in turn, convinces Epainetos to contribute 1000 drachmas to Phano's marriage, citing that Epainetos has been using her sexually and so owes her a good turn(§§ 71-70).102 Apollodoros intends the audience to view these exchanges of money as payment for sex. In [Demosthenes] 40.51, Mantitheus states that Plangon forced his father to great expenditure. He claims that his father provided Plangon with a host of female servants and a lavish lifestyle on account of his passion for her. The sandwiching of epithumia between a reference to the father as Plangon's choregos and polla dapanan implies sex and payment. By introducing the issues of sexual availability
and payment, the speakers liken the women to prostitutes. In addition to sexual behaviour, speakers further strengthen the implication that a
woman is a prostitute by discussing her attendance at dinners and drinking parties. In [Demosthenes] 59, Apollodoros reveals that Neaira attended drinking parties and dined in
99 working t6i s6mati: §§ 20, 22, 49; working for pay (mistharnousa) and a high price:§§ 19, 20,
29, 41.
100 § 71: 61t&rav £m~11Jl.TI K<Xt ~OUATl't<Xt VELV<Xt ai>'t'ft. 101 Scafuro's discussion ofTerence's Adelphoe points out that a possible counter-charge to an accusation of rape is that the raped woman was a willing partner and even a prostitute. Someone accused of adultery could argue a similar defense, especially if gifts were accepted (1997: 112). 102 Scafuro points out that on the basis of witness depositions ''the one statement in Apollodoros' description of Stephanos' arguments that can be relied upon with some confidence is that Stephanos did request a 'dowry contribution'." (1997: 139). Apollodoros's paraphrase of Stephanos' argwnent ..may not be totally fallicious," as Scafuro continues, but Apollodoros's connection between Epainetos's contribution to the dowry ofPhano and Epainetos's past seuxal relationship with Phano in the paraphrase associates Phano with payment common to the prostitution-client relationship.
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the presence of many me~ at many different houses and parties, and in various cities. 103
Sumpinein indicates that Neaira participated in the actual drinking.104 Apollodoros confirms this when he describes Neaira as drunk at the celebration of the victory of Chabrias of Axione (§ 33). Sumdeipnein stresses that Neaira commonly dined in the company of men. 1os The orator also provides witnesses who claim they recognize Neaira from various dinners and drinking parties.106 Apollodoros emphasizes that such behaviour is typical of prostitutes by combining sumpinein and sumdeipnein with 'like a
hetaira.' 107 This context is the only appearance of the phrase 'as if a hetaira' (§ 24), but the jurors will recall this association every time such activities are attributed to Neaira Similarly, in Isaeus 3.14, the speaker implies Phile's mother has dined 'with men who are strangers and mere chance corners.' 108 He claims that witnesses in a previous trial testified that Phile's mother openly dined with men at Pyrrhus's house(§§ 11-13). His statement that married women do not accompany their husbands to dinner parties points out that such activity is not usual for married women, and implies that only a hetaira would behave this way (§14). Another indication of reprehensible behaviour is Neaira's participation in the wild celebrations of the kOmos during her time with Phrynion.109 After purchasing Neaira's freedom, Phrynion brought her to Athens. He took her to a kOmos celebrating the victory 103 Neaira is described as being at the house ofKtesippos; she drinks with the poet Xenoclides in Corinth; she is at the celebration for the victory ofChabrias of Aixone at Kolias; she is present at parties held by Stephanos and Phrynion in Athens (§§ 24, 28, 33, 48). 104 §§ 24, 25 (twice), 28, 48 (twice) 105
108 Jl.E'ta 't&v aA.A.o'tpioov. 'IC<Xi 'tai>'ta Jl.E'ta 't&v em't'Ux6v'toov.
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ofChabrias of Axione, where Neaira's behaviour is said to have been at its most depraved: the speaker claims that she was drunk and that both guests and slaves had intercourse with her. 11 0 The jurors would expect such abandonment of a kOmos and of k6mazein, but from a feminist perspective the incident is shocking and indicative of male abuse of prostitutes. The feminist perspective arouses the same reaction to Apollodoros's statement that she was a prostitute before puberty. Ill Apollodoros, however, includes Neaira's sexual intimacy with slaves and prepubescent sexual activity to indicate her depravity and sexual appetite.II2 The speaker oflsaeus 3 likewise claims that Phile's mother took part in the wild celebrations of the kOmos (§ 13). In fact, he attributes the riotous company and frequent wild parties at Pyrrhus's house to her presence and has friends and neighbours ofPyrrhus testify to the many quarrels (machai) and debauchery (aselgeia polle) accompanying these parties. The speaker makes it clear that these behaviours are far removed from the conduct expected of married women. He states that no one would dare to behave so wildly (kOmazein) towards married women(§ 14). 11 3 Extravagance is another common complaint made against women associated with an opponent. Apollodoros claims Neaira is accustomed to living comfortably. 114 She adorns herself in fine clothes and gold jewellery, and has two maidservants to attend to
I09 ElCOOJ.l.a~£ 't'a£1. J.l.E't'au'tou ([Dem.] 59.33). Omitowoju comments that Apollodoros uses the examples ofNeaira's behaviour while with Phrynion "as further support for his assertion that Neaira cannot possibly be an [aste gune]" (1997: 9). 110 lCUl ElC£l allot 't£ 1t0AA0l auvertrvovto au'tft J.l.E9oucrn 1CU9EOOOV't~ 'tOU ct»puvirov~ lCUl oi oux1eovot. oi xapptou 'tpcX1tE~av napa9eJ.l.EVOL (§ 33). Ill £pya~OJlEV11 JlEV ilOTJ 't4l O"OOJ.l.U'tl., V£(1)'tEpa o£ oooa Ol.Ct 'tO J.l.Tt1t(l) ri!v TtAt.riav au'tft 1tapetve1. (§ 22). 112 See Carey (1992): 97, 103. ll3 Note that komos and kOmazein sometimes get translated as serenade and serenading. See Loeb edition. I see no reason to specify anything other than riotous company and wild parties. This seems to be the interpretation of Hunter who refers simply to wild parties (1994: 113). 114 J.l.EJ.l.UEhllCUta J.l.Tt lCalC&c; EX£t.V ([Dem.] 59.42).
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her personal needs (§35). She cannot make enough money in Megara to maintain her household, but Apollodoros attributes this failing to expensive tastes. He calls her
poluteles, extravagant (§36). In Athens, it is extravagance that induces Stephanos and Neaira to blackmail her clients; otherwise they would be unable to meet their daily expenses(§§ 41-43). Apollodoros also complains that her daughter Phano is extravagant when he compares her to her husband Phrastor (§§ 50-51). They divorced, he says, because Phano wished to imitate her mother's habits and luxurious lifestyle, rather than adjust to Phrastor's ways. Phrastor is known to be hardworking and to follow a moderate lifestyle. In [Demosthenes] 40, Mantitheus accuses Plangon of similar extravagance. Plangon lives polutelOs (§ 51). Her lavish lifestyle included a host of female servants, paid for by Mantias. Mantitheus claims that Plangon's cost to Mantias's household was excessive (§ 51 ).us [Demosthenes] 48 provides a final example of a woman with an extravagant lifestyle. Olympiodorus, who is accused of keeping a hetaira at home, comes from a family of limited resources, but his hetaira is described as dressed in fine clothes and wearing gold jewellery, going around with a train of servants, and flaunting her wealth(§§ 53-55).
Olympiodorus~s
immediate relatives are contrasted with this woman
because they are far too poor to enjoy any such luxuries. The discussion of extravagance builds a negative portrait of women. Spending lavishly and adorning oneself with jewellery and expensive clothes were more common as traits of hetairai than gunaikes. 116
See Cox for hetairai as strain on the household (1998: 168-89). See Mills' discussion on secular clothing regulations for women, especially pages 264-5 (1984). Clothing is regulated according to the number of garments an aste could possess, and to the cost and decoration of such clothing. See Plut. Sol. 20.4. Also EG 83, I where (in a Pre-Roman epitaph from Athens) a girl is praised for her lack of interest in fine clothes and jewellery. Syracuse (Phylarchus FGrH II 81 F 45) and Epizephyrian Locri (Diod. Sic. 12.21) have laws suggesting that women wearing brightly coloured garments and gold jewellery were considered hetairai. Compare Hawley 1998:42-3 .. liS
1 16
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Orators use hubrizein, referring to haughty, outrageous and insulting behaviour, to describe behaviour opposite to s6phronein.111 The term is commonly applied to discredit male opponents. 118 In reference to women, the term carried additional shock value and brought forth fears of social instability. First, Athenians expected astai to exhibit
s6phrosune as their primary virtue. Secondly, Athenians considered themselves superior to women and various other groups, such as slaves. If a member from one of these groups treated an Athenian overly familiarly, or as an equal, or disobeyed an Athenian or gave
him an order, the Athenian would feel insulted, demeaned or outraged, and view the individual as having committed a serious act of hubris .119 Such behaviour implies an exchange of roles and constitutes outrage, indignity and even danger.12o Mythical examples of women who exhibit hubris are no less than Helen and Clytemnestra. 12 1
In [Demosthenes] 59, Neaira is hubrizousa (haughty) combined with asebousa (impious) and kataphronousa (contemptuous) when Th.eomnestos introduces the charge against her (§ 12). These terms bias the jurors, since they do not refer to the behaviour of a gune who would be expected to be s6phr6n. Apollodoros uses hubrizousa to describe Neaira, in the climax of his speech in the epilogue. Once again it appears in combination
withasebousa (§107). Hubrizousa and asebousa also describe Neaira's attitude and
117 LSJ s.v. i>j3pi.~£lV. Fisher 1992: Ill. Currently, debate exists on the exact meaning of hubris. Fisher concludes that for the Classical period hubris includes the implication that someone has been
insulted or dishonored. He cites Plato's use as an exception (1992: 493). Others argue that ancient authors view hubris as a disposition and often use it where there is no victim who is dishonored (Cairns 1996: 1-32 and Harris 1997: 483-6). I follow Fisher's definition here, but differ in that I do not agree that the infliction of shame or insult is always deliberate. For a discussion of s6phronein see Cairns ( 1993) and chapter 4 of this dissertation. 118 Dem. 36.42; Aeschin. I. 11 9 Fisher 1992: 117-8. 120 Fisher notes that the old male chorus of Aristophanes' Lysistrata repeatedly attack the women who take over the acropolis for their hubris (1992: 118). 121 Eur. Tro. 993-1; Aesch. Ag. See Fisher 1992: 114,289-91.
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behaviour toward the city of Athens, the gods and the laws; the speakers want to show that she is not haughty only to certain individuals. Neaira's attitude makes her a danger to the city and provides a reason for the jurors to punish her. Hubrizousa is also the term used for the woman kept by Olympiodorus in [Demosthenes] 48. Her extravagance is offensive to the sisters of Olympiodorus who live in poverty, since she has bought her luxuries with money belonging to their family(§ 55). For this reason the speaker refers to her as exhibiting hubris when she walks about town in her finery. 122 It is not simply her extravagance that is insulting, but the fact that she appears to use her luxury to gloat over the other women.I23 Hubrizein and kataphronein also describe Alce's behaviour and attitude towards Euctemon's family and the city in Isaeus 6.48. Her behaviour is offensive because she transgresses both private and public boundaries. The speaker has previously discussed Alce's conduct towards the family, and now goes on to provide an example of her actions toward the city. He focuses on Alce's scandalous behaviour at the Thesmophoria: Alce dared to join in a procession of astai during the Thesmophoria and to enter the temple, an affi.-ont because of her status and reputation (§§ 49-50). The speaker uses tolman here, related to hubrizein, which repeats the accusation of hubris already made. Alce's actions were so inappropriate and impious that the boule passed a number of decrees against her (§ 50). Phano's behaviour and situation resemble the actions of Alce. As the wife of the Basileus, Phano makes offerings on behalfofthe city, leads the Gerarai in an oath, and performs a ritual marriage with Dionysus at the Anthesteria.l24 Apollodoros hints at her
122 § 55: i>~pi.l;o1.)(Ja. ElC 'trov fu,tE'tEprov.
123 Fisher 1992: 114. Also on this passage see Just 1989: 127-8. 124
[Dem.] 59.73.
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audacity by reminding the jurors that it is impious for a woman ofPhano's character and status to perform such rites (§§ 73-77). The use of tolman and hubrizein in reference to Alce indicate how the present jury would likely interpret Phano's actions. 125 Likewise, Plangon reveals hubris and daring by not honoring her agreement with Mantias and by swearing (according to Mantitheus) a false oath.126 Plangon agreed to swear that Boeotus was not the son ofMantias. Mantias offered money to seal the agreement, but Plangon failed to keep her side of the bargain. She not only swore that Mantias was the father of her son Boeotus, but also of her son Pamphilus.127 The behaviour ofPhano and Plangon indicates a haughty and daring attitude.
Conclusion In [Demosthenes] 40,48 and 59, Demosthenes 39, Isaeus 3 and 6, the women discussed
in detail (Plangon, the companion ofOlympiodorus, Neaira, Phano, Phile's mother and Alce) are associated with an orator's opponent. As Table 3.1 shows (see belowp. 74), speakers discuss the women using a common language. They transgress conventions of naming, and use terminology and gestures to create emphasis. Their goal is to deride women and cast doubt on female reputation. They condemn women by emphasizing notoriety, improper sexual conduct, association with non-kin males, extravagance and
125 Isae. 6.49-50 126 For women to disobey or to seek to dominate men constituted serious hubris. Fisher 1992: 118. 127 Dem. 39.3-4; 40.10-ll. On the issue of women and oaths see Cole 1996:237-9. Cole points out that women could not challenge someone to an oath, but uses the example ofPlangon to illustrate how they might trick a challenger instead. Also see Carey and Reid on Plangon's acceptance of the challenge (1985: 170-l}.
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hubris, and aim to destroy these women's reputation within the community. 128 Referring publicly to women by personal name, discussing their sexual activities, implying that they are available to many men, claiming their association with non-kin males, and harping on their extravagance connects them to hetairai.129 Associating them with hubris also adds to their portrayal as hetairai because hubris is opposed to sophrosune, the virtue expected of married women. Speakers do not come right out and call any of these females prostitutes, but they carefully suggest by implication and innuendo that these women have the makings of a hetaira. The orators' use of imagery connected to a stereotype of the hetaira is bold in some representations of women, in others, more subtle. Some modern critics are convinced by the portraits ofNeaira and Alce that they are prostitutes, but they question the allegations about Phano, the mother ofPhile, and the woman in [Demosthenes] 48. 130 The portrait ofPlangon merely uses the image of the hetaira to cast doubt on Plangon's reputation and does not suggest her identity as such. Each orator works in his own way. The writer of [Demosthenes] 59, for example, focuses almost entirely on the two women.
In this speech and in Isaeus 3 and 6, speakers relate women's past lives in detail in the narratio because the women in these speeches are directly associated with the events under dispute. Arguments about their status as astai are important to the outcome of the case. In [Demosthenes] 59 and Isaeus 3, as one strategy for winning the case the speakers need to establish that Neaira and Phile's mother are hetairai. The detailed narratives of these three speeches provide an opportunity to malign women associated with an
Foxhall1996: 151; Hunter 1994: 111-16. Hunter includes such claims in discussing gossip about women, but does not emphasize how Athenians associate such claims with the stereotype of the hetaira (1994: 111-14). 128
129
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opponent and discuss female behaviour in detail. Women are mentioned in passing in Demosthenes 39 and [Demosthenes] 40 and 48, but a woman is not the primary focus or target of these speeches. Plangon does not take up very much of the narrative in Demosthenes 39, and the woman in [Demosthenes] 48 does not appear until the speaker's epilogue. Nevertheless, the speakers of all six speeches describe the women with the same negative language. Similar verbal patterns and strategies suggest that the speakers draw on a generic stereotype of the hetaira when characterizing women associated with
their opponents.
130
Hunter 1994: 113; Kapparis 1999: 37-38; Foxhall 1996: 151.
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Table 3.1: Representations of Women Compared131 Dem.39 Plangon
...,'"C 3m::;: ~ ~
CD
t:
CD
0CD
::1.
[Dem.]40 Plangon
[Dem.]48
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Chapter4
GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS
APOLLODOROS REMARKS in [Demosthenes] 59 that there are three categories of women: For we have hetairai for pleasure, and pallakai for the daily service of our bodies, but gunaikes for the production of legitimate offspring and to have a reliable guardian of our household property. 1 Apollodoros allots each category a specific function: hetairai are for sexual pleasure, pallakai provide regular sex, and gunaikes produce legitimate children. Historians either assume that Apollodoros classifies real or actual female roles, or assume that this passage is evidence for male control over female sexuality.2 Recently, however, some contend that a clear demarcation between types of women is an impossibility, reflected in the use of the Greek terms themselves. There is no consistent pattern in the employment of terms to refer to different types of women. Linguistic and social slippage exist between hetaira and pallake, and pallake and gune. 3 Distinction between one class and another is not always the same, but Apollodoros emphasizes distinctive categories because they help him to establish Neaira's identity as a hetaira. For this reason, the above passage is an important climax to Apollodoros's strategy against Neaira. To prove she is a prostitute he 1 § 122: 1:ac; ~v yap E'taipac; ftSovfic; £vEK' £xo~£v, 1:ac; S£ 1taA.A.ax:ac; 'tfic; x:aa' ft~£pav 8Epa1t£iac; 1:ou O"ro~a't<><;, 1:ac; S£ y'Uvaix:Ec; 1:ou natSmtm£i0'8at "(V11mooc; x:at 1:&v £vSov qr6A.ax:a mO"'t't)v EXEtv. Adapted translation from Carey 1992: 79-81. 2 Blundell1998: 47-8; Davidson 1998: 73; 101; Fantham et al. 1994: 114-5; Keu1s 1985:267.
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compares her with the stereotypical hetaira, but equally important are the contrasts he draws between Neaira and the jurors' conception of a legally married wife. Invoking categories allows Apollodoros (and other orators) to vilify women associated with an opponent by arguing they do not measure up as gunaikes. In this chapter I examine how orators reinforce their portraits of opponents' women (discussed in the last chapter) by contrasting them to sophrones gunaikes.
No-Name Gune Distinctions between the different types of women begin with the orators' practice of naming women associated with an opponent, while, in contrast, being careful not to mention other women's names. In Demosthenes 39, as noted in the previous chapter, Mantitheus creates a contrast by referring to Boeotus' s mother by name, and by calling his own mother 'mother': "By Zeus, are they to write in addition 'son ofPlangon,' if they register you, but if me, the name of my mother?"4 Referring to Plangon by name is unnecessary, especially as Mantitheus has just called her 'the mother of these men' (§ 3), a description easily accommodated to the present context. By withholding his own mother's name, however, Mantitheus conveys that she deserves the honor shown to astai, while Plangon does not. Furthermore, in [Demosthenes] 40, Mantitheus never provides the personal name of women associated with his family. Instead, he refers to these women by a periphrasis that identifies them by means of their male relatives. Plangon, on
3 Davidson 1998: 74; Halperin 1990: 109-12; Just 1989: 52-55; Keuls 1985: 268-9. 4 § 9: 1tp<><;. clv a£ £rrpaq>(J)<Jl.V, clv o' EJlE, 'tile; EJ.Lflc; Jl.Tt'tp0c; 'tOUVOJl.CX.
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS the other hand, is regularly referred to by name.s Proximity is not coincidental, but intentional: Mantitheus refers to Plangon by her personal name, while he commonly identifies the other woman through a relationship to himself. Although more subtle than the contrast drawn between the two women in Demosthenes 39.9, the result is the same. The shared context reinforces the idea that Plangon is different from Mantitheus' s own mother and that jurors should treat and think ofPlangon differently. Orators in Isaeus 6 and [Demosthenes] 59 employ a similar technique of making allegations by contrasting the naming of one woman with another. The speaker of Isaeus 6, for example, never identifies Alce by a male guardian's name, but always by means of her personal name, Alce.6 He refers twice to Euctemon's wife as simply he gune immediately after naming Alce three times(§§ 19-21). Later, the name Alce appears in close proximity to the mention ofEuctemon's daugthers (§§ 55-6). Likewise, when the orators name Neaira in [Demosthenes] 59, the naming is calculated and pronounced. Theomnestos refers to Neaira by name in the opening line of the speech itself(§ 1). In contrast, his own female relative is always daughter, sister, or the mother of Apollodoros's children, and personal names are never used(§ 2). He uses the same reticence in referring to his own wife: he married the daughter of Apollodoros, his own niece (§ 2). In a telling example, Apollodoros refers to the wife ofLysias as the daughter ofBrachyllos, and to Lysias's other female relatives as niece and mother in the same context as he openly names Metaneira, Nikarete and Neaira (§ 22). He heightens the
5 §§ 2, 8, 10, 11, 20, 22, 27, 51, 61. Compare these references to Plangon with the following references to Mantitheus's mother:§§ 3, 8, 9, 20, 22, 27 (twice), 50, 61. In any reference to Plangon, a reference to Mantitheus's mother is never far off. 6 §§ 19 (twice), 20, 55.
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difference indicated through naming practices by further adding that Lysias considered it inappropriate for the former to share domestic space with the latter: Lysias did not bring them into his own house out of respect for his wife the daughter ofBrachyllos and his own niece, and for his mother....He lodged them, Metaneira and Nikarete, at the house ofPhilostratus of Kolonai, who was still unmarried and a friend of his. Neaira here accompanied them ... 7 In this way, Apollodoros draws a distinction between Neaira, Metaneira, Nikarete, and astai for the jurors. Highlighting their different treatment contrasts the women's status
and reputation. In addition to contrasting Neaira with astai, Apollodoros's use of naming openly
compares Neaira to other female prostitutes. The first time he names Neaira in the context of prostitution, her name appears in a list of girls acquired by Nikarete: 'Anteia, Stratola, Aristokleia, Metaneira, Phila, Isthmias and Neaira here' (Neaira haute) (§ 19). The delay in mentioning Neaira's name forces the jurors to listen attentively and allows the list to make an impact. Including Neaira in a list of prostitutes, rather than simply discussing Neaira alone, is an effective rhetorical strategy. First, the jurors may recognize the names of one or more of these women, since some of them receive mention in middle comedy and other fourth century sources.s The most famous prostitute of the list is Anteia. She lived in the late fifth, early fourth century BC, and was much older than
7
§ 22: acptlCOJ.lEV<X~ S' aina~ 6 A'l.Xri.a~ et~ J.lev 't'ftv <XU'tOU oilci.av OUK Eicrayet,
aicrxuv6J.Lev~ 't'ftv 't£ yuvatKa ftv dxe. BpaxuA.A.ou I.J.Ev 9uya't£pa, C:tSeA.cptSilv Se au'tou, Kat 't'ftv J.lTt'tEpa 't'ftv au'tou 1tpe~m£pav 't£ oooav Kat tv 'tq) ai>'tq) St<Xt'tCilJ.lEVTtv· cix;
't'ftv NtK<XpE'tTIV. <JUVTtKOA.oi>eet Se Kat N£atpa a.U"tTti.... Translated by Carey 1992: 37-39. 8 For Anteia see: Anaxandrides PCG fr. 9 (Ath. 13.570e); For comedies possibly named after her see: Eunoikos PCG vol. 7, p. 375 (or Philyllios PCG vol. 5, p. 278), Antiphanes PCG fr. 36-8 and Alexis PCG vol. 2, p. 30. For Aristokleia see: Lysias's Against Lais quoted in Ath. 13.592e; For Metaneira see: Hyperides fr. 28-9 Blass and Ath. 13.587c-d. Mentioned in passing in Philetairos PCG fr. 9 (Ath. 13.587e) are Phila, Isthmias and Neaira.
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS Neaira. Anaxandrides mentions Anteia in a comedy and three other comedies likely take their titles from her name.9 Apollodoros tarnishes the character ofNeaira by associating her on a list with this notorious Anteia. Second, the inclusion ofNeaira in a list of famous prostitutes indicates to the jurors that Neaira's personal name is rightly used in contrast to the references to the female relatives ofTheomnestos (§§ 1-13). Third, naming more than one prostitute makes Apollodoros appear knowledgeable about prostitution in the city of Corinth. Apollodoros exploits this impression by indicating that he will discuss the history of each woman, if time permits(§ 20). In the end he never does discuss these other women further. Simply mentioning their names is enough to add credibility to Apollodoros's claim immediately following: 'This Neaira here belonged to Nikarete and worked with her body, on hire to those who wished to have relations with her' (§ 20). 10
Coming to Terms Orators attempt to give very specific meaning to terminology applied to women. Speakers use aste to refer to a woman born of parents who were both native to the land
andpolis of Athens.l1 Aste also signified the woman's share in the religious and familial life of the Athenian community. 12 Speakers generally use gune engue, gune enguetes, or simply gune to refer to the married aste. According to Perikles' citizenship law of 45110
9 See Kapparis (1999: 208-10), Carey (1992: 94-5) and Patteson (1978: 48-9) for a more thorough discussion of the references to these women. 10 § 20: ci>c; S£ N£atpa; aimtt Ntx:ap£'t11~ iiv ftpya~uo 1:cp O'OOJ.l.an JJ.tcr9apvoooa 1:ot~ j3ouA.OJ.l.EJ.l.Ot~ au't'fi 1tA'JlO'tcX~Etv... Note Carey (1992: 95): "His list may be the result of careful inquiry, but it is also possible (though not provable) that the connection between these girls and Nikarete is an invention intended to give an impression of precision and so lend the narrative an air of authority." 1 1 In [Dem.] 59 .I 07 and 112 Apollodoros also uses politis, but this term is very rare, appearing only three other times in the full corpus of oratorical texts (Dem. 23.211-13; Dem. 57.30, 43). 12 On the specific meaning of aste see Patterson (1987: 54-7).
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BC, only the sons of an astos who had married an aste qualified as ,i\thenians with full citizenship rights.l3 Athenians disqualified children fathered by an astos with a woman who was not aste from inheriting and from participating in the democracy. A woman who was not aste could never be gune because Athenians never considered her eligible for marriage with a citizen.l4 Instead, orators labelled her a pallake, hetaira or porne concubine, companion or prostitute. 15 Isaeus 3 has led some scholars to argue that poverty and low status could force an aste to become a hetaira, but the state made an effort to ensure this did not happen by providing dowries for those whose families were poor. 16 In most contexts, 'hetaira' connoted slave, freedwoman or xene. Ancient Greek had no completely neutral terminology, such as the English term 'woman.' Although gune can be translated as 'woman', in the context of oratory it is usually used to signify married status. According to Dickey, the vocative gunai is 'the only way of addressing a respectable unrelated woman' in the Classical period (1996: 244). Another attractive choice is he anthr6pos, but Sosin (1997: 76) argues that in fourth century oratory and Classical literature he anthr6pos is normally a derisive or contemptuous term. 17 By employing terminology with specific cultural meaning to describe women, speakers affect the overall impression of the jurors. When they mention
Arist. Ath. Pol. 26.4; Plut. Vit. Per. 37.3. For a discussion of this law see Patterson (1981). In fact. there were severe penalties for trying to pass off children of women who were not astai as astoi. See the law stated by Apollodoros [Dem.] 59.16. 15 These terms, relating to prostitution, are difficult to translate, as the distinction between them (especially between hetaira andpome) is often blurred. See Halperin (1990: 109-12). It is also important to point out that just as aste can be gune the boundaries between pa/lake, hetaira and porne are permeable. A pallalce could end up as a porne. In Antiphon 1.14, a wife is able to convince a pallake to murder her master by telling her he intends to sell her to a brothel. 16 Seethe discussion in Wyse(1904; rpt. 1967: 318-19) and Cox(1998: 175). On the issue ofstate funded dowries see [Dem.] 59.112-13. 17 Occasionally it can be used in reference to an extremely pitiable woman. See for example [Dem.] 59.9. See the discussion of this term in eh. 3. 13 14
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS a woman in a legal context, the audience understands a particular identity for that woman based on her label. Orators also tend to group women in terms of opposites: aste and gune engue are in opposition to hetaira and pome.18 The former are women the Athenian male marries
and who produce legitimate heirs, while the latter are those the Athenian male buys and who provide pleasure. Women of pleasure were not marginal in ancient Athens in the same way that sex trade workers are today, but males still distinguished those who provided sex for cash from married astai- women for whom sex was the context for procreation. 19 In the context of Classical literature, hetairai are sometimes contemptuous. Writers of old and middle comedy, for example, portray hetairai as greedy and drunken.2o The writers of new comedy generally treat married men's (and betrothed men's) affairs with prostitutes "in an unfavorable light."2 1 Orators portray hetairai as a potential or actual drain on the financial resources of the oilcos, portraying those who associate with them as extravagant and even corrupt.22 Audiences (and juries!) were familiar with the character type. Overall, the orators avoid using aste or gune to refer to the women associated with an opponent. Speakers are even cautious in referring to them as daughters, but when they do use thugater it identifies daughters as associated with opponents' women, and not as legitimate daughters of opponents. meter is more common because identifying a 18
Pal/alce shifts between the two poles. For bibliography on this see note 3. Keuls mentions the "social and moral sanction given to prostitution" in Classical Athens, but that in "later Western societies ... prostitution was concealed and treated as the sewer side of society" (1985: 205). 20 See Henry (1985: 13-40) on the portraits of hetairai in Old and Middle Comedy, which are frequently negative (vicious, greedy or drunken) or at least ambivalent. 21 Scafuro 1997:237-8. Also see Treggiari 1991:463. 22 For two examples see Isae. 3.17 andAeschin. 1.41-2. For discussion and more examples see Davidson (1998: 102-3); Cox (1998: 188); Golden (1990: 57); and Dover (1974: 179) and (1973: 63ft). 19
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CHAPTER4 woman as the mother of an Athenian extends defamation to that Athenian once the speaker implies or proves that she is not gune enguetes. When gune, thugater or meter do occur (though rarely), the identifying name of a male relative is not included. Interestingly, a woman or a group of women that the speaker associates with an opponent seem to have no kurios. The situation for women associated with the speaker is quite different. The speakers are emphatic in their use of gune, thugater or meter in reference to women associated with themselves or with the jury. The name of a male relative always identifies these women assoc:iated with the speaker. Orators even employ more than one of these terms and thus idemtify a woman's kin relationship to various male citizens. Through their employment (()f terminology orators could draw a distinction between women associated with an a»pponent and women associated with themselves, or the jury. In [Demosthenes] 40, Mantitheus frequently refers to his mother as 'my mother. '23 In addition, he identifies mer through her relationships with other males to indicate her status and role in society". Almost immediately the jurors learn Mantitheus' s mother was the daughter ofPolyaratus ofCholargus, and the sister ofMenexenus, Bathyllus and Periander (§ 6). Polyaratus married her to Cleomedon, son of Cleon, with a dowry of one talent (§ 6). In this mar:riage she bore three daughters and one son, named Cleon. After Cleomedon died, her brothers married her to the speaker's father, again with a dowry of one talent (§ 7). She bore two sons in this arrangement: one, who is Mantitheus, and another, who was stillborn(§ 7). Through this brief account ofhis mother's history, Mantitheus refers to the woman as daughter, sister, wife and motherterms which define her role and place in Athenian society. He clearly connects her to
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS male citizens, and presents her functioning in the family group bearing legitimate sons, a woman who has fulfilled her expected role. Mantitheus' s terminology also emphasizes that the woman had the status of wife and aste. Whenever he says 'my mother', the audience is reminded of these identities.24 The situation is very different when Mantitheus discusses the mother of his opponent, Boeotus. He first introduces this woman as 'Plangon, the mother of these men' .25 This phrase is used four times in the course of the speech. 26 He uses 'Plangon', 'their mother', 'his mother' or 'the mother of these men' as well.27 Although her status as mother is frequently referred to, Mantitheus avoids terms that would place her in a legitimate relationship with male citizens. He never refers to her as sister or wife, even though she has three brothers and was previously married to Mantias.28 When he mentions Plangon's father, he does not emphasize her role as daughter. Instead, Mantitheus uses Plangon's name to identify the father. Pamphilus is followed by the phrase 'who was the father ofPlangon' .29 The speaker repeats a variant of this shortly afterwards (§ 22). Mantitheus perverts the usual formula, which would name her as the daughter ofPamphilus, to emphasize Plangon's notoriety rather than her relationship to a male citizen. Mantitheus's general avoidance of terminology typical of astai strips Plangon of her legitimate place in society and obscures her kin relationship to citizen males. Even though he does not dispute Plangon's status as aste, the jurors will not think
23 §§ 3, 6, 8, 9, 14, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24, 25 (twice), 26 (twice), 27 (twice), 50, 53, 59, 60, 61. 24
Mantitheus 's use of sister, daughter and wife to refer to his mother are repeated later on in the speech(§§ 24-5), but most commonly she is simply referred to as 'my mother.' 25 § 2: IIA.cqyci>V it 'tOU'tO>V J.1Tt'tTIP 2 6 §§ 2, 8, 27, 51. 21 §§ 10, 11, 24, 26, 29, 41, 48, 61 (IIA.arroov, ft amrov J.lTt'tTJP, ft au·rou J.1Tt't11P. or ft 'tOU'tO>V J.1Tt'tTJP).
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of Plangon in terms commonly associated with astai. The references to Mantitheus' s mother and to other women, such as Mantitheus's wife, daughter and aunt, contrast with the references to Plangon and draw attention to the ambiguous position Mantitheus advances for Boeotus's mother.JO The contrast between women associated with the speaker and women associated with the opponent is even more pronounced in Isaeus 6, since here the speaker wants to convince the jurors that the opponent's claim to the inheritance ofEuctemon's estate is unfounded, based on false claims to an impossible paternity. To begin with, the speaker makes frequent reference to the women in Euctemon's family. He first mentions Philoctemon's two sisters(§ 6) who became wives of Athenians, and clearly identifies the husbands of each(§ 6, 51). He also refers to the sisters as daughters.3 1 The speaker makes it very clear that they are daughters legally recognized by Euctemon: 'the legitimate daughters ofEuctemon' he says.J2 He identifies the mother of these women and wife ofEuctemon as the daught~r ofMeix.iades ofCephisia.33 Philoctemon's own wife is gune (§§ 5, 7). Consequently the stress of the speaker is on the women's relation to male kin as sisters, daughters and wives. Alce, whom the speaker identifies as the mother of the claimants, is described in direct contrast to these women. She is he
anthr6pos, a person who lacks status and a term commonly associated with slaves or ex-
28 Davies, APF 9667. Note: Mantias divorced Plangon and then married the mother of Mantitheus, but continued to have relations with Plangon (§ 27). 29 § 20: &; -ijv 1ta:ritp 'tile; IIAayy6voc; 30 §§ 12, 4, 13, 24, 56 (twice), 57, 61 for references to other astai. 31 §§ 10, 30, 39, 40, 46, 56, 57, 58. 32 § 47: 1:ac; Ei.>JC't1]J.ovoc; 9'\lya'tipac; 1:ac; 'YVTl
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS slaves. 34 The speaker does not describe any connection to male kin. The speaker thus distinguishes Alce from the other women mentioned in the speech and clearly differentiates her from gunaikes and astai. The context of his terminology makes the distinction between Alce and the women ofEuctemon's family even more marked. When he argues that Alce brought about Euctemon's ruin, the speaker refers to Alce as he anthropos and to Euctemon's family as 'the wife and kids' (he gune kai hai paides).3S He anthropos makes clear that Alce has no claim on Euctemon. He assumes that the jurors will not recognize Euctemon's relationship with Alce as marriage, and will not consider offspring associated with her to be sons ofEuctemon.36 He uses he anthropos a second time in the context of
gune and thugateres (§ 39). He says that the women ofEuctemon's family were prevented from learning ofEuctemon's death, and then deprived of attending to the dead man, while Alce claimed furniture for someone who was not even kin to Euctemon. The mother and daughters wanted to carry out their duties as Euctemon's kin at his death, but Alce, he anthropos with no claim to Euctemon, prevented them and helped others loot the house(§§ 39-42). By referring to Alce as he anthropos in these contexts, the speaker stresses her status as non-kin and distinguishes her from the women who are kin to Euctemon. Furthermore, the speaker distinguishes the grandson ofEuctemon, born to the sister ofPhiloctemon and adopted by Philoctemon in his will, from Alce's son.37 He
34 §§ 20 (twice), 29, 38, 39. See eh. 2. Hunter notes that in oratory a female slave is occassionally
called anthr6pos, but that therapaina is most common (1994: 73). 35 § 21: <pot:t&v yap 6 Eux:'t'fu..trov £m 'tO £vobaov £x:acno'te 'ta 1toA.A.a 5t£'tpt~ev £v 't'fi cruvoud~. £vio'te Se x:at Ev x:at 'tftv yuvatx:a x:at 'touc; 7t<Xi:Sac; x:ai 'tftv oix:iav ilv 4)x:eL. 36 The speaker wants to prove the disputed heirs are children of Alce, and not of a woman who is aste and gune. 37 The maternity of'Alce's son' is confusing. The speaker aims to convince the jurors that the mother is Alce, but mentions that the opponents identify another woman as the mother(§§ 12-14).
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CHAPTER4 refers to Alce's child as the son 'ek tautes', but the other boy as 'ton ek tes adelphes touton, hon huon autos epoiesato', clearly marking him as the son ofPhiloctemon's sister (§ 51 ).3 8 In this context, haute is emphatically distinct from 'the sister of Philoctemon, who lived with Chaereas as wife, but is now widowed ....a legitimate daughter (of Euctemon)' immediately following_39 As the case will determine the heir to Euctemon's wealth, the contrast between Alce and the daughter ofEuctemon stresses that only the grandson, the son ofPhiloctemon's sister, is able to inherit. 4 o
In the discussion ofPhile's status in Isaeus 3, the speaker makes similar distinctions. He mentions his own mother at the beginning of his speech and refers to her as the sister ofPyrrhus (§ 3) or simply 'our mother'(§§ 3, 5). She is defined by her status as mother and sister. Phile's mother is 'the mother' (he meter) and 'the grandmother' (he tethe).41 She is usually the sister of this man (he toutou adelpe) or simply the sister (he adelpe). but once she is the more formal 'sister ofNicodemus' (he adelpe he Nikodemou (§ 73)).42 The terms expressing kinship are applied to the two women equally, but the real difference comes in the speaker's use of gune. The term does not occur to describe the speaker's mother, but this is not an oversight. He is concerned only to stress his mother's
38 In Classical Athens the estate always passed through the male line. A son who had no sons of his own could adopt a son as heir. A son of one's sister was a logical choice. Daughters could be epik/eroi if there were no male heirs. See Harrison (1968; rpt. 1997: 122-37). In this particular case Euctemon outlived all his sons born to his first wife. None of the sons had any male issue when they died. Phi1octemon, however, adopted the son of his sister in his will, making this child Euctemon' s heir. 39 § 51: ft cXSeA.cpft CZ»tA.oK'tftJ.LoVoc;, f\ Xa£pEc;t cruvq,lCTI
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS relationship to her brother because it is her brother's inheritance that is in dispute.43 Although he refers to Phile's mother as gune or even he gamete gune or he enguetes
gune, his general discussion denies that she ever was Pyrrhus's wife.44 When once he uses gune to designate Phile's mother, he uses the term in a more general sense, and it is clear from the context that he is not referring to her status as a wife(§ 11). In [Demosthenes] 48, Callistratus uses the same terminology to draw a strong
contrast between the women in his family and the woman he associates with the defendant Olympiodorus. He claims that Olympiodorus has never married an aste according to the laws (§ 53), but keeps a hetaira whom he freed. He repeats the term hetaira(§ 55), but sandwiched in between these two references, Callistratus mentions his own wife and daughter, who are related to Olympiodorus. Callistratus refers to his wife as 'the sister of this man' (he toutou adelphe) and his daughter as 'the niece of this man' (he toutou adelphide) (§54). The speaker is emphatic that his wife is Olympiodorus's sister: 'the sister of this man born from the same father and the same mother. ' 45 Later, when he designates the woman associated with Olympiodorus as porne (§ 56), references to Callistratus' s wife and daughter are not far off. Once again the speaker emphasizes their connection with Olympiodorus: 'my wife, further the sister of this Olympiodoros here, and my daughter, indeed the niece of this Olympiodoros here.'46 The contrast of hetaira and porne with gune, adelphe, thugater, and adelphide aligns the jurors' sympathy with the women associated with Callistratus. The women's familial connection
4 3 fn
this particular case Pyrrhus adopted his sister's son who became the heir when Pyrrhus died. Unfortunately the son of the sister died without leaving an heir. 44 §§ 11, 28 (three times), 36 (twice), 38, 53, 70 (twice), 78 (twice), 80 (twice). 45 § 54: it 'tOU'toU aSeA.ql1i it OJl01t<X'tpl.a lC<Xi OJlOJl1l'tPt<X... 46 § 57: it EJ.LiJ ruvft, 'OA.uJ.LmoSropou ~£ 'tOU'tout aSEA.cp'ft, !Cat it eura.'t11P it £J.LiJ, 'OA.uJ.LmoSropou o£ 'tOU'toui aoEA.cptSfj.
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(as sister and niece) to Olympiodorus emphasizes how misguided the defendant is in his behaviour, since he lavishes wealth on a mere prostitute while wronging women who are
astai and kin. Callistratus uses strong terminology to draw distinctions between the women, and he uses this contrast to prove to the jurors his opponent's negative character. Terminology relating to astai is more frequent in [Demosthenes] 59 than terminology relating to prostitutes, even though this speech focuses on a woman's status as prostitute and alien. Aste itself appears twenty times in the text. The only time Apollodoros uses the term in reference to Neaira is to claim that she impersonates an aste when she is not aste at all.47 Most frequently aste appears in contexts that contrast Neaira with astai.4 8 For example, Neaira's behaviour is contrasted with that of an aste gune, legitimate wife of a citizen: And what do you expect a woman to do when she is under the control of different men and goes with anyone who pays? Surely to serve her customers in every type of pleasure? So then, will your verdict be that a woman of her character who is known for certain to have plied her trade over the breadth of the world is aste? (§ 108).49 Neaira may be maintaining a pose of Attic respectability, but, so Apollodoros suggests, her behaviour is that of a prostitute. In another context he focuses on the children and who was really their mother, Neaira or an aste gune. He classifies Neaira as distinct from
astai even though the jurors have not yet voted on her status. 50 Moreover, it is in contexts
47 §§ 64, 107, 118, 119. 48 §§
92, 106.
49 'tilv oit {>(p' E'tEpotc; OOO<XV lC<Xi alCOAO'I.l9000<XV 'tCi) OtOOV'tt 'ti Ot£mlE 1t0t£tv; ap' oux i>1t'llP£'tElV 'tOte; Xj)CI>JlEVOtc; Ei.c; amo-ac; ftoovac;; Ei't<X -rTtv 'tOt<XU't'llV lC<Xl 7t£ptcpav&c; E"(VCOO"JlEVTIV U1t0 1tUV'tCOV yfic; 7t£pi.o8ov Ei.py<XO"JlEVTIV 'I'TIQlEtmlE ao--riJv etvat; Translated by Carey 1992: 75. 50§§ 51, 119, 121 (twice), 122, 124. Note: the jurors will vote on whetherNeaira is an alien living with Stephanos as his wife.
88
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS such as this that Apollodoros pointedly uses Neaira's personal name to stress even more that there is a distinction between Neaira and aste.sl The termgune is also common in this text.s2 Apollodoros regularly uses the term to signify a married woman, and frequently he uses it to imply a woman's status as aste. 53 In the prooimion of the speech, Theomnestos uses gune at least five times to refer to his
own wife and the wife of Apollodoros.s4 He calls them thugater, adelphe, and adelphide and associates these women with their male relatives to signify their respectability. Apollodoros uses gune (as well as thugater and meter) in the same way to refer to women associated with the jurors. ss He stresses their association with their male relatives to emphasize that Neaira has none. When Apollodoros quotes or paraphrases a law, gune connotes an aste married to an Athenian citizen. 56 In the case ofNeaira, however, Apollodoros avoids the term gune as far as possible. Neaira is never 'the wife of Stephanos', even though he claims the two are living as husband and wife. Apollodoros associates her with the term only when he refers to the official charge of xenia and reminds his audience that Stephanos unlawfully treats Neaira as a wife. 57 In addition, Theomnestos and Apollodoros both state that marriage between her and Stephanos is
para tous nomous.ss
51
For a more specific discussion of naming, see Names that Shame in eh. 3. 52 It occurs a total of 55 times. 53 The are a few instances where gune might translate simply as 'woman' (§§ 9, 10, 52, 56, 73, 103), but even in such examples 'wife' is often more accurate. Carey (1992) translates gune as 'woman' where the Athenian audience is more likely to understand wife, eg. §§56, 103. 54 §§ 1, 2, 7, 11, 12. ss §§ 110, 114. 56 §§ 52, (twice), 86, 87. 57 §§ 13, 38, 118 (twice), 119. 58 §§ 13, 110.
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Apollodoros treats Phano in the same way. She is sometimes gune, but the proximity of other terms, such as he anthropos or xene for example, and the immediate context indicate that Phano is only fraudulently so.s9 Aste and gune appear together in the narrative on Phano when Apollodoros wants to distinguish a legitimate wife from Phano.60 Frequently she is thugater, but never called 'daughter ofStephanos', as the jurors would expect. Each time he uses the term daughter, Apollodoros's emphasis is on Phano's kinship to Neaira: 'the daughter of this Neaira here', which contrasts Phano with other astai whom speakers identify as daughters with the name of their father. 61 There are three levels to Apollodoros's identification ofPhano as the daughter ofNeaira First, Apollodoros transfers contempt for Neaira onto Phano by associating the two as mother and daughter.62 The pejorative addition of haute to modify Neaira's name makes the derision clear. Secondly, the connection between Phano and Neaira becomes confused at the end of the speech to the extent that Phano and Neaira appear as a single identity(§ 107). Apollodoros is no longer concerned to distinguish between the offenses of the two women. On the contrary, by using the same terms for both women he implies that their careers are identical: Neaira has committed sacrilege and Phano has acted 'like a
hetaira' .63 Thirdly, Apollodoros identifies Phano as 'the daughter of this Neaira here' because, ifNeaira is her mother, Phano cannot be aste and thus marriage with Theogones 59 §§ 72, 73, 79, 81, 110.
60 §§ 58, 60, 63. 61 §56: it 9'U"fU'ttlP ft
NEaipa~ 't<X'Il'CTicri.. Also see§§ 50, 51, 54, 55, 56 (2 times), 59 (twice), 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 69, 70, 72, 81, 82, 83. Note that Neaira is not modified with a form of hautei every time. 62 Note that Apollodoros never offers proof or testimony for the claim that Phano is Neaira's daughter. See Patterson 1994:208 and Scafuro 1997: 75. Furthermore, Scafuro emphasizes an ..ambiguity surrounding the young woman's identity" (p. 332). Kapparis finds Apollodoros's claim that Phano is the daughter ofNeaira weak and unconvincing. It is merely a way to attack the daughter's status (1999: 34-39). Also see Carey (1992: 9-11).
90
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS is illegal.64 If Apollodoros can convince the jurors that Phano is Neaira's daughter, then Stephanos will have more trouble trying to argue that Phano' s mother was an aste. 65 Of all the children, Phano is the most vulnerable to such an attack because she is female and not (like her brothers) a member of a deme. Thus her status is always able to be challenged. 66
To Be or Not to Be Sophron So far, my arguments have shown how orators contrast women through naming and through terminology, but the contrasts reach even deeper- to a woman's very nature. For example, aste and gune not only indicate status, but also imply particular qualities. Classical Athenian society expected the aste and particularly the gune engue to manifest
sophrosune. The primary characteristic of female s6phrosune was open display of a woman's chastity and loyalty to father and husband. Sexual impropriety, even if only implied, damaged the reputation of an aste, as well as the honor of her father, husband and any children.
63 See Carey (1992: 140). Also Patterson (1994: 208-9): " .. .it is fair to say that by the end of the speech Apollodoros has created a fictional two-headed monster from the combined personae ofNeaira and Phano." 64 For the penalty of such a marriage see the law cited in § 53. 65 Apollodoros suggests Stephanos will argue that the children are his by another woman, an aste, and not Neaira (§ 119). 66 Apollodoros says little about the sons, likely because they have been recognized by their deme. See Carey (1992: 8-9) and Kapparis (1999: 32-34).
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Helen North (1977) traces the origin of s6phrosune back to the Archaic period, and considers the full range of meanings for the term. 67 Beginning with a text of Semonides, North argues that the s6phr6n woman makes the resources of the household increase, avoids gossiping about sex, is loving, as well as beloved, chaste, faithful, dutiful and obedient. She mothers well-spoken children and knows her place within the household and within society (1977: 36-7).68 The importance of s6phrosune to a woman's character and the Archaic meanings applied to it continue into the Classical period. Being s6phr6n is frequently an aspect of the tragedians portrayal of women. 69 For example, Andromache in Euripides' Trojan Women claims she is s6phrosune because she stays indoors and does not indulge in gossip (645-56). In Euripides' Andromache, she further claims that she suckled Hector's children by other women (224-5), adding the absence of jealousy to the concept of s6phrosune.1o Xenophon further defines s6phrosune in terms of household economics.71 In his Oeconomicus, Ischomachus's wife informs her
husband that the main skill she learnt from her parents was s6phronein (7.14).72 Ischomachus replies that being s6phr6n involves behaviour which maintains and increases the value of their property, giving the term a productive function as well (7 .15). 67
North notes that s6phrosune has different meanings depending on whether it is applied to a man or a woman. For example, s6phrosune is often translated as chaste when referring to women, but the ''word does not have a comparable application to the moral or sexual conduct of men until about two centuries later, and it never ranks very high, in this sense, in the table of masculine virtues ... " (1977: 37). For the exact significance of s6phrosune to male virtue see North's comprehensive study published in 1966. 68 North notes that s6phr6n does not appear in the text of Semonides, but that the bee-woman (7 .85-91) follows a code of conduct which parallels the Classical definition of s6phr6n. S6phronein does appear, but only once, in the description of the treacherous wife who exhibits the opposite (7.1 08). 69 See for example Euripides' portrayal ofPhaedra in the Hippolytus and Alcestis in theAlcestis, as well as Andromache in Andromache and The Trojan Women. Also note Sophocles' portrayal oflsmene in the Antigone. For further discussion see North (1977: 38-40). 70 Medea in Euripides' Medea and Clymtem.nestra in Aeschylus' Agamemnon reveal the danger of female jealousy to the oikos. See North 1977:39. 71 North points out that wool working is symbolic of s6phrosune on Greek and Roman epitaphs, in New Comedy and Roman elegy to illustrate that female virtue included being a good housekeeper (1977: 42-45).
92 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS Defining sophrosune also involves considering its opposite. Literary texts present the reader with an image of the woman who does not display sophrosune.13 Such a woman impoverishes her husband and is a liar and a thief. 74 In Semonides' classification of women, the women who are not sophrones are luxurious and scornful of household tasks; they eat too much and are unfaithful to their husbands. 75 In other words, such women are a drain on the household and even threaten the very survival of the oikos.
Sophrosune is related to aidos.76 Aid6s is something visible. A woman who has this virtue exhibits appropriate emotional and behavioural responses. When addressed, she blushes. When noticed, she averts her gaze. In public, she veils her head. All of these habits identify women as sophrones. 77 Cairns sees aidos as an internalized form of social control which governs social interaction between the sexes (1993: 121). Aidos supports
astai (of all ages) in their goal of maintaining familial loyalty and honor. By exhibiting appropriate behaviour a woman demonstrates an internal feeling of aidos when in the presence of non-kin males. Maintenance of s6phrosune and demonstrations of aidos exclude astai from the law courts, the ekklesia, the deipnon and the sumposion, where Athenian males gather for political and social reasons. Speaking publicly in front of an assembly of men was unseemly for women in Classical Athens. In Lysias 32.11, the speaker stresses that the daughter of Diogeiton was not accustomed to speaking to a male audience, but felt compelled to speak in the current circumstances because of the severity of her family's
72
Also see the discussion of this passage in North 1977:46. North (1977: 44-45). 14 Hes. Op. 704-5; 78. 15 Semonides 7.57-70,46-49. Also see the discussion in North 1977:44-5. 76 Cairns (1993) discusses aid6s in Archaic and Classical literature. 77 Cairns (1993: 2-6). Also see Ferrari (1990) who discusses the pictorial representation of aid6s. 73
93
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CHAPTER4 misfortunes. The speaker portrays her conduct as necessary because he wants the jurors to view the woman as sophron. Attending dinners and drinking parties was also rare for
astai. Wives, daughters or mothers did not dine and drink in the presence of non-kin males. 78 Cicero asserts that Philodamus, while entertaining Roman guests, told his visitors that Greek women did not attend the men's dinner party_79 'Women' here specifically refers to the female members ofPhilodamus' household. In a passage from Herodotus, the Macedonian Amyntas tells the Persians that it is not the custom of Greeks for men and women to appear together at asumposion (5.18). Theopompus further attests that Greek women did not attend drinking parties when he comments on the sexual license of the Etruscans by citing that they allowed their wives to attend sumposia. 80
Sophrosune and aidos also influence a woman's dress and self-presentation. Too much concern with beauty is a negative trait associated with laziness and prostitution. For Semonides, the mare-woman is so concerned with her appearance that she neglects all housework (7.57-70). In Xenophon's Oeconomicus, Ischomachus disapproves of his wife's use of white powder, rouge and platform shoes; he prefers her unadorned (10.2-8). Household work and supervision of slaves improve complexion and therefore increase his desire (10.9-13). For astai then, virtue and reputation are more important than beauty. Too much concern for elaborate adornment aroused suspicion and indicated sexual impropriety or status as a prostitute.81 78 Calame argues that ''the distinguishing mark of a hetaira of Classical Athens was that she took part in banquets for men" (1999: 111-12). 79 Cic. Verr. 2.1.25.66. As this is a later source, rio distinction is made between the deipnon and the symposion, both are referred to as symposion or, in Latin, as convivium. Hence the translation as "dinner party."
80 Theopomp. FGrH 115 F 204. 81 See Hawley (1998: 42-3): There is an increasing tendency over the fifth century BC to view 'contrived or self-obsessed beauty as a hallmark of the disreputable prostitute in contemporary comedy and prose literature.'
94 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS As this brief survey shows, the concepts of sophrosune and aidos define qualities
of particular importance for aste and gune. 82 Sophrosune appears as an important female trait in epitaphs for women in the fourth century.83 Both literary and funerary uses of
sophrosune show that Athenians valued demonstrations of sophrosune by women and considered it an important virtue for women to emulate. The orators exploit this familiarity and expectation when developing a female portrait by making the concepts of
sophrosune and aidos a central part of their narratives on women. Since exhibiting sophrosune translates into the exclusion of astai from certain male activities (the deipnon, sumposion and public life), women participating in such activities are not sophrones. The only females commonly seen in such contexts are entertainers and prostitutes (women who are generally distinct from astai and gunaikes).84 An aste who does not conform to the code of behaviour laid out for the sophron woman runs the risk of having her status as aste and gune engue questioned, and of being equated with prostitutes. 85 The orators try to influence the audience regarding the virtues and status of women by associating the women with activities and behaviour opposite to sophrosune. North (1966: 135-49) considers how the orators manipulate sophrosune when representing a male opponent, but she has little to say on the use of sophrosune in portraits of women in oratory. She comments only that "sophrosyne regularly denotes chastity when it refers to feminine virtue" (1966: 140). 86 Yet, the activities and characteristics attributed to the opponent's women are regularly antithetical to 82
North (1977) and Cairns (1993) survey the literature in detail.
83 See North 1977:40 and Lattimore 1942: 293-300. 84 Just 1989: 144; Fantham et al. 1994:80. 85 See Hunter on gossip about women (1994:
113-4). Also see McClure 1999: 24; Just 1989: 143;
Gould 1980: 48; Dover 1974:98.
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sophrosune as defined by North in her 1977 survey of other genres. 87 First, women associated with an opponent are commonly claimed to be promiscuous. Speakers claim multiple lovers for Neaira, Phano, Alce and Phile's mother. ss They further comment on each woman's sexual availability by suggesting that any man who wishes enjoys her. 89
Plesiazein, chresthai or suneinai indicate relationships with men, instead of gamein. sunoikein or echein gunaika, which are commonly used to describe marriage between an Athenian and a sophron gune. 90 Orators also associate women of the opponent with licentiousness and debauchery. The speaker oflsaeus 3.13 describes the behaviour of Phile's mother as aselgeia (lewdness). Apollodoros narrates Neaira's lascivious behaviour during her time with Phrynion: she submits to intercourse in public and slaves have sex with her at asumposion ([Dem.] 59.33-34). He states that the daughter Phano 'longed for the akolasia (debauchery) of her mother's house' and he implies that she even worked in a brothel(§
67).91
Orators also describe women associated with the opponent
as mixing openly with non-kin males to indicate the women's sexual impropriety. Apollodoros has witnesses testify to Neaira's presence at deipna and sumposia.92 The speaker oflsaeus 3.14 refers to similar testimony against Phile's mother.
86 Her article specifically on sophrosune as a feminine virtue considers tragedy, philosophy and epitaphs from the Classical period, but not oratory. 87 Ch. 3 discusses the references for the following in more detail. 88 Apollodoros mentions some ofNeaira's lovers by name: Xenokleides, Hipparchos, Timanoridas of Corinth and Eukrates ofLeukas, Phrynion ([Dem.] 5926,29, 30); In addition to two husbands, Phano has an amorous relationship with Epainetos of Andros [Dem.] 59.64-71; The speaker names Dion in connection with Alce (Isae. 6.20); Although the speaker ofisaeus 3 does not name individual lovers, he does allude to a large number oflovers ofPhile's mother (Isae. 3.11). 89 Speakers use boulesthai to indicate that anyone at any time had access to Phile's mother, Neaira and Phano. See [Dem.] 59. 19, 20, 23, 41,71 and Isae. 3.1113, 15, 16, 77. 90 For examples of the use of plesiazein, chresthai or suneimi see [Dem.] 40.8, 27; [Dem.] 59.9, 20, 30, 33, 37, 41, 47, 67, 70, 71; Isae. 3.10, 15; Isae. 620. For another discussion ofplesiazein and chresthai in opposition to echein and sunoikein see Cox 1998:182-3. 91 § 50: af...f...' £~frtet. 'ta til~ ~'Tl't~ £9T} JCa.i. 'tiJv 1ta.p' a.i>'t'ft aJCof...a.
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS Secon~
speakers represent women associated with the opponent as a drain on the
household finances. Apollodoros describes Neaira as well-adorned with jewels and fine robes, and calls her extravagant (poluteles).93 He claims that when she left Phrynion she took all the clothing and gold jewellery he had bought for her and made off with some of his household property (ta ek tes oikias) (§ 35). Likewise, Apollodoros alludes to the lavishness ofPhano by contrasting her with her husban~ whom he describes as frugal (§§50-51). [Demosthenes] 48.53-55 presents the woman associated with Olympiodorus as extravagant, claiming that she parades about in splendid procession with gold (chrusia
polla) and fine clothes (himatia kala). The female relatives ofOlympiodorus, in contrast, remain ill off (katadeesteros echein). Mantitheus has a similar complaint about Plangon in [Demosthenes] 40.50-51, emphasizing the expense to Mantias's household and contrasting her spending habits with the cost of rearing Mantitheus: My mother died leaving me a child, so that the interest from her dowry was sufficient both to raise and educate me; but the mother of these men, Plangon, reared her sons in her own home, maintained numerous maidservants and lived an extravagant lifestyle. She had my father as her own personal choregos for these expenses on account of his desire for her, and she forced him to great expenditure. Indeed, she spent far more of his property than I did. 94 The comparison of the cost ofkeeping a 'kept' woman with the cost of rearing a child is meant to shock the jurors and to align them against Plangon. The behaviour of these women is far from what Ischomachus imagines for his wife in Xenophon's Oeconomicus (7.29-43).
93 [Dem.]
59.35-36,41-43.
94 §§50-51: UJ.LEl<; ()' Ev9uJ.LElcr9' O'tl. EJ.LE J.LEV it J.LTt'tTJP 1t<XWC:X 1CC:X't<XAl1tOOOC:X E't£Aei>'tT)G£V, cOO't£ J.LOl ixavov Tjv a1to 'tOU 'tOICOU 'tfic; 1tpot.1C<'>c; ICC:Xt mxt.()£i>£G8at.· it ()£ 'tOU'tOOV Jl.Tt'tTJP 0Aa'Y"(OOV, 1:p£cpouaa J..L£9' ai>'tfic; -romouc; IC<Xt eepmxi.vac; GUXv<Xc; IC<Xt a'\m11toA.u'teA.&c; ~cooa, IC<Xt eic; 't<XU'ta 1:6v 1t<X'tEpa 'tOV EJ..LOV XOP1\1'0V £au't'ft U1t0 'tfic; £m9uJ.Lt<Xc; EXOUGC:X ICC:Xt 1tOAAa ()a1tCIVmac; EJ..l.Ot avftA.oo1C£V. Translation adapted from the Loeb edition.
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Thirdly, women associated with an opponent do not display modesty, but hubris the opposite characteristic, one which orators also associate with male opponents.95 Speakers use hubrizousa to refer to Neaira and to the woman associated with Olympiodorus and to Alce.96 Describing female behaviour using hubrizein is more shocking than is using it to describe male behaviour, since Athenians expected women to be obedient and keep silent.97 Related to hubrizein is the adverb aischros. Cairn places to
aischron (shamelessness) in direct opposition to aidos and sophrosune. He notes that Helen is regularly associated with to aischron in Euripidean tragedy.98 Aischros emphasizes Alce's lack of sophrosune when the speaker ofisaeus 6 states that she lived in a shameful manner(§ 50).99 Apollodoros, in turn, uses the emphatic houtos aischros in combination with hubrizousa to describe Neaira's conduct towards the city of Athens ([Dem.] 59.107). Phano also comes across as haughty in Apollodoros's speech. Her behaviour demonstrates that she is not decent or modest (kosmia) and indicates that she is unwilling to obey her husband. lOO Although sophronein and its derivatives are rarely used in these six texts, the jurors' familiarity with sophrosune and their expectation that women be sophrones provide a context for the interpretation of the speakers' accusations and the judgement of the women's status. lOt Speakers strengthen representations of women associated with the opponent as the antithesis of the sophron gune by directly contrasting Plangon, Phile's mother, the 95 LSJ s.v. u~pi~ro lists hubrizein as the exact opposite of s6phronein. 96 [Dem.] 59.12, 107; [Dem.] 48.55; Isae. 6.48. Also note the use of kataphronein and to/man.
97 On women and silence see McClure 1999: 19-20; 25. See Soph. Aj. 293 and Eur. Heracl. 47477. Compare Bassi 1998:63-70,87-98. 98 1993:306, n.148. See Hec. 443; Tro. 713, 1041, 1114; Or. 118-9, 1154, 1361-2 for examples. 99 § 49: &1tcxvrcx 'tov XP(>vov cxicrXPW<; fhooocx. lOO§ 51: 6p(i)v o' 6
98
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS woman associated with Olympiodorus, Neaira, Phano and Alce with astai associated with themselves or with the jurors. In [Demosthenes] 40, Mantitheus informs the jurors that his mother lived with Cleomoden as his wife (toutoi sunoikei) (§ 6). After the death of this first husband her brothers gave her to Mantias and she lived with him as wife. Mantitheus repeats the verb sunoikein to indicate once again his mother's official status as gune (§ 7). He further states that his father, having married his mother (gemas), kept her as his wife (eiche gunaika) in his household_l02 In this case gamein and echein
gunaika signify the importance of the union and assume his mother's status as an engue gune. Such language is very different from the language Mantitheus uses to describe his father's relationship with Plangon. Here, the verb used to describe the union is plesiazein (§ 8), a word that indicates a sexual relationship with no connotation ofmarriage. 103
Plesiazein has even more impact following as it does on the heels of verbs used in reference to Mantitheus's own mother. In a final contrast, the speaker states that even after his mother died, Mantias did not consider it right to receive Plangon into his own house and to accept that her sons were his own sons (§ 9). Thus, Mantitheus stresses the different treatment his father thought appropriate for each woman. In Isaeus 3, instead of comparing Phile's mother with a specific aste, the speaker
contrasts her with astai more generally. Early on, he sets his opinion that Phile's mother was a hetaira in opposition to the brother's claim that she was the wife ofPyrrhus: 'indeed when they have agreed that the woman was common to anyone wanting her, how
101 S6phronein and its derivatives occur only three times in these six texts and each occurrence is in [Dem.] 59. 102 § 8: rfutac; dx£ ruvatJCa £v 't'fi oi:Jd~ 't'fi E:au1:ou l03 LSJ s.v. 1tA.1101.a~m
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probable does it seem she was a legitimate wife?' 104 The speaker emphasizes such indiscriminate availability in his previous statements: 'If it were necessary to consider each man singly (who had relations with her), it would be no small task'(§
11).105
Next,
the speaker links Phile's mother with the term hetaira and places her in opposition to
gune. The speaker's statement after the reading of the first deposition mark this contrast: " ... she was a hetaira available to anyone and not the wife of our uncle ... "106 The speaker opposes hetaira with ou gune through word order and emphasizes this contrast over the claims of the defendant and the testimony of the witnesses. With each example, the speaker encourages his audience to view Phile's mother as exactly the opposite of wife. She is sexually available, but married women are not. They do not even dine in the presence of non-kin males: No one would dare, tolmeseien, to party, kOmazein, with married women; nor do married women go with their husbands to banquets or think it appropriate to dine in the company of strangers.1o1
Tolmeseien and kOmazein describe behaviour of males at parties where there was no question of participation by married women. By means of such contrasts the speaker hopes to sharpen the jurors' opinion ofPhile's mother. In so doing he arouses the jurors'
odium and indignatio at the thought that Nicodemus would claim such a woman was the legitimate wife of Pyrrhus.
104 § 11: lCai.'tOl 01tO'U lCOlvrlV a'\rtoi. cOJlOAO'YftlCacrt.v Etvat 'tOU ~O'UAOJlEVO'U 't'J'tv yuvat1c:a, 1tCiX; av ci1C6'tooc; ft ai.>'ti} 'Y'Uvrl E'Y'Y'UTI't'J't O~ElEV etvat; 105 § 11: 1tEpi. rov £i 0Eft<1El£ 1Ca9' ElCaO''tOV OtEAeElV, oi.>x: av 1tCtV'U ~llCpOv £pyov 'YEVOl'tO. eav JJ.£v ouv UJ.!Elt; 1C£A£i>TI't£, 1tEpi. tvirov J.1V11cr9Ei11V av au'trov· 106 § 13: cix; J.!Ev E'tatpa .qv 'tql ~ouA.oJlEVo£ al 'Y<XJ.LE'tai. yuvatlCEt; epxov'tat JlE'ta 'tOOV avoprov em 'ta OEl1tVa, oi.>O£ cr'UVO£l1tVElV <X;toi>cn JlE'ta 'tOOV aA.A.o'tpi.rov, Kai. 'tai>'ta JlE'ta 'tOOV emwx6v'troV. Translation adapted from the Loeb edition.
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS
In the epilogos of [Demosthenes] 59, Apollodoros contrasts Neaira with the expectations for astai, to remind the jurors of their own wives, daughters and mothers in a last attempt to ally the jurors against Neaira. First, he emphasizes the opposition through a question: "Will you decide that a woman of her character who is known for certain by all to have plied her trade over the breadth of the world is aste?"I08 Second, he manufactures a dialogue between the jurors and their wives, daughters and mothers which highlights the difference between themselves and Neaira (§§ 110-1). The women ask 'where were you?' The jurors respond 'we were at the trial ofNeaira' and list the charges against her and the details of the prosecution. The women ask 'What did you decide?' The jurors respond 'we acquitted her.' Switching back to narrative, Apollodoros informs the jurors that the most decent of the women (s6phronestatai ton gunaik6n) will be furious because the men have treated Neaira as their equal(§ 111). Thus he suggests to the jurors that their wives, daughters and mothers will view Neaira as distinct from themselves. He uses s6phr6n to emphasize that, in addition to status, they are distinct in reputation. Third, Apollodoros states the consequences of an acquittal: if the jurors acquit Neaira, they will not only give hetairai the freedom to bear children and to share in civic rituals, ceremonies and rights, but also guarantee that poor astai will take up the work of prostitutes, pornai (§§ 112-3). In a climactic moment of the epilogos, the contrast between the female relatives
of the jurors and Neaira is most apparent: So let each one of you believe that he is casting his vote, one in defence of his wife, another his daughter, another his mother, another the city and its laws and religion, so that those women are not seen to be held in equal lOB§ 108: et'ta 'tftv 'tatai>'ttlv Kat 1tepupav&<; £yvcoo)l.£VTtv il1to miv'trov yfic; 1tepi.ooov £ipyaO')l.£VTtV 'lf11Cj)t.£l0'9£ cXO''titV etvat;
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esteem with this whore fporne], and that women reared by their kinsmen with great and proper decency [s6phrosune] and care and given in marriage according to the laws [kata tous nomous] are not shown to have equal rights with a woman who has been with many men many times each day, in many lascivious ways [metapoll6n kai aselg6n trop6n], as each man wished. 109 Here Apollodoros opposes gune, thugater and meter to porne. This is the only time Apollodoros uses porne to refer to Neaira directly.uo Overall, the term is rare in oratory:
porne only appears once in the other texts we have discussed.111 In other examples from Greek oratory it appears only seven times, only in law court speeches, only when the orator is attempting to arouse the odium and indignatio of his audience.1l2 Consequently, the use ofporne emphasizes the speaker's contempt for Neaira, contempt which he wishes to transfer to the jurors also. Apollodoros also opposes s6phrosune and kata tous
nomous with 'many men,' meta pollon kai aselg6n trop6n, and so on. All such tactics employed by Apollodoros stress the differences between Neaira and the women associated with the jurors, women who are s6phrones. Apollodoros also uses antithesis to influence the jurors' opinion ofPhano. He claims that Stephanos married Phano to Theogenes of Koironidai while Theogenes was serving as Basileus (§ 72) and so Phano served as Basilinna. 113 The Basilinna, the wife of the Basileus, played an important role in the celebration of the Anthesteria. The
§ 114: OXl"t£ etc; EKa<J't<>; UJ.LWV VOJlt~E'tOO, 0 JlEV u1t£p yuvatK6c;, 0 o' u1t£p euya't£p6c;, 0 o' u1t£p Jl1l'tp0c;, 0 o' u1t£p tile; 1t0A£ooc; Kat 'tWV VOJ.LOOV KCXt 'tWV i£p&v 'titv 'l'fi<pov 1tO 'tOOV 1tpo<J11KOV't(J)V Kat eKOo9£icrac; KCX'ta 'tOi>c; VOJ.Louc;, 'taU'tcxc; ev 'tql tmp ; £j3oui..£'to. Translated by Carey 1992: 77. 11 0 Other uses ofporne are not in direct reference to Neaira (§§ 112, 113) or are in a derivative form, such as peporneumenen (§ 107). 111 [Dem.] 48.56. 112 Aesc. 1.124; Dem. 19.229; Dem. 22.56, 58, 61; Lys.4.9, 19. 11 3 For a general discussion of the role of women in the religious life ofthe polis see Just 1989: 23-4, and Fantham et al. 1994: 83-96. 109
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS Athenians enlisted her to make special offerings on behalf of the city at the sanctuary for Dionysus. She administered an oath to fourteen women, known as the Gerarai. As part of the ritual, the Basilinna also became the symbolic wife of the god Dionysus for one night. Apollodoros emphasizes that the wife of the Basileus must conform to the image of a
sophron gune. He states that the Athenians passed a law requiring the gune of the Basileus to be aste, to be faithful to her husband, and not to have been married to any other man, but to have been parthenos when she married.114 In the oath of the Gerarai administered by the Basilinna the women swear to live piously and to remain pure by avoiding pollution and intercourse with a man.11s Apollodoros spends time commenting on the law and rites relating to the wife of the Basileus in order to point out the sacrilege resulting from Phano's service as the Basilinna. Apollodoros tells us that Phano's status and behaviour are in direct contrast to the requirements of the Basilinna and these other women: Phano is the daughter ofNeaira (who he claims is a prostitute), and Epainetos had an adulterous relationship \\
114 § 75: 'titv ()£ 'YUvatKa airrou v6J.Lov £9£v'to aG'ti}v dvat Kat Jltl £mJ.L£J.L£l'YJlEV11V £1:£pcp av8pt a'A.'A.a 1tap9£vov 'YaJ.LEtV 115 § 78: 'A'YtG't£00 Kat £iJ.Lt Ka9apa Kat ayvi} a1t6 't£ 'tWV (i'A.'A.(J)V 'tOOV OU Ka9ap£00V't(J)V Kat cX1t' av8~ G'UVOucri.ac;
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CHAPTER4
consequences of this behaviour to the city.116 He states that although Athenians exclude
xenai and slaves.from the Anthesteria, they allow them to participate in other religious rituals. The law on adultery (nomos moicheias), however, forbids women caught with an adulterer from entering any temples and from participating in any religious rites (§ 87). 117 Status, behaviour and the failure to be sophron disqualify Phano from being Basilinna. Apollodoros concludes by paraphrasing the nomos moicheias: a woman guilty of associating with an adulterer will suffer punishment short of death if she enters a public temple (§ 86). He adds that the purpose of the law is to scare gunaikes into being
sophrones, so that they do not become like Phano.11s Phano becomes a negative example diametrically opposed to the sophron gune. A similar passage in Isaeus 6, highlighting the lawlessness (paranomia) and
hubris of Alce, makes clear the difference between Alce and Philoctemon's sister. The speaker begins by reading a law as evidence of the exclusion of slaves, prostitutes and women caught in adultery from participating in the Thesmophoria, a festival in honor of Demeter and Persephone (§ 48).119 The speaker then states that Alce, although a slave who lived a shameful life (aischros biousa), entered the temple and viewed the sacred rites performed there.12o In addition, she joined in the procession of a sacrifice in honor of Demeter and Persephone, and witnessed what she had no right to witness(§§ 49-50).
116 Note the inconsistency here: Apollodoros narrates that Epainetos got out of the charge of adultery by claiming that Phano acted as his prostitute (§ 67), but now Apollodoros treats the adultery charge as if it were a conviction (§ 85). 117 On adultery law in Athens see Patterson 1998: 114-32. 118 § 86: ilcc:xvov cp(}pov 'tc:xtc; yuvc:xtl;i. 1tC:XpC:X01C£OO~rov 'tOU crrocppovetv lCCXi Jl.'TlOEV aJ.l.CXp'tCxV£tV, aUa OtJCc:xiroc; ob:oupetv 119 The law is not included in the text, but Isae. 3.80 restricts participation to married women. Also see Wyse's discussion on the likely nature of the law (1904; rpt. 1967: 536-37). 120 Note that Alce is in fact a freedwoman, not a slave, but that ''to call a freedwoman a 'slave' is a pardonable license" in oratory (Wyse 1904; rpt. 1967: 537). 104
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS The Boule appears to have responded to her actions with some sort of decree (§ 50).1 21 The speaker's discussion of Alce's participation in the Thesmophoria creates an antithesis between Alce' s nature and the nature of a sophron gune, and differentiates between Alce and astai. The speaker next asks whether the son of such a woman should inherit Euctemon's property and offer libations and sacrifices at the family tomb, or the son ofPhiloctemon's sister, whom Philoctemon adopted(§ 51). Contrasting the young men at this point extends the general comparison between Alce and the sophron gune to Alce and Philoctemon's sister.
Conclusion In her discussion of reputation, Hunter comments that ''the stereotypes of the good and
bad citizen are part of the discourse of the elite competing with one another for the approval of mass juries" (1994: 111 ). The stereotypes of the good and bad woman are also part of this discourse. Antitheses between women associated with the opponent and women or a type of woman associated with the speaker and his audience is an effective strategy of the orator. This strategy vilifies the woman associated with the opponent and the opponent himself. It attacks a woman's reputation and status. It implies the opponent is unable to control and protect his woman, and suggests he is guilty of misrepresenting her status. The contrasting image of women associated with the speaker and the jury
121 The Boule reviewed the celebration of festivals to ensure that participants observed the necessary piety. For example, the speaker of Andocides 1.11 reports that the Bou/e met after the celebration of the Mysteries and received a report regarding the conduct of the festivial. No record exists of a special session after the Thesmophoria, but the Basi/eus could report disturbances or acts of impiety at a regular meeting ofthe Boule, where a course of action could be decided upon and a decision made about whether or not to punish the offenders. See Wyse 1904; rpt. 1967:538.
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CHAPTER4
augments the reputation of the speaker and his family, and arouses the odium and
indignatio of the jurors. When female behaviour or actions are the subject of an oration, orators set up an antithesis between the women related to the speaker and women associated with his opponent. Woman associated with an opponent stand in opposition to women associated with the speaker or even the jurors. Differences in the two groups center on an ideal of feminine virtue that includes s6phrosune and aidos. The opponent's women lack
s6phrosune, but female relatives of the speaker and the jurors are always sophrones. The antithesis highlights the claims orators commonly make about women associated with the opponent. The orator invokes social stereotypes in his antithesis by exploiting naming practices, specific terminology and particular behaviour to prejudice the jurors against women. He does not consider how social issues and economic status might affect a woman's conduct or her marriage arrangements. Ill Examinations of the orators' use of antithesis reveals a double standard at Athens. Athenians approve of female prostitution, but use an image of the prostitute and sexuality associated with the prostitute to judge and abuse all types ofwomen.I23 Prostitutes were not a marginal group in Athenian society, and visiting hetairai was an acceptable part of male culture. 124 Only when a citizen became slave to a hetaira and spent his patrimony
122
Aristotle comments that it was more difficult to prevent poor astai from going out of doors than elite women, since necessity outweighed propriety (Pol. 4.12.9; 6.5.13). Economic status also affected whether the father or brother of a bride provided a dowry (Wyse 1904; rpt. 1967: 308). 123 Scafuro comments that the ''acceptance of female prostitution as a legitimate activity creates an automatic imbalance" (1997: 237). 124 Halperin notes prostitution must have been legal because it was subject to tax . In addition that it was an ordinary fact of every day life and not hidden away from view (1990: 90-91 ). Loornis prices an average prostitute at 3 obols and a top of the line hetaira anywhere from 2-1000 drachma (1998: 166-85). Also on prices see Halperin 1990: 107-12.
106
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GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS on sexual pleasure was it an issue of character.I25 Young men were notoriously prone to overstepping the boundaries and orators reviled male opponents for such indiscretions.I 26 The conceptual framework of the Athenian male, however, sharply distinguishes the classification hetaira from the classification gune. Athenian law dictated that only the children of astoi and astai could participate in the political life of the city. No formal record was kept of astai and marriages between astoi and astai.127 As a result, Athenians could easily arouse suspicion that some mens' wives and mothers were actually foreigners or hetairai. In addition, since only hetairai acceptably mingled with non-kin males, astai whose conduct did not conform to the standard met with disapproval and damaged the reputation of themselves, their husband and their children.I 2 8 The distinction between hetairai and gunaikes was an advantage to the speaker attempting to disparage a woman in his speech.
See Socrates' comments in Xen. Oec. 1.13, 21-3. See for example Isae. 3.17 and Aeschin. 1.41-2. Scafuro argues that writers ofNew Comedy generally treat affairs with prostitutes in the case of married men (and betrothed men) "in an unfavorable light'' (1997: 237-8). 127 See the discussion in eh. 2. 128 See Scafuro 1997: 235-7. 125 126
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ChapterS
SPEAKING OF WOMEN
WHEN PERIKLES OFFERED his condolences to the families of sons lost during the first year of the Peloponnesian War, he had very few words for wives: If I also must say something about a wife's virtue (arete) to those of you who will now be widows, I will state it in a brief exhortation. Your reputation is glorious if you do not prove inferior to your own nature and if there is the least possible talk about you among men, whether in praise (arete) or in blame (psogos).l
Yet, for women 'to be least talked about by men' is an impossibility in Periklean and Post-Periklean Athens. Paternity was always a concern for the oikos. Perikles' citizenship law made paternity a concern of the polis as well. Husbands had always been concerned to guarantee that offspring from their wives were their own children, but now the polis required that only male children born to parents who were both astoi could be citizens. For this reason women were now open to public as well as private scrutiny, a fact that made female reputation an issue of male speech. At the same time, Perikles' s speech alludes to two alternative discourses on women, one concerning excellence and praise (arete), and another occupied with reproach and blame (psogos). Orators configure Perikles's alternative discourses into a discourse which divides women into good and
l TllUC. 2.45: ei 8£ J.L£ 8ei lC<Xl 'Y'UV<Xl1C£tac; 'tl ape'tfic;. OO'<Xl vOV E.v X11P£tc;t ECfOV't<Xl, J.LV11Cf9i\V<Xl, ~p<X;(£t<X 1t<XpalVECf£l anav Cf'llJ.l<XVW. 'ti\c; 't£ rap U1t<Xp;(OUCfrtc; <pooec.oc; Jl.Tt ;(Etpo
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN bad. Acknowledging the context of this discourse is necessary for our understanding and recognition of female character typing in oratory.
Female Character and Tradition Up to now, my focus has been on the female character types associated with the opponent in oratory. I have argued that orators develop the character of women associated with the
opponent using a method which contrasts good and bad women based on the concepts of
sophrosune and aidos, and draws upon a stereotype of the hetaira. Now it is time to provide a context for such strategies. Beginning with Homer, and preceding through the works ofHesiod and Semonides, I will examine briefly the portraits of women as presented in the early literary tradition of the Archaic period. 2 Comparing and contrasting women based on conformity to specific virtues is a strategy which has roots in the Archaic period. In Homer's Odyssey, aidos is an important trait ofthe faithful wife.J Penelope exhibits aidos, while Clytemnestra is an example of a woman who feels no shame towards her husband's bed. Agamemnon emphasizes the difference between these two women when he directly contrasts his wife Clytemnestra with Odysseus's wife Penelope. He describes his own wife as oulomene, one who has gone astray (1 1.41 0), and as kunopis, literally dog-eyed, meaning one who has lost all sense of shame and decency (11.424). Both terms allude to her adulterous relationship with Aegisthos and her disloyalty to Agamemnon's house. Lattimore aptly translates the terms as 'sluttish' (1991: 179). Agamemnon further associates her with ergon aeikes, 2
Lloyd-Jones refers to Semon. Frag. 7 as "a document of some significance in the history of literary character-study'' (1975: 22).
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CHAPTERS unseemly deed, and aischos, shame, rather than euergos, doing what is right (11.429-4). In direct contrast, Penelope possesses lien pinute, exceedingly good sense, and is
periphr6n, circumspect (1 1.445-6).4 She has megale arete, great virtue, and agathai phrenes, a good heart; she is amum6n, goodly, and echephr6n, discreet (24.193-8).5 The two women are each other's opposite and Agam.emnon is unable to talk about one without mentioning the other. The actual term s6phronein first appears in the seventh century BC in the context of contrasting women in Semonides 7.1 08. The poem begins with an ambiguous statement (choris gunaikos theos epoiesen noon) that is variously translated as god made the nature of woman separately [from men], or god made the nature of woman separately [from each other]. 6 Certainly the catalogue which follows points to separate natures for women, but also to one particularly significant difference of female nature. The bee woman, who exhibits s6phrosune (7.83-93), is contrasted with the various types of women created from the sow, vi"'Cen, bitch, earth, sea, mule, ferret, mare and monkey, who are not s6phrones.7 Instead they represent kakon, evil or trouble. and are aischista, most shameful (73).8 Thus, according to Semonides, a woman is either s6phr6n or its opposite, aischra. North notes that by the Classical period, separating women into those who are
s6phrones and those who are not s6phrones is standard practice: Penelope and 3 Cairns 1993: 120-25. 4
Cairns states that good sense promotes the same conduct as aidos (1993: 124). For Cairns' more detailed look at the connection between good sense and aidos see pp. 126-30. 5 Although the term aidos is absent from Agamemnon's contrast. in other contexts exhibiting aidos is associated with Penelope. See Od. 16.75; 18.184; 19.527. Also Cairns 1993: 120-5. 6 For women as a separate race see Edmonds (1968) and Lloyd-Jones (1975: 63-4), for diversity among women see Verdenius (1968: 132-58) and Marg (1967: 1). Loraux argues for maintaining the opaque character of ch6ris (1993: 99). 7 See the comments ofLioyd-Jones 1975: 83-6.
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN Andromache, who are never described using sophron in the Homeric poems, are now exemplars of this feminine virtue, while Medea, Helen, Clytemnestra and Phaedra commonly represent the opposite (1977: 38). These latter women are licentious, selfwilled and destructive. Xenophon uses this polarized view of women in his portrait of virtue and vice in his account of Herakles at the crossroads. Virtue is a woman who is
sophron, while vice is the antithesis of the sophron woman (Mem. 2.1.21-22). Ferrari comments on the passage as follows: Virtue is fair and noble in bearing, her figure adorned with simplicity, her eyes with aidos, her manner informed by moderation (sophrosune); she wears white. Vice ... shows the results of intemperance in her plump form and is tricked out to look taller and fairer than she is in fact. Her eyes are wide open, anapeptamena, her dress lets as much as possible of her body show through; she keeps looking around to see if she has been noticed (1990: 189). The categories of good and bad woman depend upon social stereotypes of women, appearing in the earliest Greek literature. Although these Archaic writers recognize women as a necessary part of society, the emphasis is often on the negative stereotype ofwomen.9 Hesiod provides two separate accounts of the origin of woman and woman's nature. In Theogony, woman is simply the sum of her adornment used to attract men. 1o Athena dresses her with a silver-white garment, an embroidered veil, a garland of flowers and a gold crown (573-80).11 Wonder takes hold of the other gods and men when
8 For references to kakon see 7 .22, 55, 68, 82, 96. 9 The exception is Homer's Odyssey with its emphasis on Penelope as the good wife. Although
Clytemnestra features in the story, her negative character does not dominate. To quote Graver. "The hateful song that is Klytemnestra's future must be a different poetic treatment, one known to the epic singer, but not claimed by him" (1995: 57). For this reason I exclude Homer at this point of the discussion. 10 See Loraux 1993: 79-81. 11 The verb used in reference to the fine garment is kosmein, from which derives kosmon, meaning ornament or finery, and the English word 'cosmetics.'
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CHAPTER5 they see this creation (588). Once married she is greedy and lazy (590-9).12 In Works and
Days, the first woman is identified as Pandora, and her finery is again emphasized: Athena, the Graces, Persuasion and the Horai dress and adorn her with gold and garlands of spring flowers. 13 Such an exterior conceals her evil interior of a dog-like nature and thievish ways. In addition, Hesiod indicates that she exhausts men sexually (65-8). 14 In the Theogony, Hesiod refers to the first woman as kalon kakon, a beautiful evil (585).15 Loraux characterizes her as the 'femme fatale,' a dangerous attraction (1993: 80). Semonides explores such traits further in Fragment 7, which discusses ten different types of women: seven derived from various animals, two from the elements of nature, and one from an insect.I6 Of the total, only one woman represents the positive stereotype of the sophron wife (7.83-93). The remaining females taken as a group represent the negative stereotype of the bad wife. The sow-woman (7.3-4) and earthwoman (7.24-6) are inactive. The donkey-woman (7.44-6) and mare-woman (7.58-62) refuse to work. The sow-woman (7.6), earth-woman (7.24), donkey-woman (7.46-7) and weasel-woman (7.56) have excessive appetites. The donkey-woman offers herself to any sexual partner (7.48-9), while the weasel-woman is sex crazy (7.53-4). The mare-woman takes baths two or three times a day and spends the rest of the time making herself a fine
12
Lloyd-Jones argues the poem stresses woman's extravagance and uselessnes. This is also true of the Works and Days which further stresses her cunning and thievish ways (1975: 19). 13 West points out that Hesiod's model here is "a typical scene in which a goddess such as Aphrodite dresses and adorns herself with help from attendants" to make herself physically attractive to a male (1978: 161). 14 See Loraux 1993: 83. Aphrodite, the goddess ofphysicallove, is the appropriate donor of charis, pathos argaleos and guiokoroi meled6nes. West comments that Hesiod's choice ofpothon (56) refers to the longing felt by a man because ofPandora (1978: 159). 15 A similar sentiment appears in Res. Op. 51-58: 1:otc; ~· £:yro avd m>~ ocixrro x:ax:6v, q, x:ev amxV't£<; I 1:£p1troV'tat. Ktt'ta &uJ.LOV, Mv x:ax:ov aJ.upaya1t&V't'£c;. See West 1966: 329. 16 Scholars generally agree that Semonides was aware ofHesiod's writing and note parallels between the two texts. See Lloyd-Jones 1975:20. Also, Loraux, argues that Semonides challenges the Hesiod text with his own version (1993: 91).
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN sight for others. She perfumes herself, combs her thick hair, and garlands herself with flowers (7.63-8). The bitch-woman wants to hear and know everything, and will never heed anyone trying to keep her quiet (7.13-20). Both Hesiod and Semonides present a negative stereotype of women as gluttonous and lazy, sluttish and lustful, extravagant, and impudent. To them, the bad woman is equivalent to the bad wife.l7
Breaking the Link Character typing of women in oratory shares similarities with the existing tradition concerning women in Greek literature. The treatment of women in oratory, for example, incorporates the tradition of contrasting stereotypes of women, marking women as good or bad, typical ofHomer, Hesiod and Semonides. Yet, dividing women into good and bad takes on a particular flavor in the arena oflegal disputes. Rather than discussing bad women as bad wives, the orators equate bad women with hetairai and attribute many of the negative social traits associated with females in Semonides and the first woman in Hesiod to their portrait of the hetaira.
In Archaic culture, food is a measure of wealth and prosperity, and hard work is the means to obtain it. Laziness does not increase the wealth of the household and gluttony definitely decreases it. Thus, representing women as greedy and unwilling to
!7 Semon. Frag. 6: 'YUV
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CHAPTERS work indicates their strain on the wealth of the household.18 In oratory, it is the hetaira who presents a drain on the oilws, since her male client directs wealth towards her instead of his family and household.19 The Archaic writers also complain that the female nature is too fond of sex and express concern about restricting access to wives. Women who make bad wives, like the donkey-woman and weasel-woman of Semonides, are sexually promiscuous and sexually available, having sex with any chance comer.2o Sexual promiscuity and indiscriminate availability are necessary traits of hetairai.2 1 Along with eating too much and a readiness for sex goes insatiability, which the donkey-woman of Semonides appears to embody.n The donkey-woman's counterpart to insatiability and even lewdness in oratory is Apollodoros's portrait ofNeaira as a hetaira.23
In Hesiod, the adornment of the first woman Pandora, with all the gold jewellery and fuss of the gods, hints at extravagance, while her own enjoyment of these luxurious goods establishes her affinity for it.24 A similar theme of extravagance and excess is echoed in Semonides' mare-woman's obsession with bathing, especially in warm water,
18 Sussman (Linda) states that the primary attribute of the bee-woman is "her ability to increase the value of her husband's property," but that Semonides implies that women are not or need not be economically productive. She also argues that ''Hesiod's complaint is not only that women can survive in idleness, but that they do it by living off a man, who, like the bee, must work from morning till night, day after day ... " (1978: 29-31) 19 See Dover 1973: 63-4; Cox 1998: 188-89. 20 See Lloyd-Jones on the association of lasciviousness with the weasel and donkey (1975: 75-6). On the willingness of these women to take on any partner see 7.49 in the case ofthe donkey-woman and 7.54 in the case of the weasel-woman and the respective commentary in Lloyd-Jones (1975: 76, 78). 21 See Flemming 1999: 38-9. 22 Lloyd-Jones identifies the donkey-woman as "1taJ.L<pa.y~ in both respects" and suggests lewdness associated with the ass on account ofthe large penis ofthe male (1975: 75). 23 See for example [Dem.] 59.33-4. 24 In Hesiod's Theogony, the woman delights in her finery along with the gods: £E;.aya.y', £v9a. 1tEp iii..A.ot. eaa.v 9eoi. it~' avepomot., I lCOOJ.lql aya.J..I..oJ.LEV11V yl..a.ulCrom~~ {lpptJ.L01ta'tpllc;. Note the use of kosmion to describe her adornment and aga//esthai to describe her reaction to it (587).
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SPEAKING OF WOf\ffiN and her use ofperfume.2s Extravagance in the form of :finery and gold jewels is typical of the portraits of hetairai in oratory.26 Finally, the bitch-like mind ofPandora and the bitchwoman of Semonides indicate the shamelessness of women and a tendency towards impudence, for the bitch is symbolic ofboth.27 Impudence develops into the arrogance and hubris important in the portrayals of hetairai.18 Thus, the portrait of the hetaira found in oratory reflects a stereotype of the bad woman in Archaic literature. The inclusion of this negative stereotype in oratory, however, is not simply misogyny or an exposition on what makes a good wife, but rather to influence an audience's opinion and finaljudgement.29 In the case of women associated with the opponent, they are not only designated bad and contrasted with good women, but begin to be assimilated/associated with the prostitute as extravagant, sexually available, arrogant
women. In this way, speakers manipulate the common stereotype of bad women in their representation of women associated with the opponent to score points against their opponent. They argue or hint that women are hetairai to question the status of male opponents or their offspring. Perikles' citizenship law explains the orators' attraction to an opposition between
hetairai and sophrones gunaikes. Enacted in 45110 BC, this law redefined astai and
25
Washing in warm water was thought a luxury and perfumes were expensive. See Lloyd-Jones 1975: 80. Lloyd-Jones also points out that horses themselves are an extravagance. They are expensive and associated with the chariot and horse races at Panhellenic games which only the rich could afford to enter (1975: 78-9). 26 [Dem.] 48.55. Maintaining hetairai is considered part of an extravagant lifestyle. See for example Dem. 36.45. 27 LSJ s.v. 1C6o>v II lists shamelessness or audacity. Lloyd-Jones emphasizes shamelessness (1975: 67). Loraux argues for the bitch as symbolic of impudence (1993: 97). Also see Graver on the dog motif in Homer: "In all the passages we have looked at so far, the behaviour to which the dog metaphor is attached shows a disregard specifically for societal norms of meum et tuum" (1995: 51). 28 [Dem.] 48.55; Isae. 6.48. 29 On the issue of misogyny in Greek literature see Arthur 1973:22-5,46-7. Loraux reads between the lines ofSemonides to find the criteria for good wives (1993: 100).
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CHAPTERS distinguished them from non-Attic women by requiring that both parents of Athenian citizens be astoi.30 Thus, Perikles' citizenship law strengthened separate categories of women. Being gune took on special distinction with specific requirements. Non-Attic women included slaves, freedwomen and xenai, and Athenians did not recognize their children as astoi. To most Athenians, hetaira would imply slave, freedwoman or xene- a woman who was clearly non-Attic - because astai who became prostitutes in classical Athens were rare.3 1 The city provided a dowry for those women whose family was poor in an effort to ensure that all astai were married.32 Being a hetaira meant the male client would not recognize any of her offspring as his responsibility and that the polis would not recognize them as Athenians. The lifestyle of the hetaira was also unique in that she regularly interacted with males, attended sumposia and had a reputation for extravagance. In judicial oratory, the orator aims to distinguish the female associated with the opponent
from astai in order to influence the jurors regarding her respectability and identity as wife or daughter. Using language and characteristics commonly expected of hetairai is an effective way to mark females associated with the opponent as other. Associating women with hetairai has greater impact than portraying them simply as bad wives: hetaira indicates a certain reputation and lifestyle and brings the paternity of any children into question. Thus, hetairai versus astai becomes an exploitable polarization for the orator.
3 0 For the law see Arist. Ath. Pol. 26.4 and Plut. Vit. Per. 31.3. Scholars generally agree Peddles' citizenship law lapsed for a short period in the second half of the fifth century BC, but was otherwise in effect for the fourth century as well. See Patterson (1981: 140-50). On the implications of astai resulting from the law and the distinction between them and other women see Patterson (1981: 161-67, esp. p.162 and n. 31; also 1987: 57, 63). On a possible explanation for the implementation of this law see Boegehold 1994: 57-66. 31 Based on Isaeus 3, it is possible that astai could sometimes become hetairai but this was likely uncommon(Wyse 1904; rpt. 1967: 318-19). Also see Cox 1998: 173-75. 32 See [Dem.] 59.113.
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN By equating women associated with the opponent with hetairai, orators not only malign women associated with opponents, but effectively distinguish them from astai. It should be no surprise that the strategy of associating women with hetairai is most common in prosecutions resulting from disputes over inheritance rights or the issue of status. Most speeches which incorporate women represent private feuds focussing on rights of citizenship and inheritance, since women were important to the family, but not to public life in Classical Athens. Characterizing a woman as a hetaira in an inheritance dispute is an effective way to argue against an opponent's status as Athenian. Of the six speeches discussed in detail, Isaeus 3 and 6 stem from arguments over familial status and the right of inheritance. Isaeus 6 concerns the rightful heir of Euctemon, while Isaeus 3 concerns a woman's status as epikleros. In [Demosthenes] 40 and Demosthenes 39, Mantitheus accuses Boeotus of personal injury, but Boeotus's questionable status is an underlying theme. In both speeches, the speaker relates Plangon's treachery that resulted in Mantias recognizing Boeotus as his son. Finally, the charge against Neaira in [Demosthenes] 59 is for xenia. If Apollodoros wins a conviction, he places the oikos of Stephanos in jeopardy by bringing the status ofStephanos's children as Athenians into question.33 [Demosthenes] 48 shows that orators can equate a woman with a prostitute in other cases and for other purposes. For instance, identifying a woman as a hetaira reduces sympathy for an opponent associated with her and functions as an attack against his character.
33
Patterson 1994:203.
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CHAPTERS
All Roads Lead to Rome The Romans fully develop the techniques and aims of the Greek orators when representing women in forensic texts. Romans too equate bad women with hetairai and contrast good and bad women. An examination of Roman rhetoric contributes to our understanding of the Greek material because of the close connection between Roman and Greek oratory. Hellenistic Greeks first introduced the Romans to persuasive speech in the early second century BC and Greek rhetoric remained the foundation of Roman rhetoric. 34 The teaching of rhetoric remained in the hands of Greeks until later in the first century BC when it began to be taught in Latin.JS Even though Latin teachers gained prominence, they continued to follow the system of rhetoric developed by the Greeks.3 6 In addition, Greek teachers were always popular and many considered them the best. 37
By Cicero's day, elite youths went to Athens for a year to finish their education.3s Cicero' s Pro Caelio is an important text for comparison because of the extended narrative and attack on Clodia A dominant technique in Cicero 's attack is to develop an opposition between good women and bad women. Cicero invokes the character of Appius Claudius Caecus and imagines him questioning Clodia (§§ 33-34)_39 The purpose of this episode is to contrast Clodia's behaviour with the behaviour appropriate for a matrona.40
34
Clarke states "Roman rhetoric was to become little more than an adaptation of Greek rhetoric" (1996: 11). Also see Kennedy 1972:4. On the incorporation of rhetoric into the Roman education system see Marrou 1964:325-41 and Gwynn 1926:34-45. Also see Clarke 1996: 10. Cic. De Or. 1.14. 35 Clarke 1996: 11-15. See Kennedy on Greek rhetoricians in Rome (1972: 337-42). 36 Clarke 1996: 15. 37 Clarke 1996: 21; Cic. Brut. 310. 38 Cicero studied rhetoric in Athens and Asia Minor at the age of25 (Cic. Brut. 310). His son also studied rhetoric in Athens. (Cic. Fam. 16.21). 39 Appius Claudius Caecus (late fourth, early third century BC) was a respected statesman and an ancestor ofClodia. A detailed discussion ofCicero's representation ofClodia is Geffcken 1973:28-43. 40 Skinner argues that Cicero uses Clodia's public visibility (her affluence and autonomy) as a weapon against her (1983: 286). Also see Hillard 1992: 50-1.
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN Appius Claudius asks her what she is doing with a young man, who is a mere stranger
(alienus). He asks why she is so familiar with this youth that she lends him gol
kin, marriage, or her husband, but he has already pointed out that he is alienus. All these questions emphasize Clodia' s intimacy with Caelius, whose social distance and age should have kept her away. Her association with Caelius puts her in opposition to concepts of materfamilias and matrona. Romans would have expected her to behave differently. 41 Cicero also contrasts Clodia with individual women, specifically the women of her family renowned for their virtue. Appius Claudius asks her why, if not moved by the great men ofher family, she did not follow in the footsteps of the many virtuous women (§ 34). He specifically mentions Quinta Claudia who was suspected of immorality, but
proved her innocence when she alone was able to free a statue of the goddess Cybele grounded at the mouth of the Tiber.42 Ever afterwards she was symbolic of a virtuous woman. Next, he refers to Claudia, a vestal virgin, who was famous for protecting her father against a hostile tribune of the plebians.43 In addition, Geffcken points out that Clodia is the recognizable opposite of the famous Claudia of a century earlier, of whom the audience would naturally think in this context (1973: 29-33). Clodia shares her name
41
Cicero is very careful in use of materfamilias and matrona in referring to Clodia. He only uses it to rebuke her for behaviour he considers inappropriate. In addition, as Geffcken points out, we never hear of any children of Clodia (1973: 30), part of the expectations of a matrona, but she definitely had one child, a daughter. For references see Wiseman 1985: 51 n. 127. 42 Livy 29.14; Ov. Fast. 4.305; Cic. Har. Resp. 13.27. 43 Livy Per. 53.
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CHAPTERS with these other women and should exhibit the same qualities of chastity and loyalty as well, but instead Cicero portrays her as their exact opposite. In addition to contrasting women, Cicero fully develops the equating of a bad
woman with the prostitute evident in Greek oratory.44 According to Cicero's account, Clodia walks and talks like a prostitute. Cicero points out that Clodia is nota, implying her notoriety among men(§ 31). He refers to her as the arnica of everyone(§ 32). Arnica here has definite sexual overtones and suggests her status as a sexual companion to various men. 45 More frequently Cicero is less subtle and links Clodia to meretrix,
meretricius mos and meretricia vita. 46 He also leaves very little to the imagination when he alludes to her sexual promiscuity: Cicero constantly reminds the audience of her passion (libido) and mentions her burning eyes; he makes reference to her involvement in adulterous relationships, to wild dinner parties at her house on the Palatine and at Baiae, to various lovers, and to the candor of her speech.4 7 Cicero also alludes to Clodia's extravagance: he mentions her bearing (incessus), her finery (ornatus) and her personal retinue (comitatus). His purpose in emphasizing such details is to cause his audience to associate Clodia with meretrices rather than matronae.48
44 Cicero is not the only one to do this. By the late Republic respectable women considered to be behaving inappropriately are regularly equated with the meretrix. One example is Sallust's Sempronia (24.3-25.5). Hillard argues the image of the prostitute is used as weapon against women who involve themselves in the public world of men. He also identifies the image of the actress and ofthe procuress as serving the same purpose (1992: 46-55). Also see McGinn who points out that under Augustus married women caught in adultery were forced to wear the short toga, which equated them with prostitutes who typically wore this short garment (1998: 142-71). 4 5 Quintilian points out the double entendre of its usage in this speech (Inst. 9.2.99). Adams argues that arnica is a pejorative term by the late Republic and states that Cicero means Clodia is no better than a common whore (1983: 348-50). Also see Hillard 1992: 50. 4 6 Cicero first openly calls Clodia a meretrix at 38. He indirectly alludes to her as one in 1, 37, 49. He indirectly associates her with the life and habits ofameretrixat49, 50, 57. See Geffcken 1973: 34 n.l. For the various meanings and contexts of meretrix in Roman literature see Adams 1983: 324-7. 4 7 §§ 2, 34, 35, 47, 49, 55, 57, 70, 78. 4 8 Also see Geffcken on C1odia's portrait as a prostitute (1973: 31-34, 37). 120
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN
Details of Cicero' s portrayal of Clodia are reminiscent of the portrayal of women associated with the opponent in [Demosthenes] 40,48 and 59, Demosthenes 39, as well as Isaeus 3 and 6.49 Like the bad girls of Greek oratory, Clodia is sexually promiscuous, sexually accessible and extravagant in her appearance and her behaviour.so Like the Greek orators, Cicero implies and suggests; he does not state.51 Cicero' s use of nota (§ 31) recalls Isaeus's phrase Mantitheus's phrase
~who
~whom indeed many of you
know' to describe Alce, and
was the father ofPlangon' to identify Pamphilus, implying
Plangon is better known to the community than her father.s2 In each case the orator indicates the woman's notoriety. Cicero's use of se pervolgaret omnibus(§ 38) suggests the phrase
~common to
whoever wants her' in Isaeus 3.53 Apollodoros also emphasizes
such public access to Neaira with boulesthai: he claims 'all who wish' are able to have relations with Neaira54 Cicero's terms meretricius mos and meretricia vita recall 'like a hetaira' in [Demosthenes] 59. ss Cicero also includes allegations that Clodia accepted money for sexual favors (§ 62). Although a comic episode, the implication of prostitution is obvious. Accepting payment for sex is the mark of a prostitute. Women associated with the opponent in Greek law court speeches are commonly charged with accepting payment. For example, Apollodoros emphasizes that Phano and Neaira received payment
4 9 Main differences include the type of charge, Cicero's use of pros6popoiia (speech in character)
(§ 34}, his suggestion of an incestuous relationship between Clodia and her brother(§§ 32, 34, 36), his use of mythical comparisons(§§ 18, 67), his association of her with mime and stage(§§ 64-9), and his use of irony(§§ 32, 38, 49, 50, 52). On Cicero's use of incest as a topos see Skinner 1982:204-6. On his use of humor see Geffcken 1973. On his association ofClodia with mime and stage see Hillard 1992: 52-3. 50 See eh. 4. 51 See eh. 2 and eh. 3. 52 Isae. 6.19: i\v JCai i>J.L&V otJ.Lat. 1t0A.A.oU<; Ei5£vat.; [Dem.] 4020: Oc; Tjv 1tatitp 'tfic; IIA.ayy6voc;. See discussion in eh. 2 and eh. 3. S3 §§ 11, 16, 77. 54 [Dem.] 59.19, 20, 23, 41. 55 Cael. 49, 50, 57; [Dem.] 5924, 25, 28, 37, 48, 49.
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CHAPTERS for their services. 56 Just as speakers accuse Plangon and the woman associated with Olympiodorus of being expensively dressed and having a large following, Cicero implies that Clodia also goes about ornately dressed with a large retinue(§ 49).57 Furthermore, although Roman wives might attend banquets with their husbands, they did not usually appear alone where non-kin, especially strangers, were in attendance. 58 According to Cicero, Clodia deviates from this norm; she frequently attends banquets and shows no restraint in her enjoyment of such parties.59 Apollodoros's portrait ofNeaira also reflects the leisure time spent at parties, in this case sumposia where wives were never present.60 Finally, Clodia's relation with her slaves implies sexual intimacy(§ 57), and recalls Neaira's episode with some slaves at a sumposion celebrating the victory of Chabrias of Axione. 61 In both texts, the orator mentions slaves to emphasize the sexual depravity of the woman. Thus, Clodia is notorious, sexually promiscuous, sexually accessible, and extravagant, like her Greek counterparts. In addition, Cicero's narrative on Clodia functions in the same way as narratives
on women in Greek oratory. Clodia is not the primary target.62 Cicero claims Clodia is behind the charges brought against Caelius; he claims she is taking revenge because Caelius has given up being her lover. 63 Yet, the underlying motivation for the prosecution was a bitter disagreement between Caelius and the family ofBestia and his son Atratinus. They wished to use the charges of this trial to discredit Caelius in any renewed action
56
For examples, see [Dem.] 59.19, 20, 29, 41, 67, 70. See [Dem.] 40.51 and [Dem.] 48.55. 58 Cicero makes this clear in Cael. 34. 59 Cael. 35, 47, 49. 60 [Dem.] 59.25, 28, 33, 34, 48. 61 [Dem.] 59.33. 62 See Dorey 1958: 175-6; Hillard 1992: 46,49-50. 63 §§ 1, 36, 55. 57
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN against Bestia.64 Furthermore, Clodia is not acquainted with the majority of charges against Caelius. Yet, through his attack and emphasis on Clodia, Cicero is able to overlook and ignore other more serious charges against Caelius, and even the murder of an Egyptian ambassador. 65 Attributing the responsibility of the case to Clodia reduces the credibility of the prosecution, since they appear weak by being under the influence of a woman.66 Portraying Clodia as a prostitute reduces Clodia's own credibility. Cicero's attack destroys Clodia' s strength as a witness with regard to the attempted murder of the Egyptian ambassador and Caelius's attempt to poison Clodia herself: if he can prove she has been functioning as a meretrix, she suffers infamia, which makes her testimony invalid.67 Finally, any attack against her is also an attack against her brother Clodius.6 8 Cicero uses the speech as an opportunity to vilify his long standing personal enemy. Thus, Clodia is secondary to Cicero's real purpose, but because a woman's reputation is vulnerable she is a ready target. The parallels suggest that Cicero was familiar with the representation of women in Greek oratory. The modus operandi of female portraits works the same way in both societies. The parallels also strengthen the arguments I have made for Greek forensic oratory. Scholars are at an advantage when assessing portraits of women in Roman oratory because more evidence remains for the lives of Roman women: Roman women
Dorey 1958: 176-7; Geffcken 1973: 10. Atratinus charges Caelius with vis, political violence, alleging that Caelius beat up Alexandrian envoys at Puteoli, caused riots at Naples and murdered Dio, who headed the Alexandrian envoys. See Wiseman 1985:68. 66 Hillard argues that authors include mention of politically active or motivated women in an attempt to reduce the credibility of politically active powerful men with whom the women are associated. He offers Sempronia, Clodia and Servillia as examples of this (1992: 46-9). 67 Ibid. 51. 64 65
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CHAPTERS are more a part of public life than Greek women, and Roman authors are less reticent about women than Greek authors. Cicero, for example, does not obscure Clodia's identity. Scholars identify Clodia as Clodia Metelli, a member of the prominent consular family, the Claudii, and the widow ofQuintus Metellus, an ex-consu1.69 For this reason, Cicero's portrayal ofClodia as a meretrix is recognizable as a rhetorical strategy. The parallels between the Pro Caelio and the speeches ofDemosthenes, Apollodoros and Isaeus suggest that Greek orators developed such a strategy for talking about women in a public context and that the Roman orators adopted this technique as part of the arsenal of Roman rhetoric. Claims about Clodia' s sexual life, however, are more difficult to dispel, and most accept some truth to it. 70 This acceptance says more about the biases of the modem audience than about Clodia herself. It is easy to accept rumors of a sexual nature about women.71 Sensitivity to the Roman context, however, reveals that sexual promiscuity was a common charge against women. 72 For this reason, Le:fkowitz suggests Cicero' s portrait of Clodia is more literature than history, and Skinner argues that an image of Clodia based only on Cicero's Pro Caelio is out of place in serious scholarship.73 Both scholars recognize that rhetorical techniques and common invective cloud our view of Clodia What gets said about women in oratory is not to be trusted.
68 Cicero and Clodius were personal enemies. Clodius was behind Cicero's exile and also the razing of his house on the Palatine. The attack against Clodia here is timely as the election of her brother to the praetorship was coming up. For a history of the inimical relations between Cicero and Clodius see Wiseman (1985). 69 For a discussion of Clodia and her family background see Wise man 1985: 15-26. 70 Wiseman states '<J: see no reason to doubt the essential accuracy of this portrait ofClodia" (1985: 39). 71 Tanenbaum (1999) discusses the circulation ofrumors concerning a girl's sexuality in modern American high schools and how difficult such rumors are to dispel. She emphasizes how easily people accept rumors of a sexual nature about women (pp. 9-13). 72 On invective against women see Lefkowitz 1981:33-38.
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN Another useful comparison from the Roman context is declamation, a method of teaching rhetoric. 74 Controversiae, the preferred form of declamation, are modeled on legal disputes. 75 Common topics are disinheritance, rape and adultery, capture by pirates, tyrannicide, and loss oflimb.76 Themes and circumstances are somewhat melodramatic and fantastic, and often derive from Greek sources. 77 The laws disputed could be Roman, Greek or fictional. 78 The procedure followed for such speeches is based on court practices of Greece, not Rome. 79 Since the cases argued are fictitious, controversiae are not concerned with real evidence, documents or eye-witness accounts. 80 Instead, they emphasize what Aristotle termed artificial proofs: ethos and pathos. For example, they follow the oratorical technique of including material that showed a client in a positive light and an opponent in a negative light, those items that determine the color of a
declamation. 81 Typically, a controversiae presented a law, followed by the circumstances of a case in question. A speaker spoke in the person of one of the individuals in the case or as an advocate for either side. 82
Ibid. 39; Skinner 1983: 287. Declamation originated among the Greeks in the fourth century BC as a way to train students and keep speakers in practice, but it was under Imperial Rome that it really flourished and became an important form of entertainment. See Clarke 1996: xiii., 85-6; Kennedy 1972: 312-16, 321; Lewis Sussman 1978: 9-12. On changes to oratory under the Empire see Kennedy 1972: 302-4, 428-42 and Lewis Sussman 1978: 2-8, 12-14. 75 Kennedy 1972:90. Lewis Sussman 1978:6. 76 According to Seneca's collection. 77 Clarke 1996: 91-2. 78 Scholars point out that a historical basis for cases and laws used in declamation is difficult to ascertain on account of their remoteness from the fourth century BC and the possibility that they may have evolved from fictive works such as New Comedy (Scafuro 1997: 242). My concerns here are not the laws and details of the events behind the case, but contrasting ways of portraying a woman. The declaimers' techniques are what are important and what are more likely to persist over time. 79 Clarke 1996:92. 80 Lewis Sussman 1978: Ill. 81 Clarke 1996: 93. Lewis Sussman 1978: 41-2. 82 Kennedy 1972: 317-18. Also see Lewis Sussman 1978:45. 73 74
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CHAPTERS Seneca put together a collection of controversiae in his elder years and his son made them public after Seneca' s death, sometime between AD 37 and 41. Although written under Tiberius and Gaius, this work records the speeches of famous declaimers of the early Augustan period. 83 Since Seneca describes arguments on both sides of an issue, his work is a useful source for considering a speaker's artful manipulation of character as a strategy for influencing his audience. Controversiae help us identify the claims a speaker makes when he wants the audience to find favor with a woman and when he wants the audience to dislike or distrust a woman. Since some topics involving women deal with the issues of prostitution and chastity, Seneca's Controversiae also show us how easily a female appearing in a speech crosses the boundary between sexual propriety and sexual impropriety. Having both sides of the argument openly laid out drives home the point that portraits of women appearing in narratives are constructed identities, dependent upon the position, intention and aim of an orator. Three scenarios ofSeneca's Controversiae deal with or imply a woman's status as prostitute. 1.2 involves a girl, kidnapped by pirates. The pirates sell her to a pimp, who forces her to work in a brothel. She manages to convince clients to respect her chastity. One day a soldier tries to force her, but she kills him with his sword. After being acquitted of murder, she seeks service as a priestess. Speakers debate her status as casta and pura, the essential requirements of a priestess. In the next scenario, 2.4, a father acknowledges his grandson born to a prostitute and his disinherited son. Another son disputes his father's choice. Lastly, in 2.7, while a husband is away, a wealthy young man courts his wife. She refuses his advances, but when the young man dies he leaves his estate to her, claiming her chastity as his motivation. When the husband returns he
83 Kennedy 1978: 322.
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN accuses her of adultery. Despite the fantastic element common to these controversiae, a woman's reputation is the underlying issue in each case. These three controversiae focus on the woman under scrutiny, but rather than an attack against a male opponent, as in the Greek judicial texts and Cicero' s text, the speaker's primary target is generally the woman herself. Still, in each case, the speaker associates the woman with prostitution and prostitutes. In 1.2, speakers emphasize the girl's time in a brothel under a pimp and use the
following terms: meretrix, lupanar, leno, blanda,prostituere andprostare (1.2.1-10). They point out her obscenum lectulum (1.2.1 ), that she has summa notitia and audacia (1.2.3-4).84 One speaker stresses that she learned to charm and coax, to move with all her body. 85 Another speaker emphasizes her presence in a brothel with other prostitutes, herself adorned to please the male public with the clothes the pimp had given her. 86 The use ofpopulus in the Latin here indicates the girl's wide accessibility. Other references, such as the phrases in communi loco stetisti superpositas est cellae tuae titulus,
venientum recepisti and pretium constitutum est, emphasize again accessibility and indicate availability to anyone able to pay. 87 They further inquire why she did not kill the pimp, why anyone should believe that the pimp and/or the pirates themselves respected
84 She is also nota (1.2.8). 85 .•• docetur blanditias et in omnem corporis motum contingitur (1.2.5). 86 Stetisti cum meretricibus, stetisti sic ornata ut populo placere posses, ea veste
quam leno dederat (1.2.7). 87 Deducta es in lupanar, accepisti locum, pretium constitutum est, titulus inscriptus est ( 12.1 ); Meretrix vocata es, in communi loco stetisti. superpositus est cellae tuae titulus, venientem recepisti (1.2.5). She is also associated with payment in 1.2.3.
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CHAPTERS her chastity. 88 They suggest that she is not chaste, despite her claims (1.2.1, 2). Finally, they suggest she is the opposite of terms like pura,pudicitia, virginitas, castitas, honesta,
virgo and sacerdotos (1.2.1-4). Although the girl maintains that she is chaste, the speakers identify her as and associate her with a prostitute. Notoriety, audacity, adornment and sexual availability and activity are emphasized in the attack against this girl just as they are in attacks against women associated with the opponent in Greek oratory. Speakers of 2.4 stress the woman's status as prostitute by continually referring to her as meretrix. 89 They argue that the identity of the father of her child is not known, since he is the child of a meretrix (2.4.5, 6). The father is incertus (2.4.5), the son a
publicus puer who calls everyone pater (2.4.6). Common reference to the anonymity of the father of her child emphasizes the mother's sexual promiscuity and status as prostitute. Implied notoriety is also present: 'The father of that boy is not known; it would be better for the boy if his mother were also. '90 Finally, there is also the impression that she has been too bold in claiming the plaintiff's son as the father (2.4.5). Thus, speakers emphasize sexual promiscuity, notoriety and audacity in their attempt to influence the judges. The arguments of2.7 parallell.2 even more closely. The speaker never refers directly to the woman as meretrix, but his descriptions suggest such status by likening her acceptance of the bequest to an exchange between a prostitute and her client. For 88
1.2.1, 4, 6, 8, 12. One speaker milks this to the extreme: Non est credibile temperasse a libidine piratas omni crudelitate efferatos, quibus omne fas nefasque lusus est, simul terras et maria latrocinantes, quibus in aliena impetus per arma est; iam ipsa fronte crudeles et humano sanguine adsuetos, praeferentes ante se vincula et catenas, gravia captis onera, a stupris removere putuisti, quibus inter tot tanto maiora scelera virginem stuprare innocentia est? (12.8). 89 Three times in 2.4.5; three times in 2.4.6.
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN instance, he associates her with inpudicitia (2. 7.1, 4) and refers to her as nimium libera (2.7.2) and inverencunda (2.7.3).91 He calls the young man her amator (2.7.1),
sollicitator (2.7.4, 5) and adulter (2.7.6), and refers to his strong libido (2.7.2, 9). He argues that she goes about town seductively made up and full of wit, revealing her shamelessness through dress,
w~
conversation and appearance (2.7.4).92 He reminds
his audience that the most shameful women say no to sex only to gain a higher price for their services (2.7.5). If she were innocent, he argues, she would have discouraged all seducers by her appearance and actions (2.7.3). She would go about modestly dressed, wearing a veil, with eyes downcast (2.7.3, 4, 6).93 She would blush at overly attentive greetings (2.7.3). She would not be the object of gossip (2.7.9). All this is in keeping with the concept of sophrosune as presented in the Greek orators. Arguments on the other side, in favor of girls and wives, are weak and brief. Speakers arguing the other side in 1.2 stress the girl's virtue. Although we do not have their direct arguments, Seneca summarizes their strategies in the Divisio. They associate her with terms like magna dignatio, castitas, pudicitia, innocentia, folicitas, pudica, and
inviolata (1.2.17-20). They argue that despite adversity she did not succumb to pressure (1.2.19, 20). Whereas most women are forcibly corrupted through slavery, or become depraved in a decadent age, she will remain chaste under any circumstances (1.2.20).
90 Pater istius incertus est; bene cwn ipso ageretur si et mater (2.4.5)
91 ... adulescens formonsus, dives, ignotus in viciniam formonsae et in absentia viri nimiwn liberae mulieris commigraverit... (2. 72). 92 Prodite mihi fronte in omne lenocinium composita, paulo obscuris quam posita veste nudae, exquisito in omnes facetias sermone, tantum non ultro blandientes ut quisquis viderit non metuat accedere: deinde miramini si, cum tot argwnentis inpudicitiam praescripseritis, cultu, incessu, sermone, facie, aliquis repertus est qui incurrenti adulterae se non subduceret (2.7 .6).
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CHAPTERS They explain that only through the help and sanction of the gods could she have overcome in such circumstances.94 The gods preserved her chastity so that she could serve them as priestess (1.2.18, 19). In 2.7, the speaker emphasizes that the wife refused the advances of the young man. He states that the wife is not to blame for her beauty, but that her husband is to blame for leaving her alone. She is not to blame for receiving a bequest, but that it was prudent to accept it (2.7.9). A stronger argument in favor of a woman is made in 2.4. The first speaker, arguing for the father, presents her as a mourning wife, hair tom out, tending to a dying husband (2.4.1 ). The father does not recognize the woman to be a whore and says ''where is the prostitute?''95 Another speaker repeats this same strategy: How indeed I saw nothing of a prostitute's way of life in that house! A woman with a sorrowful expression, affiicted, she herself very like the sick one, with eyes downcast, sat at the bedside. 96 A third again stresses that no prostitute's lifestyle was apparent in the house (2.4.7). A fourth speaker even goes so far as to refer to her as uxor (2.4.4). In these arguments
mulier is preferred over meretrix, which only rarely occurs.97 As Seneca observes, the only objection to the boy is that he is the son of a whore, and so speakers strive to disassociate the child from this by arguing that his mother does not have the character of a prostitute, only the name (2.4. 7). She is not sexually promiscuous and indiscriminately
93 Matronae, quae [tuta] esse adversus sollicitatoris lasciviam volet, prodeat in tantum omata quantum ne immunda sit; habeat comites eius aetatis quae inpudicum, si nihil aliud, in verecundiam annorum movere possit; ferat iacentis in terram oculos; adversus officiosum salutatorem inhumana potius quam inverecunda sit; etiam in necessaria resalutandi vice multo rubore confusa [sit]. Sic se in verecundiam pigneret [ut] longe ante inpudicitiam suam ore quam verbo neget (2.7.3). 94 12.17, 18, 19, 20, 21. 95 Ubi est, inquam, meretrix? (2.4.1). 96 Quam nihil in ilia domo meretriciae vitae vidi! Adsidebat mulier tristi vultu, adfecta, aegro simillima ipsa, demissis in terram oculis (2.4.3). Translation adapted from the Loeb edition.
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SPEAKING OF WOMEN available for sex as the prosecutors argue when they claim that the paternity of the child is uncertain. In these three examples, the speakers draw from two stereotypes, the stereotype of
the bad woman as a meretrix, and the stereotype of the good woman as an uxor or priestess. In the case of the stereotype of the good woman, the requirements of the uxor and the priestess are very similar. The uxor must be chaste and loyal to her husband; the priestess must be chaste for her god. Both must be appropriately dressed and keep their distance from non-kin males. Controversia 6.8, an accusation that a vestal virgin is unchaste for having written a poem on the joys of marriage, bears this out: she lived modestly, strictly; her attire was not overly luxurious, her association with men was not without restraint.98 Aside from the slightly different meaning of terms denoting chastity in each context, the portrait of the wife and priestess are modelled on a single stereotype. Through these examples we see just how polarized a view of women declaimers regularly presented. Rather than developing a portrait of an individual, they present a stereotype chosen based on aim and context. In the case of judicial oratory the speakers are more subtle, but the use and choice of a stereotype is still in evidence.
Conclusion I began this study as a critique of those social historians who accept portraits of women in oratory as historical. I end with the conclusion that forensic oratory represents a particular way of talking about women. Orators contrast common stereotypes of women, just as 97
Speakers use meretrix to refer to the woman when quoting the opposing son (2.4.3), or to claim that she is not like a prostitute at all (2.4.1, 3, 7).
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CHAPTERS Archaic and other Classical writers do. Women associated with the opponent are definitely bad girls. Orators differ from earlier traditions, however, in that they associate/assimilate the stereotype of the bad girl with the stereotype of the hetaira, rather than the bad wife. Through doing so, they make the hetaira the opposite of the sophron
gune, and define the good wife, and thus the good woman, through her opposition to the hetaira. This othemess of the hetaira is the legacy of female portraits in oratory. Reputation becomes the orators' definitive criterion in determining female status. Any deviant behaviour or conduct, proven or alleged, brings that status into question by connecting gunaikes with hetairai. Cicero takes this association further in his portrait of Clodia Seneca, in his Controversiae, reveals that speakers choose a stereotype to fit the context of a speech and the aim of a speech, not the woman under discussion. Loraux writes, "From Hesiod to Semonides and from tragic imprecations to comic jokes, the masculine discourse of the Greeks chooses blame, again and again" (1993: 110). By examining portraits of women associated with opponents in forensic oratory we see that masculine discourse on women intertwines with the discourse on the prostitute, again and again.
9 8 Vixit modeste, castigate; non cultus in ilia luxuriosior, non conversatio cum viris licentiosior;
(6.8).
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Allison M.J. GLAZEBROOK SPECIAL INTERESTS: Greek Social History, Greek Oratory, Gender Studies. EDUCATION AND DEGREES: 1995-2001 Ph. D. Classics. University at Buffalo. Dissertation: The Use and Abuse of Hetairai: Female Characterization in Greek Oratory. 1994-1995 Regular Member. American School of Classical Studies at Athens. 1992-1994 M. A. Classics. Queen's University. Thesis: The Education ofWomen in Antiquity. 1984-1989 B. A. Honors. Classics. First Class Standing. University of Alberta. TEACHING EXPERIENCE: 2001 Winter Sessional. Department of Classics, University ofToronto. • CLA 219H5S Women in Antiquity Part-time Contract Faculty. Division ofHumanities, York University. 1998-2001 • HUMA 1105 Myth and Imagination in Greece and Rome • HUMA 1100 The Worlds of Greece and Rome 1999 Summer Sessional Instructor. Department ofC1assics, Brock University. • Classics 1P97 Myths of the Heroic Age 1995-1998 Teaching Assistant Instructor. Department of Classics, University at Buffalo. • Latin 20 1/Latin 202 • Latin 10 1/Latin 102 Teaching Assistant. Department of Classics, University at Buffalo. 1996 • World Civilization 101 1992-1994 Teaching Assistant. Department of Classics, Queen's University. • Greek 101 • Introduction to Archaeology PAPERS PRESENTED: Jan., 2001 "H6s hetaira ousa: Apollodoros's Portrait ofNeaira in [Dem.] 59" at the 132°d Annual Meeting of the APA, San Diego. "The Use and Abuse of Hetairai: Female Representation and [Dem.] 59" at the May, 2000 CAC conference, Winnipeg. Oct., 1999 Response to Josiah Osgood, "Playing with Ideology: Roman Dolls and Their (Wo)men" at Negotiating Ideologies: Exploring the Cultures of Antiquity, University of Toronto. "A Muse for Women: Female Figures with Book Rolls in Fifth Century Vase May, 1999 Painting Iconography'' at the CAC Conference, Quebec. "Women's Education and Intellectual Activities in the Late Republic: A Portrait May, 1998 of Caerellia" at the CAC Conference, Ottawa. Apr., 1996 "Doctae Puellae: Gender and Roman Education in the Late Republic and Early Empire" at Translatio: A Graduate Student Conference, University at Buffalo. ACADEMIC 1997 1996 1995-1996 1993-1994
SERVICE: eo-Organizer, Opsis: A Graduate Student Conference. University at Buffalo. Co-Organizer,Translatio: A Graduate Student Conference. University at Buffalo. Treasurer, Classics Graduate Student Association. University at Buffalo. Classics Department Representative, Graduate Student Association. Queen's University.
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