The reliefs of the chapel of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Gebelein

The Reliefs of the Chapel of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Gebelein

Culture and History of the Ancient Near East Founding Editor

M. H. E. Weippert Editor-in-Chief

Thomas Schneider Editors

Eckart Frahm, W. Randall Garr, B. Halpern, Theo P. J. van den Hout, Irene J. Winter

VOLUME 39

The Reliefs of the Chapel of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Gebelein (CGT 7003/1–277) By

Elisa Fiore Marochetti Translated by

Kenneth Hurry

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2010

This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in Publication data Fiore Marochetti, Elisa. The reliefs of the chapel of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Gebelein / by Elisa Fiore Marochetti ; translated by Kenneth Hurry. p. cm. — (Culture and history of the ancient Near East ; v. 39) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-17964-6 (hard cover : alk. paper) 1. Gebelein Site (Egypt) 2. Chapels—Egypt—Gebelein Site. 3. Relief (Sculpture), Ancient—Egypt—Gebelein Site. 4. Monuments—Egypt—Gebelein Site. 5. Excavations (Archaeology)—Egypt—Gebelein Site. 6. Hathor (Egyptian deity) 7. Mentuhotep II, King of Egypt. 8. Museo egizio di Torino—Catalogs. I. Title. II. Series. DT73.G42M37 2009 932—dc22 2009046094

ISSN: 1566-2055 ISBN: 978 90 04 17964 6 Copyright 2010 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

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CONTENTS Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I.

vii ix xi

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Site of Gebelein . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Investigations on the Southern Hill . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Site Toponymy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Gods of Gebelein . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical Events at Gebelein during the First Intermediate Period and the Advent of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 1 1 6 8

II.

DATING THE CHAPEL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Style. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Titulary of Mentuhotep . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17 17 20

III.

THE CULT OF HATHOR, LADY OF DENDEREH, AND THE PANTHEON OF MENTUHOTEP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

23

IV.

HYPOTHETICAL RECONSTRUCTION OF ARCHITECTURE AND DECORATION . . . Architecture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Restitution of the Cornice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Restitution of the Layout and Elevation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

27 27 28 30

V.

CATALOGUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 A. Decoration of Architectural Elements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 1. Corner Columns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 2. Frieze Components with Cavetto Cornice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 3. Ceiling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 B. Wall Decoration: Lower Registers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 1. Scene of Smiting the Enemy with Procession of Subjgated Peoples and Personifications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 2. Scene of Smiting the Enemy and Temple Foundation Ceremony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 3. Procession of the Provinces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 4. Personifications or Fecundity Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 C. Wall Decoration: Median and Upper Registers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 D. Wall Decoration: Lower Registers with No Context. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 E. Wall Decoration: Documents without Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121

9

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 VI.

PLATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . COLOR PLATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

I LI

vi

i. introduction

i. introduction

vii

PREFACE

This research was launched in view of the need to reorganize and correlate the items housed in the Egyptian Museum of Turin, coming from sites investigated by Ernesto Schiaparelli. Indeed, the latter’s prolific excavations often lacked definitive publication and his finds are still largely unpublished. Renewed interest in the area of Gebelein during the final decade of last century by the Soprintendenza al Museo delle Antichità Egizie of Turin incentivated new prospects for research. One of these in particular, concerning the temple dedicated to the goddess Hathor in the reign of Mentuhotep II of the XIth dynasty (2064-2013 BC), I presented as the subject of my doctoral research thesis in Egyptology at Rome University “La Sapienza”. Aware that, in essence a catalogue, this presentation is necessarily limited, it is my hope, nevertheless, that it may be useful to future research.

During the related studies and research, I received assistance from museums, academic institutions, foundations, scholars and friends. In particular, I wish to thank †Enrichetta Leospo, director at the Soprintendenza al Museo delle Antichità Egizie in Turin; Dr. Mohamed Saleh, former director of the Cairo Museum, for allowing me to study the blocks both on display and stored in the warehouses; Prof. Nicolas Grimal and Prof. Bernard Mathieu for giving me the chance of joining the IFAO on a scholarship; the Committee of the Michela Schiff Giorgini Foundation for their financial support; John Baines, Laure Pantalacci, Giovanna Pisano, Ludwig Morenz, Matilde Borla, Emanuele Ciampini, Sara Demichelis, Simonetta Fiore Marochetti, François Leclère, Benoit Lurson. Turin, September 2008

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 Figure 8 Figure 9 Figure 10 Figure 11 Figure 12 Figure 13 Figure 14 Figure 15 Figure 16 Figure 17 Figure 18 Figure 19 Figure 20 Figure 20 Figure 21 Figure 22 Figure 23 Figure 24 Figure 25 Figure 26 Figure 27 Figure 28 Figure 29 Figure 30 Figure 31 Figure 32

The Tomb of Sidi Musa. Photo Schiaparelli 1910 ©MiBAC-Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Sketch map of Gebelein: the Two Hills. Remains of unbaked brick masonry and limestone column plinth. Photo: Schiaparelli, 1910 and Giacomo Lovera, 1994, ©MiBAC-Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. The Southern Hill. Topographical Maps. ©MiBAC-Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. The Southern Hill with the Remains of the Fortress. Photo Schiaparelli 1910, ©MiBAC-Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. The Southern Hill viewed from the West. photos: Schiaparelli, 1910, ©MiBAC-Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie, and Fiore Marochetti, 1995. Bark shrines. Single-cell Temples. Tripartite Temples. Gebelein: Moulding and Torus. Front View: section of the façade. Front View: arrangement of the registers of a side wall. Graphic design by Susanna Salines. Diameter of Column CGT 7003/16 (= Suppl. 12082). Reconstruction of corner column CGT 7003/7 + CGT 7003/11-12 + CGT 7003/15. Reconstruction of scene of smiting the enemy with Procession of Subjugated Peoples and Personifications, Cairo J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5 + CGT 7003/64-73 + Gebelein 1/1995. Reconstruction of scene with Procession of the Provinces, Cairo J.E. T.R 1/11/17/7 + CGT 7003/75-81. Reconstruction of scene with Personifications or Fecundity Figures, Cairo J.E. Temporaneo 1/11/17/4 + CGT 7003/85-91. Reconstruction of a star frieze CGT 7003/97-100 + CGT 7003/102-103. Reconstruction of scene with Sematawy and the King CGT 7003/112-117 + CGT 7003/119. a) Reconstruction of scene with the pr wr chapel, CGT 7003/130-134. b) Reconstruction of Upper Register Frieze, CGT 7003/126 + CGT 7003/135-137. Reconstruction of scenes with hieracocephalus gods CGT 7003/141-142 and CGT 7003/138-139. Reconstruction of scene with group of figures CGT 7003/144 + CGT 7003/153. Reconstruction of scene with the god Khnum and a seated figure 7002/150-151 and 7002/154. Reconstruction of scene with gods CGT 7003/155 + CGT 7003/170 + CGT 7003/209. Reconstruction of scene with gods CGT 7003/156-157 + CGT 7003/198 + CGT 7003/208. Reconstruction of scene with the king followed by a female figure with feathered dress upon a ws d nx frieze, CGT 7003/185-194. The chapel of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep from Dendera, Cairo J.E. 46068. From Habachi, MDAIK 19, Plates V-VIII. Block from Deir el Ballas, University of California. From Fischer, An.Or. 40, Pl. 39. Graffito on Konosso island. From Habachi, MDAIK 19, Plate XIV. Reliefs from Elephantine. From Habachi, MDAIK 19, Plates XII-XIII. Block from Deir el Ballas. From Habachi, MDAIK 19, Fig. 9. Lintel from Karnak. From Habachi, MDAIK 19, Plate X.

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LIST OF PLATES Plate I CGT 7003/1 – CGT 7003/6 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate II CGT 7003/7 – CGT 7003/13 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate III CGT 7003/14 - CGT 7003/18 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate IV CGT 7003/19 - CGT 7003/22 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate V CGT 7003/23 - CGT 7003/26 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate VI CGT 7003/27 - CGT 7003/31 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate VII CGT 7003/32 - CGT 7003/35 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate VIII CGT 7003/36 - CGT 7003/39 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate IX CGT 7003/40 - CGT 7003/44b ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate X CGT 7003/45 - CGT 7003/48 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XI CGT 7003/49 - CGT 7003/52 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XII CGT 7003/53 - CGT 7003/58 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XIII CGT 7003/59 - CGT 7003/61 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/6. Found at the Cairo Egyptian Museum, Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti Plate XIV Cairo J.E. T. R. 24/5/28/5. Found at the Cairo Egyptian Museum, Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti CGT 7003/64 - CGT 7003/67 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XV CGT 7003/68 - CGT 7003/74 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XVI Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/7. Found at the Cairo Egyptian Museum, Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti. CGT 7003/75 - CGT 7003/78 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XVII CGT 7003/79 - CGT 7003/84 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XVIII Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/4. Found at the Cairo Egyptian Museum, Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti. CGT 7003/85 - CGT 7003/88 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie.

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Plate XIX CGT 7003/89 - CGT 7003/92 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/5. Found at the Cairo Egyptian Museum, Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti. Plate XX CGT 7003/94, CGT 7003/96 - CGT 7003/98 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/ 8. Found at the Cairo Egyptian Museum, Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti. Plate XXI CGT 7003/99, CGT 7003/101 - CGT 7003/104, CGT 7003/106 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXII CGT 7003/107 - CGT 7003/111, CGT 7003/113©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXIII CGT 7003/115 - CGT 7003/120 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXIV CGT 7003/121 - CGT 7003/126 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXV CGT 7003/127 - CGT 7003/132 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXVI CGT 7003/133 - CGT 7003/138 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXVII CGT 7003/139 - CGT 7003/144 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXVIII CGT 7003/145 - CGT 7003/147 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Cairo J.E. T.R. 31/10/17/9 CGT 7003/148 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXIX CGT 7003/149 - CGT 7003/155 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXX CGT 7003/157 - CGT 7003/162 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXXI CGT 7003/163 - CGT 7003/166 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. CGT 7003/169 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. CGT 7003/171 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXXII CGT 7003/172 - CGT 7003/175 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/3. Found at the Cairo Egyptian Museum, Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti. CGT 7003/176 - CGT 7003/177 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXXIII CGT 7003/178 - CGT 7003/180 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. CGT 7003/182 - CGT 7003/184 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXXIV CGT 7003/185 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXXV CGT 7003/186 - CGT 7003/191 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie.

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Plate XXXVI CGT 7003/192 - CGT 7003/197 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXXVII CGT 7003/198 - CGT 7003/203 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXXVIII CGT 7003/204 - CGT 7003/209 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XXXIX CGT 7003/210 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/9. Found at the Cairo Egyptian Museum, Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti. CGT 7003/211 - CGT 7003/212 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XL CGT 7003/213 - CGT 7003/218 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XLI CGT 7003/219 - CGT 7003/224 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XLII CGT 7003/225 - CGT 7003/227 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. CGT 7003/229 - CGT 7003/231 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XLIII CGT 7003/233 - CGT 7003/238 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XLIV CGT 7003/239 - CGT 7003/244 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XLV CGT 7003/245 - CGT 7003/250 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XLVI CGT 7003/251 - CGT 7003/256 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XLVII CGT 7003/257 - CGT 7003/262 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XLVIII CGT 7003/263 - CGT 7003/269 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Plate XLIX CGT 7003/270 - CGT 7003/273 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Gebelein 1/1992. Photo Giacomo Lovera. Plate L CGT 7003/275 - CGT 7003/277 ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Color Plate LI CGT 7003/8, CGT 7003/22, CGT 7003/54. Photos Giacomo Lovera ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Color Plate LII CGT 7003/62 - CGT 7003/63. Photos Giacomo Lovera ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Color Plate LIII CGT 7003/72, CGT 7003/93. Photos Giacomo Lovera ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Gebelein 1/1995 Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti. Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/10. Found at the Cairo Egyptian Museum, Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti.

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Color Plate LIV CGT 7003/95, CGT 7003/100, CGT 7003/105, CGT 7003/112. Photos Giacomo Lovera ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Color Plate LV CGT 7003/114, CGT 7003/167, CGT 7003/170. Photos Giacomo Lovera ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Color Plate LVI CGT 7003/156, CGT 7003/181, CGT 7003/228. Photos Giacomo Lovera ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Color Plate LVII CGT 7003/232, CGT 7003/266, CGT 7003/274. Photos Giacomo Lovera ©MiBAC Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte e del Museo Antichità Egizie. Gebelein 2/1995. Photo Elisa Fiore Marochetti.

i. introduction

1

I. INTRODUCTION

The aim of this study is to present a set of fragmentary limestone reliefs from the site of Gebelein in Upper Egypt, belonging to a temple built during the reign of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep (XIth dynasty, 2064-2013 BC).1 Ten blocks, seven of which unpublished, were removed to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, following the surveys of Eugène Grébaut at the end of the nineteenth century. The said blocks had been re-used in the building of Ptolemaic houses, located at the foot of the southern Gebel. More than two hundred fragments of various dimensions, belonging to the same monument and collected by Ernesto Schiaparelli in 1910 in the neighbourhood of the fortress of Menkheperre, on the summit of the same hill, are kept at the Museo Egizio at Turin.

The Site of Gebelein On the left bank of the Nile, about 28 km south of Thebes, the vast desert plain uplifts to form two low hills. On the spurs of these eminences, whose slopes run parallel to the river, spreads the site of Gebelein.2 The current Arabic name of the location is Gebelein, “the two mountains”, making accurate reference to the landscape. Indeed, the site features two hills: the first, located at the southern end and parallel to the river eastwards, is separated from the Nile by a narrow strip of land covered with crops and on its summit stands an ancient building dedicated to an Islamic saint, Sidi Musa (Figures 1 and 4). It is less than sixty meters high and about 1.5 kilometers long. The other, further inland, thrusts rather more to the north, parallel to and separated from the other hill

1

An early account of this research can be found in Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Gebelein”, TMO 40, 2005, pp. 145-163. 2 Otto, Topographie des thebanische Gaues, 1952, pp. 92-105. 3 Curto, “Gebelein: prospettive di ricerca”, Mélanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar, I, 1985, pp. 167-8.

by a plain nearly half a kilometer wide, crossed by a railway line and a canal. This raised massif, furrowed by numerous depressions and distancing several kilometers from the Libyan plateau to the west, is more indented and rougher than the other and has formed several small valleys. This area is now the home of the villages of northern el-Gherira and southern el-Gherira (Figure 2), beyond which several kilometers of desert stretch as far as the Libyan plateau.3 The surrounding region is intensely farmed. The present-day villages of Mahamid el Qibli and Rizeiqât, lying just a few kilometers to the north of Gebelein, in ancient times housed subsidiary centres of the settlement (¤wmnw, a location sacred to the god Sobek, and perhaps Jw-mjtrw). Ten kilometers south of Gebelein lies the small village of Asfūn al-Mataina (derived perhaps from wt snfrw, later sfnt, the Greek Asphynis). A little further south of Gebelein, on the opposite bank of the Nile, on a hill to the north of the small village of Moalla, are found several rock tombs, the best known of which—owing to the historical importance of its inscriptions—belonging to the nomarch Ankhtifi.4 Further south on the east bank, at Dibabija, we find two quarries of excellent quality limestone, very white, like that utilized at Deir el-Bahari, and clayey at the base, also exploited by neighbouring Gebelein.5 During the New Kingdom, Hathor, Lady of Gebelein, is mentioned in this area.6

Investigations on the Southern Hill Research activities on the southern hill were officially begun, on behalf of the Service des Antiquités, in 1891-92, by Eugène Grébaut, assisted by

4

PM V, p. 170; Vandier, Mo’alla. La tombe d’Ankhtifi et la tombe de Sébekhotep. 1950. 5 Daressy, “Remarques et notes”, RdT 10 (1888), pp. 133-8; Habachi, “El-Dibbabija”, LÄ I, 1975, col. 1079; Barre, Choix et rôle de la pierre dans la construction des temples égyptiens, 1993, p. 17, 21. 6 Inscription of wj, KRI I, p. 79.

2

i. introduction

Figure 1. The Tomb of Sidi Musa (photo: Schiaparelli, 1910)

Figure 2. The Two Hills

i. introduction Georges Daressy. A brief account of their activities was reported by Willoughby Fraser in 1893.7 Of the 1891 excavation, we know only that it was carried out beside the tomb of Sidi Musa, and led to the discovery of the ruins of a Ptolemaic temple, built on top of a much more ancient construction, dating back at least to the XIth dynasty. The blocks belonging to this structure were found to have been re-used in the foundations of a Greek house, as also reported by Maspero,8 but were certainly left in situ until the following year, when Fraser saw them and noted some of their inscriptions.9 In 1892, Jacques De Morgan took over as Director General of the Service des Antiquités and, in 1893, sent the Inspector of Antiquities for Upper Egypt, Georges Foucart, on a mission to Gebelein, foreseeing the potential value of this town, still almost entirely unexplored, thanks also to the documents already at the Museum at Giza. Foucart, however, did not discover much, except for a few fragments from the XIth dynasty, of which he provides no description, and a granite block bearing the cartouche of Khian.10 In all probability, he explored the areas already visited by Grébaut: in actual fact, he stopped in the neighbourhood of the southern hill, as can be deduced from the type and dating of the items found.11 In that same year, members of an archaeological expedition of the Egypt Exploration Fund led by Percy Newberry, with the aim of copying the inscriptions and paintings of the monuments at Beni Hasan and el-Bersha, extended their work to include Gebelein, where they transcribed and recorded numerous inscriptions. Fraser, again, narrates the details of this brief reconnaissance,12 which took place in the winter of 1893 on the summit of the southern hill and on the plain extending north-west from it, where the town once stood. At the former site, they identified the remains of the Ptolemaic chapel erected by Ptolemy VIII Evergetes II: inside, they found parts of a large black basalt statue, fragments of 7

“El-Kab and Gebelein.” PSBA 15 (1893), pp. 496-500. Guide to the Cairo Museum, 1910, n. 322. 9 The date of discovery is confirmed by the Journal d’Entrée of the Egyptian Museum in Cairo: “Fragments XI dyn. Relief. Colour. All there from Gebelein, dug by Grébaut and Daressy ca. 1892”. 10 PM V, p. 163. 11 De Morgan, Compte rendu des Travaux Archéologiques, 1894, p. 30. 12 Fraser, “El-Kab and Gebelein”, PSBA 15 (1893), p. 497, Fig. XV; Daressy, “Notes et Remarques”, RdT 14 (1893), p. 42, N. 87. 8

3

which remained at the time, and, lying around, inscribed limestone blocks of various periods. The temple was surrounded by houses belonging to the Ptolemaic period, in whose walls and foundations were found “several” more ancient limestone blocks. They included parts of the ancient temple, built by King Nebehepetre Mentuhotep of the XIth dynasty, amongst which ceiling fragments with engraved stars (probably including Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/6), a fragment of an external corner cavetto cornice (lost, unless it is fragment Suppl. 12123, later given to the Turin Museum following Schiaparelli’s excavations in 1910, here CGT 7003/62), fragments of scenes, including the famous one in which Mentuhotep smites the enemy, followed by representatives of the peoples of the south, east, and west, traditionally surrounding Egypt (Cairo J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5), as well as other fragments, one with the name nrj t (probably Cairo J.E. T.R. 1.11.17.10).13 Ernesto Schiaparelli launched the activities of the Italian Archaeological Mission (Missione Archeologica Italiana—M.A.I.) with a series of expeditions led by him in the years 1910, 1911, 1914 and 192014 and continued, in 1930, 1935 and 1937, by Giulio Farina.15 Schiaparelli’s research focused on three sites: 1) the southern hill with the Hathor temple of the Ptolemaic period, built onto by structures in unbaked brick, now no longer standing (Figure 3); 2) the plain at the foot of the said hill, where the site of the ancient town once stood (the Greek Pathyris, now south el-Gherira, Figure 6),16 with its vast adjacent necropolis; 3) the northernmost edge of the second hill to the north, just to the south of the village of north el-Gherira; the settlement and the necropolis of pre-dynastic origin; the Old Kingdom necropolis on the north-eastern side of the hill;17 the necropolis belonging to the First Intermediate Period, with the discovery of saff-tombs, like that of Iti. The prehistoric necropolis provided a great deal of material, amongst which the only painted linen with themes 13

Daressy, “Notes et Remarques”, RdT 14 (1893), p. 26. Schiaparelli, “La missione italiana a Gebelein”, ASAE 21 (1921), pp. 126-8. 15 Farina, “Notizie sugli scavi di Gebelein”, Aegyptus 10 (1929), and “Gli scavi della Missione Egittologica Italiana in Egitto: 1934-1937”, Oriente Moderno XVII (Luglio 1937), p. 357. 16 Bergamini, “La “riscoperta” di Pathyris. Risultati e prospettive di ricerca”, 2003. 17 Curto, Mélanges I (1985), pp. 169-70. 14

4

i. introduction

Figure 3. Remains of unbaked brick masonry and limestone column plinth (Photo: Schiaparelli 1910 and Lovera 1994)

Figure 4. The Southern Hill

i. introduction

Figure 5. The Southern Hill with the Remains of the Fortress (photo: Schiaparelli, 1910)

Figure 6. The Southern Hill viewed from the West (photo: Schiaparelli, 1910 and Fiore Marochetti, 1995)

5

6

i. introduction

matching vase depictions, bearing witness to an extremely ancient historical and economic development and showing the existence of political authority at nearby Hieracompolis, to the south. The works of the 1910 campaign were carried out on the area of the first hill, where the presence of the Ptolemaic chapel had already been ascertained, built on the site of a First Dynasty chapel, of which two sculpted blocks were brought to light.18 The two fragments of a votive relief of the Thinite period discovered close to the Ptolemaic temple belong to the dawn of history. It stood beside the small temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, of which about two hundred and seventy fragments of wall reliefs, scattered over the hill, are now at the Egyptian Museum in Turin. The temple was again rebuilt by Thutmosis III, whose praenomen is engraved on the votive objects found in the foundation depository of the extant structures.19 These excavations confirmed the religious importance of the local Hathor cult in history, certainly starting from the Middle Kingdom up to the Graeco-Roman period, as vouched for by the numerous—mainly epigraphic—sources of the Middle and New Kingdom, fragments of votive stelae dedicated to the goddess Hathor, now at Turin,20 and of ostraca and papyri from the Graeco-Roman period. Around the outcrop on which the temple rose, the remains of the massive unbaked masonry walls of a fortress, still visible in the photographs taken by the Schiaparelli mission (Figure 5) but now vanished or crumbled and mixed with limestone fragments from the temple of Mentuhotep (Figure 6), provided numerous bricks with the cartouche of the high priest of Amun, Menkheperre, of the XXIst dynasty.21

18 Torino Suppl. 12341 and Cairo J.E. T.R. 20/1/21/7. Smith, History of Egyptian Sculpture and Paintings, 1946, p. 137-8, Pl. 30; Curto, “Nota su un rilievo proveniente da Gebelein”, Aegyptus 33 (1953), pp. 105-24; L. Morenz, “Zur Dekoration der frühzeitlichen Tempel”, in Ägyptische Tempel-Struktur, 1994, pp. 217-38, Figs. 1-2. 19 Leospo, “Gebelein e Asiut tra Primo Periodo Intermedio e Medio Regno”, in La civiltà degli Egizi, II, 1988, p. 87, Figs. 98-102. 20 Like the stelae of Tuthmosis III and Sety I, Leospo, “Gebelein e Asiut”, 1988, p. 91, Figs. 112-21. 21 Leospo, “Gebelein e Asiut”, 1988, p. 87, 91, Fig. 122. 22 Gardiner AEO II, pp. 330-31; Kuentz “Quelques monuments du culte de Sobek”, BIFAO 28 (1929), pp. 123-35; Sauneron, “Quelques monuments de Soumenou au Musée de Brooklyn”, Kêmi 18 (1968), p. 58; Bakhry, “The discovery of a temple of Sobek in Upper Egypt”, MDAIK 27 (1971), pp. 131-46; Herbin, “Hymnes à Sobek-Re”, AÉPHÉ 86 (1977-

Site Toponymy The three names Jnrty, Jrw, Pr-wt-r refer strictly to the locality of Gebelein. Jwnwt is difficult to classify. Jw-mjtrw is often mistaken for the location of the town itself, while the toponyms ¦A- and ¤wmnw22 refer to the necropolis, a site sacred to the local god Anubis, and the place of cult of the god Sobek, to the north of Gebelein. Jnrty23 may refer to the site’s geography, with its characteristic two hills. The first mention of the toponym referring to the god Anubis is found in the Gebelein papyri, dating back to the IVth dynasty.24 The writing includes two superimposed ovoid hieroglyphs , also found during the XIIth and XIIIth dynasties.25 According to PosenerKriéger, it should be read as Jnrty, the Middle Kingdom reading for the Old Kingdom spelling, Jnty, since in the Gebelein papyri the round signs must represent two stones. Jntyw is also found in a passage of the Pyramid Texts26 in which the name of the place relating to the god Thoth is read. A similarly interesting mention is provided by the Book of the Dead,27 qualifying the same deity as sA jnr prj m Jnrty. From the XIIth dynasty onward, the spelling Jnrty is also found, expressed by the use of uniliterals or a triliteral with phonetic complements. The specimens dating to the first part of the New Kingdom do not show substantial variants, but the XIXth dynasty marks an innovation over previous spellings: the sign n present after the first radical is often followed by the biliteral jn (e.g. in the Turin stela, Suppl. 12399). Furthermore, on occasions the grapheme r is omitted from the body of the word.28

1978), p. 466; Baldacci, Toponomastica di Gebelein, 1975/6; Gomaà, Besiedlung I, 1986, pp. 81-82, pp. 117-122. 23 jnr, stone Wb I, 93-7; Wb II, 257; Gomaà, Besiedlung I, 1986, pp. 74-77. 24 The name of the village is Jnrty Jnpw, Posener-Kriéger, “Les papyrus de Gebelein”, RdE 27 (1973), p. 218, idem, I papiri di Gebelein, 2004, p.14. 25 Karola Zibelius, Ägyptische Siedlungen nach Texten des Alten Reiches, 1978, pp. 44-5. Examples in Gomaà, Die Besiedlung I, 1986, pp. 74-77, who makes the two valleys derive from the dual jnty. 26 Pyr. §1271c; Kees, “Zu den ägyptischen Mondsagen”, ZÄS 60 (1925), p. 14; 27 Allen, The Book of the Dead, 1974, p. 109, §134. 28 In the Hellenistic-Roman period, the form R-jntt probably documents a confusion with the name of the town of El-Kab, R-jnt, literally “mouth of the valley” (Gardiner AEO II: 8, n° 321 A).

i. introduction In the demotic papyri of the Ptolemaic period coming from Gebelein,29 Hathor is ‘lady of ntr. wj’. The name of the goddess and her place attribute were also rendered in Greek as ‘Αθερ-νεβενται(γ)εος’. 30 Jrw is the name of a funerary estate, dating back to the IVth-Vth dynasty and already mentioned in the Gebelein papyri, together with Jnrty,31 on the mastaba of Seshem-nefer at Giza (in the list of funerary foundations) and on the mastaba of Ka-nefer to the west of the pyramid of Cheops (where it is cited as jw-rw, ‘rush island’),32 later known for the cult of Sobek-Re; it is again mentioned on religious papyri of the Roman period, with the fluvial determinative.33 Jnrtj and Jrw appear to be two agricultural estates, most probably dependent on a funerary domain of King Snefru. Indeed, the Old Kingdom papyri from Gebelein mention a wt nr nt snfrw, which can probably be identified with the neighboring village to the south, Asfūn or else fAt (Mo‘alla).34 Pr-wt-r, the house of Hathor, refers to the temple erected on the southern hill at Gebelein.35 The most ancient evidence of the name is found in the Reisner II papyrus, dating back to the reign of Senwosret I at the start of the XIIth dynasty.36 Its subsequent evolution into Pathyris can be found in numerous Greek and demotic papyri37. Since Hathor corresponds to the Greek Aphrodite, the town can probably be identified with the Aphroditopolis mentioned by Strabo.38 At the foot of the southern hill, an engraved stela from the 12th year of Trajan, discovered among the ruins of the ancient town and dedicated to the goddess Isis of Pathyris,39 together with information

29

Griffith, Catalogue, 1909, p. 130. Spiegelberg “،wn.t ( ) = Pathyris (Gebelên)”, ZÄS 63 (1928), p. 153. -ενται, according to Spiegelberg, derives from Jnrti. Sethe and Gardiner, “Zur Vokalisation des Dualis”, ZÄS 47 (1910), p. 45. 31 Posener-Kriéger “Les papyrus de Gebelein”, RdE 27 (1973), p. 218. 32 Jacquet-Gordon, Les noms des domaines funéraires, 1962, p. 50, 239-42. 33 Bucher, “Les hymnes à Sobek-Ra, seigneur de Smenou.” Kêmi I (1928), Part II, pp. 41-52. 34 Posener-Kriéger, I papiri di Gebelein, 2004, p. Geb. I rto, Plate 3; Gomaà, Besiedlung I, 1986, pp. 71-72. 35 AEO II, pp. 17-8. 36 Simpson, Accounts of the Dockyard Workshop, 1965, p. 44, Fr. 5 Vs. 14. 37 Griffith, Catalogue, 1909, p. 130. 38 Geographia, XVII, I, 47; Gomaà, Besiedlung I, 1986, pp. 73-74. 30

7

gathered from late papyri, ensures identification with the toponym Pr-wt-r. We may therefore conclude that this latter denomination, referring to the temple, becomes, as is usual, the town’s religious name. On the other hand, the accepted meaning Jnrty, often found in connexion with the deity of this place, refers generically to the site’s geographic location. Jwnwt seems to refer to the temple area in a stricter sense and appears in the inscription only on the Nebhepetre Mentuhotep fragments in the royal epithet qA Jwnwt (Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/8 and CGT 7003/130 = Suppl. 12195). The toponym is attested in the inscripon a wooden statuette, probtion Jwnt ably from the Middle Kingdom, in the Nahman collection, which indicates the Jwnt of the south and of the north (Esna and Gebelein, or else Esna and Armant?), and in the XVIIIth dynasty tomb of Paheri at el-Kab, in which the reading could refer to Armant (Jwnyt), counterbalancing Gebelein (Jwnwt, albeit Gebelein is certainly mentioned as Pr-wt-r).40 Jw-mjtrw is a locality in the neighbourhood of Gebelein. Daressy placed it on the first hill.41 It was later deemed to be an island, reading the toponym as Jw-m-jtrw “island in the river”.42 More probably, the toponym refers to a funerary domain,43 comprising the noun jw, island,44 and the administrative title mjtr, attested to particularly in the Old Kingdom.45 Indeed, the fluvial determinative appears only during the Hyksos period.46 A VIth dynasty letter in Turin confirms the estate’s antiquity.47 From the demotic papyri found at Gebelein, we even know that it was later pronounced Amur48 and Jw-mjtrw is identified

39

Helck, “Pathyris”, LÄ IV 1982, col. 915. Spiegelberg, ZÄS 63 (1928), p. 153; Gauthier, “Une statuette antérieure à la XIe dynastie”, ASAE 26 (1926), p. 273; Otto, Topographie, p. 99; Gomaà, Besiedlung I, 1986, pp. 79-80; Urk. IV, 115-11 and 125-12. Postel, too, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 143, rightly questions the statuette’s dating. 41 “Remarques et notes”. RdT 10 (1888), pp. 139-40. 42 Goedicke, “Die Laufbahn des Mn”, MDAIK 21 (1966), p. 42, Note 4. 43 Jacquet-Gordon, Domaines, 1962, p. 119. 44 Guglielmi, “Insel”, LÄ III, coll. 164-5, meaning a hilly outcrop. A further meaning is a building complex. 45 Wb II, p. 45. 46 Devaud, L’âge des papyrus, 1924, Plate 2. 47 CGT 54002, Roccati, “Una lettera inedita dell’Antico Regno”, JEA 54 (1968), p. 17, Plate C. n° 1; id. La Littérature Historique sous l’Ancien Empire Égyptien. 1982, pp. 289-90. 48 Griffith, Catalogue, 1909, p. 130, 144. 40

i. introduction

8

with the Greek ‘Κροκοδέιλων πόλις.’ Kuentz49 maintained that Crocodilopolis was the twin city of Pathyris. It was probably located on the southern border of the 4th Nome.50 Jw-mjtrw would therefore have been located in the area of Rizeiqât (Naga Awlad Dahmash, 1 km northward from alMahamid el Qibli, close to ¤wmnw) and geographically distinct from Pr-wt-r since the demotic documents indicate that the two administrative jurisdictions were separate, one at Gebelein and the other between Gebelein and Armant.51 The topographic lists of the late Middle Kingdom, like the Onomasticon of the Ramesseum52 and the fragment of the Michaelides ostracon,53 indicate from south to north the toponyms Pr-wt-r, followed by ¤wmnw,54 and then by Jw-mjtrw, as all depending on Armant.

The Gods of Gebelein Anubis, lord of Jnrty, Anubis, lord of ¦A- and Thoth are the deities closely linked with the Gebelein site from the earliest times. There is no archaeological or documentary evidence concerning the existence of a local cult of Hathor prior to the First Intermediate Period.55 Indeed, it is uncertain whether the temple erected during the protodynastic period was actually dedicated to Hathor. Ludwig Morenz sees a relationship between the cult of the Great Mother,

49

“Quelques monuments du culte de Sobek”, BIFAO 28 (1929), p. 113. 50 Habachi, “Building Activities of Sesostris I”, MDAIK 31 (1975), p. 34, Note 30; Gomaà, Besiedlung I, 1986, pp. 122-127. 51 Kuentz, BIFAO 28 (1929), p. 113, 153; Griffith, Catalogue, 1909, p. 130. 52 Gardiner AEO I, p. 6. 53 Grdseloff, “Une nouvelle version de la liste des villes de l’Onomasticon du Ramesséum”, ASAE 51 (1951); Goedicke e Wente, Ostraka Michaelides, 1962, Pl. 32 n° 61. 54 Onomasticon Golénischeff, of the Ramessid period, Gardiner AEO I, p. 77. Brovarski, “Two Monuments of the First Intermediate Period”, 1977, p. 34, erroneously considered that ¤wmnw was Gebelein. 55 The Paten statuette attributed to the Old Kingdom (Lutz, Egyptian Statues, 1930, pp. 13-4, Pl. 20-21; Allam, Beiträge zum Hathorkult, 1963) is undoubtedly later than that period, owing both to the onomastics and the style of the figure. The flattened oval shape of the head, the summariness of the features and the receding chin are closer to specimens dated to the end of the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period (e.g. Louvre E 3932 or E 18796 bis, in Delange, Catalogue des statues, 1987, p. 118, 182). Furthermore, the inscribed back pillar is rare prior to the XIIth dynasty.

to which belong the small statues found in the protodynastic cemetery, and a primitive cult of Hathor in leonine form, like Hathor-Bastet.56 This assumption, based on the existence of two small protodynastic lion statues coming from Gebelein,57 is not compelling. Indeed, the portrayal on the Thinite period fragment at Turin (Suppl. 12341) makes no explicit mention of the goddess, and may allude to temple foundation ceremonies and a royal festival, like the Sed festival.58 Furthermore, in the Old Kingdom, the name of Hathor is absent from local onomastics,59 in which compound theophoric names appear with Anubis, Sobek, Seshat. The name of the goddess Hathor is found only on a Vth dynasty wooden seal, together with the name of Mn-kAw-r,60 even though the mention of the deity, in the formula dwAt wt-r nfrt r-nb,61 could merely be the result of repeating the inscription formulae on the seals. Indirect evidence of the goddess’s cult cannot even be drawn from the presence, in the onomastics found in the Gebelein papyri, of anthroponyms coined with the name bAt, such as, for example, nx-bAt, since the goddess was only assimilated to Hathor in the XIth dynasty.62 Beside the documents mentioned above, the votive stelae and libation basins, on which, starting from the XIIth dynasty, Hathor is Lady of Jnrty, there remain only unpublished fragments of the little temple of Sobekemsaf, a king of the XIIIth dynasty, of Khyan, of the temple of Thutmosis

56

“Zur Dekoration der frühzeitlichen Tempel”, 1994, pp. 220-2. The leonine figures probably acted as guardian protectors, Vizzani, “I guardiani del tempio”, Aegyptus 85 (2005), p. 199. 57 Cooney, “Egyptian Art in the Collection of Albert Gallatin”, JNES 12 (1953), pp. 2-3 and UC 15193. 58 Morenz, “Zur Dekoration”, 1994, p. 225. 59 Posener-Krieger, “Le papyrus de Gebelein”, RdE 27 (1973), p. 220. It is interesting to note that at Dendereh, in the Old Kingdom, there is no evidence of names composed with epithets of Hathor. 60 Cairo JE 66829 = CG 10722, discovered by Schiaparelli, during the February and March campaign in 1920, in a female burial. G. Brunton, “Objects from Fifth Dynasty Burials at Gebelein”, ASAE 40 (1940), pp. 522, 525-6, Pl. LI (17). Burial n° 2. 61 P. Kaplony, Die Rollsiegel des Alten Reichs. Monumenta Aegyptiaca 3A. Rollsiegel IIA. Fondation Égyptologiques Reine Élisabeth. Bruxelles 1981, pp. 300-1. 62 cf. Posener-Krieger, I papiri di Gebelein, 2004, P. Geb. I vso A, 8; II rto, 4; IV rto, 35 and P. Geb. To. V rto 16; V vso, 18; Fischer, “The Cult and the Nome of the Goddess Bat”, JARCE 1 (1962), pp. 7-24.

i. introduction III, and of Ptolemy VIII Evergetes II. In the Ptolemaic period, the triad worshipped at Pathyris comprised the goddess Hathor, Sukhos (Sobek) of %wmnw and Horsematawy. This last name is found in many given names and the god possessed lands in the domain of Hathor on the Pathyris plain. The priests of Hathor were at the same time priests of the deified king, thus demonstrating a close link between the Hathor cult and the official cult of the king.63 The ancient topographic lists provide us with indications about the gods worshipped in these places. By way of example, on the list of gods invoked by Sinuhe,64 before Hathor is also mentioned the god Sobek of %wmnw. In the cultual topographic lists of the temple of Ramses VI at Medinet Habu,65 when we come to Gebelein, we find Hathor Lady of Jnrty, Anubis Lord of ¦A-, Sobek Lord of ¤wmnw, Sobek Lord of Jw-(mjtrw), Anubis xntj s-nr, Khonsu rj-jb Jw-(mjtrw).66 The lists of the temple of Khonsu at Karnak67 and at the temple of Hatshepsut68 at Medinet Habu indicate the places pertinent to Sobek and Hathor in the same way.

9

References in documents of the First Intermediate Period coming from Gebelein and the surrounding areas belong to a period troubled by famine69 and civil war, resulting in victory for the Thebans.

Dating the texts with any precision is difficult, but they outline a scenario marked by insecurity and political instability, when the authority and responsibility of the sovereign were replaced by the private initiative of leading provincial officials and local potentates.70 From the end of the Old Kingdom up to unification, Gebelein was nominally administered by the 4th Theban nome,71 but lay within the sphere of influence of the 3rd nome of Hieraconpolis. This nome, albeit proclaiming loyalty to the Herakleopolitan king, was actually almost independent, its power extending as far as Elephantine and beyond, controlling the nome of Edfu, as we read in the most complete source on the subject: the inscriptions on the tomb ‘of the great chief of the nome of Edfu and Hieraconpolis, commander of the army of Hieraconpolis, lord of the foreign lands, Ankhtifi at Mo‘alla’,72 loyal to the Herakleopolitan dynasty and perhaps a contemporary of King Neferkare, predecessor of Wahkare Khety II or, according to others, of Inyotef II.73 They clearly show that the more northerly provinces had violently opposed the ambitions of the Theban dynasty, an ally of the nome of Coptos: Ankhtifi himself declares that he has managed to restore order both to the east and west of Thebes. We can consequently define with less approximation the policy of alliances followed by the neighbouring towns. Armant and Mo‘alla are explicitly said to be on the side of Ankhtifi, although there is no mention of Gebelein, too near to the locality not to be in close relations with them. An allusion to the Gebelein area may

63 Pestman, Les archives privées de Pathyris, 1965, p. 51, 53. 64 Barns, The Ashmolean Ostracon of Sinuhe, 1952, Vo. 23; Yoyotte, “A propos du panthéon de Sinouhé (B 205212)”, Kêmi 17 (1964), pp. 71-3. 65 Nims, “Another Geographical List from Medinet Habu”, JEA 38 (1952), p. 34-5, Fig. 1A, (E. 141- E. 138). 66 Khonsu rj-jb Jw-mjtrw is mentioned on a stela of Djed-nefer-ra Dedu-mes of the XIIIth dynasty, Fraser, PSBA 15 (1893), p. 497. Khonsu is associated with Ihy, as the son of Ra and Hathor on the XI-XIIth dynasty sarcophagus of Iqer (G1T, CT IV, 180) from Gebelein. 67 Nims, JEA 38 (1952), p. 41, KM 202. 68 Nims, JEA 38 (1952), p. 41, MH A 49. 69 Although the complaints referred to in these documents are often viewed as literary topos (Spanel, “The First Intermediate Period through the early Eighteenth Dynasty”, 1990, p. 18), perhaps aimed at discrediting the Herakleopolitan monarch, in actual fact similar claims for provisioning and food are also found in the texts of nomarchs from the opposing faction, Vandier, La famine, 1936, pp. 6-7; Seidlmayer, “The First Intermediate Period (c. 2160-2055 BC)”, 2000, pp. 129-30.

70 Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 1987, pp. 1-5. The stela of ©mj NYMMA 65.107, whose onomastic refers to Gebelein, has been dated to a time prior to the taking of Abydos by Thebes with Wahankh Inyotef, in Roccati, “Gebelein nelle lotte feudali”, Rivista degli Studi Orientali 42 (1967), pp. 71-4. ©mj would have descended against occupied Abydos, driven out the enemy and made it subject to tribute, like Wawat. Roccati disagrees with Goedicke’s inference, “The inscription of ©mi”, JNES 19 (1960), pp. 288-291, on its presumed loyalty to Thebes rather than to Herakleopolis; Kubisch, “Die Stelen”, MDAIK 56 (2000), p. 263, dates it to the beginning of the XIth dynasty. 71 Fischer, “The Nubian Mercenaries of Gebelein During the First Intermediate Period”, Kush 9 (1961), p. 44, Note 2; p. 79, Note 80; Helck, Die altägyptischen Gaue, 1974, pp. 78-83. 72 Vandier, Mo’alla, 1950, p. 20, inscr. 2-6-7; Spanel, “The date of Ankhtifi”, GM 78 (1984); Willems, “Crime, Cult”, JEA 76 (1990); Doret, “Ankhtifi”, 1994; Seidlmayer, “The First Intermediate Period”, 2000, pp. 128-133; Aufrère, “Le nomarque Ânkhtyfy”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 18 (2000). 73 See discussion in Roccati, “Una stela di Firenze recentemente ricomposta”, 2000, pp. 213-215.

Historical Events at Gebelein during the First Intermediate Period and the Advent of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep

i. introduction

10

be assumed to be concealed in the form Jw-swt ‘island of the crocodile’, mentioned as the northern boundary of Ankhtifi’s possessions, together with Armant.74 The analogy can be explained at a cultural level, since, as stated above, at Jw-mjtrw the crocodile god Sobek was worshipped. At the same time, the assumption that Jw-mjtrw sided with Mo’alla against Thebes is further confirmed by the stela of Iti (Cairo CG 20001), coming from Rizeiqât,75 in which the owner, declaring a time of great famine, states that he had aided with grants of grain the cities of Armant and Mo’alla, neighbours and allies of Ankhtifi. To complete this information, we have other contemporary documents, almost certainly from the Gebelein area, which make repeated allusions to difficult years of famine, their authors boasting of having made donations of wheat to their own and other towns.76 While the end of the First Intermediate Period is clearly defined by the reunification of the kingdom under Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, its beginning is diversely estimated since it cannot be linked to any particular event known to us. Furthermore, whereas the history of the Theban house, its rise to power, and its expansion leading to its seizure of power, is fairly well documented, the development of the northern part of the country can only be reconstructed with difficulty, through the inscriptions of the nomarchs of Assiut.77 The 74

Vandier, Mo’alla, 1950, inscr. 13. Lange and Schaefer Grab-und Denksteine, pp. 1-2, Plate I, 1902; Vandier, “La stèle 20.001 du Musée du Caire”, Mélanges Maspero. I. Orient Ancien, I, 1934, pp. 137-145; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, 1988, pp. 31-32. 76 The stela of qA-jb, BM 1671, probably contemporary with Inyotef Wahankh, is vague, but refers to supplies of oil to the nome of Hieraconpolis and does not mention Thebes, in Polotsky, “The Stela of Heka-Yeb”, JEA 16 (1930), pp. 194-199; Vandier, “Quelques stèles de soldats de la première période intermédiaire”, CdE 35 (1943), p. 27. Of a different tone is the stela of the priest of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, Mrr, who served the House of Khuu at Edfu, and his wife, priestess of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, stylistically close to the stela of Heqaib. He, on the other hand, appears to have donated grain exclusively to his own town, Černý ,“The Stela of Merer in Cracow”, JEA 47 (1961), pp. 5-9; Fischer, “Further Remarks on the Gebelein Stelae”, Kush 10 (1962), pp. 333-334, discussion in Roccati, “Gebelein nelle lotte feudali”, Rivista degli Studi Orientali 42 (1967); Kubisch, “Die Stelen”, MDAIK 56 (2000), p. 252-253. 77 Edel, Die Inschriften der Grabfronten der Siut-Gräber, 1984; Spanel, “The Herakleopolitan Tombs of Kheti I, Jt(.j) jb(.j), and Kheti II at Asyut”, Orientalia 58 (1989). According to Willems, “The Nomarchs”, JEOL 28 (1983-1984), pp. 99-101, the inscriptions on the tomb of Nehery refer to a period later than Mentuhotep and are thus not prior to the capture of Herakleopolis. 75

Herakleopolitan kings are not mentioned in the royal lists of Saqqara and Abydos, and even the Turin papyrus is fragmentary at this point. If we take political unification as our point of reference, the First Intermediate Period began after the VIIIth dynasty, whose sovereigns were still, albeit nominally, lords of all Egypt, although effectively not beyond Assiut. It is extremely hard to clarify the chronology of relations between Thebes and Herakleopolis, unless we assume that their dynasties had an almost parallel beginning.78 The origin of the Theban house must certainly be understood as that of a family of local princes, not of royal stock, with the name of Inyotef: Inyotef-Aa “great chief of Upper Egypt”,79 who is followed by one Mentuhotep-Aa, the god’s father,80 by Inyotef Sekherutawy and by his successor Inyotef Wahankh. The expansionist aims of the Theban house started with the reign of Sekherutawy, the first to assume the title of king and claim the right to govern all Egypt. It is at this time that the Thebans gained control of the route through the western desert, leading to the nome of Coptos, to the detriment of the nomarch Tjauti, loyal to Herakleopolis.81 His brother Wahankh reigned for fifty years, which saw the first dated clashes inflicted by the Thebans on the Herakleopolitans, allowing the Thebans to push the border of their domain still further north, in the eighth district, with an attack on the tenth.82 Again, under his successor Inyotef Nakhtnebtepnefer, 78

Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 1987, p. 21. Present at Dendereh after conquering Coptos (Cairo J.E. T.R. 11/5/17/8), Postel, “Les origines de l’art Thébain”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 30 (2003), p. 20. 80 Inscription in the sanctuary of Heqaib at Elephantine, Habachi, The Sanctuary of Heqaib, 1985, pp. 109-10, n° 97; Franke, Das Heiligtum des Heqaib, 1994, pp. 32-33. 81 Darnell and Darnell, “New Inscriptions of the Late First Intermediate Period”, JNES 56, 4 (1997), pp. 241-258. 82 Gabra, “Preliminary Report on the Stela of tpi from El-Kab from the time of Wahankh Inyotef II.” MDAIK 32 (1976), pp. 45-56; Roccati, “Una stela di Firenze recentemente ricomposta”, 2000, pp. 213-215. The conquest of the eighth district and, in particular, of the city of Thinis, is described by many texts, including the famous stela Cairo CG 20152, Schenkel, Memphis—Herakleopolis—Theben, 1965, pp. 92-96; Arnold, Gräber des Alten und Mittleren Reiches in El-Tarif, 1976, p. 52; Aufrère, “La stèle aux chiens”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient, 18 (2000); The same event is narrated by the stela of Djari (Cairo CG 41437), which, after the clash with the house of Khety to the west of Thinis, in which he also took part, refers to the assignment given him by the king to procure barley for the whole territory, from the district of Elephantine up to the tenth, at Jnt-sj (Aphroditopolis), bearing the message of Intef II to Khety, Schenkel, in Arnold, Gräber, 1976, p. 75; in Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, 1988, p. 40, it is Cairo J.E. 12/4/22/9; Darnell, “The Message of King Wahankh Antef II.” ZÄS 124 (1997), 79

i. introduction the area controlled by the Thebans stretched from Elephantine to Thinis, in the eighth district.83 Inyotef Nakhtnebtepnefer was succeeded by his son Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, whose mother was Iah. The most salient event in his 51-year reign was the reunification of Egypt, to the extent that the Egyptians themselves considered him the founder of a new era and often portrayed him with Menes and Ahmose.84 Initially, his rule covered Upper Egypt from the first cataract to the tenth nome (Qaw el Kebir)85 and about this period we possess little evidence. Year 14 of his reign is called the year of the “rebellion of Thinis”, captured from the Thebans during the latter part of the reign of Khety.86 The event should perhaps be seen in parallel with the temporary transfer of this nome, after its conquest, the necropolis of Abydos having been devastated, to King Khety of Herakleopolis. Evidently Mentuhotep soon managed to reconquer the lost territory, and it may have been this that sparked off the final struggle for the unification of Egypt, first with Assiut (end of the nomarch families with Khety II), after which Middle Egypt was conquered and lastly Herakleopolis.87 Egyptian reunification took place in about Year 30 of Mentuhotep, and in any case within the 39th year of his reign. After finally subjecting the whole country, Mentuhotep took the name of Horus ZmA-tAwy (the reunifier of the two lands) and modified the form of his coronation name Nb-pt-R.88 To the outset of Mentuhotep’s reign belong the major campaigns leading to restored control over the country, with the re-annexation of the oases, of Wawat and the “Asiatic” campaigns. Mentuhotep’s campaigns are detailed in the inscriptions accompanying the king on the back wall of the chapel of Dendereh (Cairo J.E. 46068,

pp. 101-108; Darnell and Darnell, “New Inscriptions”, JNES 56, 4 (1997), p. 234; Seidlmayer, “The First Intermediate Period”, 2000, p. 135. 83 Stela of Tjeti, former official of Wahankh, BM 614, Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, 1988, pp. 46-49. 84 For example, in the procession of statues for the Min festival at the Ramesseum, Habachi, “King Nebhepetra Menthuhotp: His Monuments, Place in History, Deification and Usual Representations in the Form of Gods”, MDAIK 19 (1963), p. 50. 85 On the assumed conquest of the nome of Assiut by Inyotef III, Gundlach, “Die Neubegründung des Königtums”, 1999, p. 26. 86 Brovarski, “Thinis”, LÄ VI (1986), col. 477. 87 Hayes, “Career of the great steward enenu”, JEA 35 (1949), pp. 46, Pl. 4. For the inscriptions on the tombs of Ity-ib and Khety II at Assiut, Spanel, “The Herakleo-

11

Figure 27), describing him as Horus who subjugates foreign lands, beloved of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, and portraying him in the act of grasping the papyrus plant, symbol of Lower Egypt.89 It is unclear whether the action symbolized is intentional or a fait accompli: ‘Striking the eastern lands, subduing the hill countries, trampling the desert lands beneath his feet, enslaving the Nubians ….the hands (?), uniting Upper and Lower Egypt, the Medja, Wawat, the Libyans, the marshes by the Horus Nry-t, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Nebhepetre.’

Similarly, the scene of smiting the enemy in the chapel at Gebelein (Cairo J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5 + CGT 7003/64-73 + Gebelein 1, Figure 15), in this case an Egyptian, followed by kneeling figures representing Nubians (Setiu), Asiatics (Setjetiu), Libyans (Tjehenu) and other personifications, is described by the inscription: ‘Subduing the chiefs of the Two Lands, reorganise Upper and Lower Egypt, the foreign lands, the two banks, the nine arches, the towns, the districts (?) [...].’

Even the procession of the provinces, also from the Gebelein chapel (Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/7 + CGT 7003/75-81, Figure 16), could allude either to the hoped for control of all the nomoi or to their actual annexation, besides harking back to an ancient iconographic theme. The inscription fragment from Karnak, Inv. 92CL1876,90 part of an architrave of the temple dedicated by Nebhepetre—dated between the 14th and the 30th years of his reign, owing to the use of his second titulary—recalls the phraseology of historical narrative on monuments already used by Wahankh Inyotef, and alludes to the Nubian campaigns and those in the eastern desert:

politan Tombs”, Orientalia 58 (1989), pp. 301-14; on the fighting between Egyptian troops cited in the Teaching for Merykara, E 68-75, E 119, Quack, Merikare, 1992, pp. 85-6, pp. 99-106, p. 113, p. 118-120, p. 135, prefers to date the text to the XIIth dynasty and consequently deems uncertain the precise reference to the rebellion of Thinis and the allusion to the sacking of the cemetery at Abydos by Theban troops; Seidlmayer, “The First Intermediate Period”, 2000, p. 145; Aufrère, “Une vision en filigrane,” Egypte. Afrique & Orient 19 (2000), pp. 5-6. 88 Von Beckerath, “Mentuhotep II.”, LÄ IV (1980), coll. 66-67. Vandersleyen, L’Egypte et la vallée du Nil, vol. II, pp. 17-31. 89 Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), p. 23, Fig. 6. 90 Postel, “Une nouvelle mention des campagnes nubiennes de Montouhotep II à Karnak”, 2008, pp. 329-340, whom I wish to thank for kindly sending me the publication.

i. introduction

12 ‘

[….Medj]aw, who devastated Wawat and established the border […], subjugated the country to the east in its totality, […….] the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Nebheptre [….].’

The Deir el Ballas (ed-Deir) inscription, a mixed form of eulogy and chronicle, too detailed to be merely commemorative, again narrates his campaigns, using a kind of dialogue with his troops.91 It narrates the annexation to Upper Egypt of Wawat, of the Oases (driving out the rebels),92 of the foreign lands: the lands of Kadem were closed and he descended to control “the seat (kzz) of the Governor of the Two Lands”, and raised reinforcements (fortifications) at Elephantine: ‘…I accomplished this while I was king, I brought the pt for Thebes ….’,

alluding to the rite of the race and thus making Thebes the political and religious capital. This passage has been reinterpreted by Postel,93 making it refer to exclusively military events:

In his campaign against the land of Djati mentioned in the Tjehemau graffito at Abisko in Lower Nubia, the dating of which has given rise to much controversy, Mentuhotep utilised Nubian mercenaries.94 The text narrates the activity of Tjehemau in the train of Nebhepetre (Mentuhotep), which begins on the occasion of the king’s visit to Wawat:95 ‘… Year of the annihilation of the foreign lands (the hilly country): the year in which I began to fight in the army during the reign of Nebhepetre, when he went southward toward Ben/ Buhen. My son came with me to the king. He (the king) crossed the whole land, because he decided to exterminate the Amw di ©Aty.96 When they advanced, Thebes was in flight. It was the Nubians who brought about the rally. Then (the king) defeated Djati. He (the king) sailed southward...’

‘…I accomplished this at the time when I became king; I led an expedition on behalf of Thebes ….’

Brovarski97 maintained that the attack at Djati occurred in the “middle” period, i.e. during the course of events that led to the victory over Herakleopolis, also in view of the fact that all datable monuments referring to foreign campaigns fall

91 Berkley, PAHMA 6-19868. Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), p. 30, Fig. 10; Fischer, Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome, Dynasties VI-XI, An.Or. 40 (1964), pp. 105-6; p. 113, Fig. 16b, l. x + 12. 92 Probably the oasis of Kurkur, Darnell, “The Route of the Eleventh Dynasty Expansion into Nubia”, ZÄS 131 (2004), pp. 24-26; 29-31. On the road to the western desert from the nome of Coptos, see Darnell and Darnell, “New Inscriptions”, JNES 56, 4 (1997), p. 234. 93 “«Rame» ou «course»? ”, BIFAO 103 (2003), pp. 390394. 94 Darnell, “The Route of the Eleventh Dynasty”, ZÄS 131 (2004), pp. 31-34. 95 Tjehemau enters the army, which fights in the campaign against the Aamu of Djati, and then takes part in other battles. Schenkel, MHT, 1965, pp. 274-77 §455; Brovarski and Murname, Serapis I (1969), graffito n° 1, l.18, according to whom these are accounts of battles at the time of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep; Darnell, “The rock inscriptions of Tjehemau at Abisko,” ZÄS 130 (2003), pp. 31-48, with discussion and previous bibliography. The rest of the inscription, which narrates campaigns further south than Wawat, at Irtjet, and in the north, at the lake or nome of Sobek (Rizeiqat? Fayum?), and of Tjehemau’s descent to Thebes, is dated by Darnell between the end of the XIth dynasty and the beginning of the XIIth; again, Darnell, “The Route of the Eleventh Dynasty”, ZÄS 131 (2004), pp. 23-37. 96 Amw according to Brovarski and Murname, “Inscriptions from the time of Nebhepetra Mentuhotep II at Abisko”, Serapis I (1969), p. 13, Notes 11 and 12, cannot be translated using the conventional term of “Asiatics”, because it is frequently used in the Old and Middle Kingdom for the nomadic inhabitants of the eastern desert between the Nile Valley and the Red Sea. Djaty is the same locality to the south of Wawat in the list of tributes of Tuthmosis III (Urk. IV: 798 § 44), which reappears in the same order with the name of AwAt in the temple of Ramses III at Medinet

Habu (Edgerton and Wilson, Historical records, 1936, p. 114, Pl. 102 §44), in the part of the list that represents the southern boundaries of Wawat. Opposed to this statement are Willems, JEOL 28 (1983-1984), pp. 97-98, who deems them to be Asiatics from south-eastern Asia, as deduced from the portrayals of Nubians storming Asiatic fortresses, but the inscription does not narrate the events leading to unification; O’Connor, “The Locations of Yam” JARCE 23 (1986), pp. 48-9, N. 119, who even deems uncertain the location of the places in the Old Kingdom sources utilized (but, again, Vandersleyen, L’Egypte et la vallée du Nil, 1995, p. 31, deems likely a southward location on the route to Punt), and, decidedly, Redford, “Egypt and Western Asia”, JARCE 23 (1986), pp. 130-1. Not only does he consider it important that the king should cross all Egypt to fight the Aamu, and then sail south, after defeating those besieging Thebes, but he also proposes locating the Amw of ©A(t)y (©Ahy) in Palestine, perhaps in the Jordan Valley, excluding Sinai, because there is no proof of their belonging to this area. Thus, a location in the desert or in the eastern Delta cannot be excluded. Obsomer, Sésostris Ier, 1995, pp. 238-9, provides a conflicting translation. In fact, Mentuhotep clashes with the Aamu at Thebes, which therefore must have been a massive out-and-out attack by foreign ‘invaders’ or ‘mercenaries’, causing the flight of the inhabitants: ‘he crossed the whole land’ may generically indicate a long route, but not necessarily include the Delta. All that is certain is that he reaches Thebes. The innumerable text sources of the Pharaonic period undoubtedly prefer to identify the Aamu as “easterners”, groups speaking a Semitic language, but of uncertain territorial location, since they were not only present in western Asia, but also in the eastern desert, at the northern end of the route to Wadi Hammamat, leading one to think that this people, probably mercenaries, had even thrust into the south-eastern desert, as maintained by Darnell, ZÄS 130, 2003, p. 37, Note 13. 97 Serapis I (1969), p. 23.

i. introduction within this period.98 From the portrayals on the two Gebelein blocks at Cairo and Dendereh, in the back wall of the chapel,99 which Brovarski deems contemporary with the foreign campaigns, from the historical inscriptions from Deir el-Ballas, in which Mentuhotep lays claim, before his army, to the annexation of Wawat and the Oases,100 and from Karnak, the impression given is that Mentuhotep is striking the final blow against Lower Egypt, and is simultaneously dealing with external enemies and controlling the southern border. The attack on Djati should belong to this period. If this were so, the recruiting of Nubian mercenaries may also have taken place among the contingents stationed at Gebelein, thus justifying the building of a chapel, whose purpose, besides celebrating his sovereignty, was to legitimize his expansionist claims. If Mentuhotep’s visit to Wawat belonged, on the other hand, to Year 39 or 41 of his reign, as Darnell maintains,101 the Tjehemau inscription at Abisko would allude to a series of military actions against rebellions that extended up to the reign of Amenemhat I, hinting that unification did not see an end to armed struggle. It is likely, however, that control over Lower Nubia took place earlier, as maintained by Postel, because the Karnak inscription is certainly earlier. Nebeheptre’s foreign policy during the latter part of his reign is documented by the inscriptions of his chancellor Khety, close to Aswan (year 41),102 which, however, do not appear to refer to military events. In the light of the sources available to us, the reunification of the kingdom under Nebhepetre

98

Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), p. 40. Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 6. 100 Here too, they must be the Nubian oases of Kurkur and Dunqul, Darnell, ZÄS 131 (2004), pp. 32; for Aufrère, “Relations entre les Oasis”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient, 18 (2000), pp. 42-44, the style of the stelae of the two chiefs of the oases Betju and Ideky is the same as that of the stela of Inyotef (CG 20009) from the beginning of the XIth dynasty or earlier, and assumes control of the territory for a certain period by the two chiefs of the oases of Dakhla, extending to the other southern oases, such as Kharga. 101 Darnell, ZÄS 131 (2004), pp. 34-37. 102 Schenkel, MHT, 1965, §359. 103 Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 1987, pp. 99-207; Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, 2000, pp. 236241; even the offering formulae are impacted, Postel, “Une variante septentrionale”, 2005. 104 Henenu collected for Mentuhotep II and III the tributes from Thinis and partly from the tenth district, stela A, MMA 26.3.217, in Hayes, “Career of the great steward enenu”, JEA 35 (1949), p. 46; Schenkel, MHT, 1965, p. 242 §389; Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 1987, pp. 135-140. 99

13

Mentuhotep may still today be considered as a theoretical date and even the extension of his territorial control is rather uncertain for some areas of the Delta. Although we know for certain that it took place during the reign of this sovereign, the precise moment is not known, not even considering the continual change of royal titles. Hypotheses can however be made, based on the renewal of the administration to include Herakleopolitan territory,103 on the introduction of Memphite officials and craftsmanship in the Theban area, on the power of the districts being reduced in favour of the towns, abolishing the office of prince of the district,104 on the appointment of officials in Herakleopolitan territory,105 on the reintroduction of the office of Vizier,106 and on the reorganization of the army. After the VIth dynasty, with the increased power of local officials, the army saw developments, organized by district chiefs or administrative officials, that made it capable of guaranteeing protection, based on territorial expansion. The prince of the district, Ankhtifi, was overseer of the troops of Edfu and Hieraconpolis, overseer of troops speaking a foreign language.107 The biographies of the princes of Assiut—Khety I, Iti-ib, Khety II—loyal to the Herakleopolitan king, show that they controlled an army, although they did not hold the title of jmy-r mS.108 This may be explained by the state of conflict at the time. The title of overseer of the army is very frequent in the eighth district of Upper Egypt. The conquest of the district by the Thebans was thus of fundamental importance.

105 Inyotef son of Tjefi, MMA 57.95, in Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, 1988, pp: 49-51; Ip at el-Saff, Fischer, The Tomb of ‘Ip at El-Saff, 1996, pp. 9-32. The tomb’s owner, buried not far from Atfih and probably resident in the 22nd nome of Upper Egypt, was however in charge of the administration of the 20th and 21st nomes, including the capital of the Herakleopolitan sovereigns. Among his other titles, he held that of overseer of the army, but he was not a nomarch. From its use of epithets of Osiris and palaeographic studies, its dating most probably belongs to the period running from the 46th year of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep’s reign to the end of the XIth dynasty. Of interest is his title of m nr ¤wt, priest of “The Places” pyramid. We do not know whether it refers to Teti or Merikare at Saqqara or even Senwosret I at Lisht, which would decidedly change the dating of the tomb. 106 Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 1987, pp. 147-151. 107 Vandier, Mo’alla, 1950, inscr. 1-5-7. 108 Schenkel, MHT, 1965, p. 78. Spanel, “The Herakleopolitan Tombs”, Orientalia 58 (1989).

14

i. introduction

From the stela of ©mj, we learn that prior to Wahankh Inyotef, the towns had an army, which was under the control of the town’s overseer of troops (a role he presumably covered at Gebelein), recruited at times of need and sent wherever necessary. It appears that beside his military function, he also had fiscal responsibilities. The stela of a second ©mj, jmy-r mS jmy-r Aw109, also comes most probably from Gebelein. At Dendereh, three of Sennedjeswj’s eight sons bear the title of overseer of troops,110 with administrative duties concerning the army, thus underlining its importance in society at the time. It seems likely that both the Herakleopolitans and the Thebans adapted the institutions of the VIIIth dynasty, but the officials of the former had a higher rank than those of the latter, which may be explained by a different administrative structure.111 Nebhepetre Mentuhotep in person was head of the army, as indirectly deduced from the Tjehemau graffiti at Abisko112 and from the Deir elBallas inscription, in which the king addresses the troops directly in a kind of dialogue.113 Thus, within the Theban circle of power, we know the overseer of the army for the areas of Dendereh, Thebes and Gebelein, who, once more toward the end of the XIth dynasty, are employed in expeditions. Troop recruitment in the Gebelein and Dendereh area (from Jwmjterw to Shabet), together with the men of the Theban Wabu garrisons, for an expedition to Punt, is also stated in the inscription of Hen(en)u in Wadi Hammamat, in Year 8 of Seankhkare Mentuhotep.114 The history of Gebelein under the XIth dynasty is indubitably linked to the military events of the time, as portrayed in the well-known paintings in

Iti’s saff tomb.115 On Turin stela Suppl. 13114,116 Iti bears many titles, including that of the god’s seal-bearer and overseer general of the troops. Other material from Gebelein includes the socalled ‘soldiers’ stelae’, of which six are known, probably from the period of Ankhtifi,117 dedicated by persons who, owing to their peculiar garments, have been identified as soldiers. An interesting detail is that most of them belonged to Nubian contingents, perhaps of medja origin,118 who had set up a community here that had assimilated Egyptian customs and manners. They are portrayed with their families and bear names that are partially Egyptian. It is not a coincidence that between Gebelein and Rizeiqat a track leads to the oasis of Kharga, from where the Nubian oases of Kurkur and Dunqul can be reached. The discovery of several stelae at Buhen and Semna showing the worship of Sobek of ¤wmnw, a deity from the neighbourhood of Gebelein,119 leads to the assumption that the local cult of Sobek was taken to Nubia by people familiar with the site, as part of the scenario of mobility and exchange of professional soldiers and interpreters, as late as the end of the XIIth dynasty. Unfortunately, no link can be established between any presence of mA at Gebelein and their subjugation as narrated by the inscription at Karnak, Inv. 92CL1876. The depiction on Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/3 (Plate XXXII) is too fragmentary to determine the person’s ethnic group, although the realism with which the face is treated may be an attempt to differentiate the character from conventional Nubian portrayal, as on block Cairo J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5 (Plate XIV). During the military events leading to reunification, the Horus Netjerj-hedjet Seankh[ib]tawy

109 Hildesheim 4590, Sternberg, “Die Grabstele des ©mj und der ¤nb.t”, GM 28 (1978), pp. 56-57; Kubisch, “Die Stelen”, MDAIK 56 (2000), pp. 240-241, 247, 253. 110 Fischer, Dendera in the Third Millennium 1968, pp. 154-165. 111 Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 1987, pp. 204207; see also the mention of mS wj, assault troops, in an inscription from the western Theban desert of the period of Inyotef II, Darnell and Darnell, “New Inscriptions”, JNES 56, 4 (1997), p. 251. 112 Brovarski and Murname, “Inscriptions”, Serapis I (1969), pp. 1-14, 18. Only indirectly can we find information on military organisation and the use of Nubian troops. Indeed, Tjehemau gives himself no military title and does not even describe his duties. 113 Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), p. 30, Fig. 10; Fischer, Inscriptions, 1964, pp. 112-118; Yoyotte, “Le nome de Coptos”, Orientalia 35, 1 (1966), pp. 56-58. 114 Couyat and Montet, Les inscriptions hiéroglyphiques, 1912, pp. 81-4, n° 114; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, 1988, pp. 52-4.

115 Leospo, “Riti propiziatori”, La civiltà degli Egizi III, 1989, p. 212, Figs. 319, 320. 116 Schenkel, MHT, 1965, p. 279 §468. 117 Vandier, “Quelques stèles de soldats”, CdE 35 (1943), pp. 25-29; Fischer, “The Nubian Mercenaries”, Kush 9, (1961), pp. 44-80; Schenkel MHT, 1965, p. 278 §§462, 463, 464; 279, §§465, 466; 281, §469. The soldiers’ stelae presented by Vandier are earlier than Mentuhotep, except for stela Berlin 610 from Abydos, and are mostly contemporary to Inyotef Wahankh or earlier, Kubisch, “Die Stelen”, MDAIK 56 (2000), pp. 264-265. Almost all come from Naqada and Gebelein. 118 Generically defined as nsj, Kubisch, “Die Stelen”, MDAIK 56 (2000), p. 243-248, p. 264: the mA, with their pan-grave culture, appear to have settled mostly in the eastern desert in Lower Nubia, Postel, “Une nouvelle mention”, 2008, p. 337; nsj belong to the ethnic group mA for ZibeliusChen, “Die Medja”, SAK 36 (2007), pp. 395-397. 119 Vercoutter, “Upper Egyptian Settlers in Middle Kingdom Nubia”, Kush V (1957), pp. 61-9.

i. introduction Mery-khet Nebhepetre, son of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, son of Re, Mentuhotep built, like his grandfather before him, a chapel at Karnak, started building his funerary monument at Deir el-Bahari, erected a chapel for the cult of the royal Ka at Dendereh, fairly close to the temple

120

Particularly worshipped by Pepy I. The VIth dynasty royal cult for the goddess is not reflected only by the dedication of temple statues (Daumas, “Derechef Pépi Ier à

15

of Hathor,120 to commemorate his presumed victory over Egypt’s foreign enemies and over Wawat and to legitimise his reunification plan, and had a chapel built on the southern hill at Gebelein, in full view of travellers on the Nile.

Dendara”, RdE 25, [1973], p.7), or in the building of the temple itself, but rather in one of his titles, which was taken up by Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, and certainly not at random.

16

i. introduction

17

ii. dating the chapel

II. DATING THE CHAPEL

Attribution of the chapel to the first part of the reign of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep is suggested both by its style and by the use of the king’s socalled “second” titulary, utilised from Year 14 to Year 31 of his reign. Dating the building is also of fundamental historical importance for its relationship with other known monuments of the time of Mentuhotep.1 A first study of the royal titulary displayed on the monument (Nry-t; ¤nx-jb-tAwy; mry Xt Nb-pt-R zA wt-r nbt Jwnt zA R Mnw-tp) and of the scenes portraying the king with the crown of Lower Egypt seem to demonstrate—beside the existence of two previously unattested names2— that the relationship between the appearance of a complete titulary, even if irregular, and the reunification of the country is not after all a direct one, confirming our hypotheses concerning the depictions. The presence of the complete titulary shows that the monument’s reliefs constituted a sort of summary of the king’s political platform, while at the same time commemorating the salient events in the definitive reunification of the country up to that point. Within the field of iconography—well-known in Egyptian art—of exalting the royal power over the country’s traditional enemies, here there seems to appear a desire to portray real events and personages, mixed with traditional elements, with an accurate territorial definition. Many factors go to confirm this: the Libyan chief shown with a fish tail, linked to a particularly execrated people or territory (Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/10, Color Plate LIII), the scene of the subjugated peoples (Cairo J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5, Plate XIV), which breaks with the accuracy of the list of lands defeated by Mentuhotep at the Dendereh chapel; the scene, on a fragment, of rekhit birds, which as a rule represent the peoples of the Delta, portrayed in an

The style of the monument shows no sign of Memphite workmanship, and the ornamental elements that it has been possible to reconstruct appear to indicate that the temple was built during the time of the wars and, perhaps, at the outset of administrative control over Lower Egypt. The style at the end of the First Intermediate Period, and especially of the transition from the derivative so-called “pre-unification” style— similar to the style popular earlier under Wahankh Inyotef—to a style influenced by Memphite workmanship, utilised in creating the works and monuments of Upper Egypt after the reunification brought about by Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, has been the subject of numerous careful studies, among which we may mention those by George H. Fischer,3 Janine Bourriau,4 Rita Freed,5 and Gay Robins.6 All agree in identifying the two styles as “pre-” and “post-unification”, and attribute the reliefs at Gebelein, the Dendereh chapel,7

1 Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Gebelein”, TMO 40, 2005, pp. 149-50. 2 Not given in von Beckerath, Handbuch der ägyptischen Königsnamen, 1999, pp. 78-9. 3 “An Example of Memphite Influence in a Theban Stela of the Eleventh Dynasty”, Artibus Asiae 22 (1959), pp. 240-52. 4 Bourriau, Pharaos and Mortals, 1988, pp. 10-20. 5 The Development of Middle Kingdom Egyptian Relief, 1984 and “Relief Styles of the Nebhepetre Montuhotep

Funerary Temple Complex”, in Chief of Seers, 1997, pp. 148-63. 6 “The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II”, in Beyond the Pyramids 1990, pp. 39-45. 7 Daressy, “Chapelle de Mentouhotep III à Dendérah”, ASAE XVII (1917), pp. 226-36; Habachi MDAIK 19 (1963), pp. 19-28, Figs. 4-8, Plates VII-VIII. Petrie, Dendereh 1898. London 1900. EEF 17, Pl. XII mentions a fragment with the name of Mentuhotep (U.C. 14541).

unusual manner (CGT 7003/121 = Suppl. 12225, Plate XXIV); the regular procession of the nomes, and in particular those of the Delta (Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/7 + CGT 7003/75-81, Figure 16), which seems to proclaim that reunification has taken place, whereas the royal authority was perhaps still limited to Upper Egypt, but may even refer merely to the fertility rites connected with the sovereign’s function. As a whole, these elements, the style and, in particular, the analogy of style and cult, dedicated to the goddess Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, whose divine son is the sovereign, as proclaimed by his titles, leads to the conclusion that the chapel is also contemporary to, or just a little later than, the chapel at Dendereh.

Style

ii. dating the chapel

18

the shrines of the queens and the first stage of the temple of Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahari to the “pre-unification” style.8 To these, they add the fragments of inscriptions from Karnak and the graffiti from the island of Konosso.9 All these monuments are accompanied by elements of Mentuhotep’s second titulary.10 In “post-unification” style and accompanied by the third titulary of Mentuhotep are the reliefs of the temple at Abydos,11 two offering tables from Dendereh,12 an offering table from Deir el-Bahari,13 the subsequent stages of the funerary temple and shrine of Queen Neferu at Deir el-Bahari.14 At Karnak, we note the reliefs and

8

Arnold, Der Tempel, I, 1974 , pp. 62-7; Freed, “Relief Styles”, 1997; Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 1988, pp. 13-17. 9 On a block mentioned by Legrain, “Rapport”, ASAE 5 (1904), p. 28, on an unpublished fragment, Cairo J.E. 33745, on Inv. 92CL73, Chevrier, “Rapport”, ASAE 46 (1947), pp. 149-150, on Inv. 92CL1876, Postel, “Une nouvelle mention”, 2008, p. 329, p. 335, Note 37-38; Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Figs. 20-21. 10 Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple”, 2005, pp. 150-151. 11 Petrie, Abydos II, 1903, Pl. XXIV. Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), pp. 17-8, Figs. 2-3. Upper half: Berlin Mus. 16715, Aeg. Inschr. Mus. Ber. I.: 211; lower half: British Museum 628, Hiero. Texts, Pt. i, Pl. 48. Pl. XXV; second upper half: Brussels, Musées Royaux du Cinquantenaire, E. 748, Speelers, Recueil des Inscriptions, 1923, p. 14 [58]. 12 Daumas, “Une table d’offrandes de Montouhotep Nebhepetra à Dendara”, MDAIK 24 (1969) and Cauville and Gasse, “Fouilles de Dendera”, BIFAO 88 (1988), pp. 26-9. One of the two offering tables, of alabaster or calcite, is fragmentary, with rough hieroglyphs painted in yellow. The praenomen of Mentuhotep is written with the oar-sign, but zA R is written inside the cartouche. The table was rectangular in shape with two tp signs facing each other upside down. Daumas assumed that it stood on a pedestal and was destined for the chapel. 13 Cairo CG 23248. Naville, The XIth Dynasty Temple, 1910, p. 21, Pl. XA; Winlock, “The Theban Necropolis in the Middle Kingdom”, AJSL 32 Oct. n° 1 (1915), pp. 1-37; Habachi MDAIK 19 (1963), p. 31, Fig. 11. 14 The reliefs of the funerary temple are scattered throughout the world’s museums. Some are unpublished, others published, besides Naville, The XIth Dynasty Temple I, 1907; II, 1910; III, 1913, in Arnold, Der Tempel II, 1974, Steindorff, Catalogue, 1946, Fig. 238-9, 249, Schoske and Wildung, Ägyptische Kunst 1976, pp. 30-1, Fig. 18-9, Wildung, L’âge d’or, 1984, pp. 62-3, Scott, Ancient Egyptian Art, 1986, pp. 57-9, Brovarski, A Table of Offerings, 1987, p. 4, Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 1988, pp. 13-20, Craig-Patch, Reflections, 1990, pp. 20-1. 15 The offering table depicting the provinces, from the first courtyard of the temple, now in the southern storeroom, Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), p. 33- Fig. 13, Pl. IX; Cairo CG 23007, Winlock, The Rise and Fall, 1947, p. 36; Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 12, may well have come from Petrie’s excavations at Abydos, Postel, “Une nouvelle mention”, 2008, p. 336, Note 42. 16 Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 14, Pl. Xa; Vandier, Manuel, II, p. 862, Note 4. PM II, p. 209.

inscriptions on an offering table,15 on an architrave discovered reused in the wall between the door to the east of the enclosure wall of the great temple of Amun and the small temple of Ramses II;16 an architrave, of uncertain provenance, maybe from Armant,17 and the monuments of Deir el Ballas,18 Tod,19 el-Kab,20 and Elephantine.21 To these, we may add the graffiti of Shatt el-Rigal.22 It should be noted that no monument of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep’s has been discovered north of Abydos. The “pre-unification” style is distinguished for its “high” relief work and deeply engraved basreliefs. The outlines are rounded off in both cases, and the details are engraved in the stone. Different

17

Purchased by a private individual, Mr. Jyaya, Newberry, “Extracts” PSBA, December 9 (1903), pp. 357-62. 18 Lutz, Egyptian tomb steles, 1927, p. 20, Pl. 32 [62]: D 137; Pl. 33 [64]: D 141.; Pl. 34 [66]: D 136 (the 1900 excavations by Reisner, Lythgoe, Green in the two XVIIIth dynasty palaces at El Deir [Deir el-Ballas] Boston Museum Archives). Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), pp. 28-30, Figs. 9-10; Fischer, Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome, An. Or. 40 (1964), pp. 103-6; 112-8, n° 45, Figs. 16 [a, b], Pl. XXXVII: fragments of royal inscription D 136; 119-21, n° 47 Figs. 17, 18, Pl. XXXIXa. 19 Bisson de la Roque, Tod, 1937. Temple of Montu, portrayal of Tjenetet and the sacred bull (Tjenetet is mostly depicted on the blocks of Seankhare Mentuhotep, Omlin, Amenemhat I. und Sesostris I, 1962). The reused blocks of the lower courses of the foundation plinth of the temple of Senwosret I are partly those of Sematawj Qashuti Nebhepetre Mentuhotep. In Bisson de la Roque (Tod, 1937, pp. 64-7) the three fragments of octagonal granite columns and architrave, now at the Louvre: Inv. 1168; 1169 (ib., Fig. 16); Inv. 1126 (ib., Fig. 17); architrave Inv. 1170 (ib., Fig. 18). Granite components of three gates (ib., pp. 67-70): architrave, Inv. 2120 (ib, Fig. 19), three registers, now at Cairo J.E. 66328; lower part of a left jamb and fragment, now at the Louvre Inv. 1561 and 15662, (ib., Fig. 20). A gate, of which we have the architrave, Inv. 2117 (ib., Fig. 21) and left jamb, Inv. 2121 (ib., Fig. 22), now at the Louvre. A third jamb, right-side, Inv. 1171 (ib., Fig. 23), now at the Louvre. Six engraved limestone wall blocks (ib., pp. 70-7); Inv. 1543 (ib., Fig. 24), Cairo Museum, J.E. 66329, Inv. 2114 (ib., Fig. 25 and Pl. XX); Inv. 2128 (ib., Pl. XIX,1), Louvre; Inv. 1544 (ib., Fig. 26, Pl. XVIII), Cairo Museum, J.E. 66330; Inv. 1542 (ib., Fig. 27, Pl. XIX,2); Inv. 2116 (ib., Figs. 28, 29, 30), Cairo Museum J.E. 66331 and 66332. Pink granite socle. Inv. 1510 (ib., Fig. 31); two fragments of octagonal granite columns, in situ (Inv. T.2528 and T.2529) and a fragment of a wall relief (Inv. T.2510) in Postel, “Fragments inédits du Moyen Empire à Tôd”, OLA 150, 2007, pp. 1541-3. 20 Three blocks with engraved inscriptions, from the late-period temple of Nekhbet, Fouilles de El Kab, 1940, Pl. 30, a-b, and one discovered in 1956. 21 Cairo J.E. 41557, granite jambs, Cairo J.E. T.R. 4/12/14/12, six sandstone blocks, originally part of a wall, Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), pp. 40-2, Figs. 18-19, Pl. XIIXIII; Kaiser, “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine” MDAIK 31 (1975), Pl. 20f, 21, 22a. 22 Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 22.

ii. dating the chapel bas-relief levels are often present. The style of the human figure is standardised: the eyebrows are long, extending to the hairline, and follow the curve of the eye before straightening out and running parallel to the make-up line. The eye is unnaturally large, wide at the center and narrowing at the sides, and is surrounded by a band in relief imitating the make-up, thickening and widening at the outer edge. The pupil is rounded. The tear-duct is shown and, as a rule, turns downward (here, for example, CGT 7003/119 = Suppl. 12280, Plate XXIII). The upper eyelid, when shown, is rounded in the centre, enlarging the eye (e.g. Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/3, Plate XXXII). The nose is short, thick, snub-nose, with protuberant semicircular nostrils (e.g. Cairo J.E. T.R. 31/10/17/9 and CGT 7003/115 = Suppl. 12282, Plates XXVIII, XXIII) and pronounced side-muscles. The lips are thick and protuberant and often do not narrow at the sides, remaining almost parallel (e.g. CGT 7003/119 = Suppl. 12280, Plate XXIII). The lower lip is the same as the upper, sometimes defined with a line, and with a dimple at the end. The ear is large, oval, and the well-defined outer edge is shaped like a question mark. The lobe is flat and the inner ear is kidney-shaped. The chin is small and the cheeks full. The jaw is barely sketched in. Arms are long, rounded, without muscle; the elbow, when folded, is pointed. The hands, when depicted stretched out, have long, rigid parallel fingers (e.g. CGT 7003/150 = Suppl. 12029, Plate XXIX). The knees are depicted with triangular marks in very low relief, as also are the leg muscles in many cases (CGT 7003/185 = Suppl. 12191 + Suppl. 12301 + Suppl. 12298, Plate XXXIV). The torso is slightly longer than usual, as at the end of the Old Kingdom, but is disproportionate compared to the length of the legs. Shoulders are wide and the waist narrow (e.g. CGT 7003/223 = Suppl. 12277, Plate XLI). Maya Müller not only maintains that the use of disproportion or “aggressive dissonance” is an intentional artistic medium, defined as the “aesthetics of ugliness”, and does not demonstrate any lack of skilled workmanship,23 but also notes the close analogy between the statuary style of 23 “Die Königsplastik des Mittleren Reiches und ihre Schöpfer”, in Imago Aegypti 1 (2006), pp. 49-53; Fay, “L’Art Égyptien”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 18 (2000), pp. 31-38; Aufrère, “L’artiste”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 18 (2000), p. 26, states that the return to traditional canons, as maintained by Irtisen on his Abydos stela, Louvre C14, shows an awareness that art had previously abandoned those canons. On statuary, see also Aldred, “Some Royal Portraits”, MMJ 3 (1970), pp. 30-31.

19

Mentuhotep known to us and the reliefs in the shrines of the queens—in particular, those of Queen Neferu—despite the different chronological stages. Rigidity and sensuality, naturalness of outline and abstraction, organic and pseudoorganic modelling are used together in rendering the figure. The Gebelein reliefs also evidence these different elements. In the reliefs at Gebelein (e.g. CGT 7003/154 = Suppl. 12171, Plate XXIX) and Dendereh (Figure 27)24, the women’s breasts are pointed, almost shaped like an accentuated triangle, while those of the men are slightly protuberant and pointed, and the nipple is depicted (CGT 7003/170 = Suppl. 12190, Color Plate LV). At Deir el-Bahari they are rounded, a fact that may indicate the existence of several workshops.25 During the Inyotefs period, two bas-relief styles were created, one more plastic and detailed and the other flatter and smoother, which would influence the post-unification style of Mentuhotep II. The pre-unification style had its roots in the artistic traditions of Upper Egypt during the Old Kingdom and in the policy of setting up royal art workshops decided on by Wahankh Inyotef at Thebes, with the contribution of the artisans of Dendereh, or at Dendereh itself, still active during the first part of the reign of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep.26 The similarity between the styles of the reliefs at Dendereh and Gebelein almost leads us to conjecture the same workmanship.27 However, the iconographic details of the same subjects differ, as can be noted, for example, in the great uraeus hanging from the horns, an attribute of Hathor, which at Gebelein is of gigantic proportions (e.g. CGT 7003/158 = Suppl. 12281, Plate XXX), as compared to Dendereh (Figure 27), or else in the absence, or at any rate the reduced size, of the sun disk of the falcon-headed deities (CGT 7003/139 = Suppl. 12224 and CGT 7003/141 = Suppl. 12178, Plates XXVII). The extreme dissimilarity in the rendering of the same subject—see the cartouches (e.g. CGT 7003/178 = Suppl. 12034 and CGT 7003/180 = Suppl. 12037, Plate XXXIII) or the divine figures (CGT 7003/166 = Suppl. 12284

24

Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Pl. VII. E.g. Robins, “The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II”, 1990, p. 42 and Fig. 6.7. 26 Postel, “Les origines de l’art Thébain”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 30 (2003), p. 17; pp. 21-25; Fay, “L’Art Égyptien”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 18 (2000), p. 39. 27 Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 150. 25

20

ii. dating the chapel

and CGT 7003/158 = Suppl. 12281, Plates XXXI, XXX)—may induce one to think of local workers who, although trained in the royal workshops and copying standard models, carried them out in a freer manner, mixing schematism and realism (e.g. the Nubian figure, Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/3, Plate XXXII), finished and unfinished (e.g. CGT 7003/78 = Suppl. 12278 and CGT 7003/ 77 = Suppl. 12219, Plates XVI). The renewal brought about by the influence of the Memphite school produced a visible change, as for example, in a flatter or shallower bas-relief, more sinuous hands, smaller and more proportionate ears. Knees are less rounded and lose the triangular mark in bas-relief, and the top and tuberosity of the shin-bone become parallel when vertical. The leg muscles and bone structure are rendered in relief. The pelvis is lower and the shoulders even wider. On the whole, figure rendering is more naturalistic and the proportions more elegant.28

28 Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 151. In the evolution of Egyptian reliefs, the royal workshops of the XIth dynasty at Deir el-Bahari were held in great esteem. The tomb of Queen Neferu, at Deir el-Bahari, became a tourist attraction as early as the reign of Queen Hatshepsut of the XVIIIth dynasty, and many visitors inscribed their names and thoughts on its walls. The Boston bas-relief, in Brovarski, A Table of Offerings, 1987, p. 4. 29 The reference study is by Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, pp. 131-244, who thoroughly examines the published documentation. For the sources discussing the names of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, we may mention: Lepsius, Auswahl, 1842, Pl. 9, who presents the Irtisen stela at the Louvre, with the last title adopted, but in which “son of Re” is written inside the cartouche. Petrie, Abydos II, 1903, pp. 33-43, Pl. XXIV: the Horus nry-t Nb-pt-R as Mentuhotep III. Sethe, “Zur Königsfolge“, ZÄS 42 (1905), p. 131; ib. “Die mit den Bezeichnungen”, ZÄS 62 (1927), pp. 3-5. Daressy, “Fragments de stèles”, ASAE VIII (1907), p. 243, 245, mentions two stelae from Dra ‘Abu el-Naga kept at Cairo: the first reads nry-t and the second, the ”, RdT 32 (1910), p. Horus ZmA-tAwy. Naville, “Les Anu 53. Gauthier, “Nouvelles remarques”, BIFAO 9 (1911), pp. 102-12, consider the Horus %nx-jb-tAwy as Mentuhotep I, the Horus ZmA-tAwy Nb-pt-R as Mentuhotep II. von Bissing, “Encore la XI e dynastie”, BIFAO 10 (1912), pp. 195-205. Winlock, “Neb-epet-re` Mentu-otpe”, JEA 26 (1940), pp. 116-9; ib. The Rise and Fall, 1947, p. 21. The royal list of Karnak: Urk. IV, 608. Clère and Vandier (TTPI, 1948, pp. 19-22; 24; 32-47). Clère, “Une nouvelle forme du nom”, JNES 9 (1950), pp. 37-9, discusses one of the forms of the name of Horus in the temple at Deir el-Bahari (the epithet pt-m-Swty.f). Gardiner, “The First King Menthotpe”, MDAIK 14 (1956), p. 42, begins by commenting the Royal Canon at Turin, in which pt is written with the sign of the oar, while pt written with the square is accompanied by the praenomen nb- (nrj-t); at Tod it is accompanied by the praenomen ZmA-tAwy. He then cites the British Museum stela

The Titulary of Mentuhotep The question of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep’s names has been a subject of study since early last century29 ending with our present-day position of recognising all the names formerly attributed to three different Mentuhoteps as belonging to the same one30 and of distinguishing three phases, in two of which the king adopts a set of names and one in which he changes them, fixing his definitive sequence of titles as Horus/ ZmA-tAwy, Nebty/ ZmA-tAwy, Golden Horus (Falcon?) / QA-Swty,31 njswt-bjty (enthronement prenomen)/ Nb-pt-R (pt written ), zA R (outside the cartouche) and nomen / Mnw-tp. The set of titles is intended to express the sovereign’s political platform, which does not however provide decisive proof that reunification had occurred. According to von Beckerath,32 Mentuhotep may initially have borne the name of Horus ¤nxjb-tAwy followed by “son of Re Mentuhotep” and, during his final campaigns against the Herakleopolitan kings of the Xth dynasty, between Year 14 99 [1203] (see Schenkel, MHT, 1965, pp. 226-7), on which the name of Horus is %nx-jb-tAwy, comparing it with an inscription (Newberry, Scarabs, 1908, p. 87, Fig. 87) which he reads r s-jb [tAwy?] njswt bjty (zA R Mnwtp)|, confirming the hypothesis of Stock, Studia Aegyptiaca II (1949), pp. 78-86, that the name was adopted during the first part of the reign and then replaced with a more appropriate one. The tomb of Inyotef at Assasif with the cartouche Nb-pt-R Mn[w-tp] (written with the sign ) on the sixth pilaster, in Arnold and Settgast, “Erster Vorbericht”, MDAIK 20 (1965), p. 51, Fig. 3, seems palaeographically close to the specimens at Gebelein. Von Beckerath, “Zur Begründung”, ZÄS 92 (1965), p. 7, discusses the change in the name of Horus in the case of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, Amenemhat I and Kamose. Arnold, “Zur frühen Namensform”, MDAIK 24 (1969), examines Turin Suppl. 12123 and integrates the cartouche with the titles, in sequence, of Horus Nry-t and njswt-bjty %nx-jb-tAwy. Barta, Das Selbstzeugnis, 1970, p. 46. Gestermann, “Hathor, Harsomtus, und Mnw-tp.w II.”, 1984, pp. 763-5; Kontinuität, 1987, pp. 49-53). Robins, “The reign”, 1990, p. 40. Vandersleyen, “La Titulature de Mentouhotep II”, 1994, p. 317 and von Beckerath, Handbuch 1999, pp. 78-9; Gundlach, “Die Neubegründung des Königtums”, 1999, pp. 33-35; Postel, “«Rame» ou «course»?”, BIFAO 103 (2003), pp. 386-389; Postel, “Une nouvelle mention”, 2008, pp. 334-335. 30 Arnold, “Zur frühen Namensform”, MDAIK 24 (1969), pp. 38-42. 31 Nebhepetre Mentuhotep’s second name of Golden Horus seems to be one of the earliest examples of the pattern: falcon + golden name + accusative of respect QA, Aufrère, “Morphologie du protocole”, BIFAO 82 (1982), p. 47. 32 Von Beckerath, “Mentuhotep II.”, LÄ IV (1980), coll. 66-67; Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 131; p. 134 and p. 319 doc. 63 (seal NYMMA 10.130.164), in which, between the name of Horus and Son of Re, is added the title njswt-bjty.

ii. dating the chapel

21

and Year 31 of his reign, he modified the name of Horus to Nry-t and assumed, being the first Theban king to do so, the complete titulary (name and royal title, plus coronation name Nb-pt-R). The reliefs in the temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Gebelein provide other names belonging to the so-called second titulary, in which the constant element is Nry-t Nb-pt-R (pt writ)33 zA R (in the cartouche) Mentuhotep. ten One of Nebty’s names and, perhaps, the name of the Golden Horus are attested at Gebelein for the first time:34 The Horus name: Nry-t ‘divine with regard to the white crown’ (e.g. CGT 7003/9 = Suppl. 12088, CGT 7003/62 = Suppl. 12123; CGT 7003/ 261 = Provv. 3035). Njswt-bjty: %nx-[jb?-tAwy] ‘He who makes live [the heart (?of the) two lands]’ (e.g. CGT 7003/42 = Provv. 2046, CGT 7003/62 = Suppl. 12123; perhaps also CGT 7003/10 = Suppl. 12089); […]-jbtAwy in CGT 7003/124 = Suppl. 12145. Njswt-bjty: Nry-t ‘divine with regard to the white crown’ (Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/10). Njswt-bjty (or epithet?): Nb-pt-R (written ), ‘Lord of the pt-course is Re’ (CGT 7003/176 = Suppl. 12218). The Nebty name: mry Xt ‘beloved by the corporation’ (e.g. CGT 7003/16 = Suppl. 12082 + S 12096 + S 12098 + 12081 + 12084, CGT 7003/43 = Suppl. 12140, CGT 7003/55 = Suppl. 12128). The Golden Horus name (?): Nrw rswt: ‘The southern gods (?)’ (CGT 7003/16 = Suppl. 12082 + Suppl. 12096 + Suppl. 12098 + Suppl. 12081 + Suppl. 12084). The nomen: zA R Mnw-tp ‘Son of Re, Mentuhotep’ (e.g. CGT 7003/14 = Suppl. 12097). Variant of the nomen: zA @wt-r nbt Jwnt Mnw-tp ‘Son of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, Mentuhotep’ (e.g. CGT 7003/2 = Suppl. 12078, CGT 7003/8 = Suppl. 12087, CGT 7003/62 = Suppl. 12123; CGT 7003/210 = Suppl. 12259; CGT 7003/266 = Provv. 3043 + Provv. 3044).

Epithets: […] mry @wt-r […] ‘beloved of Hathor […]’ (CGT 7003/5 = Suppl. 12092, CGT 7003/56 = Suppl. 12047).35 [... Mnw-tp] nx mj R t jwn ^mw…f […] ‘[Mentuhotep] living like Re eternally, pillar of Upper Egypt [? Thebes? Armant?…]’ (CGT 7003/27 = Suppl. 12204). […] SA wrt nx mj R t […] ‘[…] in great quantity, may he live like Re eternally […]’, written inside a cartouche (CGT 7003/40 = Suppl. 12131 + Provv. 2033). Occasional titles: oA Jwnwt followed by zA wtr nbt Jwnt [Mnw-tp...] ‘Governor of Jwnwt (Gebelein?), Son of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, [Mentuhotep…]’ (CGT 7003/130 = Suppl. 12195);36 oA Jwnwt followed by njswt-bjty […] ‘Governor of Jwnwt (Gebelein?), King of Upper and Lower Egypt […]’ (Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/8). The name of Nebty, perhaps also that of the Golden Horus, his prenomen, plus his nomen, are the same as those of the first titulary of Pepy I. The sequence of royal titles was clearly extremely irregular, and often different titles are attributed to the same names, with an improper use of the protocol. The variability of the use of the different titles is confirmed by contemporary documents. Evidence of the royal protocol on private monuments is rare prior to the Middle Kingdom, and we have to await the XI1th dynasty before we find a stela, erected by an official, with a royal sequence. On the stelae of Henun and Inyotef, ‘son of Ka’, from el-Tarif (Inyotef also served Mentuhotep’s two predecessors, and the stela includes a mention of the rebellion of Thinis in Year 14),37 Mentuhotep bears as his Horus name %nx-jb-tAwy. At Gebelein, the name of Horus is Nry-t and his title of njswt-bjty is Nry-t and %nx-jb-tAwy or %nx-tAwy.f: in other documents38 it is the Horus Nry-t e njswt bjty Nb-pt-R ( or ), written within a cartouche, zA R, written outside the cartouche, plus the name of Mentuhotep. In the tomb of the Overseer of Troops, Inyotef39 the title is njswt bity Nb-pt-R ( or + phonetic

33 On the writing and meaning of the navigation of the sun in the theology of Amun-Re at Thebes and the legitimation of the royal function, Postel, BIFAO 103 (2003), pp. 377-381; pp. 386-389. 34 Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, pp. 170-171, considers however that the introduction of the name of Golden Horus is an innovation belonging to the last titulary of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep. 35 It would follow the name of Horus within the sequence

of royal names, Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 138; p. 140, p. 146 and p. 320, doc. 66. 36 Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 143. 37 Cairo J.E. 36346, Clère and Vandier, T.P.P.I., 1948, §23, 3 §24, 5. 38 Clère and Vandier, T.P.P.I., 1948, §21 §25,22 §26,24 § 27. 39 Arnold and Settgast, “Erster Vorbericht”, MDAIK 20 (1965), p. 51, Fig. 3.

22

ii. dating the chapel

complement t), zA R [Mnw-tp], written within the cartouche.40 The apparent disorder seen everywhere in the royal protocol of the Old Kingdom down to the titulary of Pepy is gradually arranged in the sequence: Horus ( ) Nebty ( ) Golden Horus ( ) Son of Ra (I)| (N)| by the time of the Mentuhoteps and appears to match their re-acquired prestige. The Mentuhoteps aspired to ground their royal dignity on the past and attempted to give their titles coherence and order. A definitive arrangement of the titles zA R and e njswt-bjty, employed earlier indifferently before the nomen or enthronement name (prenomen), was not reached until the end of the XIth dynasty. The rigorous identity of the first two names (Horus and Nebty) becomes constant starting from Pepy I and is employed in the last form of the titulary of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep (both ZmA-tAwy), up to the first titulary of Amenemhat I. Pepy I changed two of Nebty’s names, as did Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, more than once. The final and definitive version is ZmA-tAwy. In his second titulary, beside Nebty Nry-t, we also find Nebty Mry Xt of Gebelein and another Nebty, less well attested, A-[…].41 An important stage in the history of the royal names—the modification of part of the titulary during the course of the reign—was reached under Pepy I, who after a short while changed his original enthronement name, Nefersahor, to Merire and certainly inaugurated the modification of the second epithet. His reign heralded the changes that were continued under Nebhepetre Mentuhotep (or the mere abandoning of the sequences in his various titu-

laries), which we see repeated at the outset of the XIIth dynasty, with Amenemhat I.42 Despite the paucity of documents bearing the royal title dating from the reigns of the Inyotefs, it appears that the titles of Horus WA-nx, Nxt-nbtp-nfr, followed by the Horus %nx-jb-tAwy were merely unfinished sets of titles, limited to the Horus sequence ( ), njswt-bjty, Son of Re (N).43 The reason why they never assumed a complete set of titles can only have been a policy decision. The Inyotefs appear to have assumed the name of Horus, the most significant title, following an archaic form recalling the Thinite era, in which case the name of Horus came after their birth name. It may be thought that they adapted the archaic protocol in order to differentiate themselves from their opponents of the Herakleopolitan dynasty, who looked back to the Old Kingdom and thus established a kind of historical legitimation, even though the adoption of the title ‘Son of Re’ was linked to the previous tradition.44 The borrowing of this ancient usage, which marks a pause in title evolution, might explain the reaction that occurred under the Horus %nx-jb-tAwy. Nebhepetre Mentuhotep inaugurated a policy of systematically reconquering Egypt and very gradually returned to the traditional sequence. The second phase, as demonstrated by the titles used, shows a clear reference to the set of titles of Pepy I. Like Amenemaht I later on, Mentuhotep abandoned the Inyotefs’ truncated sequence for a set of titles that became slowly defined, better suited to the circumstances, bearing witness to the various stages of his political platform for the reunification of Egypt.

40 See also WHI 16, in Darnell, Theban Desert Road Survey, I, OIP 119, 2002, pp. 128-9. 41 Naville, The XIth Dynasty Temple I, 1907, Pl. XII, k; Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 139. 42 Aufrère, “Morphologie du protocole”, BIFAO 82 (1982), pp. 38-9; 41-3.

43 Mentuhotep I and %r-tAwy Inyotef were posthumously granted a Horus name by Inyotef II, Gundlach, “Die Neubegründung”, 1999, p. 26, p. 33; Seidlmayer, 2000, p. 135. 44 Aufrère, “Morphologie du protocole”, BIFAO 82 (1982), p. 46-7; Gundlach, “Die Neubegründung”, 1999, pp. 24, 30-31, 33-35.

iii. the cult of hathor

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III. THE CULT OF HATHOR, LADY OF DENDEREH, AND THE PANTHEON OF MENTUHOTEP

The chapel was consecrated by King Nebhepetre Mentuhotep to the goddess Hathor, Lady of Dendereh.1 We have a few fragments portraying the goddess, whose cult is attested to at Gebelein, as Lady of the place (Jnrty), from the XIIth dynasty up to the Ptolemaic period. The portrayals of the deities in relation to the goddess of Dendereh possess apparently unique iconographic details, as in the case of the goddess Seshat (CGT 7003/160 = Suppl. 12151 and CGT 7003/161 = Suppl. 12228, Plate XXX). The cult of Hathor in Mentuhotep’s chapel at Gebelein, however, is not a purely local cult, but belongs to the special context of the king’s legitimation. It does not seem to be a specific ka cult, as in the case of the wt-kA at Dendereh, where the king appears with the triad of Hathor, Horakhty, and Sematawy (Somtu).2 The reconstruction of some of the scenes seems rather to indicate that it was a temple in which a ceremonial was celebrated with the king as protagonist, performing the rites of the handing over of royal power and the zmAtAwy. The presence of Sematawy (ZmA-tAwy), who is none other than the king’s divine hypostasis, not only strengthens this assumption, but represents, together with the Dendereh chapel, one of the first examples of this deity’s cult (CGT 7003/116 = Suppl. 12193, Plate XXIII). The name of the goddess Hathor linked to the Dendereh area is evidenced from as early as the IVth dynasty by the tomb of Meresankh at Giza (G 7530): at least three priests and six priestesses of Hathor of Dendereh were buried close to the Residence, from the IVth to the VIth dynasty.3 Some

of them officiated at Dendereh, while others were assigned to the cult of the goddess of Dendereh in the area of Memphis. Other priestesses of the Dendereh Hathor are known at Hemamia in the Vth dynasty and at Thebes in the VIth dynasty and at Dendereh itself, especially during the VIth dynasty, and in the XIth dynasty at Salamiya to the south of Tod. The stela of Merer from Rezeiqat, now at Cracow, appears to be the only mention of the cult of Hathor of Dendereh in the Gebelein area prior to Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, during the period between Ankhtify and Wahankh Inyotef.4 The fact that the sun disk appears between the horns of the goddess toward the end of the IVth dynasty in the Mycerinus triads, and becomes usual during the Vth dynasty, has led to a link being assumed between the sun cult and that of the goddess in the region of Memphis.5 In actual fact, the sun cult is associated with the cult of the goddess, together with that of the sovereign, in the sun temples of the Vth dynasty, in particular with regard to the sun temple of Neferirkare, where priests are mentioned, whereas they are not mentioned for the said cult at Heliopolis.6 The association of Hathor with Re, even if not with Heliopolis, is extremely frequent in the XIth dynasty and Middle Kingdom, especially in the Coffin Texts.7 The most significant cult by any sovereign of the Old Kingdom for Hathor Lady of Dendereh was, without a doubt, that of Pepy I, even though Cheops may earlier have built a temple in that location.8 King Teti is “loved” by the goddess, as shown by the inscription on the lotus-shaped

1 Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, pp. 151-53. 2 Here, the king resembles Amun and Min, in the context of the deification of his person, as observed by Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), pp. 51-52. For a reading of the scenes represented on the walls of the chapel at Dendereh, see O’Connor, “The Dendereh Chapel of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep”, in Studies H. S. Smith, 1999, pp. 209-20. 3 PM III1, p. 54 ,148, 207, 309. The documents concerning priests and priestesses associated with the cult of Hathor of Dendereh, from the IVth dynasty to the late First Intermediate Period, are commented on by Fischer, Dendera, 1968, pp. 23-30; see also Gillan, “Priestesses of Hathor”, JARCE 32 (1995), pp. 211-231.

4 Fischer, Dendera, 1968, p. 23, 29, 186. The stela of Merer in Černý, “The Stela of Merer”, JEA 47 (1961), pp. 5-9. Its provenance is assumed by Fischer, Kush X (1962). 5 Fischer, Dendera, 1968, pp. 30-5, who also sees a relationship in the similar writing of Jwnw, Heliopolis, and Jwnwt, Dendereh. 6 Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, pp. 151-2; Nuzzolo, “Templi solari della V dinastia”, Aegyptus 85 (2005), pp. 90-4, Table 1; Nuzzolo, “The Sun Temples of the Vth Dynasty”, SAK 36 (2007), p. 247. 7 Allam, Beiträge, 1963, pp. 113-8. Specimen CT IV, 180 k-m, in Iqer from Gebelein (G1T). 8 Fischer is doubtful, Dendera, 1968, p. 47.

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iii. the cult of hathor

handle of a sistrum, at the top of which are the falcon-god Horus and the cobra-goddess Wadjet.9 It was, however, Pepy I who first declared himself son of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, and of Atum of Heliopolis and the close relationship between the goddess and the sovereign is evidenced by monuments in various parts of Egypt.110 Consequently, the association of the cult of Hathor with that of the sun and of the regal cult seems to assume importance. It is probable that the cult worshipped Hathor, not only as the king’s mother, but as mistress of the heavens and the stars, as the serpent in the crown. In the Coffin Texts, Hathor proclaims, “I am Wadjet, I am truly the mistress of the two lands”.11 Hathor is the king’s dress, his apron, and she feeds him with her milk.12 The cult of Re, Hathor and the king, and thus the legitimation of his kingship and his acts, is expressed in the triad conceived as early as the IVth dynasty, in which Hathor is the king’s mother, Re his father, and the Falcon is the son, incarnate in the king. Hathor, as Re’s mother, daughter and consort, mother of Horus, is at the centre of regal ideology, and the triad is a theme already found in the Pyramid Texts (Pyr. 546 a-b). The mother-son relationship between Hathor and the king is certainly earlier, and is recalled by the goddess’s very name. At Deir el Bahari, the motif is reiterated and Hathor and Montu seem to play the role of the king’s divine parents, only to be replaced later on by the couple Amun-Re and Hathor.13 During the sed-festival, Hathor’s role is that of consort, since, as Wente suggests,14 the ritual included a sacred marriage between the goddess and the king as part of the scenario of the cosmic renewal of his kingship. The king is father and son, the male element, while the goddess is mother and wife, the means of renewal and the female counterpart of the cosmic cycle: she mediates the unification of

opposites, unity from duality, the requirements for birth and renewal, agent of the unification of the Two Lands.15 The king takes an active part in the goddess’s cult, dancing, shaking the sistrum, and singing. The undoubted predominance of Montu, Amun, Re, Hathor and Horus as dynastic deities is vouchsafed by an inscription, probably from the period of Sehertawy Inyotef, in which the king appears to emphasize the goddess’s renewed protection, and by the hymn to Re and Hathor, mistress of heaven and of love, by Wahankh Inyotef.16 Interest in the goddess as the dynasty’s guardian deity must have started in the reign of Sehertawy Inyotef, with the conquest of the 4th nome and of Dendereh, where the heavenly goddess was worshipped, and also Horus, son of Re, and which, together with Coptos and Abydos, was a highly important place of cult, as late as the end of the VIIIth dynasty. Inyotef II carried the cult of the goddess to Thebes as a funerary deity.17 Earlier, Inyotef II had conceived the cult of Amun-Re at Thebes, which slowly took over from that of Montu, the god of the Theban nome and, in particular, that of Montu-Re, a form that materialized under Nebhepetre. With the change in writing pt with an oar in the name of Nebhepetre—thus in the third phase of his reign—, Mentuhotep must have instituted the Theban festival in honour of Amun-Re, including the celebration of the god’s sailing from the temple of Karnak to the west bank, corresponding to the course of the sun deity Re-Atum at Heliopolis, and bringing the whole theological system to the south. The king thus asserted his divine sonship, reactivating his regeneration perpetually by the course of the sun bark that represented the life cycle, as also manifest in his coronation name. The rite of the course, when the oar pointed at Hathor or another deity, belonged on the other hand to

9 De Garis Davies, “An Alabaster Sistrum Dedicated by King Teta”, JEA 6 (1920), p. 69. 10 Fischer, Dendera, 1968, p. 38-40. 11 CT IV, 176 f-g (Chapter 331), Allam, Beiträge, 1963, p. 111. 12 The nursing scene, for example, in Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 8; Gillan, “Priestesses of Hathor”, JARCE 32 (1995), pp. 231-233, deems it probable that the king was also legitimized by marriage to Hathor’s priestesses. 13 Troy, Patterns of Queenship, pp. 54-59. 14 Wente, Hathor at the Jubelee, 1969, p. 90. 15 Hathor was also worshipped at Dendereh in four forms: as the menat, as Re’s uraeus, as the protectress of her father, Osiris, and Horus, and as chief of the great

throne, ensuring food production and its distribution to the other gods, Preys, “Les manifestations d’Hathor”, SAK 34 (2007), pp. 353-375. 16 Turin Suppl. 1310, from Armant, according to Vandier, “Une inscription historique”, 1964; Schenkel, “Amun-Re”, SAK 1 (1974), p. 281; Vernus, “Études”, RdE 35 (1984), pp. 163; Gabolde, “Origines d’Amon”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 16 (2000), p. 8; Morenz, “Die thebanischen Potentaten”, ZÄS 130 (2003), pp. 112-114; MMA 13.182.3, of the king’s Theban tomb, in Hayes, The Scepter I, p. 152, Fig. 90 and Lichtheim, Literature 1973, pp. 94-6. 17 Gundlach, “Die Neubegründung des Königtums”, 1999, pp. 26, 31-33.

iii. the cult of hathor

25

the nautical celebrations and rites linked to water or fertility, such as the arrival of the Nile flood.18 Amun’s temple at Karnak would also have been a centre for the royal cult by means of the renewal of power that included the rites connected with the sed-festival.19 The gods, which in the chapel of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Gebelein are depicted in the company of Hathor, are related to the royal cult and the solar creed and are the gods that accompany the king in the portrayals we know of. Various deities are represented, some of certain identification, such as Hathor, whose name frequently occurs, or her epithet of Lady of Dendereh (e.g. CGT 7003/171 = Suppl. 12265, CGT 7003/166 = Suppl. 12284, CGT 7003/109 = 12144, Plates XXXI, XXII), Seshat (CGT 7003/160 = Suppl. 12151 and CGT 7003/161 = Suppl. 12228, Plate XXX), Khnum (CGT 7003/150 = Suppl. 12029, Plate XXIX), Sematawy (CGT 7003/116 = Suppl. 12193, CGT 7003/118 = Suppl. 12194 and, probably, CGT 7003/115 = Suppl. 12282, Plates XXIII); the identity of others is ambiguous owing to the fragmentary state of the depictions, such as the goddesses Neith (perhaps CGT 7003/149 = Provv. 3016, CGT 7003/152 = Suppl. 12280bis, Plate XXIX) or Satet (CGT 7003/150 = Suppl. 12029, Plate XXIX), both of whom may be portrayed with the red crown, the gods Montu or Horus, Horakhty (see CGT 7003/139 = Suppl. 12224 and CGT 7003/141 = Suppl. 12178, Plate XXVII), both falcon-headed or, in any case, Horus of Edfu (CGT 7003/257 = Provv. 3036, Plate XLVII). Another unidentified deity (Cairo J.E. T.R. 31/10/17/9, Plate XXVIII) finds a parallel only in a relief from Deir el-Ballas (Figure 28), which may have come from a temple dedicated to Hathor.20 Montu, worshipped in the temples of Armant, Tod and Medamud since the earliest times, and in particular in the XIth dynasty, is the god of war who incarnates the king’s feats, and is the primordial god of the region of Thebes, with his solar aspects.

He can be compared to Heliopolitan Atum, as the counterpart for Upper Egypt, starting at least from the XIIth dynasty.21 He is portrayed with a falcon’s head and sun disk, often surmounted by two feathers, or a white crown, accompanied by Neith of Sais and Satet of Elephantine.22 Of his two consorts, Tjenenet (perhaps CGT 7003/185 = Suppl. 12191 + S. 12301 + Suppl. 12298, Plate XXXIV) at Tod wears the feathered robe of celestial deities and an unusual headgear with the crown of Upper Egypt, and has the head and tail of a vulture, associated perhaps with the goddess Nekhbet.23 On a block belonging to Seankhare Mentuhotep at Armant24, Jwnit, “she of Armant”, Lady of Ankhtawy, also wears a feathered tunic and a wig with a vulture, whose head is missing and replaced by a uraeus, uniting the two symbols of Nekhbet and Wadjet and thus reflecting the theme of unification. The god Montu, besides his consorts, may also be associated with Neith, Lady of Sais, who wears the red crown of Lower Egypt,25 representing the Delta and counterbalancing Montu and Khnum of Elephantine, the latter representing the southern border of Upper Egypt: his cult was revitalized by Wahankh Inyotef in connexion with Satet.26 Neith, whose cult in the Old Kingdom is often associated with that of Hathor, goddess of the sycamore,27 is, in the Esna texts, the goddess who attacks and massacres the enemies of her son Horus, of the king, of Egypt, and assails the forces of evil.28 Seshat, who in the solar religion is the daughter of Re, is portrayed with horns upside-down, a symbol of the year and month. The feathers between the horns relate to the compound wptrnpt, to the opening of the year. With the IVth dynasty, Seshat’s recording of the years was adapted to the eternity of Re, regulating these years in tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands, millions, as far as eternity, and use of the sign  emphasizes the link with the solar religion. Not only does it record the royal birthname and the royal coronation titles, but it records the booty

18 Arnold, Der Tempel II, 1974, pp. 26-27, Pl. 22-23; Postel, BIFAO 103 (2003), pp. 387-389; p. 393. 19 Ulmann, “Thebes: origins of a ritual landscape”, 2007, pp. 11-12, also assumes the existence of a chapel for the Ka of Mentuhotep inside the temple of Amon. The White Chapel of Sesostris I had a function in the sed-festival, Strauß-Seeber, Christine, “Bildprogramm und Funktion der Weißen Kapelle in Karnak”, 1994. 20 Fischer, Inscriptions, 1964, p. 122, Pl. 39; Yoyotte, “Le nome de Coptos,” Orientalia, 35, 1 (1966), p. 48. 21 The architrave from the funerary complex of Amenemhat I, in Gauthier and Jéquier, Mémoire, 1902, Fig. 108. 22 Temple of Tod, Bisson de la Roque, Tod, 1937, Figs.

25-27; temple of Elephantine and graffiti of Konosso, Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Figs. 19-21. 23 Bisson de la Roque, Tod, 1937, Fig. 26. 24 Mond and Myers, Temples of Armant, 1940, p. 167, Pl. 96 n° 1. 25 Bisson de la Roque, Tod, 1937, Fig. 25. 26 His successor dedicated three apparently single-cell chapels at Elephantine, one of which, perhaps, for the cult of the king, Seidlmayer, “The First Intermediate Period”, 2000, p. 137. 27 el-Sayed, La déesse Neith de Saïs, 1982, p. 238. 28 el-Sayed, La déesse Neith de Saïs, 1982, pp. 43-5; 73.

iii. the cult of hathor

26

brought back from foreign lands to the pharaoh, and marks the king’s lifetime on the venation of the palm-leaf, besides guaranteeing, together with Thoth, the sed-festival. The falcon-god, Horus, Horakhti with the sun disk, is Hathor’s son and is clearly linked to the solar religion. He appears in the Dendereh chapel between the king and Sematawy in front of Hathor in the zSS lotus-offering scene and in the one in which the goddess nurses the king.29 The son of Horakhti and Hathor, the king’s hypostasis, is Sematawy. Just as the cult of Hathor of the sycamore, i.e. Memphite Hathor, was associated with her son Ihy, at Dendereh the cult of Hathor was associated also with that of Sematawy. At a late period, Horsematawy unites in himself three aspects based on the same concepts: he is the sun god, primordial, creator. Through his actions, Horsematawy guarantees the order of the cosmos and the earth and, in the person of the sovereign, political order, or Maat, and consequently the triumph of Egypt. His attributes are two feathers, like Horus, Montu and Seshat, which also constitute the Golden Horus name of the king in his last titulary, which do not appear in his first portrayal at Dendereh. A symbolic zmA-tAwy rite was probably performed by the king at the outset of his reign and may have been repeated at the sed-festival. The available depictions belong to a late period, as a rule on the stands of the sacred barks, and may reflect actual ceremonies performed by the king and persons wearing masks. On the stand of the 29

Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Figs. 7-8; O’Connor, “The Dendereh Chapel”, 1999, p. 218. 30 Baines, Fecundity Figures, 1985, pp. 254-9, Figs. 157-50.

Atlanersa bark,30 fertility scenes are depicted on all four sides, culminating on the side bearing the zmA-tAwy symbol between Horus and Thoth. The king stands above, holding up the sky, in one twA pt scene, a rite that follows the celebration of a victory (see, in this connexion, CGT 7003/20 = Suppl. 12044?). The zmA was thus conceived as a support for the king. In some rites associated with kingship, the raising of an object is important, in particular the d pillar. Nebhepetre Mentuhotep’s cult of Hathor at Gebelein essentially concerns the legitimation of his kingship and consequently his power during the complete reunification of the country. The chapel was built, in all probability, after Year 14, perhaps on the occasion of reintroducing inaugural ceremonies and proclaiming his political platform and to legitimize himself by means of a zmA-tAwy rite. He had had the temple built during his conquest campaigns, in an area that had been hostile to the Thebans, on the site of a protodynastic temple, in front of his troops, for whom Gebelein was a recruitment basin. This probably occurred before the thirtieth year of his reign, or at any rate prior to his jubilee, on which occasion his third titulary is already in evidence.31 The king may have been worshipped as son of Hathor in the form of Sematawy. In the chapel at Dendereh, in the Konosso graffiti and on the Karnak architrave (Figure 32),32 Mentuhotep is portrayed with divine attributes, with the intent of legitimizing by every means his claim to the throne of Upper and Lower Egypt. 31

Offering table in Cauville and Gasse, “Fouilles de Dendera”, BIFAO 88 (1988). 32 Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Figs. 21, 22, 14.

iv. hypothetical reconstruction of architecture and decoration

27

IV. HYPOTHETICAL RECONSTRUCTION OF ARCHITECTURE AND DECORATION

An in-depth study of the material preserved at the Cairo and Turin museums has not only made possible a partial reconstruction of some of the scenes portrayed on the wall registers, but has also provided a hypothetical plan and elevation of the temple.1 In many cases, the Turin fragments complete scenes on both published and unpublished blocks at the Cairo Museum, with a minor contribution provided by the fragments still in situ (Gebelein 1-4, Color Plate LIII), examined during a brief prospection of the southern hill. The decorative elements are so fragmentary that they can provide little assistance in determining the plan of the architectural structure. It is also difficult to reconstruct the internal arrangement of the rooms, although we know the walls were lined with limestone and decorated (CGT 7003/117 = Suppl. 12143, Plate XXIII). The summit of the southern hill where, owing to the quantity of fragments discovered among the rubble resulting from the collapse of the fortress of Menkheperre, the temple is deemed to have stood, leaves little space for any large-size building. The proportions of the figures, in their fragmentary state, lead to the assumption that the temple itself was small, and, in any case, only its foundations can be deduced. It should be said, however, that such a hypothesis is purely indicative, since excavation data are not available.

1

Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, pp. 149-50. 2 Starting from the reign of Wahankh Inyotef, a standardization seems to appear in the provincial temples of Upper Egypt, in particular at Elephantine and, perhaps, Medamud. On the question of the so-called pre-formal style and provincial temples of the Delta, see Eigner, “Tell Ibrahim Awad”, Ägypten und Levante X (2000), pp. 35-36 and Bietak, “Kleine ägyptische Tempel”, 1993. 3 Arnold, Der Tempel, I, 1974, Pl. 38-40. 4 As, for example, the red chapel of Hatshepsut, Carlotti, “La chapelle d’Hatchepsut à Karnak”, Karnak X (1995), Pl. I-IV. 5 Arnold, Der Tempel, II, 1974, Figs. 1, 3-7. 6 Gabolde, “Origines d’Amon”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 16 (2000), Fig. 6. 7 Arnold, “Bemerkungen zu den frühen Tempeln von El-Tôd”, MDAIK 31 (1975), Figs. 1-2; Desroches Noblecourt and Leblanc, “Considérations sur l’existence des divers temples de Monthou.” BIFAO 84 (1984), p. 84, Pl. 23.

Architecture The fragments of cavetto cornice and corner columns preserved at Turin, as also the lower and some of the upper registers, are the sole actual elements that remain of the monument’s original architectural plan. However, thanks to parallels with the sources available on the period, various regular temple models can be proposed:2 the first derives from the King’s sepulchral chamber at Deir el-Bahari,3 with one or two openings along its short sides, as in the sacred bark temples, stopping-places for ritual navigation (Figure 7);4 the second is a single cell, like the shrine of the funerary temple of Mentuhotep at Deir elBahari,5 the hypothetical reconstruction of the temple of Inyotef II for Amon-Re at Karnak,6 the temples dedicated by Nebhepetre Mentuhotep to Montu of Tod7 and by Inyotef II and Nebhepetre to Satet of Elephantine (Figure 8);8 the third has three rooms side-by-side on the longer side, with dimensions larger than those of our plan, as in the hypothetical reconstruction of the temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Karnak,9 in the XIth dynasty temple at Medinet Habu,10 in the temple of Seankhara Mentuhotep at Tod11 and on the “Thoth” hill at Thebes West, destined for the cult of a triad (Figure 9).12 The last two models include a sandstone colonnade with two or more small inscribed polygonal columns.13 8

Kaiser et al., “Stadt und Tempel”, MDAIK 49 (1993), Fig. 8; Kaiser et al., “Stadt und Tempel”, MDAIK 55 (1999), Figs. 8-9; Seidlmayer, “The First Intermediate Period”, 2000, p. 137. 9 Gabolde, “Origines d’Amon”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 16 (2000), Fig. 6. 10 Hölscher, The Excavation of Medinet Habu. II, 1939, pp. 4-5, Fig. 41. 11 Arnold, “Bemerkungen zu den frühen Tempeln von El-Tôd”, MDAIK 31 (1975), Fig. 3. 12 Vörös, “The Ancient Nest of Horus above Thebes”, 2003, Fig. 4; the pottery discovered is associated with the cult of Hathor, leading to the assumption of a temple for the cult of Horus associated with Montu and Hathor, Pudleiner, “Hathor on the Thoth Hill”, MDAIK 57 (2001), pp. 238-245. 13 Le Saout, Ma’arouf, Zimmer, “Le Moyen Empire à Karnak: varia 1”, Karnak VIII (1987), pp. 294-297, similar to the small columns at Elephantine, Kaiser et al.,“Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine,” MDAIK 55 (1999), pp. 90-94; Gabolde, “Les temples primitifs d’Amon-Rê à Karnak”,

28

iv. hypothetical reconstruction of architecture and decoration

Figure 7. Bark Temples

A study of the architectural remains and decoration makes it possible to attempt a reconstruction of the cornice, estimate the measurements of the elevation and place some of the registers.

Restitution of the Cornice The kinds of cavetto cornice discovered (from CGT 7003/19 to CGT 7003/62) belong to three different typologies, with the same proportions, which however cannot at present be reconstructed in any precise context. One cornice consisted of a 10.5 cm high inscribed frieze, plus a cavetto cornice lower surface with stylized palm-leaves,

in Sationen, 1998, p. 192; Gabolde, Carlottti, Czerny, “Aux origines de Karnak”, BSÉG 23 (1999), pp. 44-49; Morenz, “Die thebanischen Potentaten”, ZÄS 130 (2003), pp. 114-116 ; Ulmann, “Zur Lesung der Inschrift”, ZÄS 132 (2005); Arnold,

painted red and bluish-green, edged by a whitepainted bas-relief. The second type differs because the palm-leaves are not edged. The third type is just painted. The maximum height of the remaining cavetto cornice lower surface is 7 cm. The cavetto cornice rested on a torus moulding (Figure 10 a-b, scale 1:4), 3.25 cm high (CGT 7003/18 = Suppl. 12093). In his reconstruction of the temple of Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahari, Arnold14 provides the façade and reproduces the registers on the side walls of the sanctuary. He also discovered and reconstructed a similar frieze, whose dimensions (Deir el-Bahari (II): cm. 20 + 49.5 + 28 = cm. 97.5) are about twice those of the previous one (Deir

“El- Tôd”, MDAIK 31 (1975), Fig. 3; Postel, “Fragments inédits du Moyen Empire à Tôd”, 2007, pp. 1541-1543. 14 1974, Der Tempel, II, p. 15, Fig. 2.

iv. hypothetical reconstruction of architecture and decoration

Figure 8. Single-cell Temples

Figure 9. Tripartite Temples

29

iv. hypothetical reconstruction of architecture and decoration

30

Figure 10. Gebelein: cavetto cornice and torus moulding

el-Bahari (I): cm. 10.5 + 30 + 8.5 = cm. 49) and our own, thus demonstrating that a proportional standard was observed.15 For Gebelein, with a certain approximation, we can suggest a height similar to (I) and equalling half of the example quoted (II), thus maintaining the proportions. 50 cm is the height of the cornice on the White Chapel of Sesostris I, maintaining the proportions between the frieze and the torus moulding. Gebelein: cm. 10.5 + {25}16 + 13 = cm. 48.5. Restitution of the Layout and Elevation Available we have ten intact blocks, not all of the same dimensions. We may therefore deduce that the masonry consisted of irregular layers, or was kept regular using small levelling blocks (e.g. CGT 7003/142 = Suppl. 12236, Plate XXVII). Almost all the remaining blocks were laid horizontally, although one block was certainly used vertically (Cairo J.E. T.R. 31/10/17/9, Plate XXVIII): we may imagine horizontal courses of blocks with levelling wedges, alternating with courses of vertically laid blocks, following the usual technique. The blocks of the outer and inner walls were laid sideby-side. The average depth of the intact blocks is 23 cm, even though the depth of one non-intact block measures about 28 cm. (CGT 7003/118 = 15 16 17

1974, Der Tempel, I, Fig. 31. Measurements between brackets are hypothetical. Arnold, Der Tempel, 1974, II, Fig. 1.

Suppl. 12194). The wall was probably at least 50 cm thick, slightly less than that of the walls of the temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahari.17 The lower registers are 30 cm high and were almost certainly laid on a base plinth of at least 30 or 60 cm. The upper registers, of which we can with certainty identify an overlapping of at least two, vary in height from 60 to 80 or 100 cm. for each register. For the cornice, we can assume a smooth edge of at least 30 cm. Summing up all the reconstructed registers, the minimum height of the chapel must have been about 300 cm, with a reconstructable maximum of about 350 cm: 1) cm. {30} + 30 + 60 + {100} + {30} + 50 = cm. 300 2) cm. {60} + 30 + 60 + {80} + {30} + 50 = cm. 310 3) cm. {30} + 30 + {80} + {100} + {30} + 50 = cm. 320 4) cm. {60} + 30 + 100 + {60} + {30} + 50 = cm. 330 5) cm. {60} + 30 + 100 + {80} + {30} + 50 = cm. 350. The shorter length alone can be deduced from the scenes of the lower registers, showing the procession of the provinces (Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/7 + CGT 7003/75-81, Figure 16). Most likely, all 14 or 16 provinces of Lower Egypt were included (as later in the White Chapel of Sesostris I) 18 plus the 22 of Upper Egypt. The minimum length we can assume, given the spacing of about 20 cm between the personifications, is thus 440 cm. (plus a few centimeters’ spacing from the corner columns), if the procession was split between the two longer external walls, to the north and south, as in the case of the White Chapel. In such a case, the figures on the north wall would be directed eastward, and on the south wall westward. In favour of this splitting of the procession over the two walls are the eight fecundity figures, or personifications (Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/4 + CGT 7003/85-91, Figure 17), which would offset the length of the walls with the provinces of Lower Egypt. Otherwise, if the procession of the provinces were reconstructed on one side only, its minimum length would vary from 720 to 760 cm. (22 provinces of Upper Egypt and 14 or 16 provinces of Lower Egypt). On the other side would have wound a very long sequence of personifica18 Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, 1956, Figs. 1-2, 4, 6; Bietak, Tell el-Dab‘a II, 1975, Figs. 28-34.

iv. hypothetical reconstruction of architecture and decoration

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Figure 11. Front View: section of the façade.

Figure 13. Diameter of Column CGT 7003/16 (= Suppl. 12082)

tions or fecundity figures, as in the Red Chapel of Hatshepsut.19 If the Egyptian king’s smiting of the enemy scene, followed by Nubians, Asiatics, Libyans and other representatives (Cairo J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5 + CGT 7003/64-73 + Gebelein 1, Figure 15), were, as is the rule in Egyptian temples from the New Kingdom onward, outside on the façade, one side would have to be at least 200 cm wide—for a façade of over 525 cm, giving a door-span of 125 cm (between 112 and 140 cm on the average, at Elephantine and Tod respectively),20 plus the jambs, probably of pink granite from Aswan (CGT 7003/15 = Suppl. 12099). If we reconstruct

a chapel that is 440 cm long, its main axis would be its width and the plan of the building would be recognisable by the sign pr ( ). If it were longer, its main axis would be longitudinal and thus similar, though of smaller proportions, to the Red Chapel of Hatshepsut. The outside corners were profiled with small columns of about 12 cm in diameter (Figure 13), inscribed from top to bottom in columns arranged on two registers. Of the ceiling there remains only one block decorated with stars (Cairo J.E T.R. 1/11/17/6, Plate XIII) and any reconstruction of the arrangment of the ceiling blocks and the internal divisions of the chapel is currently impossible.

19 Carlotti, “la chapelle d’Hatchepsut à Karnak”, Karnak X (1995), Pl. IV.

20

See Hirsch, “Bemerkungen zu Toren in den Tempeln”, in Wege öffnen 1996, p. 97, Table 2.

Figure 12. Front View: arrangement of the registers of a side wall. Graphic design by Susanna Salines.

32 iv. hypothetical reconstruction of architecture and decoration

v. catalogue

33

V. CATALOGUE

By studying the blocks and fragments, part of the architectural elements and some of the scenes portrayed can be reconstructed. The model is without a doubt the classical one, with several figurative registers of scenes with the sovereign accompanied by various gods before the deity to whom the temple is dedicated, as well as foundation and ritual scenes. The lower register contained typical temple scenes, with the procession of the provinces of Egypt, fecundity figures and the smiting of enemies, here represented with precise definition of details—not by chance—alluding to historical events that characterised the time at which the monument was erected. Sailing scenes are extremely probable. The top was finished with a cavetto cornice, inscribed with the king’s titles and its lower surface with stylized palm-leaves. The fragments are consequently presented below, according to the criterion of grouping the elements that may be considered as part of the same scenes, whether identifiable or not, further dividing them into the categories to which they belong: A. Decoration of architectural elements 1. Small corner columns 2. Cavetto cornice and torus moulding 3. Ceiling B. Wall decoration: lower registers 1. Smiting of the enemy scene with procession of subjugated peoples and personifications 2. Smiting of the enemy scene and temple foundation ceremony 3. Procession of the provinces

4. Fecundity figures or personifications C. Wall decoration: middle and upper registers. Attribution is essentially based on the size of the figures and the presence of star friezes separating the registers D. Wall decoration: lower registers without context E. Wall decoration: documents without context In describing the fragments, for objects belonging to the Eyptian Museum of Turin, a General Turin Catalogue (CGT) number is given, followed by the related Supplement of Schiaparelli’s Inventario Manoscritto [Manuscript Inventory] (= Suppl.) or provisional cataloguing reference (= Provv.); for items belonging to the Egyptian Museum of Cairo, the temporary number in the Journal d’Entrée is provided (J. E. Temporary Register, or T.R.); items discovered at site are denominated Gebelein followed by their reference number and year. Height is given before width, followed by the maximum remaining depth, the material, and the technique. Any existing bibliography is annotated for each fragment, otherwise the document should be taken as unpublished. There follows the item description. Figures drawings are to the scale of 1: 5. Catalogue numbering does not necessarily follow the order of the museum inventories, but rather a grouping criterion for items with common features, such as probably belonging to the same context.

A. Decoration of Architectural Elements 1. Corner Columns CGT 7003/1 (= Suppl. 12031 + Provv. 2027) Fragment of corner column 21 × 18 × 14 cm. + 9.4 × 7 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Carved intaglio relief Bibliography: Leospo ‘Gebelein e Asiut’, 1988, p. 87, Fig. 107; Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 326, ; Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 149, Fig. 13.

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a) Smooth surface; b) Cartouche of Mentuhotep separated from the smooth surface by a carved vertical band; (↓→) zA [R/wt-r nbt jwnt] Mnw-tp [nx] mj R [t] ‘Son of [Re/Hathor Lady of Dendereh] Mentuhotep, [living] like Re [eternally]’. Comment. The zA element in the titular is written inside the cartouche. CGT 7003/2 (= Suppl. 12078) Fragment of corner column 18 × 33.5 × 13 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief. Traces of ochre and white paint Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 52, 70 n° 6. Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, pp. 140-2; p. 326, doc. 84.

Two columns of hieroglyphs (a + b 15.5 cm), separated from the smooth surface (c + d) by two carved vertical bands, spaced 0.6 cm. Inscriptions (↓→): a) Cartouche [...] Mnw-tp zA [@wt-r nbt] Jwnt [...] ‘[...] Mentuhotep Son of [Hathor Lady] of Dendereh [...]’; b) [...@wt-r] nbt zA[...] ‘[... Hathor] Lady of ? […]’ or else [… Mnw-tp] zA @wt-r nbt [Jwnt…]. Comment. The direction of reading on the left column is the same as on the right one, unlike the other fragments, where the inscriptions face the inside. The sequence of names on column a) is also unusual.

CGT 7003/3 (= Suppl. 12080) Fragment of corner column 12 × 11 × 6 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief On the left, column separated from smooth surface b) by a carved vertical band. Inscription (↓→): [...] mj [R] t w [...] ‘[…] like [Re] eternally [? …]’.

CGT 7003/4 (= Suppl. 12083) Fragment of corner column 6.5 × 12 × 5 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief a) Column with 6.8 cm wide inscription, bordered by two vertical bands, (↓→): terminal part of a cartouche followed by the signs wt r […] or ‘[…]s r […]’. b) Smooth surface.

CGT 7003/5 (= Suppl. 12092) Fragment of corner column 10 × 9.5 × 6.5 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief

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a) Column with inscription separated from b) by a vertical band (↓→): [..mr]y @wt-r,‘[…] beloved of Hathor […]’, the epithet written with the figure of a seated deity with the sun disk between horns above the head, which remains with part of the head. b) Smooth surface with the graffito sign @wt-r ‘Hathor’.

CGT 7003/6 (= Suppl. 12079) Fragment of corner column 11.5 × 11 × 3 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief a) Inscription separated by two carved vertical bands from a column—probably inscribed—on the left. The two bands are spaced 1.6 cm. (←↓): [...]s nsw(t) tp [...]. b) Lost column.

CGT 7003/7 (= Suppl. 12085 + S 12086) Fragments of corner column (Figure 14) 16 × 27 × 6 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief Two columns of hieroglyphs (a + b), each 8 cm wide, separated by two carved vertical bands spaced at 0.6 cm. A vertical band separates each column from the smooth surface (c; d) a) (←↓): [...?] xwz [...] ‘[…?] to build?[…]’; b) (↓→): [...] mj (R ?) t jr.f [...] ‘[…] like (Re?) eternally, so that he is [...]’. The sign for R is not aligned.

CGT 7003/8 (= Suppl. 12087) Fragment of corner column 5 × 32 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Carved intaglio relief with traces of white and blue paint inside the hieroglyphs Two columns (a + b) of hieroglyphs, separated by two vertical bands spaced 0.6 cm; a vertical band separates each column from the smooth surface (c; d). a) Fragment of epithet inscribed in a cartouche (←↓): [...] nbt tp(y)[w] tA? [...] ‘[...] Lady of the livings?’[…]. The sign read tA is not written as the determinative of t (cf. for example CGT 7003/7), but as GEG N37, S; b) Fragment of epithet of the goddess Hathor inscribed in a cartouche (↓→): [...nbt] Jwnt [...] ‘[.. Lady of] Dendereh [...]’.

CGT 7003/9 (= Suppl. 12088) Fragment of corner column 6.8 × 24 × 12.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Carved intaglio relief with traces of white and blue paint in the hieroglyphs

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Figure 14. Reconstruction of corner column CGT 7003/7 + CGT 7003/11-12 + CGT 7003/15.

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Two columns (a + b) of hieroglyphs, 7. 2 cm wide. Separated by two vertical bands spaced 0.6 cm., with a smooth surface (c + d) between two vertical bands. a) Terminal part, probably of a serekh, followed by the top section of hieroglyphs forming one of the names of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, (←↓): [...] Nry-t [...] ‘[…] divine with regard to the white crown […]’. Note. Above the sign nb there is a head with a white crown and this way of writing t belongs to Nebhepetre Mentuhotep. b) Like a), but differently oriented (↓→). Comment. The name of Horus recurs as Nry-t in CGT 7003/62 = Suppl. 12123.1

CGT 7003/10 (= Suppl. 12089) Fragment of corner column 7 × 12 × 11 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief a) Column with traces of hieroglyphs, separated to the left from smooth surface b) by a carved vertical band Comment. The reading ¤nx-jb-tAwy is improbable, since there is no room and the reading direction would have to be inverted. Even the restitution ¤xrw tAwy, an epithet of Inyotef I, or ¤nx-tAwy.f, is highly hypothetical (see CGT 7003/62 = Suppl. 12123).

CGT 7003/11 (= Suppl. 12090) Fragment of corner column (Figure 14) 7 × 11 × 7 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief a) Column with part of the hieroglyph nb separated on the left from smooth surface b) by a carved vertical band.

CGT 7003/12 (= Provv. 2028) Fragment of corner column (Figure 14) 7 × 6.8 × 3 cm White limestone Carved intaglio relief Column with the remains of hieroglyph borders, separated on the left from smooth surface b) by a carved vertical band. Note. The fragment could match the left top part of CGT 7003/7 (= Suppl. 12085 + S 12086).

CGT 7003/13 (= Suppl. 12094) Fragment of corner column 5 × 11.4 × 6.5 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief 1 For a comparison with the pseudo-serekhs, see Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 148 and p. 324, doc. 76.

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a) Column of hieroglyphs, separated on the left by inscribed column b), on which remain traces possibly of an A or an m, by two carved vertical bands, spaced 1.8 cm. Inscription (←↓): [...ir?].n.f [...], he [made?] […].

CGT 7003/14 (= Suppl. 12097) Fragment of corner column 4.8× 10 × 5 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief a) Column with fragment of a cartouche, separated on the right from the smooth surface by a carved vertical band. Inscription (←↓): [...] zA [R] Mn[w-tp] ‘[…] the son [of Re] Men[tuhotep]’.

CGT 7003/15 (= Suppl. 12099) Fragment of corner column (Figure 14) 11.4 × 21.5 × 10 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief a) Column of hieroglyphs separated on the right from smooth surface d) by a carved vertical band and on the left by inscribed column b), on which can be distinguished the sign s, by two carved vertical bands spaced 0.8 cm. Inscription (←↓): [...] m jnr n mA [...], […] of granite stone […]. It is doubtful whether the sign is GEG or GEG W8 (for Abw ‘Elephantine’?). S24 The upper edge is the border of the drum section. Comment. It may thus allude to the material of the portal and may connect up with CGT 7003/7.

CGT 7003/16 (= Suppl. 12082 + S. 12096 + S. 12098 + S. 12081 + S. 12084) Corner column fragments 36 × 36 × 6 cm. White limestone Carved intaglio relief

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Two columns of hieroglyphs, separated from the smooth surface (c, d) by a carved vertical band; a) is separated from b) by two vertical bands, spaced at 0.6 cm. a) Inscription (←↓): [...] nrw rs(y)wt bjkw nbw dj nx d wAs sn[b...] ‘[...] the southern gods, the Golden Horus or else ‘the three Horuses’, to whom is given life, stability, power, health [...]’. b) (↓→): [...] mry Xt dj nx d w3s sn[b...] ‘[...] beloved of the corporation [?..], to whom is given life, stability, power, health [...]’. In Suppl. 12098, the back connection to the masonry remains, 4 cm wide. Comment. Part of Mentuhotep titulary, with the name Nebty and, perhaps, the Golden Horus.

CGT 7003/17 (= Suppl. 12095) Fragment of corner column 6 × 5 × 7.5 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint Remains of the inscription (↓→): […] nbt Jwnt […] ‘[…] Lady of Dendereh […]’, epithet of the goddess Hathor.

2. Frieze Components with Cavetto Cornice CGT 7003/18 (= Suppl. 12093) Torus moulding fragment 28 × 13 × 30 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 149, Fig. 11 (photo erroneously rotated)

Parallelepipedal block on the front side of which, in the middle, is a carved torus. This continues flat on the upper side along the limit of the block, while on the other it ends at a right angle to continue edge-wise with the wall (see Figure 7).

CGT 7003/19 (= Suppl. 12042?) Fragment of cavetto cornice 10.5 × 10 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief. Traces of ochre paint Bibliography. Robins, “The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II”, 1990, pp. 52, 69 n° 4. Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 325 doc. 82.

a) The frieze (←) bears the name of Horus or the praenomen of Mentuhotep […] Nry-t […]; the last hieroglyph represents the King’s head with the white crown of Upper Egypt above the sign b, found only with this sovereign. The hieroglyphs are delimited above and below by a 0.6 cm high horizontal band in relief. b) Upper part of lower surface cavetto cornice with stylized palm-leaves. The edge of the leaf is in bas-relief, 1.1 cm wide.

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CGT 7003/20 (= Suppl. 12044?) Fragment of cavetto cornice 8 × 8 × 9 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Part of a frieze with the remains of two hieroglyphs (←), underlined by a horizontal bas-relief band, 0.8 cm high. The first probably represents the King (or Shu) who holds up the sky (the so-called scene of the twA pt), the second appears to be an architectural element sxnt? (supports, columns, pillars of the sky).2 b) Part of a lower surface cavetto cornice with bas-relief palmette, 0.8 cm thick. Comment. It is difficult to say whether Shu is portrayed and considered similar to the King who raises the sign of the sky, as in the case of later representations and in Graeco-Roman temples3. In the festival calendar of the god Montu of Armant dated to the XIXth dynasty, the festival of “raising the sky” fell on the same day as the “festival of victory”. The ceremony, officiated for the god Ptah of Memphis (“he who raises the sky”), was re-cast in the Theban context in favour of the god Montu, very early on assimilated to Re with creator characteristics (with the attributes of Min and Shu, double feather and sun disk), besides being the fighter-god par excellence.4 Consequently, it cannot be excluded that this took place at this very time.

CGT 7003/21 (= Suppl. 12120 + S. 12133 + S.12132) Fragments of cavetto cornice 9 × 16 × 10 cm. + 10 × 17.4 × 9 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Remains of inscription (←): […] dj nx d wAs snb Awt [-jb nbt…]’ ‘[...] to whom is given life, stability, power, health, [every] joy […]’, delimited below by a horizontal band (0.6 cm) in bas-relief (←). b) Fragment of lower surface with eight stylized palm-leaf elements (the bas-relief of each element is 0.8 cm thick). Traces of ochre paint.

CGT 7003/22 (= Suppl. 12126) Fragment of cavetto cornice 8 × 20 × 21 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief. Traces of paint. a) Fragment of inscription (←): […r] nb […] mj R njswt-bjty [?…] ‘[…] every day like Re, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt [?…]’; on the right-hand edge a graffito mark can be half-seen, representing a standing figure with a was sceptre. b) Fragment of lower surface of cavetto cornice with six stylized palmleaves, each 1.5 cm wide. The first and fifth are red, the second, third and fourth greenish-blue.

2

Kurth, Den Himmel Stützen, 1975, p. 71; the pillar most commonly represented is the d, Helck “Bemerkungen zum Ritual des Dramatischen Ramesseumspapyrus”, Orientalia 23 (1954), pp. 408-10. 3 Kurth, ib., 1975 and Kurth, “Götter determiniern

Götter”, SAK 5 (1977), p. 180; Baines, Fecundity Figures, 1985, pp. 257-8, Figs. 147, 150. 4 Demichelis, Il calendario delle feste di Montu, 2002, pp. 67-86.

v. catalogue CGT 7003/23 (= Suppl. 12127) Fragment of cavetto cornice 17 × 10.2 × 15 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint Fragment of lower surface of cavetto cornice with stylized palm-leaves. Traces of white paint remain on the edging and greenish-blue inside.

CGT 7003/24 (= Suppl. 12130) Fragment of cavetto cornice 14 × 14.5 × 16 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Inscription, delimited above and below by a horizontal band (←): […] nbt Jwnt […] ‘[…] Lady of Dendereh […]’, an epithet of the goddess Hathor. b) lower surface with traces of four stylized palm-leaves. Traces of red polychrome inside the first and second, of white edging on the second, third and fourth. The upper and right sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/25 (= Suppl. 12134) Fragment of cavetto cornice 12 × 11 × 7 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Inscription (←), delimited at top and bottom by a horizontal band: […j]nr d j […] ‘[…] limestone [?…]’ (literally “white stone”); b) The lower surface of cavetto cornice shows traces of two palmettes. Comment. Allusion to the building material used for the chapel.

CGT 7003/26 (= Suppl. 12135) Fragment of cavetto cornice 11 × 6.5 × 8 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief The listel fillet shows part of the titulary of Mentuhotep (←), delimited top and bottom by two horizontal bands (0.6 cm): [...] zA R Mn[w-tp..] ‘[…] the son of Re Mentu[hotep..]’; a) The lower surface bears traces of two stylized palmettes. Traces of red paint. The upper side is the edge of the block.

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CGT 7003/27 (= Suppl. 12204) Fragment of cavetto cornice 10 × 36 × 19 cm. White limestone, reddish traces. Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: basrelief a) Insciption with part of a cartouche, delimited top and bottom by a horizontal band in bas-relief, (←): [... Mnw]-tp nx mj R t jwn ^mw…f […] ‘[Mentuhotep] living like Re eternally, pillar of Upper Egypt [? Thebes? Armant?…]’; b) The lower surface has seven stylized palmleaves.

CGT 7003/28 (= Provv. 1027) Fragment of cavetto cornice 6.5 × 5 × 9 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Cartouche, of which remains (←) [...Mn]w-t[p...] and traces of the horizontal band below. b) Of the lower surface there remains a fragment of stylized palm-leaf.

CGT 7003/29 (= Provv. 2030) Fragment of cavetto cornice 7.8 × 10 × 9 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Lower surface: bas-relief Traces of two stylized palm-leaves

CGT 7003/30 (= Provv. 2031) Fragment of cavetto cornice 11.5 × 7.2 × 4.5 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Inscription, delimited top and bottom by a horizontal band, (←): […] d wAs snb […] ‘[…] stability, power, health […]’; the upper side is the edge of the block. b) Of the lower surface there remain traces of two stylized palm-leaves.

CGT 7003/31 (= Provv. 2032) Fragment of cavetto cornice 8 × 6 × 3.5 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief

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a) Part of the titulary, delimited below by a horizontal band, (←): […] Nbty […], ‘[…] the Two Ladies (Nebty) […]’; the right side is the upper edge of the block. b) Of the lower surface there remain traces of a stylized palm-leaf.

CGT 7003/32 (= Provv. 2035) Fragment of cavetto cornice 6.5 × 10 × 7.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Remains of hieroglyphs, delimited below by a horizontal band, (←): […] m [m]nw.f […] ‘[..made] like his monument […]’; b) Remains of three stylized palm-leaves.

CGT 7003/33 (= Provv. 2036) Fragment of cavetto cornice 8 × 10.5 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Two fragmentary hieroglyphs, delimited below by a horizontal band, (←): […]  m […], uncertain reading; b) Remains of three stylized palm-leaves.

CGT 7003/34 (= Provv. 3013) Fragment of cavetto cornice 8.5 × 11 × 3 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief Inscription delimited by a 1 cm horizontal band (←): zA [wt-r nbt Jw]nt […] ‘Son [of Hathor Lady of Den]dereh […]’.

CGT 7003/35 (= Provv. 3003) Fragment of cavetto cornice 11 × 14 × 3 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Fragments of two back-to-back cartouches, which form the end and the beginning of of the inscription of part of the frieze (←→): in the first is a still visible part of the name […Mnw]-tp ‘[…Mentu]hotep; b) Remains of three stylized palm-leaves.

CGT 7003/36 (= Suppl. 12136) Fragment of cavetto cornice 9 × 14 × 8.5 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief

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a) Fragment of inscription, delimited below by a horizontal band, (→): […s]nb Awt[-jb] nbt […] ‘[…?] health, every joy […]’; b) Remains of four stylized palmettes.

CGT 7003/37 (= Provv. 3004) Fragment of cavetto cornice 7 × 4 × 5.5 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Fragment of inscription, delimited below by a horizontal band, (→): […] Jwnt […] ‘[…] Dendereh […]’; b) Of the lower surface there remain two fragments of stylized palm-leaf. Note: it could tie in with CGT 7003/36 = Suppl. 12136.

CGT 7003/38 (= Suppl. 12137) Fragment of cavetto cornice 10.5 × 17 × 19 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Fragment of inscription, delimited top and bottom by a horizontal band, of which remains the determinative with the sun disk and a female figure (→): […t] nbt pr ?[…], ‘[…] the Lady of the Temple of (or toponym?) […]’; b) lower surface with fragments of four stylized palm-leaves. The upper side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/39 (= Suppl. 12045) Fragment of cavetto cornice 6.2 × 6.2 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Hieroglyph (→) […] wr[t?…], ‘[…] great […]’, delimited above by a horizontal band (0.6 cm).

CGT 7003/40 (= Suppl. 12131 + Provv. 2033) Fragment of cavetto cornice 11 × 20 × 8 cm. + 12 × 8 × 6.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Inscription, delimited top and bottom by a cartouche (→), […] SA wrt nx mj R t […] ‘[…] in great quantity, may he live like Re eternally […]’; b) Remains of seven stylized palm-leaves. The upper side is the edge of the block.

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CGT 7003/41 (= Suppl. 12136bis) Fragment of cavetto cornice 7 × 8 × 8.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved and painted intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Inscription, delimited below by a horizontal band, (→): […kA Jwnwt?] njswt-bjty […] ‘[…Governor of Jwnwt?] King of Upper and Lower Egypt […]’. Traces of red and white polychrome. b) Fragment of a stylized palm-leaf.

CGT 7003/42 (= Provv. 2046) Fragment of cavetto cornice 7 × 7 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief Remains of the wing of a hieroglyph -bjty and the beginning of the praenomen of Mentuhotep, delimited above by a horizontal band, (→): […njswt]-bjty %nx-[jb-tAwy /-tAwy.f..] ‘[…the King of Upper and] Lower Egypt, Seankh[ibtawyi or tawyef…]’.

CGT 7003/43 (= Suppl. 12140) Fragment of cavetto cornice 13 × 15 × 9 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Inscription, delimited top and bottom by a horizontal band, (→): […] mry Xt […] ‘[…] beloved of the corporation ? […]’; b) Remains of two stylized palm-leaves. The upper side is the edge of the block. Comment. Part of the name of Nebty?

CGT 7003/44 (= Provv. 2034) Fragment of cavetto cornice 14 × 15 × 3 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Inscription, delimited top and bottom by a horizontal band, (→): [..nb]t Jwnt […] ‘[…] Lady of Dendereh […]’, an epithet of the goddess Hathor; b) Four stylized palm-leaves.

CGT 7003/45 (= Provv. 2029) Fragment of cavetto cornice 10 × 6.8 × 3 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief Hieroglyphs, delimited below by a horizontal band, (→): […] dj nx […] ‘[…] to whom is given life […]’; a) Remains of one stylized palm-leaf and traces of a second.

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CGT 7003/46 (= Provv. 2042) Fragment of cavetto cornice 4 × 4 × 4 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Traces of a hieroglyph (cartouche or nbw sign, delimited below by a horizontal band). b) Fragment of stylized palm-leaf.

CGT 7003/47 (= Provv. 2045) Fragment of cavetto cornice a) a) 8 × 8.1 × 3.5 cm. b) b) 5 x 5.9 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief. Traces of red paint a) Inscription with cartouche, delimited below by a horizontal band, (→): [..Mnw]-tp dj […] ‘[..Mentu]hotep, to whom is given […]’; b) Fragment of stylized palm-leaf.

CGT 7003/48 (= Provv. 2047) Fragment of cavetto cornice 7.2 × 8.3 × 4.4 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief Inscription with traces of titulary, delimited above by a horizontal band, (→): […] Nbty [mry] Xt […] ‘the two ladies (Nebty), [the beloved of the] corporation […]’. Comment. Part of the name of Nebty.

CGT 7003/49 (= Provv. 2050) Fragment of cavetto cornice 6 × 7 × 8.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Frieze: carved intaglio relief Part of a cartouche with the King’s name, delimited above by a horizontal band, (→): […] zA R [Mnwtp…] ‘[…] Son of Re [Mentuhotep…]’.

CGT 7003/50 (= Provv. 3005) Fragment of cavetto cornice 6 × 5 × 6 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Fragment of royal name in the cartouche (→): […M]n[w-tp..] ‘[..M]ent[uhotep]’; b) Remains of two stylized palm-leaves.

v. catalogue CGT 7003/51 (= Provv. 3006) Fragment of cavetto cornice 7 × 4.4 × 3 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Sign […] nx […] ‘[…] life…[…]’; b) Part of two stylized palm-leaves.

CGT 7003/52 (= Suppl. 12138) Fragment of cavetto cornice 10 × 12 × 3 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) a) Inscription (→): […] wt Nxbt? / Mwt? […], ‘[…] the chapel of Nekhbet (or Mut?) […]’. b) Part of two stylized palm-leaves.

CGT 7003/53 (= Provv. 2043) Fragment of wall relief 5 x 5 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of cavetto cornice. There remains part of two palm-leaves.

CGT 7003/54 (= Suppl. 12129) Fragment of wall relief 10 x 12 x 16 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment with the written sequence (←) […] d wAs snb […].

CGT 7003/55 (= Suppl. 12128) Fragment of cavetto cornice 11.5 × 20 × 3 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief Inscription with traces of titulary, delimited top and bottom by a horizontal band, (←): […]Nbty mry Xt […] ‘[…] the two ladies (Nebty), the beloved of the corporation […]’. a) lower surface with traces of seven stylized palm-leaves with intaglio and edging. The upper and left-hand sides are the edges of the block. Comment. Part of the name of Nebty.

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CGT 7003/56 (= Suppl. 12047) Fragment of cavetto cornice 15 × 10.5 × 9 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Traces of hieroglyphs, delimited top and bottom by a horizontal band, (→): […mr]y @wt-r [...nb]t […] ‘[…beloved of] Hathor [Lady…]’; the name of the goddess is written ideographically with the deity seated portrayed as a woman bearing the sun disk on her head between two horns; she wears a tripartite wig and holds a wAs sceptre. The phrase should probably be restored as mry @wt-r nbt Jwnt, beloved of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh’, an epithet of Mentuhotep. a) Remains of four stylized palm-leaves, as in CGT 7003/55. The upper and right sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/57 (= Suppl. 12139) Fragment of cavetto cornice 12.5 × 14 × 6 cm. White limestone Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Part of an inscription, delimited top and bottom by a horizontal band, (→): […] dj nx wAs […], ‘[…] to whom is given life, power […]’; b) Remains of four stylized palm-leaves, as in CGT 7003/55. The upper and left sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/58 (= Suppl. 12141) Fragment of cavetto cornice 12.2 × 14 × 8.2 cm. White limestone Reddish traces from fire Frieze: carved intaglio relief; lower surface: bas-relief a) Lower part of an inscription, delimited below by a horizontal band, (→): there remains the hieroglyph nbw (GEG S12, for the epithet “the Golden One?”), followed by the lower part of a determinative of a deity portrayed seated with the was sceptre. b) Remains of five stylized palm-leaves, as in CGT 7003/55.

CGT 7003/59 (= Provv. 4000) Fragment of wall relief 9 x 7 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Perhaps a fragment of inscribed frieze of the cavetto cornice: […] nx d [wAs…], ‘[…] life, stability, [power …]’.

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CGT 7003/60 (= Provv. 2048) Fragment of wall relief 6 x 5 x 2.5 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Perhaps part of a frieze of the cavetto cornice. […] wAs nx […], ‘[…]power, life […]’.

CGT 7003/61 (= Provv. 1923) Fragment of wall relief 6.8 x 8.5 cm. Limestone Carved intaglio bas-relief The fragment might belong to the frieze of the cavetto cornice. There remains the ansa of the sign nx and a horizontal band above.

CGT 7003/62 (= Suppl. 12123) Corner fragment of cavetto cornice a + b) 18 × 30 × 21 cm. c + d) 18 × 21 × 30 cm. White limestone Reddish traces. Paint. Painted red, white, turquoise Bibliography. Arnold, D., ‘Zur frühen Namensform’, MDAIK 24 (1969), pp. 38-42; Leospo ‘Gebelein e Asiut’, 1988, p. 89, Plate 110. Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 140, p. 147; p. 326, doc. 86.

a) There remains part of the titulary of Mentuhotep inside a cartouche (←): nx @r Nry-t njswt-bjty %nx-[jb-tAwy...] ‘long live Horus Netjeri-hedjet (divine as regards the white crown), King of Upper and Lower Egypt Seankh[jbtauwy...] (he who makes live [the heart of the two lands])’; b) Of the lower surface there remain traces of four stylized palm-leaves; c) Part of the titulary of Mentuhotep remains within a cartouche (→): nx @r Nry-t zA @wt-r [nbt Jwnt Mnw-tp…] ‘Long live the Horus Netjeri-hedjet, [Son of] Hathor [Lady of Dendereh, Mentuhotep…]’;5 d) Of the lower surface there remain traces of three stylized palm-leaves, edged with white, with red and green-blue polychrome. The corner frieze is 10 cm high. Note: a) Postel also proposes the reading ¤nx-tAwy or ¤nx-tAwy.f. See also CGT 7003/10 = Suppl. 12089; c) Postel also proposes the reading mry @wt-r [nbt Jwnt Mnw-tp…]. The cavetto cornice could belong to an architectural element of another structure.

CGT 7003/63 (= Suppl. 12124) Fragment of cavetto cornice 12 × 14 × 6 cm. White limestone Paint: painted red, white and light blue 5

The reconstruction is by Dieter Arnold, “Zur frühen Namensform”, MDAIK 24 (1969), p. 40.

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a) Red paint with traces of grey-blue hieroglyphs […] Mn[w-tp...] ‘[…] Ment[uhotep…]’ delimited below by a horizontal band of the same colour, 0.8 cm high; b) Red-painted lower surface of cavetto cornice, of which remain four palmettes edged with white, three consecutive ones painted blue-green, the fourth red. The right-hand and upper sides are the edges of the block.

3. Ceiling Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/6 Ceiling block 27 × 52 × 20 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Carved intaglio relief. Bibliography. Mentioned perhaps in Fraser “El-Kab and Gebelein”, PSBA 15 (1893), p. 497; Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 149, Fig. 12.

Fifteen five-pointed stars, either whole or with several parts, are roughly engraved on a block that belonged to the ceiling of the building. On the left edge remain traces of a vertical band, where the red paint is softer (the pink colour may be due to fire), since it was embedded in the masonry. The sequence of stars stops at this border: they were clearly engraved once the ceiling was finished.

B. Wall Decoration: Lower Registers The group division follows the criterion of scene unity, where a more accurate reconstruction of architectural position is not possible. Many fragments contain representations pertinent to different registers and their hypothetical restoration in a single context is referred to for each document with the aid of plans. 1. Scene of Smiting the Enemy with Procession of Subjgated Peoples and Personifications Cairo J.E. T. R. 24/5/28/5. Block with wall relief (Figure 15) 70 × 76 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fraser “El-Kab and Gebelein”, PSBA 15 (1893), p 497 (XV); Daressy, “Notes et Remarques”, RdT 14 93), ”, RdT 32 (1910), p. 52; von Bissing 1914, p. 33 a [b]; PM V, p. 163; Hölscher, Libyer und p. 26; Naville “Les Anu Ägypter, 1955, pp. 19-23; Hayes The Scepter I, 1953, p. 219, Note 2; Fecht, “Die Atjw- in nw”, ZDMG 106 (1956), pp. 37-60; Habachi, “King Nebhepetre Menthuhotp”, MDAIK 19 (1963), pp. 39-40; Schenkel, MHT, 1965, pp. 209-10; Osing, “Libyen, Libyer”, 1980, ll. 1015-33; Habachi The Sanctuary of Heqaib, 1985, pp. 158-9, Fig. 17 and pl. XI [b]; Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 1987, p. 45; Nibbi 1989, pp. 99, 101, Pl. XV; Valbelle, Les Neuf Arcs, 1990, p. 78; Schoske Das Erschlagen der Feinde 1994, pp. 126-7; Vandersleyen, L’Egypte et la vallée du Nil. 2, 1995, p. 18; Morenz, Beiträge zur Schriftlichkeitskultur, 1996, pp. 200, Note 889; Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 137, p. 140, p. 327, doc. 90; Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebehepetre”, 2005, p. 146, Fig. 2.

The block is subdivided into two registers. In the upper one, two offering tables are visible (←): the one portrayed on top had two collars with several turns, clasped at regular intervals and with a counterweight on the back; a pot-stand in the foreground, of which five libation zt jars remain, containing

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water. On the right, the lower half of two figures can still be seen. The first, probably portraying the sovereign, holds a staff and a pear-shaped mace  in his left hand and what may be a sceptre in his right. He wears a pleated Snyt kilt, down to the knee. He is followed by a deity with a wAs sceptre in his forward-stretching right hand, of which the lower part is still visible, with part of the arm and the right leg. He wears a kilt that is smooth over the hips and pleated in front, held by a belt. The leg muscles are highlighted by using very low relief. Comment. The scene represented is typical of divine cult ceremonies, as usual in the act of consecrating the offerings, as on the block of Pepy II from Coptos,6 but as a rule with the bA staff. On the Nebhepetre Mentuhotep block from Deir el-Ballas, (Figure 28), the same ceremony is performed in front of a deity with the wAs sceptre—probably Hathor, seated on a tall podium,7 or else standing, as in the specimen on a block from Tod.8 The lower register (→) is separated from the upper by a bas-relief band 1.2 cm wide. In height (29 cm) it is smaller than the other registers and most probably is the last in the sequence of wall registers, since it is delimited beneath by a high, smooth wall socle, of which fragments remain of the upper part. The figures are on a smaller scale (1:2 circa) than the figures in the upper registers. The scene portrays a procession of subjugated peoples (→), culminating with the sovereign smiting the enemy (←). The King wears the white crown with the uraeus, a wide three-row collar, terminating in a string of drop pendants, a pleated Snyt kilt with a belt from which dangles a bull’s tail. In his left hand, he grasps the hair of the man he is slaying with his pear-shaped mace. The nameless man, while 6

Petrie, Koptos, 1896, Pl. V, 8. Lutz, Egyptian tomb steles, 1927, Pl. 32; Fischer, Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome, Dynasties VI-XI, An.Or. 40 7

(1964), p. 122; Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 9. 8 Bisson de la Roque, Tod, 1937, p. 83, Fig. 35.

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on a smaller scale than the other enemy figures, is probably an Egyptian, because he is also wearing a Snyt kilt. He has been taken as a reference to the Herakleopolitan king. Inside the cartouche, in front of the figure of the King (←), is the sovereign’s name preceded by the epithet of Son of Hathor: zA @wt-r nbt Jwnt Mnw-tp ‘Mentuhotep Son of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh’.9 The next three figures are kneeling, their hands outstretched, and are preceded by legenda bearing their names (↓→), respectively: ZAw, Ztyw, §nw, ‘Nubians, Asiatics, Libyans’, the last two portrayed with a feather on their head. They all wear a close-fitting knee-length kilt, held by a belt (which, in the case of the Libyan, is twisted and tied behind), and short hair or wig. The scene is surmounted by an inscription (→): wf tp(y)w tAwy grg ¥mw tA Mw xAswt jdbwy pt 9 njwt [...] ‘Subduing the chiefs of the Two Lands, reorganize Upper and Lower Egypt, the foreign lands, the two banks, the nine arches, the towns [...]’ to which, we may perhaps add spAwt, the districts (CGT 7003/64 = Suppl. 12154). At the bottom, the scene is delimited by a bas-relief socle, still intact on the left side, which also indicates the line of the terrain on which the action takes place. Comment. Portraying the subject peoples with outstretched hands in unusual and so far without comparison. These are peoples from the south (Nubians), east (Asiatics), and west (Libyans, or peoples to the west of Middle Egypt).10 They appear in scenes of slaying the enemy or of presenting offerings. In the proscription texts11 parallels are often found of Atjw- m §nw, Libyans, with jwnwt m ztj, Nubians and mnw m zt, Asiatics, circumscribing all of Egypt’s neighbours.12 The scene of smiting the enemy is a canonical motif, which from the first dynasty remains constant up to the late period.13 On the palette of Narmer14 and on the Scorpion mace-head we find the rekhits and the arches, the symbols of Lower Egypt and of foreign peoples. The rekhits hang from the standards like enemies (on the Narmer palette the peoples have been beheaded). The Annals speak of Asiatics (¤tyw), of tribes of archers (Jwntyw), or of cutting up the lands of the Nubians (tA Nsy) and then of the booty in prisoners or cattle of §nw. Combat belongs to a cultual context, and in particular, to the rite of preservation. The motif is also found in the protodynastic annals, where one report mentions a ‘year of struggle and overthrowing Lower Egypt’. The destruction of enemies leads to the reuniting of the two lands (zmA-tAwy). The enemy-slaying ritual occurs in connexion with ascending the throne, and should be seen as one of the first symbolic acts to be accomplished at the new king’s coronation, under the protection of the deity. CGT 7003/64 (= Suppl. 12154) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 8 × 6 × 7 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 147, Fig. 2.

The horizontal band in bas-relief probably separates from the upper register three hieroglyphs that represent the land crossed by canals, five in this case: […] spAwt […] ‘[…] the districts […]’. We cannot 9

The same epithet adopted by Pepy I. An example is given by a cylinder seal in Goedicke, “Die Siegelzylinder von Pepi I”, MDAIK 17 (1961), p. 73. 10 Schenkel, MHT, 1965, p. 210; Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 1987, p. 45; Vandersleyen, L’Egypte, 1995, p. 18. 11 Posener, Princes et pays, 1940, p. 5. 12 Naville, “Les Anu ”, RdT 32 (1910), pp. 53-6, mistakenly deemed that the chiefs portrayed belonged to the ‘Anu’ (or Anti) peoples, who lived in the land of Khent, of whom one of the variants was ¤Aw. The land of Khent was at an early period name for Nubia, whose capital was Elephantine and whose goddess was Satet. There were also the Tehenu ‘Anu’. The inscription provides a standard phrase and the scene of the king subduing an enemy with his mace is frequently found. Naville interpreted the picture

of Gebeleinas follows: the person struck by the king was an Egyptian, probably a rebel chief, followed by the foreign peoples, in the usual order, starting from the south: the Khenti, the Setit, the Tehenu, three different kinds of Anu who also follow in the usual sequence. Thus, there would be no reason to take the second figure for an Asiatic, since his aspect is wholly similar to that of a Tehenu, and the rest of the scene probably portrayed the peoples who lived further north. However, the fragments (CGT 7003/63-66) connected with the scene provide no names and consequently we do not know how the list of peoples continued. 13 Barta, Das Selbstzeugnis, 1970, p. 113. 14 Barta, Untersuchungen zur Göttlichkeit, 1975, pp. 98-102.

Figure 15. Reconstruction of scene of smiting the enemy with Procession of Subjugated Peoples and Personifications, Cairo J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5 + CGT 7003/64-73 + Gebelein 1/1995.

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exclude the possibility of its being connected to the inscription on the previous block, since the size of the signs is similar and the context—the list of Egypt’s territorial entities—would not exclude it, with the meaning of nome or territorial district.15 Traces of light blue between the signs.

CGT 7003/65 (= Provv. 3007) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 4.8 × 6.2 × 5.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 146, Fig. 2.

The fragment shows part of the right leg, on which remain traces of red paint, of a kneeling man (→), of whom part of the knee-length kilt is still visible. Below is part of the socle (2 cm.), indicating the line of the terrain, which is also the lower edge of the block. Note. It may be the lower part of the last left-hand figure (the §nw) in the lower register of Cairo block J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5.

CGT 7003/66 (= Suppl. 12288) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 5 × 9 × 2 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of red paint Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, pp. 146-7, Figs. 2-3.

The fragment belongs to the scene portrayed on Cairo block J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5 and shows the upper part of a male figure (→) of whom remain the chin, shoulders, part of the trunk and the right arm. The wsx necklace is also visible on his bare chest, interrupted by his outstretched arm, its lower edge being lightly engraved. In front of the left shoulder, we glimpse part of a hieroglyph, which probably designated the personification of a town, estate or district,16 continuing the procession of peoples subjugated by the King.

CGT 7003/67 (= Suppl. 12208) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 10 × 8 × 7.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of red and ochre paint Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 146, Fig. 2.

Lower part of a kneeling male figure (→), of whom a portion of bare stomach with navel is still visible, painted red; his ochre-coloured kilt reaches the knee and is fastened at the waist by a belt; his right thigh and leg, right forearm with part of the hand, also painted red. The position of the thumb should be noted, portrayed unnaturally compared to the palm of the hand (as in the kneeling figures on Cairo block J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5).17 The background is ochre yellow. The lower part of the fragment 15 Used for example m njwt.f m spAwt.f ‘from his towns and his lands’, Fischer, Dendera, 1968, p. 11 and Note 53-4. 16 Perhaps bw, bwt, jnt wp, sdw or R-wpy in JacquetGordon, Domaines, 1962, p. 50, 211, 248, 384, or else personal names (ybz), Abu Bakr and Osing, “Ächtungstexte aus dem Alten Reich.”, MDAIK 29 (1973), pp. 99-102.

17 The mistaken perspective in portraying the hands is discussed by Smith, History, 1946, p. 288, and by Barta, Das Selbstzeugnis, 1970, pp. 116-7. One method of connecting hands to arms is by showing the backs with the thumb inverted.

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(2 cm high), which belongs to the wall socle, is the lower edge of the block and also represents the line of the terrain. Note. It could belong to the figure portrayed on fragment CGT 7003/66 = Suppl. 12288.

CGT 7003/68 (= Suppl. 12215) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 11 × 9 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, pp. 146-7, Figs. 2 and 4.

The fragment preserves part of a male figure (→) of which we see the lower part of the nose, the mouth with thick lips, typical of the style at the time of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, the chin, cheek, neck and left shoulder and arm. In front of the figure are several hieroglyphs (↓→): […] t ‘[…] estate (?) […]’ (rendering uncertain).18

CGT 7003/69 (= Suppl. 12220) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 7 × 10 × 2 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of red paint Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 146, Fig. 2.

Fragment portraying the hand and part of the right knee of a kneeling figure (→), very probably part of the procession of personifications in the act of submission (see above). The line of the terrain is visible, acting also as the lower edge of the scene. It may be part of the figure represented in CGT 7003/68 = Suppl. 12215.

CGT 7003/70 (= Suppl. 12213) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 7.6 × 12 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of red paint Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 146, Fig. 2.

The fragment bears the lower part of a kneeling figure (→), with knee-length kilt, his red-painted leg and foot, belonging to the procession of personifications mentioned above, and part of the left hand of the next figure (CGT 7003/71 = Suppl. 12235). Beneath is the line of the terrain that usually also delimits the scene portrayed, belonging to the socle, in this case 3.5 cm high, and the lower edge of the block.

18 Cf. Jacquet-Gordon, Domaines, 1962, p. 167, Isesi, temple of the queen; p. 217, mastaba of Sekhemankh: [bn] t (?), the plantation of curcubitacaee; p. 327: bdt, as a rule preceded by the words njwt ¦A Mw, a property of Lower Egypt. In the proscription texts, listing the foreign lands subjugated, the so-called “Rebellionsformel” end with

the expression jr ¦A ¥mw tA Mw t ‘for Upper and Lower Egypt for eternity’, Abu Bakhr and Osing, “Ächtungstexte” MDAIK 29 [1973], pp. 120, although here this is not the question, since the determinative of t in this case rather indicates the term ‘estate’.

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CGT 7003/71 (= Suppl. 12235) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 9.7 × 9 × 8.5 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of red paint on the figures Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 146, Fig. 2.

The fragment portrays two hands, the left with forearm, of a kneeling figure (→), part of the procession of personifications. The line of the terrain delimits the wall socle (here, 3.5 cm thick). The lower side is also the edge of the block. It appears to belong to CGT 7003/70 = S 12213.

CGT 7003/72 (= Suppl. 12223) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 10 × 8 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Painted bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 146, Fig. 2.

Part of a red-painted torso, both arms outstretched, of a kneeling male figure (→). Part of the kilt and the navel of the personification are visible. The left side is the edge of the block. It may belong to the right-hand corner of CGT 7003/71 = Suppl. 12235.

CGT 7003/73 (= Suppl. 12232) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 10.7 × 5.5 × 7.5 cm White limestone Bas-relief, traces of red paint Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 146, Fig. 2.

The fragment shows part of a kneeling male figure (→), of which we see the right forearm, the right thigh with kilt and leg. The line of the terrain delimits the wall socle. It belongs to the procession of personifications. The lower side is the edge of the block.

Gebelein 1/1995 in situ Fragment of wall relief (Figure 15) 12 × 8 × 3 cm White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 146, Fig. 2.

The fragment shows part of the right forearm and arm of a kneeling male figure (→); also remaining are the right thigh with kilt, right knee and leg on the line of the terrain, which delimits the wall socle. It belongs to the procession of personifications mentioned above.

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2. Scene of Smiting the Enemy and Temple Foundation Ceremony Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/10 Block with wall relief 46 × 52 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Daressy, “Notes et Remarques”, RdT 16 (1894), p. 42 ”, RdT n° 87; Naville “Les Anu 32 (1910), p. 52 [b]; von Bissing 1914, p. 33 a [b]; Hölscher, Libyer und Ägypter 1955, pp. 16, 23; Porter Moss V, p. 163; Fakhry, Baria Oasis. I, 1942, p. 8; Fecht, “Die Atjw- in nw”, ZDMG 106 (1956), pp. 37-60; Clère “Fragments d’une Nouvelle Représentation”, MDAIK 16 (1958), p. 41; Habachi, “King Nebhepetre Menthuhotp”, MDAIK 19 (1963), pp. 38-9, Pl. XI [9]; Schenkel, MHT, 1965, p. 209; Lange e Hirmer, L’Egitto, 1967: Pl. 82; Barta, Das Selbstzeugnis, 1970, p. 116, Fig. 87; Pl. V [16]; Spalinger “Some Notes on the Libyans”, JSSEA 9 (1979), pp. 130, 136; Osing “Libyen, Libyer”, 1980, ll. 1015-33; Wildung, L’âge d’or de l’Egypte, 1984, Fig. 33; Habachi, The Sanctuary of Heqaib, 1985, pp. 158-9, Fig. 17 and pl. XI [b]; Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 1987, p. 45; Nibbi 1989, pp. 99, 101, Pl. XV; Gundlach, Die Zwansumsiedlung, 1994, pp. 148-149; Vandersleyen, L’Egypte et la vallée du Nil. 2, 1995, p. 31; Obsomer, Sésostris Ier, 1995, p. 240; Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 137, pp. 184-189; 327, doc. 89; Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple ”, 2005, p. 146.

The surface of the block is divided into two registers. Of the upper register is preserved only the part showing the feet and part of the legs of two divine figures standing (←), the first female, with anklet and long clinging dress, the second male. Both hold a sceptre (probably the wAs sceptre) of which the lower forked end is visible. A horizontal band separates it from the lower register, which in turn is delimited at the bottom by a socle that also symbolizes the terrain of the action portrayed. The scene faces leftward (←) and the missing portion alludes to the temple foundation ceremonies. The presence of a deity or building on the far left would be likely, at the end of the scene portrayed. Four human figures, two-by-two, one above the other, bear so-called “shadows”19, or else door corners or shutters,20 ritual objects in the foundation ceremonies of temple buildings. The men wear short wigs and short kilts, fastened at the side by a belt. Comment. Jéquier21 deemed that the signs borne by the men were symbols, and not hieroglyphs, which completed the scene portrayed. The signs were as a rule placed behind the sovereign at the moment in which, during the consecration of the temple, he accomplished the ritual run around it, holding in his hands either two vases or an oar or a square, as in block U. C. 14786 from Coptos,22 in which Senwosret I dances at the foundation ceremony before Min, with an oar in one hand and the square in the other: the symbols stand behind him. According to Jéquier,23 the signs represented the half of the sky (the sign being half of the hieroglyph pt) that is not run by the sun in its cycle, represented by the sign šn. As a rule, they are accompanied by a representation of the fan and the scorpion. For Kees24, the sign is found in the determinative of onbt ( ), representing the type with a conical pivot, a cavern, the corner of a dwelling or of a door.25 It is also the determinative of pt, cave (e.g. in PT 810), in which Kees26 saw a reference to the two skies of Upper and Lower Egypt, or else designating the upper sky (pt) and that of the other world 19

Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), p. 38. Fakhry, The monuments of Snefru, 1961, p. 67; Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des Königs Ne-wser-re, 1923, Pl. 9 [20]. 21 “A propos d’une stèle éthiopienne”, RdT 27 (1905), pp. 170-5. 22 Stewart, Egyptian Stelae, 1979, pp. 13- 4, 19; Petrie, 20

Koptos, 1896, Pl. [VI, 5] and IX. 23 “Les talismans et ”, BIFAO 11 (1914), p. 141. 24 Der Opfertanz, 1912, pp. 119-34 generally for the three symbols; pp. 128-30 in particular. 25 Wb 1461; von Bissing, Denkmäler, 1914, Pl. 34. 26 Kommentar, II, p. 164; Pyr. §406c, §514b

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(nwt or nnt). The term would, however, allude to a dark area. Spencer deems valid the reading of the noun mdnbw,27 whose determinative represents the limits of the sky, distant from the limits of earth, dnbw, determined by , both reproduced in the great courtyard for the ritual run. They represented the extent of the king’s dominion, and on special occasions such as his enthronement or the renewal of power, he would run the route from one end to the other, re-establishing his authority over all that existed. The said signs should not necessarily be attributed only to this scene. In the temple foundation ceremony, as seen in the small representation cycle of the feasts of the sun temple at Neuserre,28 the symbolic object (here too defined as shadow or corner of a door) is borne by a man in the king’s footwashing scene before a wt-nr. The man follows another bearing a fan. The corners are represented in the register below that of the king climbing and sitting in the nb–shaped litter, after descending from the throne, and in the final, conclusive, procession to the chapel of the god.29 On the right-hand side of the Gebelein block, the scene shows the King with the white crown of Upper Egypt in the act of smiting the enemy. He wears a smooth Snyt kilt, from which hangs the bull’s tail, and the collar wsx, without any engraved details; he grasps the  mace in his left hand, raised to strike the man kneeling at his feet; in the right hand he holds the sceptre and a lock of his enemy’s hair. In front of the King is the inscription (↓→): njswt-bjty Nry-t, ‘the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Netjeri-hedjet’; t is written with the white crown and the sovereign’s head similar to that of the king portrayed in the scene. The stricken enemy wears a long wig and has a beard. In his right hand, he holds a feather of disproportionate size as compared to the figure; he is naked, but to his belt is fastened the typical penis-sheath, while behind hangs a fish, extending like a tail following the line of the distended left leg, from waist to ankles. His head is turned toward the King. The inscription above (←↓), facing the sovereign, qualifies him as Atj- *nw  wAS ‘The Prince of Tehenu, Hedjuash’. The scene is preceded by two standards, the emblem of Wepwawet of Upper Egypt and the standard with the fetish of Hierakonpolis and of the second nome of Lower Egypt, Nxn-n-njswt,30 the usual motif, already seen in the Gebelein temple relief belonging to the Thinite period,31 like the official, portrayed on a smaller scale, of whom only half the figure is visible, who follows the King at top left. He wears a panther skin, and holds the tail in his right hand. Comment. The motif of smiting the Libyan is already found in protodynastic representations32 and in Old Kingdom temples,33 together with the standard of Wepwawet. Divine protection, under King Den, is given by the Wepwauet emblem or even through a figure standing behind the sovereign, for example Thoth and Wadjet, the winged sun disk, and also the falcon Horus. Sahure is sqr Atj- §nw, he who smites the Prince of the Libyans. In such cases, the Libyan is portrayed with a pointed beard, a peculiar hair-style, the penis-sheath, a wild animal tail, a typical collar with pendants and two elaborate bands that cross over the chest. These last details are not found on the fragment in question. The feather is characteristic of the Libyans from the Middle Kingdom onward, and usually belongs to the hair-gear.34 The opinions expressed concerning the provenance of the peoples mentioned in the texts identify the Tehenu to the west. Hölscher’s study35 first deals with the definition of *nw in the protodynastic period and Old Kingdom. There should be a more precise definition of Atjw-, whereas the expression *nw, during this early period, must indicate—merely as a geographical term—a western region 27 “Two Enigmatic Hieroglyphs and their Relation to the Sed-Festival”, JEA 64 (1978), pp. 54-5: the reading is provided by the Middle Kingdom coffin of Seni and Gua (BM 30842 and BM 30839). 28 von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum, 1923, Pl. 9 [20]. 29 von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum, 1923, Plate 16 [39]; Plate 18 [44a-c]; Plate 19 [45b]. 30 Posener, “Le nom de l’einsegne appelée “Khons” ( )”, RdE 17 (1965), p. 194. 31 Curto, Aegyptus 33, (1953); Morenz, “Zur Dekoration”, 1994. In the funerary complex of King Neusserre (von Bissing and Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum, 1923, Pl. 11), in the scene of the royal pavilion, bearers are seen with the standards of Upper and Lower Egypt, Wepwawet and

Khonsu, which are found on our block. 32 Quibell, Hierakonpolis I, 1900, p. 7, Pl. 15, 7; Hölscher, Libyer und Ägypter, 1955, p. 12; Spiegelberg, “Ein Neues Denkmal aus der Frühzeit der ägyptischen Kunst”, ZÄS 35 (1897), pp. 8-10. 33 Borchardt S’a 3Hu-Re, II, 1913, Pl. I; Labrousse, Le temple haut, 1977, pp. 89-92, Plate 32; Leclant, La “famille libyenne”, 1980, p. 53; Jéquier, Le monument funéraire de Pepi II. II, 1938, p. 29, Pl. 8; 36. Stockfisch, “Bemerkungen zur sog. ‘libyschen Familie’”, in Wege öffnen, 1996, pp. 315-25. 34 Emblematic is the portrayal of the Libyan King Wenamon, a contemporary of Nectanebo I, in Gallo, “Ounamon, roi de l’oasis”, BSFE 166 (2006), Figs. 11-15, p. 23 and p. 27. 35 Libyer und Ägypter, 1955.

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inhabited by the people of the Atjw-. While we may recognise the *mw, who appear toward the end of the Old Kingdom, and the Libu and MSwS, just to mention a few, in the New Kingdom, as kindred races, the same cannot be deemed for the Atjw-. Hölscher,36 on the other hand, deems that the Libyan ethnic group belongs to the *mw. On the basis of the autobiography of Weni and Harkhuf (VIth dynasty),37 he deduces that the Libyan *mw come from the south, identifying them with the Nubian group C. We do not know, however, whether the Libyan tribes appearing during the New Kingdom also came originally from the south.38 There is no concrete evidence of any contact between the peoples of the Nile Valley and the northern oases with the Libyans prior to the late Old Kingdom. The ethnic situation of the Middle and New Kingdom cannot be applied to the prehistoric and archaic periods. Even the assumed depictions of Libyans from the archaic period are not conclusive, since their ethnic characterisation is rather uncertain. The scarcity of information up to the late Old Kingdom may indicate negligible pressure on the borders by these peoples, and the enemy slaying scene would thus be more or less symbolic from Sahure onward. Fecht39 summarises previous studies on the subject and analyses the available sources in chronological order, including the two reliefs from Gebelein (Cairo J.E. T.R. 24/5/28/5 and 1/11/17/10), starting from the schist palette probably of King “Scorpion”,40 one side of which shows the typical booty of *nw, consisting of cattle, rams, and trees; the ivory cylinder from Hierakonpolis41 showing King Narmer striking chained enemies; a fragment of the Palermo stone at Cairo42 with the list of the booty of *nw belonging to the reign of Snefru; the already-mentioned reliefs in the funerary temple of Sahure and the depictions in the temples of Neuserre and Pepy II,43 and the temple of Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahari.44 The identification of the inhabitants of *nw as Atjw- and their Egyptian names is first found in the temple of Sahure. According to Fecht,45 the depictions would reflect a real conflict, probably occurring during the Sahure period and then taken on as a model, repeated also in the reliefs at Gebelein and at Deir el-Bahari, which thus merely follow a traditional model. Where this people was settled has been the subject of several theories. In the proscription texts of the Middle Kingdom, we find the Atjw- m *nw46 in the archaic denominations for the inhabitants of the three regions bordering on Egypt. For some, the area must be the Fayum47 or Wadi Natrun, following the etymology of the verb ‘to shine’ (n), whence the term nt, faience, for which one of the components was natron. The theory is debatable because saltpetre (natron) does not always and necessarily come from Wadi Natrun and its etymological derivation from the verb ‘to shine’ and not from the placename has been known for some time. Furthermore, Wadi Natrun is never called nw and nor is saltpetre. According to Fecht48, any idea that the margins or even a considerable part of the Delta belonged to the §nw must also be rejected, because it is inconceivable that the kings of the Old Kingdom had to fight repeatedly against a cattle-rich region lying within the natural borders of Egypt, for which there existed only a literal geographical term and not a political and constitutional name, unthinkable at that time. A precise location thus appears difficult,49 although Fecht50 places it to the north, immediately to 36

Ib. 1955, p. 26, 49-53. Urk. I, p. 101, 125. 38 Fecht, “Die Atjw- in nw ”, 1956, p. 54. 39 Ib., 1956. 40 Sethe, “Zur Erklärung einiger Denkmäler aus der Frühzeit der ägyptischen Kultur”, ZÄS 52 (1915), p. 57. 41 Quibell, Hierakonpolis, I, 1900, p. 7, Pl. 15. 42 Gauthier, “Quatre nouveaux fragments”, 1915, p. 52, Pl. 31. 43 On the protodynastic ivory labels bearing lists of offe, At, oil (?), first-fruit (?) accompanies rings, the sign various types, including nw oil (Kaplony, Die Inschriften, 1963, pp. 301-17 and Altenmüller, “Das Ölmagazin im Grab des Hesira”, SAK 4 [1976], pp. 8-29), but it is difficult to suppose that this term, indicating the foodstuff and its provenance, went on to be used to indicate a specific ethnic group. 44 Naville, The XIth Dynasty Temple III, 1913, Plate 13, 2-3. 45 “Die Atjw- in nw”, 1956, p. 59. 37

46 Sethe, Die Achtung, 1926, p. 26; p. 59; Posener, Princes et pays, 1940, p. 25. 47 Hölscher, Libyer und Ägypter, 1955, p. 20, which summarises the previous theory criticized by Fecht, ib., 1956, pp. 40-4. 48 “Die Atjw- in nw ”, 1956, p. 43. 49 Naville, RdT 32 (1910), p. 57, deemed that the figure the king was about to slay was an African. He read “the chief of the country of Tehenu and of the basin of ...”. The would thus be determinative, like the determinasign tive of the name of a prisoner of King Narmer, w, and he thought it likely that the name here should be read in the same way. The man was thus an African of the same kind as the one whose head is struck by King Den. The King has taken his bow and the defeated has an ostrich feather, a beard and a hair-style falling to his shoulder. He has a large penis sheath fastened to his belt. This “Anu” (jwnw), however, must have come from the east, and may have been the chief of one of those peoples living between the Nile and the Red Sea.

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the west of the Delta, on the Mediterranean coast. Earlier, Fakhry51 and Gardiner52 assumed that the nucleus of the Atjw- lay in the regions of Mareotis, Barka, Siwa, Baharia, and their borders could not be determined, so that the the area of nw might be circumscribed with our equally vague concept of ‘the western desert’, confirmed by the etymology of the word, whose basic meaning is “clear, luminous”, from the root n “to shine”. During the prehistoric period, when the denomination of nw was created, the root may have been used to denominate arid, sun-burnt and consequently dazzling regions. The fact that the inhabitants of Tehenu may have been ethnically close to the Egyptians was soon noted, from their bodily aspect and from the details of the dress, such as the bull’s (or canids’) tail53 and the curl, like the uraeus, on the forehead, the penis sheath,54 and the Egyptian personal names on reliefs of the Vth –VIth dynasty. The denomination of Atjw- may be better rendered by “the first” in Tehenu,55 seeing some parallel with the Egyptian title, and assuming a very ancient origin for the unsettled Delta peoples, producers of oil and owners of many cattle. Again, Helck,56 in his study on the Thinite period, defines them as nomadic peoples of the western Delta, related to the Egyptians, also in view of their personal names. Revealing is the cult of Neith of the *nw at Sais, certainly from as early as the Old Kingdom.57 Fecht,58 as stated above, disagrees with this theory because there is no independent reference, but agrees on the common origin of Egyptians and Atjw-. Of course, he accepts the meaning of “the first” or “the princes”. Location in the western Delta appears more convincing because it is based on the only concrete data available, even if the King performs the act wearing the crown of Upper Egypt. Spalinger59 claims that the term refers to the geographical location of these Tehenu, i.e. “the first” in a north-south direction in the area to the west of the Delta, perhaps as far as Lower Nubia, a theory that, however, appears too close to modern concepts of geography, with an erroneous use of geographical north applied to the Egyptian world, where one proceeded from south to north. Giddy60 notes that no document associates the *nw and the *mw with the western oases, and the role of the Libyan peoples in the area is still far from clear. Spalinger also deems significant the fact that the names of the Tehenu end in -S (-wAS, the land of BAS, then mutated by phonetics to BAX; the god AS).61 The deity of the Libyan territory of Bakhu (BAS or BAXt) was Sobek, and thus the area must have been marshy, either Fayum or the western Delta,62 whence the depiction of the fish-shaped tail on the Gebelein block.63 According to Ludwig Morenz,64 the prince’s name is not a proper name,  being an ideogram and wAS a verb, so that the group would mean: “the Prince of the Libyans: the white mace is raised”, although it would be better expressed “honoured”, “potent”, thus describing the scene exactly. He also observes the link between text and scene. The King wears the white crown and in front of his face is the sign of the royal monogram, portraying the king’s head wearing the white crown: mace-, crown-t are objects whose names derive from the colour white , playing on assonances and meanings. The fish-tail indubitably has a precise meaning. The viewer sees a change in costume and iconography, like the attribute of the wild animal’s tail, typical of Libyan costume, an heirloom of the Naqada II period, here transformed into a fish-tail. They doubtless reflect royal and symbolic details drawing 50

“Die Atjw- in Xnw ”, 1956, pp. 44-7. BaHria Oasis. I., 1942, p. 5. 52 AEO I, p. 117. 53 Helck, “Tierschwanz”, 1986, col. 591. 54 The connexion between penis sheaths and circumcision is uncertain. In the predynastic cemetery of Naga ed-Deir, men with penis sheaths were also circumcised: Ucko, “The pre-dynastic cemetery”, CdE 42 (1967), pp. 351-353 and Ucko, “Penis Sheaths”, 1970; during the First Intermediate Period, at the same site, circumcision was practiced simultaneously on several persons, following a ritual of belonging to the same group: Bailey, “Circumcision”, Egypt in Africa, 1996, p. 89-90. The penis sheath is also worn by Nubians: Fischer, Kush XI (1961), pp. 67-75. 55 Hölscher, Libyer und Ägypter, 1955, p. 16. 56 Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, 1987, p.97. 57 von Bissing e Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum, 1923, Pl. 7, n° 17. 51

58

“Die Atjw- in nw ”, 1956, pp. 50-60. “Some Notes on the Libyans of the Old Kingdom and Later Historical Reflexes”, JSSEA 9 (1979), p. 133. 60 Egyptian Oases, 1987, p. 51. 61 JSSEA 9 (1979), pp. 129-30; Cairo 39531A from the hypostyle hall of the funerary temple of Sahure at Abusir, PM III, p. 74 and Zibelius, Afrikanische Orts, 1972, p. 111. 62 And not to the south, at el-Kab, as indicated in the lists of peoples of the south of Thutmoses III (Urk. IV: 800, 91-2, Sharff, 1926, p. 25; cf. Quibell, Hierakonpolis I, 1900, Pl. 36). 63 Hölscher, Libyer und Ägypter, 1955, pp. 20-2. For von Bissing (1914) too, Pl. 2, the man with the fish-tail represents a Bedouin from the neighbourhood of the marshy area of Fayum 64 Lecture presented to the Oriental Faculty, University of Oxford, in 1995. 59

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on a concrete fact. It seems clear that the intention is to contrast an attribute borne by the Egyptian king and the deities and once borne also by the Atj- m *nw, in order to emphasise the legitimacy of the act accomplished or hoped for, in view of the following return to traditional iconography.65 The fish was the cult object of the prehistoric Delta.66 Besides the territorial connexion with the marshy Delta, an apotropaic or maleficent aspect may also be identified. The fish, if Mormyrus,67 read XAt indicates ‘the enemy’, ‘the bad man’, ‘man of the Delta’,68 or else, with the meaning of bwt, ‘abomination’ or ‘taboo’, it may allude to outsiders to group identity, as in certain later traditions:69 he who obeys the bwt of his group is pure; he who transgresses is a bwty. Outsiders who do not observe the bwt are bwtyw reproved by god, are rebels expelled so as to restore the territory to beneath the king’s sandals.70 The fish barbus binny, alligator gar (rather than the schilbé) is the phonetic determinative that comes closest to our example, although often such determinatives are confused.

CGT 7003/74 (= Suppl. 12189) Fragment of wall relief 23 × 26 × 16 cm White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, “The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II”, 1990, pp. 54, 71, n° 12.

The fragment was part of the decoration of two registers separated by a horizontal band in bas-relief. Of the upper register (→) there remains the lower forked part of a sceptre, a leg with left foot and the right foot of a figure, probably a deity. The lower register (←) bears symbols: the king’s head, of which only one ear is visible, with the white crown (t), most probably part of the name of Mentuhotep Nry-t; a T-shaped sign (the same sign is found in CGT 7003/111 = Suppl. 12169), perhaps an architectural prop, of uncertain interpretation; the upper half of a vulture (depiction similar to CGT 7003/121 = Suppl. 12225).71

65 Naville, RdT 32 (1910), p. 57, observed that the fish is also found on the Den tablet (on which, moreover, yet again evidencing the extreme vagueness of the theory, the king strikes an oriental chief, in Spiegelberg, “Ein Neues Denkmal” ZÄS 35 [1897], p. 8) and spoke of the territory of the fish expressed by the group jkA jn, which is also interpreted as a name or title (Kaplony, Die Inschriften, 1963, p. 423). Jn(t) is the wadi (e.g. Vernus, Athribis, 1978, p. 242), jnwt the valleys outside Egypt. The fish may thus indicate belonging to peoples inhabiting wadis or in any case, territories outside Egypt. However, in these examples, the phonetic determinative is the tilapia nilotica. Cf. also the name of the district , in Goedicke, “Die Laufbahn des Mn”, MDAIK 21 (1966), p. 22. 66 Helck, Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, 1987, p. 206. 67 Fish of Oxyrhynchus, sacred moreover to Hathor, Gamert-Wallert, Fische, 1970, p. 30.

68 Wb III: 360. See also the term XAb, in which the value of the fish is XA, used in the opposite sense to Maat (Roccati, “Una lettera inedita”, JEA 54 (1968), p. 18 [t] Pl. IVa, col. 14; 18[t]). 69 Montet, “Le fruit défendu”, Kêmi 11 (1950), p. 115. 70 Hatshepsut, Urk. IV, 390. 71 The interpretation of the T-sign as an archaic sign representing a wooden prop (see Porta, L’architettura egizia, 1989, p. 82, Plate 25,2) and of a similar sign on another fragment (CGT 7003/111) is doubtful. If the sign were on the other hand closer to the hieratic writing of n (GEG Aa 27, Roccati, Papiro ieratico N. 54003, 1970, p. 54), it could then be an epithet, like n Nxbyt (or Mwt), ‘protected by Nekhbit’, or of a cultual building, ‘the shelter of Nekhbit’, an interpretation that Morenz (“Zur Dekoration”, 1993, p. 222) proposed for the protodynastic relief at Turin (although the sign, unlike ours, is in actual fact similar to the sign nfr).

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3. Procession of the Provinces Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/7 Block with wall relief (Figure 16) 24 × 50 × 23 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, pp. 147-8, Figs. 5-6.

The block’s bas-reliefs are divided into two registers, the upper portraying the lower extremities of a procession of three deities, one male and one female facing right, and one male facing left. The male figures are noteworthy for their typical animal tail with horizontal stripes. The female figure wears a clinging ankle-length garment, and anklets; she holds a sceptre, almost certainly a wAs type, of which the lower two-pronged end remains. A bas-relief band separates the upper and lower registers. The latter portrays, from left to right, the upper part of personifications of three provinces of Lower Egypt. In front of the face of each is a vase of the type nt with an incense or saltpetre ball for purification rites.72 Each figure wears a long tripartite wig. Portrayal of the faces is typical of the style of the first period of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep: extended eyes and eyebrows, snub-nose and full lips. Above each personification is the symbol of the corresponding province, accompanied by the determinative, the sign of land crossed by irrigation canals, spAt (= GEG, N 24). The symbol for the name accompanying the first person is unreadable, whereas the next ones represent a bull with a feather and a bull with the sign for hilly desert land with three humps (¢Aswwt, Xois).73 The set of names thus includes one that is unidentified, which may be, according to the canonical lists, the 7th or 9th nome, the 10th nome, the 6th nome, Xois (¢Aswwt),74 and probably, in sequence, the 11th nome, Tell al-Muqdam (J sb, the “reckoned” bull, CGT 7003/75 = Provv. 3008) and the 16th, Mendes (@At Mjt, Mendes, CGT 7003/77 = Suppl. 12219). Comment. Clère,75 in a similar case of names found on an archaistic-type sarcophagus of the XXXth dynasty from Saqqara, deemed that the bull with the flint knife, later replaced by the sign (GEG Aa 2), should indicate the 11th nome in the Old Kingdom. The bull with the feather would have been a later archaistic interpretation of the bull with the flint knife, because it would have been easy to mix the two. The feather that accompanies the bull probably alludes to something else, and the bull is probably unaccompanied by any symbol. The bull with no preceding symbol is often the black bull (Km wr, Wr nb kmwy, 10th nome, Athribis),76 with examples going back to the Middle Kingdom and the Late Period.77 Use of the writing without the km sign would not be a mistake, since cases are too frequent, as in the list of documents starting from the Middle Kingdom, and is distinct from the reading ¢Aswwt, Xois, often written in the same fashion.78 The 12th nome, Bdt (Tell el-Balamun), is represented together with a calf, but Steindorff79 deemed that the symbol on the standard, thus simplified, must indicate the city and not the whole nome. 72 Jéquier, Les frises d’objets, 1921, pp. 318-22; Lacau, Sarcophages, 1904, Pl. 33, n° 68,9,70; Steindorff, Grabfunde, 1896, Pl. IV; Schäfer, Principles, 1974, p. 170, Fig. 161, adapts it to the perspective we find in our relief. 73 Montet, Géographie I, 1957, p. 89-90; Vernus, “Le nom de Xois”, BIFAO 73 (1973). 74 Steindorff, Die Ägyptischen Gaue, 1909, pp. 866-8; Gomaà, Die Besiedlung, 1987, pp. 100-1. 75 “Fragments d’une Nouvelle Représentation Égyptienne du Monde”, MDAIK 16 (1958), pp. 35-6.

76

Gomaà, Die Besiedlung II, 1987, p. 148. Cf. in particular, Vernus, Athribis, 1978, pp. 346-7; 350; 353-6. 78 Vernus, BIFAO 73 (1973), pp. 29-30; a late example in Athribis, 1978, pp. 100-1, Plate XVI: the statue of NeferPsamtek NYMMA 10.130, at the time of Apries, XXVIth dynasty. 79 Die Ägyptischen Gaue, 1909, p. 890. 77

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The feather is not represented in front of the bull of the nome of Xois, but it is in front of the 10th nome of Athribis and of the only surviving, still legible nome of those of Upper Egypt, the 11th, CGT 7003/81 = Suppl. 12197, (SAj; SAs-[tp], Deir el-Rifa, area of Matmar and Mostagedda):80 the feather would thus indicate the general concept either of the provinces’ submission or their legitimacy. Indeed, Clère81, with regard to the scene of the Libyan on the ground with the feather in his hand on the Gebelein document (Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/10, Color Plate LIII), deemed that it was a sign of submission, not belligerance, indicating a return to the conditions in which Egypt found itself at the end of the Old Kingdom, exalting the sovereign’s political platform. The feather on the head, on the other hand, would be an attribute of hunters and warriors. From an analysis of the sequence of the procession of the provinces on the east side of the Old Kingdom funerary temple of Sahure,82 the nome of Athribis is indicated by the bull with the sign km (9th), followed by the bull with the flint knife (10th ), and then the nome of Mendes (11th). In the temple of Neuserre,83 Xois is the 5th nome; the bull with the calf is the 8th, the bull with the flint knife is the 9th, followed by Athribis (10th), Hermopolis (11th), Mendes (12th), and so on. However, by way of example, in the 5th dynasty mastabas of Akhtihotep and Ptahhotep, the bull with the flint knife sign (10th in Sahure and 9th in Neuserre) immediately precedes the nome of the West Harpoon (6th in Sahure and Neuserre).84 The offering table of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Karnak,85 which portrays the 2nd nome of Lower Egypt ¢pS jw, is too fragmentary to provide further information. The White Chapel of Senwosret I at Karnak86 indicates, in sequence, the nome of Xois (6th), West Harpoon (7th), East Harpoon (8th), Busiris (9th), two blank spaces (10th and 11th which Bietak87 reconstructs as Tell al-Muqdam/sb and Athribis), Mendes (4th). From what we can observe, the sequence of some groups of provinces remains fairly constant, but the order of the representations’ appearance is extremely variable, which does not however impact our example of following rigid sequences. Furthermore, we cannot say that the sequence of provinces reflects the actual administrative subdivision at the time, or rather, the one still recorded on administrative documents at the end of the Old Kingdom.88

CGT 7003/75 (= Provv. 3008) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 16) 8 × 7 × 6 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, pp. 147-8, Figs. 6-8.

A bas-relief band separates the lost upper register from the representation of a province, of which remains the left half of the standard (←) portraying the “reckoned” bull (J sb), the 11th nome of Lower Egypt, its city being the Greek Leontopolis (Tell al-Muqdam). In front of the animal is the sign , which replaces the Old Kingdom flint knife (cf. the portrayal on block Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/7): this is the most ancient evidence we have of that sign for the province. A feather, like the one in front of the bull of the nome of Athribis in the previous document, but without the horizontal stripes, stretches from the front edge of the base of the standard. 80

Gomaà, Die Besiedlung I, 1986, pp. 247-8. MDAIK 16 (1958), p. 41. 82 Jacquet-Gordon, domaines, 1962, p. 149-50; Bietak, Tell el-Dab’a II, 1975, pp. 152-65. 83 von Bissing, “La chambre des trois saisons du sanctuaire solaire du roi Rathourès (Ve dynastie) à Abousir” ASAE 53 (1953), p. 323, Pl. IV. 84 Jacquet-Gordon, domaines, 1962, p. 393, 399. In two papyrus specimens of the 5th dynasty (Posener-Kriéger and De Cenival, Hieratic Papyri, 1968, Pl. LXIIa, P. Louvre E 25416d, col. 39; LXXXIIIa Berlin P. 15723 verso, col. 8, 81

9), the hieratic sign is transcribed with the bull with the flint knife. 85 Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 13. 86 Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle de Sésostris Ier à Karnak, 1956, Pl. 42. 87 Bietak, Tell el-Dab’a II, 1975, pp. 152-65, in particular p. 153, Pl. 28. 88 Like the stela of Shemai and his son (8th dynasty, Cairo 43053) for Upper Egypt. Moret, “Une liste des nomes de la Haute-Egypte sous la VIIIe dynastie”, Compte rendus des séances de l’Ac. des Ins. et Belles Lettre, 1914, pp. 565-74.

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Figure 16. Reconstruction of scene with Procession of the Provinces, Cairo J.E. T.R 1/11/17/7 + CGT 7003/75-81.

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CGT 7003/76 (= Suppl. 12305) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 16) 8.4 × 11 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief This wall fragment shows the head of the personification of a province (←). The figure wears the tripartite wig, leaving the ears uncovered. The face’s profile shows the typical features of the first period of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep: snub nose, full lips, eyes extended by a thick line, eyebrows that follow the length of the upper arch of the eye. In front, there remains the edge of an incense bowl (cf. Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/7). The standard of the province is above the head. There remain only the extremities of the symbolic animal, which may be identified with those of the bull of Bt (Tell el-Balamun), the Greek Sebennitos (Nrw: the designation *b nrt is never found in the Middle Kingdom), the 12th nome of Lower Egypt, or with the extremities of the oryx of Beni Hasan (MA-), the 16th nome of Upper Egypt.

CGT 7003/77 (= Suppl. 12219) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 16) 9 × 10 × 4 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 6.

The nome of Mendes (At Myt, Pr bA nb d, the 16t h) is indicated by the fish on its standard,89 of which remains the tail and part of the body, borne on the head of the personification. The standard is supported by a pole that rests directly on the head of the personification, unlike other examples. Immediately behind, the incense bowl can be glimpsed and, behind the fish’s tail, the sign of the nome, spAt. Of the figure, (←) all that remains is the back of the tripartite wig, which leaves the ear uncovered. Reconstruction of its position in the procession of personifications is based on the comments in the previous documents (cf. Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/7). The left side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/78 (= Suppl. 12278) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 16) 8 × 20 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 147, Fig. 6.

The fragment shows the head of a personification (←), preceded by the incense bowl, which is partly visible, as is also recognizable the vase that follows behind. Details of the face are rendered with the same care as in the previous cases, whereas the wig is only outlined, without any vertical lines indicating the rows of plaits within. The figure’s position in the sequence is purely hypothetical, based on the approximate spacing between the figures. There is no clue to link the fragment to the procession of personifications of Lower Egypt rather than Upper Egypt, which is also true of the next fragments with personifications, only one of which belongs with any certainty to a nome of Upper Egypt.

89

Gomaà, Die Besiedlung II, 1987, p. 246.

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66 CGT 7003/79 (= Provv. 3009) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 16) 7 × 10 × 6 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief

Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 147, Fig. 6.

On the upper surface of the fragment is visible part of the sign spAt. Below, the profile can be distinguished of the head of a personification, followed by an incense bowl.

CGT 7003/80 (= Suppl. 12216) Fragment of wall relief 9,4 × 13 × 14 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 147.

The province sign, spAt, stands above the incense bowl. Between the two is the back section of the base of the standard. This is followed by the personification of the province, of which remain the nose and eye, and part of the wig. Above the head, a sign can be seen—part of the province symbol—but is unrecognisable. Here, spacing between the personifications has been reduced, perhaps owing to the greater number of provinces of Upper Egypt in the same space reserved for the nomes of Lower Egypt. It is not improbably therefore that the fragment in question belongs to the personification of a nome of Upper Egypt.

CGT 7003/81 (= Suppl. 12197) Fragment of wall relief 16 × 10 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces, ochre surface Bas-relief, traces of white Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 147-8, Fig. 7.

The jackal is the symbol of the province of ^Aj o ^As-[tp] (Deir el-Rifa, area of Matmar and Mostagedda),90 11th nome of Upper Egypt. In front of the symbol, of which the front half is preserved, is a feather. The front of the face of the personification has been preserved, its wig lying lower on the forehead than in the other cases. The usual incense bowl precedes the whole. At the top, a horizontal bas-relief band, on which traces of white paint remain, divides the lower from the upper register. 4. Personifications or Fecundity Figures The designation of fecundity figures is usually applied to the so-called ‘gods of the Nile’, or to offeringbearers. They show simultaneously both male sexual attributes and breasts. In our case (Figure 13), the figures do not correspond to the usual iconography since the breast attributes are little accentuated and the figures wear a short, knee-length kilt, fastened at the waist by a belt, rather than the penis sheath. Furthermore, the figures are portrayed with one hand outstretched and the other parallel to the body, balancing their kneeling position, in an unusual attitude. We should note the considerable disproportion of the arms as compared to the length of the lower part of the trunk. 90

Gomaà, Die Besiedlung I, 1986, pp. 247-8.

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With the intent of reconstructing what remains of the lower registers of the chapel decoration, an attempt has been made to set side-by-side the fragments portraying the provincial personifications, inasmuch as only the upper parts of leftward-facing figures had been preserved there, and here the lower parts of figures, with the same progression and with a similar scale. As far as the provinces of Lower Egypt are concerned, the spacing between figures was greater than that of the figures we are dealing with. Of the provinces of Upper Egypt, too little has been preserved to prove any effective connexion: in its favour is the reduced space between the provincial personifications and part of the depiction of an object between two figures (CGT 7003/82 = Suppl. 12199), which could be the base of an incense bowl. We may consequently consider the whole as a procession of personifications or fecundity figures, whose interpretation is uncertain; nor can we exclude the possibility of their belonging to personifications of the provinces of Upper and Lower Egypt, or to figures of Bedouins, or the personifications of estates.

CGT 7003/82 (= Suppl. 12199) Fragment of wall decoration (Figure 13) 12.5 × 20 × 12.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 10.

The scene represents two figures (←). Of the first remains only part of the left arm and the tripartite wig. Of the second, the torso, with necklace and part of the belt. Both navel and right breast are shown. Between the two figures, the lower part of the base of some object can be distinguished, perhaps a vase, which may lead to a conjecture of the procession of the provinces. N.B.: This reconstruction is hypothetical. The fragment could have some connexion with CGT 7003/83 = Suppl. 12209 and CGT 7003/84 = Suppl. 12205.

CGT 7003/83 (= Suppl. 12209) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 13) 11 × 7 × 13.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 10.

The relief portrays the right hand and knee of a genuflecting figure (←). 5 cm below, the socle also delimits the terrain on which the scene takes place. The lower side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/84 (= Suppl. 12205) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 13) 8 × 13 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 10.

The relief shows the lower part of a kneeling figure (←). Besides the leg and the left foot, of which the big toenail is depicted, the figure’s left hand is also seen, the arm having been perpendicular to the torso, almost to balance the figure. Here, the socle is 5 cm high. The lower side is the edge of the block.

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Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/4 Block with wall relief (Figure 17) 18 × 24 × 16 cm. “Vitrified” white limestone Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, pp. 146-8, Figs. 9-10.

Two kneeling figures in succession (←). They wear a tripartite wig, necklace, knee-length kilt with belt. Navel and malleoli are depicted and the right breast is accentuated; details of the nipple are engraved. The figure’s left hand touches the ground and the arm follows the body vertically. The right hand of the following figure is superimposed on the previous hand and they seem to touch. The left hand of the second figure repeats this motif. Below, the 5 cm high socle is preserved, acting as the line of terrain on which the action takes place.

CGT 7003/85 (= Suppl. 12206) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 17) 7 × 7 × 10 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 10.

What remains is the end of a leg and the foot of a kneeling person (←). The hand, with the thumb depicted frontwise, touches with its fingertips the strip of earth, represented by the usual socle. The nails of big toe and thumb are drawn in detail. The left hand of the first figure is probably not visible because the arm may have been shorter than on the other figures. The parts of the body were painted red, of which faint traces remain.

CGT 7003/86 (= Suppl. 12221) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 17) 10 × 12 × 9.5 cm. “Vitrified” white limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 10.

It bears part of a kneeling figure (←). The two arms are visible, at the sides of the figure, the stomach, with the navel drawn in, the kilt fastened by a belt, the leg and heel. The left side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/87 (= Provv. 3010) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 17) 6 × 7 × 3 cm. White limestone Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 10.

Fragment of the depiction of a figure (←) with tripartite wig and necklace. The arm and trunk could continue on fragment CGT 7003/86 = Suppl. 12221.

Figure 17. Reconstruction of scene with Personifications or Fecundity Figures, Cairo J.E. Temporaneo 1/11/17/4 + CGT 7003/85-91.

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CGT 7003/88 (= Suppl. 12227) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 17) 12.5 × 18 × 10 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 10.

The remains of a figure (←) kneeling and resting on its heels, of which remain the back part, the foot and wrist, with bracelet, of the left hand. The arm was stretched along the body.

CGT 7003/89 (= Suppl. 12287) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 17) 7.8 × 8 × 4 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 10.

This trapezoidal fragment represents the upper part of the chest, with the wsx necklace, and lower face, with full lips, of a figure (←) wearing a tripartite wig, of which remains a band with engraved vertical lines. On the necklace are traces of red paint.

CGT 7003/90 (= Suppl. 12210) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 17) 13.7 × 13 × 7 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 10.

The fragment shows on the lower half a socle in smooth relief, and on the upper the right forearm of a figure (←), with a band bracelet decorated with thin horizontal lines, only just visible. The hand touches the socle in relief below. On the left is visible the foot of the kneeling figure, sitting on his heels. The socle (here 6 cm high) also indicates the line of the terrain and is the bottom edge of the block.

CGT 7003/91 (= Provv. 3011) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 17) 6 × 10 × 7 cm. White limestone Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 10.

This trapezoidal fragment portrays the left shoulder of one figure; part of the torso and two bands of the wig, tripartite and partly decorated with engraved vertical stripes, of another figure (←). Below the armpit the undecorated edge of the wig can be seen.

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C. Wall Decoration: Median and Upper Registers The wall decoration continued above the lower 30 cm high register, as can be deduced from the remaining fragments, and must have included at least two other registers, with a height varying from 60 to 100 cm, separated both by a bas-relief band like that of the lower register, and by a frieze of various-shaped five-pointed stars, delimited top and bottom by a horizontal band in bas-relief. The scenes portrayed showed processions of deities accompanying the sovereign, inscriptions, various kinds of portrayals, deities and emblems. We have a few fragments, probably belonging to the upper register of wall depictions. A socle like the one terminating the scenes in the lower registers delimited the upper star friezes at the top. Below, a horizontal band divided the stars from the register with the depictions.

CGT 7003/92 (= Suppl. 12192) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 16) 23 × 26.7 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 6.

The depictions cover two superimposed registers, divided by a 0.8 cm band in bas-relief, with traces of red paint. On the upper register is the left leg of a male figure (←), a god or the king, with a bull’s tail, marked with faint vertical lines, hanging from the kilt. Behind it is the right leg of another advancing male figure. Slight traces of red paint remain on the figures’ legs. On the lower register is visible part of the sun disk between horns, the emblem of the goddess Hathor. The right and lower sides form the edges of the block. N.B. That this fragment belongs to the figure portrayed on CGT 7003/93 = Suppl. 12246 and CGT 7003/94 = Provv. 2039 is purely hypothetical and based solely on the female attributes. Its position in the reconstruction of the wall register above block Cairo J.E. Temporaneo 1/11/17/7 (Figure 16) thus serves only to give some idea of how the registers were arranged.

CGT 7003/93 (= Suppl. 12246) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 16) 17 × 26 × 13 cm. Painted white limestone Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 6.

Part of a female figure is portrayed (→), wearing a white garment with straps and the wsx necklace. Only the left breast is depicted, in profile, with false perspective. Below the breast is a band decorated like the straps. The right arm is decorated with a bracelet at the wrist and follows the figure, whereas the left is stretched slightly forward, probably to hold a sceptre. The skin is red and the background blue.

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CGT 7003/94 (= Provv. 2039) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 16) 12 × 11 × 12 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 148, Fig. 6.

The fragment portrays a small section of the smooth, clinging garment of a female body (→). The fragment shows the right hand bearing the nx symbol. The thumbnail is carefully drawn. The upper and right hand side are the edges of the block. Reconstruction of the fragment as part of CGT 7003/93 = Suppl. 12246 is hypothetical.

CGT 7003/95 (= Suppl. 12275) Fragment of wall relief 13.5 × 29 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Painted bas-relief This 6 cm high frieze of stars, which once separated two registers, is bordered top and bottom by a 1.2 cm high bas-relief band, with traces of black paint. There remain three red five-pointed stars, 7 cm wide, on a light-blue background. The centre is indicated by a disk with a circle in the middle. On the left can be glimpsed two parallel signs, rounded on the right side and striped with vertical lines. This is all that remains of the decoration of the lower register, and may represent the plumage of a falcon. Traces of white paint on the lower register. The left side, the bottom, and probably the right side are the edges of the block.

Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/5 Block with wall relief 42/35 × 42 × 22 cm. White limestone Bas-relief Two registers are preserved, separated by a 7 cm high frieze of five-pointed stars, delimited top and bottom by a 1.2 cm high basrelief band. Five stars remain, 7 cm wide. The upper register bears part of two figures, one male (←) and one female (→), standing back to back, of whom the legs and feet remain. The female figure wears a long clinging tunic and anklet. On the lower register, a falcon is depicted (←) with wings spread, which must have borne an nx symbol between its claws and delimited a scene with the king, deities and inscriptions, or else as a pendant to the depiction of the vulture or another falcon, as portrayed on block Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/8. The details of the feathers are rendered meticulously in very low relief.

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CGT 7003/96 (= Suppl. 12243) Fragment of wall relief 14.5 × 25.5 × 8.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Part of the hoofs of a bovine (the surface is very chipped) can be seen in the upper register, delimited beneath by a frieze with three stars and part of a fourth, edged with two 1.2 cm high bands of bas-relief. Part of the lower register remains. Traces of red paint on one of the stars.

Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/ 8 Block with wall relief 27 × 47 × 23 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Block with depictions distributed over two registers, of which parts of the scenes remain. Above, two feet (←), the right being of smaller size. Below the 6.8 cm high frieze, with seven five-pointed stars, 7 cm wide, delimited top and bottom by a 1.2 cm high bas-relief band, a scene is portrayed. A falcon or vulture (→, the head ruined), which must have borne the ankh symbol, delimits the area of one scene of which remain part of the dado and the Hathoric sistrum, or the upper edge of the red crown, and an inscription (→): oA Jwnwt njswt-bjty […] ‘governor of Junut, King of Upper and Lower Egypt […]’. Probably, the other names of Mentuhotep followed in the column below. , together with CGT The writing of the name of Gebelein as Jwnwt, the sole example of writing 7003/130 = Suppl. 12195, is here attested to for the first time. A single other example of the name of Gebelein has Jwnyt-myt ( ) balancing that of Jwnyt-rsjt, i.e. Esna.91 Probably the term indicates the location, on the hill overlooking the Nile, that a little later was indicated by the toponym Pr-wt-r, the house of Hathor, with reference to the temple, then becoming in Greek Παθυρις and extended to the town below.

CGT 7003/97 (= Suppl. 12163 + Suppl. 12276) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 18) 10.2 × 5.2 × 5 cm. + 13 × 9 × 8.5 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint The scene depicted on the fragment is delimited at the top by a bas-relief band (0.8 cm high), which borders a frieze (6 cm high), of which remain two rather irregular 91

Spiegelberg, ZÄS 63 (1928), p. 153. The denomination Jwnyt of the south (Esna) and of the north (Gebelein) refers, according to Gomaà, Die Besiedlung I, 1986, pp. 78-9, to two sites where there was once a temple. We should note the use of the terms Jwnw (Heliopolis), Jwnw Smw (Thebes), Jwnt (Dendereh), Jwnyt Smw (Esna), Jwn(w)t mt (Gebelein), Jwn(y) (Armant). According to Naville, ”, RdT 32 (1910), p. 59, Egypt was also called “Les Anu ‘the two lands of Jwn’, i.e Jwn and Jwnt, which, prior to being the names of towns, were the names of districts or

regions, particularly the latter, which, before being the nome of Dendereh, Armant, or Esna, was the nome of Southern Egypt. On the cartouche of Pepy found at Bubastis, where it says that the King worships the Atum of Jwnt and Hathor of Jwnt, these names would thus not indicate only the two towns, but Upper and Lower Egypt (see Naville, Bubastis 1891, Pl. 32). See also Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 143. The palaeography of the sign GEG E9 refers to the stelae of Gebelein and has comparisons at Mo’alla, Kubisch, “Die Stelen”, MDAIK 56 (2000), Table 4.

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five-pointed stars, about 6 cm wide. The stars’ middle rays touch each other. Still visible are three geese (←↓), two of which overlapping, which follow an illegible hieroglyph and the sign nb. The geese could determine the plural of offerings of poultry. CGT 7003/98 = Suppl. 12173, CGT 7003/99 = Suppl. 12242, CGT 7003/100 = Suppl. 12272 + Provv. 2384, CGT 7003/101 = Suppl. 12273 probably also belonged to the same frieze.

CGT 7003/98 (= Suppl. 12173) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 18) 14.7 × 11.2 × 6 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint The fragment preserves part of a register, edged by a horizontal bas-relief band (1 cm high), which delimits a frieze of 6 cm wide five-pointed stars, of which remain the fragments of two rays on the right, the top and middle rays—the latter touching the middle point of a second ray—on the left. There remain traces of red paint on the stars. On the upper register are the front legs and the hoof of an outstretched back leg, of a bovine, presumably Hathor’s cow. The lower and left sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/99 (= Suppl. 12242) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 18) 7.4 × 17.5 × 14 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Freize with the remains of three stars, whose middle rays touch each other. The stars are 8 cm wide and the horizontal bas-relief band delimiting the field below is 0.8 cm high. The upper and right sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/100 (= Suppl. 12272 + Provv. 2384) Fragments of wall relief (Figure 18) 8 × 10.4 × 8 cm. + 4.5 × 3 × 1.5 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint Three red stars on a blue ground are joined to each other by the middle ray of each. Below, part of the bas-relief band can be seen, partly preserved above (0.8 cm high). Two vertical, parallel bas-relief bands, spaced 1 cm and 0.8 cm wide, are depicted on the upper register.

CGT 7003/101 (= Suppl. 12273) Fragment of wall relief 18.1 × 11.7 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint This trapezoidal fragment shows a frieze, delimited by two horizontal bas-relief bands, 0.8 cm high, on which are sculpted two five-pointed stars, their centre delimited by two concentric circles. On the right-hand star traces of red paint are visible. Above the frieze is a herringbone decoration, with traces of blue paint in the crevices, representing water. This converges on part of a circle to the left, which may be a flower or a fish. Below the frieze

Figure 18. Reconstruction of a star frieze CGT 7003/97-100 + CGT 7003/102-103.

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is part of the sign t. The left side is the edge of the block. The motif may refer to a sailing scene, with a sacred bark, or to hunting in the marshes (see CGT 7003/107 = S. 12247).92

CGT 7003/102 (= Suppl. 12248) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 18) 11.4 × 10 × 10 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Remains of a frieze of red stars, with one star and part of the middle ray of a second, joined to the middle ray of the former. A bas-relief band separates it from the upper register, where the parallel feet of a female deity are partly visible. The big toenails are carefully drawn. The right and lower sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/103 (= Suppl. 12158) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 18) 13 × 11 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Frieze of stars, 6 cm high and 6 cm wide, above a horizontal bas-relief band (0.8 cm high). Beneath are the hieroglyphs (←↓): […] nb(t) [Jw]nt […] ‘[…] Lady of Dendereh […]’, an epithet of the goddess Hathor. They probably accompanied a portrayal of the deity. The right and lower sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/104 (= Suppl. 12274 + Provv. 3012) Fragment of wall relief 12.2 × 8.4 × 3 cm. + 12 × 6 × 4.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief The first fragment depicts a frieze of 6 cm wide stars, of which there remain traces of two and of the bas-relief band beneath, which is 0.8 cm high and continues on to the next fragment. Here, of the star frieze remains the end of one ray and the bas-relief band below, about 1 cm high. Beneath the frieze is a head in profile, with details of the finely engraved curls of the hair, leaving the ear uncovered. It rests on a land sign (?) and is followed by the wAs sceptre. The second fragment continues with details of the profile head, the face with its snub nose and full lips, the forehead, where details of the hair have almost disappeared, and the land sign on which it rests. On the left is another wAs sceptre, of which the top remains: (←): […] wAs tp tA? wAs […].

92 A similar motif is sometimes used as a decorative frieze, as in the chapel of Kemsit, Naville The XIth Dynasty Temple II, 1910, Pl. XX.

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CGT 7003/105 (= Suppl. 12239) Fragment of wall relief 27.5 × 23 × 13 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint A frieze of yellow stars on a blue ground separates the two registers. The stars, of which two remain, are 6.8 cm high and 8 cm wide, delimited top and bottom by a black bas-relief band, 1.2 cm high. The scene sculpted on the upper register shows one back and two front legs, painted red, of a cow (→) in front of part of a square. On the background are traces of white. The lower side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/106 (= Suppl. 12250) Fragment of wall relief 7 × 6.8 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Frieze with one five-pointed star, 6 cm high, 6 cm wide, and above a 1 cm high bas-relief band. Above there may be the middle part of a foot. N.B. Probably ties in with CGT 7003/105 = Suppl. 12239.

CGT 7003/107 (= Suppl. 12247) Fragment of wall relief 18 × 11.2 × 7 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief The upper part shows a representation of water stylized with lozenges. Below is a frieze of stars, of which one remains, with two rays of another (6 cm high and 6 cm wide). The horizontal bas-relief band is 1 cm high. The motif may refer to a sailing scene with a sacred bark, or to hunting in the marshes (see also CGT 7003/101 = Suppl. 12273).

CGT 7003/108 (= Suppl. 12261) Fragment of wall relief 11.5 x 10.5 x 6 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Fragment of wall relief showing a frieze of five-pointed stars, 6 cm high and wide, delimited above and below by a horizontal band in relief, 1.2 cm high. Of the decoration, there remains one star, its body formed by two concentric circles, and part of a second.

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CGT 7003/109 (= Suppl. 12144) Fragment of wall relief 10.4 × 11 × 11 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Inscription (→), bordered above by a frieze of two stars, of which two rays remain: […] wt-r [nbt] Jwn[t…] ‘[…] Hathor [Lady] of Dendereh […].’ The horizontal bas-relief band is 1.2 cm high. The upper side is the edge of the block. CGT 7003/110 (= Suppl. 12153) Fragment of wall relief 10.6 × 10.2 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Remains of an inscription (→), delimited above by a frieze of stars, of which remains one ray of a red star, and the bottom band in bas-relief, 1 cm high: […] d [mdw] dj.[n.j n.k] nx sn[b …] ‘[…] words spoken: I have given you life, health […]’. Traces of red paint on the hieroglyphs. CGT 7003/111 (= Suppl. 12169) Fragment of wall relief 16 × 9 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 56, 74, n° 22.

Part remains of a set of hieroglyphs (←), delimited top and bottom by a horizontal bas-relief band, 1 and 0.8 cm high respectively. Above can be glimpsed the ray of a star, perhaps a frieze. The first of the hieroglyphs is difficult to interpret: […] n? wAs m […] ‘[…] protector? mighty in […]’ (see CGT 7003/74 = Suppl. 12189).93 The details of the feathers of the little owl m are carefully drawn and the details rendered meticulously. CGT 7003/112 (= Suppl. 12233) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 19) 40 × 35 × 21.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Painted bas-relief This scene, on a yellow ground, with the remains of male figures (→) truncated at the waist, is delimited below by a frieze of five-pointed yellow stars (two of which remain, plus the end of the ray of a third), 7 cm wide, edged above by a horizontal basrelief band, 1.2 cm high (with traces of ochre). Both persons, whose flesh is painted red, are wrapped in a yellow kilt. A triangular yellow apron, pleated 93 The wAs sceptre is also read m, fine gold, electrum (?) the component of an epithet of Horsematawy such as nfr m, although this hypothesis does not seem convincing.

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horizontally, covers the kilt of the left-hand figure, who holds in his left hand a strap (?), from which hangs the nx sign. His wrist bears a bracelet. The edge of his right fist can be glimpsed, aligned with the body. The point of his left foot is hidden behind the ankle of the right-hand figure, so that the figures are probably walking along side-by-side, according to conventional perspective.

CGT 7003/113 (= Suppl. 12264/67?) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 19) 12 × 9 × 3 cm. White limestone Painted bas-relief Fragment of a five-pointed star on a blue ground. The rays of another star can be glimpsed in the upper and lower corners on the left. Above and below, it is delimited by two horizontal bas-relief bands, about 1 cm high. N.B. This may continue to the right the star frieze of CGT 7003/112 = Suppl. 12233.

CGT 7003/114 (= Suppl. 12269) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 19) 10 × 12.5 × 9.5. White limestone, reddish traces Painted bas-relief In the upper part, on the white background, are the remains of the front part of the foot, painted red, of a figure (→). The big toenail is described in detail. Two vertical bands, one yellow and one white, delimit the scene vertically from another on a yellow ground. The lower part shows the remains of a frieze with part of two yellow, five-pointed stars, on a blue ground. Above, a black-painted band, 1.2 cm high, separates the stars from the upper register. N.B. This may continue the frieze of stars and right-hand figure of CGT 7003/112 = Suppl. 12233 and CGT 7003/113 = Suppl. 12264/67?

CGT 7003/115 (= Suppl. 12282) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 19) 12 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Male head (→) with long tripartite wig, which has fine vertical grooves. The almondshaped eyes are lengthened with bistre to the hairline, like the eyebrows. The nostrils are well-outlined, and the carefully-drawn mouth is edged by a line around the upper and lower lip. The ear is in proportion and well drawn. The cheeks are slightly highlighted. To the chin, a beard is attached, of which the first part remains. On the neck, a necklace with several rows, of which three remain. On the whole, this portrayal is of excellent quality. The figure could represent a personification in the act of tying the zmA sign, a fecundity figure94 or, perhaps, more probably, Sematawy (ZmA-tAwy, later on r-smA-tAwy, Gr. Somtùs).95 A connexion with the male figures portrayed in fragment CGT 7003/112 = Suppl. 12233 cannot be excluded: indeed, the costume would fit well with the previous known depictions of personifications,96 although, in the chapel of Dendereh, Sematawy is wearing a different costume and moreover wears no beard.97 This 94

Baines, Fecundity Figures, 1985, p. 87, Fig. 50. Fischer, Dendera, 1968, p. 26, n. 108; p. 28. 96 Borchardt et al,. S’a3Hu-Re II, 1913, Fig. 31; cf. Baines, Fecundity Figures, 1985, p. 38, 250-2; on the block from 95

Deir el Ballas we also find a similar figure, nameless, that accompanies the king (Figure 28). 97 Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 7.

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might have originated as the hypostasis of the royal epithet.98 If we are dealing with the god, then the relief probably continued with the series of legends with the epithets of the deity and invocations, as in CGT 7003/116 = Suppl. 12193.

CGT 7003/116 (= Suppl. 12193) Fragment of block with wall relief (Figure 19) 23 × 25 × 17 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of red and ochre paint Bibliography. Leospo ‘Gebelein e Asiut’, 1988, Fig. 109; Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, p. 152.

In the upper part is a frieze with three red five-pointed stars, 7 cm wide, separated from the underlying inscription by a horizontal bas-relief band, about 1 cm high. The inscription, of which three columns remain (↓→), each 6 cm wide, is fragmentary: 1ZmA-tAwy nb nA[t…] 2d mdw dj n.j n.k nx d wAs [nb…] 3d mdw dj n.j n.k snb [nb…] <[d mdw dj].n.j n.k Awt[-jb nb] > ‘1Sematawy, Lord of irrigation[?...]. 2Words spoken: I give you [every] life, stability, power […]. 3Words spoken: I give you health […]. <[...Words spoken: to you] I give [every] joy’> (if it continues on CGT 7003/116). Comment. The passage in the first column is difficult to interpret, and even readings such as n JAt-dj, ‘of Iatdj?’ can be proposed. In the chapel of Mentuhotep at Dendereh99 and at Gebelein (see CGT 7003/118 = Suppl. 12194), Sematawy is Lord of Khadit, the great god who dwells at Dendereh. In his primordial aspect, Sematawy is located at Khadit “which is the divine hill (JAt) of Re.” JAt-dj is the “hill of birth” at Dendereh, and would harmonise well in parallel with the toponym Khadit.100 However, the sign j is written differently from the other specimens found on the blocks. NjAwwt is a location close to Abydos, but sacred to the god Khnum.101 If it is read A[…] it could refer to a Ant bark of Sematawy, Lord of the crossing (A) toward Khadit,102 or else to AAt, the station of the bark of Horsematawy at Dendereh or to A, wheat. Improbable on the other hand is the reading ©A(t) o ©A(ty), which could refer to the district of ©At nr() (reading uncertain!), mentioned only in a late inscription in the temple at Edfu,103 which would indicate the district capital of the nome of Dendereh,104 where nr(t) would allude to the goddess Hathor. Cauville105 reads Jwnt tA nrt, ‘the Heliopolis of the goddess’ (Dendereh), and not ©Am(t) (which is confused with a location of the Theban necropolis), which would avoid the multiplication of unknown toponyms of the nome of Dendereh.106 A further reading might see in the epithet an attribute of Horsematawy as Lord of the eye wAt, which is given him in temple scenes of the Graeco-Roman period.107 Fischer notes that, during the X-XI dynasties, A is often written erroneously and derives from the inverted reading of wA.108 It should be noted that At is also the wardrobe of Hathor Lady of Dendereh.109 N.B. The .k in the second column is written without the handle. The text probably continues on CGT 7003/117 = Suppl. 12143. 98

Baines, Fecundity Figures, 1985, p. 251. Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), p. 6, Fig. 7. 100 Cauville, Dend. II, 226, 14 %mA-tAwy m-hAw IAt-di; Kockelmann, Edfu: Die Toponymen, 2002, pp. 60-64; pp. 207-8. 101 Zibelius, Äyptische Siedlungen, 1978, p. 106; ndjt is also a location close to Abydos, p. 134. 102 Cauville, Dend. II, 184, 9-11, Sematawy who is in his bark (which, however, is wj). 103 Rochemonteix and Chassinat, Edfu I, 1897, p. 339; Gauthier, Dictionnaire, 1929, pp. 110-1. 104 Montet, Géographie II, p. 85; see Gomaà, Die Besiedlung I, 1986, p. 168. 105 Le temple de Dendera, 1997, p. 30; see Montet, Géographie II, 1961, p. 86. 99

106

Vandier, Mo’alla, 1950, Inscr. 12, V, B2. In actual fact, the sign is rounded at the top. I owe this description to the kindness of Didier Devauchelle. Indeed, the sign is not legible in the photo in Cauville and Devauchelle (Le Temple d’Edfou. XV, 1985, Pl. 10). 107 Cauville, Essai sur la Théologie, 1987, p. 4. 108 Dendera 1968, p. 199. 109 Fischer, Dendera 1968, p. 137. The land of ©At(y), Djati, mentioned in the graffito of Tjehemau at Abisko in Upper Nubia (Schenkel, MHT, 1965, pp. 274-77, § 455, Brovarski and Murname, Serapis I (1969), graffito n° 1, l.18) cannot be considered as the dominion of Sematawy, the hypostasis of Mentuhotep, since it is an attribution found only in the chapel of Gebelein and in no other place, including Dendereh.

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CGT 7003/117 (= Suppl. 12143) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 19) 13 × 12 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of ochre The fragment belonged to a corner block of one of the inside walls, continuing to the left. It contains part of a column of hieroglyphs, 6 cm wide, which terminates with a set of columns (↓→), probably those of previous document CGT 7003/116 = Suppl. 12193 (see translation). The lower part of the fragment is irregular and is not the lower side of the block, as in the case of CGT 7003/116, but, probably, being the corner stone, it did not follow the progress of the courses. At the same time, the chapel’s stone apparatus was arranged in an extremely irregular fashion.

CGT 7003/118 (= Suppl. 12194) Fragment of wall relief 21 × 17 × 28 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Painted bas-relief Bibliography. Leospo ‘Gebelein e Asiut’, 1988, Fig. 109; Fiore Marochetti, “The Temple of Nebhepetre”, 2005, pp. 149 & 152-3, Fig. 14.

Upper frieze with the remains of two stars, 7 cm wide and high, separated from the lower register by a 1.2 cm high bas-relief band. Below, starting from the right, is part of a legenda (↓→) with the epithet of Hathor: […] nb [t] Jwn[t ‘Lady of Dendereh’, which was most probably positioned over the figure of the deity. To the right begins a set of columns of hieroglyphs (←↓), one of which remains, 5 cm wide, delimited by horizontal bas-relief bands, 0.8 cm wide: 1ZmA-tAwy nb ¢Adj […] ‘1Sematawy (Somtu), Lord of Khadit […]’. constitutes, together with the chapel of Dendereh,110 one of the most Comment. The writing ancient examples of the divine name. It is uncertain whether zmA-tAwy means “union” and @r-zmAtAwy “Horus uniter of the two lands”, since they have different grammatical forms. Khadit may have been located on the eastern bank of the Nile, about 5 km west of Qena (presentday el-Gozeira), to the north-east of Dendereh.111 What we know about the site comes to us from late sources. The calendar of Hathor at Edfu speaks of a festival, the trip toward Khadit, in which the god Horsematawy crosses the Nile by boat from Dendereh.112 Khadit was also one of the mythical sites of Horus’s struggles with Seth. The texts at the temple of Edfu narrate that, at Khadit, Horsematawy received the firstfruits, during the feast of Renenutet.113 This agricultural ceremony took place during the Nile flood and was of an apotropaic nature, because it banished hostile forces, which were magically destroyed at the time of harvest. In the Asx-jt rite of renewal, he would cut the sheaves of wheat. The rite was also performed at the taking of power, with the offering of the wAty, the symbol of power.114 The most ancient evidence of the god comes from the title of the priest of Hathor of Dendera and Sematawy in the VIth dynasty at Giza.115 In the chapel of Mentuhotep at Dendereh, Horus, i.e. the king, is his son, but both are sons of Hathor. Baines116 deems it probable that the concept of zmA-tAwy preceded the definition of the god, because it is connected to the ideology of dynastic Egypt, although it is also possible that its use as a name is a secondary etymology of another already existing designation.

110 Baines, Fecundity Figures, 1985, pp. 251-2. Leitz, Lexikon, 2002, p. 287. 111 Fischer, Dendera, 1968, p. 14; el-Kordy, “Deux études sur Harsomtous”, BIFAO 82 (1982), pp. 184-5; Gomaà, Besiedlung I, 1986, p. 174. 112 cf. Fischer, Dendera, 1968, p. 126. 113 For A, meaning wheat, Wb V, 516, to supply with

wheat, see Vandier, La famine dans l’Egypte Ancienne, 1936, p. 86, 107. 114 Cauville, Essai sur la Théologie, 1987, p. 86, 174; idem Dendara. Les fêtes d’Hathor, 2002, pp. 7-8; 10 -11; 16-18. 115 Fischer, Dendera, 1968, p. 25-6, n. 108. 116 Fecundity Figures, 1985, p. 251.

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Figure 19. Reconstruction of scene with Sematawy and the King CGT 7003/112-117 + CGT 7003/119.

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In the late period, Horsematawy unites in his person three aspects based on the same concepts: he is the sun god, primordial, the creator.117 His solar character is already explicit from the XIIIth dynasty onward, in relation with Horus (r-smA-tAwy), whom the depictions describe as being hieracocephalic, often crouching. One form of representation is the lotus on the water, in a scenario that symbolises the development of creation. The uniting of these elements constitutes the character of the deity. Through his action, Horsematawy ensures the order of the cosmos and the earth and, in the person of the sovereign, political order and thus the triumph of Egypt. His favourite attributes, like Montu and Shu, are two feathers, alluded to in the epithets, such as “high of both his feathers”, as found in the name of oA-Swty in the second titulary of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep.

CGT 7003/119 (= Suppl. 12280) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 19) 15 × 13 × 13 cm. White limestone Bas-relief Bibliography: Leospo “Gebelein e Asiut”, 1988, p. 86, Fig. 103; Donadoni Roveri et al., Gebelein. Il villaggio, 1994, p. 14, Fig. 4.

Regal head (→) with the white crown of Upper Egypt, uraeus, wsx necklace with six rows. The eyes have bistre as far as the ears, and the eyebrows are thick and lengthened. The lips are full and the nose is snub. It cannot be excluded that the head may have belonged to the portrayal on block CGT 7003/112 = Suppl. 12233, but this hypothesis is based solely on the proportions and the direction of the figure. Comment: for the uraeus and the band that encircles the white crown, see Cairo 1/11/17/9.118

CGT 7003/120 (= Suppl. 12245) Fragment of wall relief 16.5 × 22 × 10.5 cm. White limestone Bas-relief In the upper part, remains of a frieze with part of three stars, 6 cm wide and high. A horizontal bas-relief band, 0.8 cm high, separates it from the scene below, in which the top of the white crown of Upper Egypt can be made out (→).

CGT 7003/121 (= Suppl. 12225) Fragment of wall relief 11 × 17 × 8.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Painted bas-relief The scene represents a vulture (→) and a group of three seemingly rekhit birds, the first, on a smaller scale, and the last, of larger dimensions, pointing to the right, while the third, of medium dimensions is pointing left. The details of the plumage are rendered with a series of engraved lines. Above, there remains part of two rays of a frieze of stars, delimited below by a horizontal bas-relief band, 0.8 cm high. Traces of polychrome: the background is ochre, the feather light-blue, the stars yellow. 117

Gestermann, “Hathor, Harsomtus, und Mnw-tp.w II”, 1984, p. 770. 118 Also, by way of example, on the wall relief fragment from the funerary chapel of Khamsit, British Museum EA

1450, in Robins, Beyond the pyramids, 1990, Fig. 6.7. In this case, the crown is encircled by three overlapping stripes and a feather is attached at the back.

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Comment. Rekhit birds are fantails (vanellus cristatus), that were living in the marshy areas of the Delta.119 They are depicted from the protodynastic period in scenes portraying the submission of enemies. On the Cairo palette fragment (CG 14238bis)120, a rekhit is on the bridge of a boat. On the mace of Hieraconpolis121, they are hanging from the standards of the nomes, just like the subject foreign peoples (the nine arches); three rekhits are also portrayed on the socle of the statue of Zoser,122 subject, but not conquered. On fragment UC 14541, a rekhit similar to ours appears beneath a cartouche of Mentuhotep. Helck123 defines them as the symbol of the territory of the Delta, of Lower Egypt, as compared to the territory of the Hieraconpolitan victor during the Naqada II period. They always have to be exorcised by the cult practices of priests wearing panther skins, in order to re-establish Maat, as in the case of enemies slain with the mace. Establishing world order thus means keeping in balance the dualism of nature, Hieracompolis and Buto, the pt and the rxjt, the white crown and the red. In the historical period, such birds were canonically represented in profile on the sign nb, with human hands and arms raised in adoration, wings outstretched. As a rule, they are depicted on the base of royal statues, together with the defeated, thus indicating the globality of the pharoah’s dominion, or on the lower strip of temple decoration. In the Pyramid Texts, we read: ‘... in your name of Horus above the rekhits’124 and ‘Re ... banish from the pharaoh all the rebel rekhits beneath his fingers’.125 They are found in the so-called ‘universal texts’, i.e. the temple inscriptions, where they ensure that the king or god possesses all the foreign lands.126 In the White Chapel of Senwosret I at Karnak,127 in connexion with the sed-festival, they are found on one side and the other of each access ramp, completing, to north and south, the geographical processions. The current interpretation of the rekhit is as mankind.128 Gunn129 and Clère,130 define the rekhit as the symbol of the subjected peoples of the Delta. According to Gardiner, although a too specific ethnic meaning cannot be given to the peoples of the Delta about to be conquered by the sovereigns of Hieraconpolis, they can, in view of their frequent association with rebellions in Egypt generally speaking, be identified with all those Egyptians that showed hostility to the king of Hieraconpolis and subsequently to the sovereigns of the historical period. In the funerary temple of Sahure131, the formula that introduces a procession of the gods of Lower Egypt recites: ‘I place all servants beneath your feet and for you I restrain the hearts of all the rekhits.’ At Beni Hasan,132 Horus bears as epithet ‘he who overthrows the rekhits’. This contrast with foreign peoples is apparent, not only in the iconography, but also from the inscriptions: ‘I give you all the foreign lands and the rekhits’.133 In the funerary temple of Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahari, an inscription runs on the socle of the throne of the King’s Millions of Years:134 the rekhits are portrayed, as usual, in adoration. The presence here of the figure of Mut or Nekhbit, as goddess of el-Kab, acts as a counterweight to the symbols of the Delta peoples. The portrayal is certainly unusual, since there is no parallel in the arrangement of the figures and in the association of the two types of bird. In actual fact, the two depictions of the temple of Mentuhotep at Gebelein seem to sink their roots in the predynastic period, and it is from Gebelein itself (relief Suppl. 12341)135, from the mace of the scorpion king from Hieraconpolis, from Cairo palette fragment CG 14238bis, from fragment UC 14541, that we have specimens of the iconography closest to the depictions here examined.

119

Edel, Inschriften, 1963, pp. 111-5. Quibell, Archaic Objects. I, 1905, p. 233. 121 Quibell, Hierakonpolis I, 1900, Pl. 25-6. 122 Nibbi, Lapwings and Libyans, 1986, and Gunn, “An Inscribed Statue of King Zoser”, ASAE 26 (1926), p. 183, Figs. 4 & 6. 123 Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, 1987, p. 99, 207. 124 Pyr. §644e. 125 Pyr. §1058, §1837. 126 Vercoutter, “Les Haou-nebout ( )”, BIFAO 48 (1949), pp. 108-9, 129, 150-4. 127 Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle de Sésostris Ier à Karnak, 1956, Pl. 23. 120

128

Gardiner AEO I, pp. 98-108. ASAE 26 (1926). 130 MDAIK 16 (1958), pp. 43-5. 131 Borchardt, S’a3 Hu-Re II, 1913, p. 96, Pl. 13. 132 Newberry, Beni Hasan I, 1893, Pl. 7. 133 Urk. IV, 223, 12. 134 dj nx d wAs snb nb Awt jb nb Xr rdwy nr pn nfr dwA rxyt r nb nx.sn, Arnold, Der Tempel II, 1974, Nr. 5044, Pl. 10, 12, 58a. 135 See Curto, Aegyptus 33 (1953). 129

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CGT 7003/122 (= Suppl. 12217) Fragment of wall relief 10 × 8 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief The fragment depicts a vulture (→), carefully carved and decorated with engraved lines, slanting from left to right on the right claw and on the wing tip, from right to left on the rest of the body. It belongs to the scene portrayed on the previous fragment (CGT 7003/121 = Suppl. 12225): the lower part of the two fragments coincides with the lower edge of the block.

CGT 7003/123 (= Provv. 3014) Fragment of wall relief 8.4 × 12 × 10.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief The depiction is not easy to interpret, but probably represents offerings. Visible is a horizontal line on which lie two objects with rounded top, perhaps two loaves, and an unknown object, perhaps a piece of meat. On the right there remains the end of a thumb with well-drawn nail. The upper and right sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/124 (= Suppl. 12145) Fragment of wall relief 9 × 7.4 × 4 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief The remains of an inscription (↓→), delimited on the left by a vertical, 1 cm wide bas-relief band: […] jb-tAwy[…] ‘[…] the heart of the two lands […]’. It may be part of the name of Mentuhotep, %nx-jbtAwy, but no part of the nx sign can be seen.

CGT 7003/125 (= Suppl. 12260) Fragment of wall relief 24 × 15 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Frieze with the remains of two five-pointed stars, 6 cm wide and high, separated from the lower register by a 1.2 cm high bas-relief band. Of the underlying scene, there remains the fragment of an unidentified object, perhaps an emblem, on the right.

CGT 7003/126 (= Suppl. 12268) Fragment of wall relief 5.8 × 11 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief

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Frieze of five-pointed stars, of which remains part of the five rays of one and two rays of another. The stars were about 8 cm wide and high. The lower side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/127 (= Suppl. 12046?) Fragment of wall relief 14 × 18 × 13 cm. White limestone Reddish traces due to fire Bas-relief Remains of three columns of hieroglyphs (←↓), 5.4 cm wide, separated by a vertical band of 0.6 cm wide bas-relief: 1d mdw dj.n […] 2d mdw dj.n.j n.k […] 3[d] mdw [dj].n [j…] ‘1Words spoken: [to you] I give […] 2 Words spoken: to you I give […] 3 Words spoken: to you I give […]’. The columns were probably located above and accompanied a scene with a deity. Above, a horizontal band in bas-relief, 1.2 cm high, separates the text from a frieze of stars, of which remain the points of two lower rays.

CGT 7003/128 (= Suppl. 12251) Fragment of wall relief 8 x 4 x 8 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of a frieze of five-pointed stars, delimited top and bottom by a separation band.

CGT 7003/129 (= Suppl. 12229) Fragment of wall relief 8.8 × 11 × 4 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief End of an inscribed column (←↓): […]Sy. The two j-s are slightly out of line. Two vertical bas-relief bands are visible, 0.6 cm wide. The column has a 5.4 cm wide space. The above leads to the hypothesis that the column may continue the inscription on CGT 7003/127 = Suppl. 12046?

CGT 7003/130 (= Suppl. 12195) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 20) 40 × 26 × 30 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Bibliography. Otto, Die Topographie des Thebanischen Gaues, 1952, p. 99; Fischer “Deux stèles curieuses”, BIFAO 81 (1981), p. 237; Leospo “Gebelein e Asiut”, 1988, p. 89, Fig. 105; Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 143, p. 326, doc. 87.

At the top, a frieze decorated with stars, of which remain two whole ones and part of one, plus two rays from a further two, to the right and left. The stars are about 7 cm high and wide. Above, a socle delimited the upper part, probably closing registers with depictions, like the socle the delimited the lower registers. What

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Figure 20. a) Reconstruction of scene with the pr wr chapel, CGT 7003/130-134.

Figure 20. b) Reconstruction of Upper Register Frieze, CGT 7003/126 + CGT 7003/135-137.

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remains here is a 4 cm high portion. Beneath, a 1.2 cm high horizontal bas-relief band separated the frieze from the scene below. There remains part of the depiction of a chapel, in a form which, at least from the VIth dynasty on,136 represented the façade of a Pr-wr–type building. Decorated at the corners by small half-columns and crowned by a cavetto cornice with frieze and palm-leaves on its lower surface, resting upon a torus moulding, it was used in scenes relating to the coronation and the sedfestival and is mentioned in the chapel at Dendereh.137 The Pr-wr represents the archaic sanctuary of Upper Egypt, originally consecrated to Nekhbit, in which the king was crowned. In portrayals of the king seated on the double throne of the sed-festival, this chapel counter-balances the Pr-nw chapel, the archaic sanctuary of Lower Egypt, as for example, in the relief of Sesostris III at Medamud.138 It is preceded by an inscription (←↓): oA Jwnwt zA wt-r nbt Jwnt [Mnw-tp...] ‘Governor of Jwnwt, the Son of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, [Mentuhotep…]’, where the epithet ‘Son of Hathor’ is inscribed inside the cartouche. For the writing of Jwnwt, see Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/8.

CGT 7003/131 (= Suppl. 12241) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 20) 17.5 × 15 × 13 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 56, 75, n° 23.

Light blue frieze with the remains of two yellow five-pointed stars, 6 cm wide and 6.4 cm high. Two horizontal blue bands delimit top and bottom. The lower is 1.2 cm high, in bas-relief, while the upper is 0.8 cm, merely painted on the socle, which probably delimited the last register at the top. The remaining height of the socle is 4 cm, also corresponding to the upper edge of the block to which the fragment belonged, like CGT 7003/130 = Suppl. 12195. Below the frieze, to the right, remains part of a hieroglyph (nb?).

CGT 7003/132 (= Suppl. 12249) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 20) 8.4 × 15.6 × 9.5 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint Fragment of wall relief with dressed upper and right-side surfaces (edge of block). The carved surface presents part of a frieze of five-pointed stars, surmounted by a smooth 4 cm high strip in relief, which is the upper limit of the decoration. Three upper rays of two stars can be seen, 6 cm wide, with the central circle of the second from the right. The interstices contain traces of blue paint from the background.

CGT 7003/133 (= Suppl. 12262) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 20) 7.2 × 14 × 6 cm. White limestone Bas-relief

136

Jéquier, Le monument funéraire de Pepi II, II, 1938,

Pl. 52. 137 Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 7. The chapel is apparently similar to the z-nr, the cabin of Anubis, and

the origin of their shape appears to be different, Porta, L’architettura egizia, 1989, pp. 86-7. It could represent the chapel of Gebelein. 138 Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud, 1933, Pl. I and Pl. V.

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Remains of an 8 cm wide frieze of stars, of which two can still be seen, plus the three upper rays of a third. Above is the 3.8 cm bas-relief socle band. The upper surface is dressed (edge of block).

CGT 7003/134 (= Suppl. 12240) Fragment of wall relief 12 × 11.5 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Frieze with the remains of two yellow stars, 6 cm wide and 6.4 cm high, on a blue background. Below is a 1.2 cm horizontal bas-relief band. Above the frieze is a 4 cm strip, like a socle closing the upper register of depictions. The upper surface is dressed (edge of block).

CGT 7003/135 (= Suppl. 12271) Fragment of wall relief 10.8 × 7.5 × 7 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief The rest of a star frieze, 6 cm wide and 7 cm high, of which remains one with five rays and the upward-pointing ray of a second. Above, a circa 3.8 cm high socle band, the upper edge of which is the end of the block.

CGT 7003/136 (= Suppl. 12270) Fragment of wall relief 13.4 × 12.5 × 10 cm. White limestone Bas-relief Remains of two stars, originally 8 cm high and wide. Above is a 7.4 cm high band. The upper, lower and left sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/137 (= Suppl. 12263) Fragment of wall relief 13 × 28 × 10 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Part of a frieze with the remains of three stars, 8 cm wide and originally of the same height. Above is a badly damaged 6.6 cm band. The upper and lower sides are the ends of the block.

CGT 7003/138 (= Suppl. 12230) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 21) 12 × 14 × 14 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief

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Figure 21. Reconstruction of scenes with hieracocephalus gods CGT 7003/141-142 and CGT 7003/138-139.

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On the upper part, remains of hieroglyphs divided into two vertical columns, 6 cm wide, by vertical bands of 0.8 cm bas-relief, (↓→): 1[…] mj [R] t 2[…] nb ‘1[…] like [Re] eternally 2[...] every […]’. Below there remains the upper part of the was sceptre. The top side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/139 (= Suppl. 12224) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 21) 13 × 19 × 5.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Part of the head of a hieracocephalus god (→), Horus, perhaps Horakhty, or Montu. Indeed, Hemen, the local falcon-headed god of nearby Hefat, in the neighbourhood of Mo’alla, never appears in the Mentuhotep pantheon. The head must have been adorned by a wig with vertical bands, of which traces remain, running beside the face. It does not bear the uraeus. Above the head are hieroglyphic signs arranged in columns (↓→), 6 cm wide, divided by a vertical bas-relief band, 0-8 cm wide, as on CGT 7003/138 = Suppl. 12230, to which I believe the fragment in question may belong: 1[…] nb 2[…] mj R ‘1[…] every 2[…] like Re’. Comment. In the chapel of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Dendereh,139 the hieracocephalus god is Horakhty. On his head is a very large sun disk, without either uraeus or the two feathers, which however are also lacking on the Gebelein fragment. To the god Montu, the dynastic god of the XIth dynasty, Mentuhotep subsequently dedicated a temple, probably at Armant,140 and at Tod.141 The god’s iconography evidences him from the VIth dynasty onward as Lord of Jwn(y), Armant, on the inscription of the Theban tomb of the nomarch Ihi,142 as also on the south wall of the antechamber of the funerary temple of Pepy II at Saqqara.143 The existence of priests responsible for the god’s cult is proven by a cylinder from the time of Pepy I,144 the king who also bears the epithet of ‘beloved of Montu’. He is portrayed with a human head, accompanied by cryocephalus Khnum and by Khonsu with the head of Seth. The best-known hieracocephalic Montu starts from the XIth dynasty with the reign of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep.145 In the New Kingdom, he bears the epithet of smA-tAwy in the temple of Karnak.146 At the time of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, the god is portrayed with falcon’s head, human body, necklace and bull’s tail, Snyt kilt or simple kilt, or else with a tunic with a strap on the shoulders, and belt. With regard to the iconography of the tunic, our specimens from Gebelein provide little information. Above the tripartite wig, he may wear the double crown with uraeus, the white crown,147 or the sun disk with uraeus, from which two very tall plumes rise, inserted directly into the wig (Cairo J.E. 66329).148 With Seankhare Mentuhotep, the plumes prevail and the sun disk becomes smaller. His aspect as war-god does not appear to be earlier than the New Kingdom.149 In XIth dynasty depictions at Tod and Armant, Montu is represented respectively in the company of Tjenenet and of his other consort, Junit (She of Armant). The cult of the falcon-god Hemen was associated early on with that of the falcon-god Horus. A papyrus of the Ramesseum150 says that he was the son of Isis, like Horus, and, as early as the Pyramid Texts,151 like Horus, he is the king’s divine incarnation.152 Like Horus too, he appears as Seth’s

139

Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Figs. 7-8. Newberry, “Extracts from my Notebooks (VII)”, PSBA, December 9 (1903), p. 358, Pl. 1[2]. 141 Bisson de la Roque, Tod, 1937, pp. 64-79. 142 Newberry, A Sixth Dynasty Tomb at Thebes, 1903, n° 186. 143 Jéquier, Le monument funéraire de Pepi II, II, 1938, p. 39, Pls. 46-7. 144 Kaplony, Rollsiegel Iib, 1981, pp. 373-4, Pl. 101, n° 7. The cylinder’s provenance is unknown, either Armant or Tod. 145 E.g. Tod, Bisson de la Roque, Tod, 1937, p. 74, Fig. 25. 140

146 Legrain, “Notes sur le dieu Montou”, BIFAO 12 (1916), p. 76. 147 Tod, Bisson de la Roque, Tod, 1937, Fig. 27. 148 From Tod, Bisson de la Roque, Tod, 1937, Fig. 25. 149 Werner, The God Montu, 1985, p. 55; pp. 237-56; p. 65. 150 Barns, The Ashmolean Ostracon of Sinuhe, 1952, IV, C, 25. 151 Pyr. §235. 152 Willems, “Crime, Cult and Capital Punishment (Mo’alla Inscription 8)”, JEA 76 (1990), pp. 43-6.

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antagonist, in the form of a fish captured in a net, of a hippopotamus, or as a slain bull, and he is impersonated by the king in the ritual hunting scenes.153 Hemen, during a non-specified flood festival, sails on the Nile from the east bank as far as Esna, toward which he also directs his path at the beginning of the Khoiahk festival.

CGT 7003/140 (= Provv. 3015) Fragment of wall relief 10 × 9.5 × 5 cm. White limestone Bas-relief The lower side of the face of a hieracocephalic deity (→). A band of the tripartite wig is visible, falling on the chest, and part of two rows of the necklace. The final portion of the edging that decorated the wig on the face can also be seen. The fragment may be a piece of the portrayal of the hieracocephalic god on CGT 7003/139 = Suppl. 12224. The left side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/141 (= Suppl. 12178) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 21) 13 × 24 × 11 cm. White limestone Red traces due to fire Bas-relief Bibliography. Leospo ‘Gebelein e Asiut’, 1988, p. 88, Fig. 108 like Suppl. 12204 bis. Part of the head of a hieracocephalic deity (←; see CGT 7003/138), perhaps Horakhty. On the left, above the head, can be glimpsed part of a uraeus and the final part of two columns of hieroglyphs, 4.4 cm wide, separated by vertical bas-relief bands, 0.8 cm wide. (←↓): 1[…] nbt 2[…] ‘1[…] every or else Lady of 2[…]’, followed by the city determinative (Jwnt, if it refers to Hathor and not to the god represented, to whose town the determinative Jwnyt would be pertinent, Armant or ©rty, Tod). The head is finely drawn. The eye is surrounded by a double engraved line and the part between the eye and the beak is rendered in detail. The head is adorned with a long tripartite wig with narrow vertical bands and is separated from the face by an edging with oblique bands (see CGT 7003/139 = Suppl. 12224).

CGT 7003/142 (= Suppl. 12236) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 21) 8.3 × 11.5 × 3.5 cm. Red traces due to fire White limestone On the lower part of the fragment is visible the end part of two columns of hieroglyphs (↓), 4.8 cm wide, separated by two vertical bas-relief bands, of about 0.8 cm wide. In the first, there remains the sign nb and slight traces of the point of the wAs sign above. In the second, there remains the right side of the sign nb.

153

Vandier, Mo’alla, 1950, n° 8-9.

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CGT 7003/143 (= Suppl. 12203) Fragment of wall relief 20.3 × 7.7 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Painted bas-relief On the upper part, the remains of part of two columns, separated by a 0.8 cm wide vertical bas-relief band. In the left column is a trace of the sign m, and in the right, part of the sign nb. Beneath, at the far right of the fragment, traces of the nose and chin of a face and, at the bottom, part of the four rows of the figure’s necklace, now lost, on which remain traces of red paint. The left and top sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/144 (= Suppl. 12157) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 22) 7.8 × 16 × 5 cm. White limestone Bas-relief This fragment preserves the remains of a hieroglyphic inscription (←↓), which takes up the left half of the area: nx d wAs nb ‘[…] every life, stability, power’. The caption was separated by a 0.8 cm wide vertical band in bas-relief from what remains of a figure on the far right of the fragment, of which there may remain a red crown belonging to Neith or Satet, if not to the sovereign. N.B. Perhaps part of CGT 7003/153 = Suppl. 12180.

CGT 7003/145 (= Suppl. 12233bis) Fragment of wall relief 6 × 13 × 6 cm. White limestone Bas-relief Traces of two captions (↓→), the left-hand one may be the first column of a set of inscriptions separated by a 0.8 cm wide vertical band: 1[…] dj […] 2[…] dt […] 1‘[…] may give [...]’ ‘2[…] stability [may it be stable…]’.

CGT 7003/146 (= Suppl. 12146) Fragment of wall relief 14.4 × 7 × 9.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Painted bas-relief Remains of an inscription (↓→): […] dj.n.(j) n.k wAs […] ‘I give you power […]’. Beneath, on a larger scale, the nx sign. On the hieroglyphs remain traces of white and red paint.

CGT 7003/147 (= Suppl. 12162) Fragment of wall relief 17 × 12 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief

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Remains of two columns of hieroglyphs, 2.6 cm wide, separated by vertical bands, 0.8 cm wide (↓→): […snb?] n [...] nb Awt jb nbt mj R 2d [mdw] dj.n. (j) n.k dt […] nb […] ‘1[…] ? […] every joy like Re […]. 2 Words spoken: I give you all stability […]’. The lower side is the edge of the block. 1

Cairo J.E. T.R. 31/10/17/9 Block with wall relief 46.5 × 26 × 19.25 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint The block, a whole one, is carved vertically, unlike all the other intact blocks that have come down to us. On one side, it shows part of a divine female figure (→), wearing a long tripartite wig, on which traces of black paint still remain, a wsx necklace with five rows, the last with drop-shaped pendants, a long clinging dress, pulled in at the waist by a belt. The right wrist bears a six-row bracelet, closed with three vertical bars. The dress was held up by a shoulder strap, of which faint traces can be guessed at. The eye is lengthened and the eyebrow follows its shape. The nose is snub, the lips full. The uncovered ear is meticulously drawn with its details. The style is wholly similar to that of the female figures preserved on other fragments. The goddess is portrayed in the act of holding something in her left hand, drawn on another block, now lost, and offering a garment with her right. Behind the goddess is a figure in the opposite direction (←), of which the left arm remains, bearing the ankh sceptre. Above, we have the remains of four columns out of the five inscribed on the block, (↓→), about 5 cm wide, separated by vertical bas-relief bands. 0.8 cm wide: 1[…] 2[…] n nb 3[…] jt 4[…] n t dj 5[…] Awt jb nb ‘1[…] 2[…] 3[…] 4[…] 5[…] every joy. Comment. On the University of California block D 141 of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep from Deir el Ballas (Figure 28),154 on the right side, a standing female figure, a goddess wearing a long dress and anklets (→), is portrayed in the act of presenting znd(w) garments (perhaps linked to the cult ritual on the occasion of the sed-festival),155 the tops of which have been lost, although what remains is wholly similar to our specimen. She holds a long length of cloth in her hand. The inscription in front reads: zt/zdjt znd ‘raising the sened dress’.156 On the upper register of the block are also engraved the figures of the king, standing in the middle, in front of a female deity and followed by a god. The king’s hands hang freely beside his body, and he wears a pleated kilt, a curly shoulder-length wig, the uraeus and the ceremonial beard. He is adorned with a wide collar and bracelets. The bull’s tail is attached to the kilt. A falcon above his head holds the Sn sign in its claws. The goddess in front of the king is probably Hathor, wearing a long tunic with shoulder straps, and adorned with anklets, bracelets and a wide collar. In her right hand she holds the nx sign and in her left the wAs sceptre to the top of which the nx sign is also attached, turned 154 Fischer, Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome, Dynasties VI-XI, An. Or. 40, 1964, pp. 119-20, Pl. 39. The larger fragment (D 141) measures 68.5 x 104 cm. The figures and inscriptions are in bas-relief and are the most similar in composition and palaeographically close to those of Gebelein. Different, however, is the subdivision between upper and lower registers (like the fragment in Fischer, Inscriptions, 1940, Pl. 40, n. 48, from the last part of the reign), the upper part of the d pillars and the rendering of the female clothing, which allows the design of the legs below to be guessed at. On another fragment are traces of an inscription, of which the cartouche of Mentuhotep is visible. A third small fragment bears an engraved seated male figure with pleated kilt and bull’s tail.

155 Urk. I 294, 16; 296, 9. In a funerary context, it appears to be associated with the daytime sun bark (Pyr. § 661c; CT I, 109a, CT III, 82a). In Chapter 728 of the Coffin Texts (in particular CT VI, 360) the garment is presented to the sister of the gods (Isis?) and Tait, goddess of weaving (§Awyt). 156 In the Coptos decree, Urk I 296, 9, it is on the list of cloth to be presented for a festival. In a funerary context, it dresses the beautiful West (CT 109a) and is used for navigation (Pyr. §661c), see Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexicon, p. 879. A non-divine offering bearer, on a relief fragment now at the Louvre, from the chapel of Kemsit at Deir el Bahari, presents, together with the cloth, a vase: Naville, The XIth Dynasty Temple II, 1910, Pl. XX.

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toward the king. The head is missing. Behind the wAs sceptre are the words dj.s nx, she gives life. Behind the king, on the right, a standing god wears a kilt with pleated apron and holds the nx sign in his right hand and in his left the wAs sceptre. His long wig is tripartite. He wears a collar, bracelets and a false curved beard. Above his head, a three-column inscription reads: 1d mdw [dj].n.j n.k 2Awt jb nb 3nx, ‘1words spoken: I have given you 2every happiness, health, 3life’. On the left, what remains of a scene shows part of a male figure, probably the king. He seems to bear a sceptre and a knotted piece of cloth in his left hand. On the lower register, divided by four horizontal lines, the emblems wAs nx t alternate. CGT 7003/148 (= Suppl. 12234) Fragment of wall relief 8.5 × 11.5 × 9.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Remains of a hieroglyph column, 2 cm wide (↓→), delimited by two 0.6 cm wide black bands in basrelief, which read: […] b sd […] ‘sed festival (jubilee)’, part of the standard phrasing of the captions of greeting for the sovereign, not necessarily reflecting a real event. The signs bear traces of white, red and yellow. The left side is the edge of the block. A trial pit excavated in 1988 in front of the temple of Hathor at Dendereh, more precisely in the courtyard, almost on the temple axis, led to the discovery, at a depth of 4 metres, of the offering table for Hathor Lady of Dendereh, dedicated by ZmA-tAwy ZmA-tAwy oA-Swty Nb-pt-R zA R Mnw-tp, of red granite with three hollows. It is later than the building of the chapel of Mentuhotep Netjerihedjet. Mentuhotep is the beloved of Hathor of RA-mwhA (Gebel Silsila?).157 The inscription on the table mentions the first sed-festival ([zp] tpy b-sd)158 and may provide a terminus ante quem not only for the adoption of Mentuhotep’s third Horus name, but also for the exclusion of the ceremony’s commemoration in the reliefs of the Gebelein temple, unless, as at the temple of Deir el-Bahari, the b-sd formula expresses not only the event, but also its being hoped for.159 CGT 7003/149 (= Provv. 3016) Fragment of wall relief 28 × 12 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Part of the face and shoulder is visible of a figure (→) with the red crown. The eyes are painted with bistre, the nose is snub and the lips full. The wsx necklace with several rows (of which five remaining) of bar-elements, the last having drop pendants. The figure appears to be that of a goddess, probably the goddess Satet or Neith (see CGT 7003/150 = Suppl. 12029 and CGT 7003/152 = Suppl. 12280bis); otherwise it is the king.

157 Cauville and Gasse, “Fouilles de Dendera. Premiers résultats”, BIFAO 88 (1988), pp. 26-9. Cauville and Gasse (ib., p. 29) deemed that the toponym might indicate the site of Gebelein. The name of Ramuha (Pamuha) has never been evidenced for Gebelein. However, the toponym is present in the hymns to Sobek of the “Ramesseum” (Gardiner, “Hymns to Sobk in a Ramesseum Papyrus”, RdE 11 [1957], p. 47), of the XIIIth dynasty, and Sobek and Hathor received cult in the neighbourhood of Gebelein and, only later, at Gebel es-Silsila, where there is a narrowing of the Nile, whose conformation might match the mouth indicated

in the toponym. Gebel Silsila is not far from Shatt el-Rigal, where there is a graffito of Mentuhotep with the sed-festival mantle, but where there are no traces of any cult of Hathor at that time. 158 On this point, see Hornung and Staehelin, Studien zum Sedfest, 1974, p. 26, 62-5. 159 Murname, “The Sed Festival: a Problem in Historical Method”, MDAIK 37 (1981), p. 370; Martin, “Sedfest” LÄ V, 1984, coll. 782-90; von Beckerath, “Gedanken zu den Daten der Sed-Feste”, MDAIK 47 (1991), pp. 29-33.

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96 CGT 7003/150 (= Suppl. 12029) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 23) 21.5 × 35 × 30 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief

Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 51, 69 n° 3.

The left of the fragment shows the bust of the god Khnum, with human body and ram’s head, behind a seated figure (→). The god’s tripartite wig descends to his chest in a fine band and is decorated with a set of vertical lines. On the muzzle is still visible the point of one of the two horns, decorated with fine engraved lines. On the chest is a wsx necklace with six rows, each delimited by a double engraved line and decorated by engraved sections, representing the necklace components. The outer edge is decorated with a series of drop pendants. Of the bust, the left shoulder is preserved. The arm, of which the bottom end is preserved, is raised. On the wrist is a bracelet of average height, decorated with horizontal stripes, and a central section with vertical stripes. The hand, with thin and disproportionally long fingers, holds a stick sloping backward toward the seated figure, of which the upper part of the head is preserved, at nose height. He wears the red crown of Lower Egypt, decorated with vertical hatching. The nose is snub, with considerably raised nostrils. The eye is lengthened with bistre and the ear is visible. Comment. It is possible that the figure, as proposed by Robins, rappresents the king. The crown is lower and slightly different from the one worn by the goddess figures, Neith or Satet, portrayed with the red crown, both on fragment CGT 7003/152 = Suppl. 12280bis, and on the reliefs of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Tod and Elephantine, where Neith and Satet are respectively portrayed together with the god Montu.160 The god, in all probability, is Khnum of Elephantine, who accompanies Satet on the rock carving on the Island of Konosso161 and, in the Ptolemaic period, accompanies Neith, Lady of the god’s house at Esna, as the one who represents the northern border of Upper Egypt.

CGT 7003/151 (= Provv. 3017) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 23) 9.4 × 5 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Slightly curved horizontal object, streaked by ondulating vertical lines. It could be part of an animal’s horn. It is uncertain whether it belongs to the cryocephalous figure of Khnum on CGT 7003/150 = Suppl. 12029.

CGT 7003/152 (= Suppl. 12280bis) Fragment of wall relief 28 × 16 × 11 cm. White limestone Bas-relief Female figure (→), perheaps seated (see CGT 7003/154 = Suppl. 12171). The eye is bistered as far as the attachment of the crown, the nose long and snub, the lips full. The ear is visible. It wears a wsx necklace with six rows, the last of which composed of drop pendant elements. Part of the left and right arms 160 161

Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 19. Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 20.

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can be seen, stretched downward and outward. The nipple on the triangular breast is drawn. We are dealing with a deity wearing the red crown of Lower Egypt, preserved nearly complete, with the small curved stick in front and part of the upper vertical extension at the back. The crown is engraved with vertical lines. The proportions of the figure are greater than the similar depiction in CGT 7003/150 = Suppl. 12029. The red crown is a feature of Satet or Neith.

CGT 7003/153 (= Suppl. 12180) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 22) 11 × 18 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Depicted is the lower part of a red crown, neck, ear, right shoulder, and wsx necklace with seven rows (the last with drop pendants) of a divine or royal figure (→). N.B. Perhaps part of CGT 7003/144 = Suppl. 12157.

CGT 7003/154 (= Suppl. 12171) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 23) 27 × 10 × 8.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 55, 73 n° 16.

Remains of a seated female figure, with missing head and legs (→). Part of the necklace is visible (the last three rows, the last being with drop pendants). The strap holding up the clinging garment runs from beneath the necklace, instead of from the shoulder, for which detail Robins proposes the parallel of Louvre stela C15162 and remarks that the style is typical of the pre-unification period. The breast projects in triangular form and the nipple is drawn in. The left arm, visible at shoulder joint and armpit, and the right one, of which the central portion remains, stretch forward and downward.

CGT 7003/155 (= Suppl. 12187) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 24) 12 × 13 × 12 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 54, 72, n° 15.

Figure of a hieracocephalous god (←), visible from chin to wsx necklace, which has six rows, the last of which made with drop pendants. The tripartite wig has a band in front, and is engraved with faint vertical lines. As at Dendereh, the god may be Montu, Horus or Horakhty.163

162 163

Klebs, Die Reliefs und Malerein, 1922, fig. 46. In Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963); Figs. 7-8.

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Figure 22. Reconstruction of scene with group of figures CGT 7003/144 + CGT 7003/153.

Figure 23. Reconstruction of scene with the god Khnum and a seated figure 7002/150-151 and 7002/154.

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CGT 7003/156 (= Suppl. 12167) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 25) 32 × 21.5 × 11 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 54, 72, n° 14.

Two male figures close together, probably deities, truncated from pelvis to calf, back-to-back (←→). The figures were originally part of two different scenes. Both have a pleated kilt, on which red traces remain, bear the nx symbol, white in the inner space, in the left and right hand respectively, the arm along the body. The red bull’s tail hangs to the calf. The flesh is painted red, the background light blue.

CGT 7003/157 (= Provv. 3018) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 25) 12 × 12 × 6 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief This depicts the waist and lower part of the trunk of an advancing male figure (→). He wears a pleated kilt, a belt, decorated with ‘herring-bone’ motif, with a knot in front. Immediately behind is attached the bull’s tail. The navel is carefully drawn. On the upper edge of the fragment can be seen the point of the front band of the tripartite wig. N.B. It could be part of the right-hand figure, depicted on CGT 7003/156 = Suppl. 12167.

CGT 7003/158 (= Suppl. 12281) Fragment of wall relief 9 × 10 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of paint The remains of the profile of a face (←). The eyebrow is drawn with a straight horizontal line. The bistered eye is enormous, the pupil marked with a small hole. The nose is snub and the lips full. On the forehead is a gigantic uraeus, of which the lower part is visible. The left side and bottom are the edges of the block. Traces remain of ochre paint on the surface, and red on the face. It may be the goddess Hathor, often portrayed at Dendereh with the uraeus serpent hanging from the horn beside her sun disk headgear, or the goddess Wadjet, in view of the emphasis given to the attribute. On the block of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep from Karnak,164 the goddess is portrayed with a wig, with the wings and tail of a vulture and with the uraeus on her forehead. She is the daughter of Re and Lady of the Red Crown;165 Lady of the Two Lands is one of the names of Hathor.

CGT 7003/159 (= Suppl. 12202) Fragment of wall relief 10 × 6 × 4.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief 164 165

Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Figs. 7-8, 14. Altenmüller, Synkretismus, 1975, pp. 35-6.

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Remains of an inscription (←↓): […] d wAs […] ‘[…] stability, power […]’. On the right, part of a portrayal can be glimpsed.

CGT 7003/160 (= Suppl. 12151) Fragment of wall relief 11.5 × 15 × 10 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief The standard with the sign , ‘millions’ or ‘infinite’, is here shown in an unusual manner. The figure (←) with raised hands and knee on the ground is, as a rule, the end part of the pole, sometimes replaced by the tadpole fn, the sign for thousands, or by the sign Sn. This small figure wears the tripartite wig and a pleated kilt. On the right, the headgear of the goddess Seshat, also unusual, of which two ‘points’ remain, surmounted by a half-moon or horn, and part of a palm-leaf, or of one of her two feathers, since feathers are the mark of celestial beings.166 Comment. Seshat, whose name may derive from zX, zSA (to write, ability), is one of the most ancient goddesses in the Egyptian pantheon, and her birth is celebrated on the Palermo Stone.167 She is one of the forms of the goddess Nephthys, owing to her name Seshat ‘Lady of builders’168 and, as a form of Nephthys, she is the mother of Anubis and spouse of Seth. In the Osiris religion too, she is the wife of Seth. This goddess protects foreigners in Egypt. In the solar religion, she is the daughter of Re. Throughout the pharaonic period, her characteristic dress is the leopard or panther skin, an ancient iconography that long survives. Also associated with the priest who performs the funerary rites, she denotes the function of marking the end of life.169 Seshat, as a rule, holds the palm of Lower Egypt and wears the panther skin, the symbol of the sm and jwn-mwt.f priests, who resided in the Palace of Upper Egypt.170 As early as the Middle Kingdom, the meaning of her very ancient symbolism had been forgotten. The usual representation of her headgear as a celestial goddess evolves from the IIIrd to the VIth dynasty: during the reign of Pepy II two leaves appear (which here appear to be palm-leaves) on the month-sign that characterises her headgear,171 cutting it into two distinct parts that will later be transformed into two horns, the typical form from the end of the XIIth dynasty up to the end of the Roman period, which would give rise to the name ¤fxt-bw(y) ‘she who has set aside the two horns’, referring to the upside-down horns, but subsequently, during the late period, instead with the meaning of the number ‘seven’. The whole is set on top of a spiral of seven laurel-type leaves, then changing into a lanceolate or pointed shape, as in our example. This spiral of leaves, rosette or star, has been variously interpreted. The main readings are: the swt plant, which is also found in the njswt reading; the word rrt, flower, writing for r, Horus. One proposed reading is wnb, which becomes the written form nb, Lord.172 The connexion is clearly the figure of the king, and would also explain the title, written with flower or rosette, of the priests always found at the king’s side in depictions of the protodynastic period. In the goddess’s headgear on the Palermo Stone173, the section of stick was a wAs sceptre. The rosette might also represent an instrument which, in the protodynastic period, must have had some relation both to writing and to astronomic observation: Kaplony174 deemed that the representation of the palm, with the half-moon or horns, the symbol of the year and month and of Sothis who bears the year, could indicate writing material 166

Wainwright, “Seshat and the Pharaoh”, JEA 26 (1941),

p. 35. 167 Schäfer, Ein Bruchstück, 1902, p. 21, no. 13; in general, Budde, Die Göttin Seschat, 2000. 168 Pyr. § 616b. 169 Wainwright, “Seshat and the Pharaoh”, JEA 26 (1941), pp. 30-1, 38. 170 Kaplony, “Das Schreiber”, ZÄS 110 (1985), p. 158. 171 Jéquier, Le monument funéraire de Pepi II. II, 1938, Pl. 38. 172 Schneider, “Das Schriftzeichen “Rosette” und die

Göttin Seschat”, SAK 24 (1997), p. 242, 249-55. According to Schneider’s theory (ib., p. 257), the origin of Seshat’s hidden name would lead back to the nb reading of the rosette: Seshat’s attribute is the panther skin that, as a phonetic sign, qualifies her as Nebit, the female version of the panther-god Nebu, which would provide a further explanation for the reading nb (ib., pp. 265-7). The name and function of Seshat with the panther skin could be reflected in the foundation ceremonies with the nbyt/nbAt pole. 173 Helck, “Seschat”, LÄ V, 1984, col. 884. 174 Review, “Excurs”, Bi.Or. 28 (1971), pp. 48-9.

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on which the years were annotated. Instead of palm-leaves, we often find two feathers between the horns, relating to the wp-rnpt group, at the opening of the year. The month-sign, characteristic of Seshat, might be connected with what is expressed in the Pyramid Texts,175 where Seth finds a way of escaping his death-month. In relation to Seshat, to the king, to the length of his life and owing to the fact that she represents fate, it follows that the king himself was, in the Pyramid Texts, subject to death like Seth, but like Seth he escapes it. Initially, Seshat had her own cult, with her own priests, then later rarely received offerings from the king and her role became one of merely serving in the king’s retinue. Her priests belonged to Memphis and the goddess was in charge of the ‘House of Books of the Royal Offspring’.176 She recorded the royal name at birth and wrote it in the sacred book; she recorded the royal title at the coronation, with Thoth she guaranteed the sed-festival and recorded the booty brought to the pharaoh from foreign lands.177 Sometimes the principal god of the temple instructed her in her task. Her main task was to mark the king’s lifespan on the little twig made from the nervation of the palm-leaf, that most ancient method of recording, which brought her the title of ‘she who is at the origin and who originated the writing of the beginnings’, who ‘engraves the years of the lifespan’. She thus gave the king his lifespan and the sed-festival. With the IVth dynasty, Seshat’s recording of the years was adapted to the lifespan of Re, to the eternity of Re.178 In historical times, she gave these years in tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands, millions, up to eternity. As goddess in the ancient religion, however, she was associated with the celestial gods and with Atum. She then brought the gift of seven years and, by guaranteeing a period and not eternity, Seshat decided the moment of the king’s death and was thus associated with the Greek Moirae. From the beginning, her other mission was to assist the king in measuring building sites and so she bore the title of ‘Lady of the Builders’.179 In this context, Seshat wore an animal skin and, together with the king, kept the stakes to be driven in with a mallet, during the foundation ceremony.

CGT 7003/161 (= Inv S. 12228) Fragment of wall relief 12.2 × 12 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief As on CGT 7003/160 = Suppl. 12151, here Seshat’s stick is depicted with a tiny  figure at the top (→), of which remain the left leg, one raised arm and part of the bust. Of Seshat remain just two ‘rays’ of her headgear. It may be assumed that the goddess stood to the left and right of the throne, although other deities are usually in this position, but always with the stick with the sign of hundreds of thousands or millions of years. Otherwise, one could assume that the goddess accompanies the king in two different scenes.

CGT 7003/162 (= Suppl. 12222) Fragment of wall relief 6 x 14 x 12.5 cm. Limestone Bas-relief

175

Pyr. §1453, § 1467. Borchardt, S’a3 Hu-Re II, 1913, pp. 76-97. 177 Borchardt, S’a3 Hu-Re II, 1913, Pl. 1, the goddess Seshat seems to write a list of prisoners, as on the relief of the funerary temple of Senwosret I at el-Lisht, where she is in charge of the ‘House of Divine Books’, Hayes, The Scepter, I, 1953, Fig. 115 176

178 Wainwright, “Seshat and the Pharaoh”, JEA 26 (1941), pp. 35-7. 179 Wainwright, “Seshat and the Pharaoh”, JEA 26 (1941), pp. 31-3; Chevrier, “Rapport”, ASAE LI (1951), Fig. 1, in the reconstruction of the porticoed courtyard of Tuthmosis IV at Karnak. Schneider, SAK 24 (1997), pp. 265-267.

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The fragment bears the tadpole fn (one hundred thousand) that terminates the stick usually held by Seshat in the act of giving thousands of years to the king.

CGT 7003/163 (= Suppl. 12183) Fragment of wall relief 13 × 8.7 × 10 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of red and light-blue paint Fragment of wall relief showing the chest and part of the arm of a figure (→) with the wsx necklace, comprising five rows of small cylindrical bars and an external row of drop-shaped grains. Traces of red paint are still visible on chest and collar. In the crevices of the necklace, traces of light-blue paint are preserved.

CGT 7003/164 (= Provv. 3019) Fragment of wall relief 5.2 × 6.2 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Fragment of wsx necklace with five rows of small vertical bars, plus a final, sixth row with drop-shaped pendants. It could belong to CGT 7003/163 = Suppl. 12183.

CGT 7003/165 (= Suppl. 12168) Fragment of wall relief. 14 × 22.4 × 10 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Part of a male figure (←) with outstretched arm, probably to hold a sceptre. The front band and remains of the back part of the tripartite wig are rendered in detail with faint vertical lines. The navel is drawn. Part of the belt remains, bordered by two parallel lines, and the pleating of the kilt.

CGT 7003/166 (= Suppl. 12284) Fragment of wall relief 11× 8 × 7.5 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint Lower part of the face of a female figure (←), on a blue background, with snubnose and full lips. Remains of the wsx necklace of which remain six rows of small vertical bars, alternating red and yellow. Behind the neck, two rows of pearls, alternating three red and three yellow. This is the support of the mnjt, the necklace sacred to Hathor, which the goddess wears round her neck and offers the worshipper without removing, holding the sistrum in her other hand,180 to give life.

180 Example in Gauthier and Jéquier, Mémoire, 1902, p. 106, Fig. 131.

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CGT 7003/167 (= Suppl. 12188) Fragment of wall relief 15 × 14.5 × 11 cm. White limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint The hand, painted red, of a male figure (←), of which remains part of the pleated kilt; he may be holding the handle of the nx sign (see CGT 7003/112 = Suppl. 12233), now lost. On his wrist he wears a bracelet. The fingers of the hand are rendered meticulously with the details of the nails, and the position of the thumb reveals a contrived perspective.181

CGT 7003/168 (= Suppl. 12162bis) Fragment of wall relief 19.5 × 11 × 8 cm. White limestone Bas-relief and engraved bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 56, 74, n° 20; Steckeweh, Hans et al., Die Fürstengräber von Qâw, 1936, Tab. 14, n.

On the upper part of the block remain two wide vertical bands, in bas-relief, belonging to some hieroglyphs. Part of the hieroglyphs are visible below (←↓), in which we can read Atj-, in incised bas-relief, in which the details are engraved. The lion’s head is rendered with meticulous detail and with highlights that make this a superior work and more refined than the other incised bas-reliefs so far considered. Robins, following the remarks of Habachi,182 proposes reading the group not as a title of rank, which is not pertinent to the context, but as the title of an enemy defeated by Mentuhotep. This fragment is not pertinent to the chapel itself however, being part of the titles of Ibu from his tomb at Qaw el Kebir. 183

CGT 7003/169 (= Suppl. 12176) Fragment of wall relief 10 × 10 × 6.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Part of a figure (←) with wsx necklace with six rows of small rectangular bars and a border of drop pendants. It wears a tripartite wig with faint vertical lines. There remain: the left shoulder, part of the trunk and arm.

181 182

Cf. Barta, Das Selbstzeugnis, 1970, pp. 116-7. MDAIK 19 (1963), Pl. 11a, Fig. 16.

183 Indeed, Schiaparelli’s manuscript inventory often has mistakes.

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CGT 7003/170 (= Suppl. 12190) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 24) 20 × 30 × 22 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Remains of two male figures (←). Of the first remain the left arm and shoulder, the long wig, engraved with vertical lines, part of the pleated kilt and belt with tiny lozenges. Of the second, there remains the right arm, part of the trunk with drawn nipple, the wsx necklace, of which the last rows can be seen, three with small bar elements and one with drop elements. There also remains part of the front band of the tripartite wig.

CGT 7003/171 (= Suppl. 12265) Fragment of wall relief 10 × 12 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Part of the sun disk and of a cow’s horn, an attribute of the goddess Hathor. At top left are visible a vertical stripe and a sign. The left and lower sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/172 (= Suppl. 12148) Fragment of wall relief 9 × 16 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief The fragment shows the symbol d, surmounted by the nx symbol, decorated with oblique engraved lines, slanting to the right. As a rule, these symbols, when together, are depicted on a wAs sceptre. To the left of the two symbols is a vertical rod. The sign was usually proffered by a deity to the king’s nostrils to insufflate stability and life. This scene is as a rule accompanied by captions such as, d mdw dj.n.j n.k snb nb Awt jb or else d n [...] nb dt nb mj R.184

CGT 7003/173 (= Suppl. 12253) Fragment of wall relief 11.5 × 17.2 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 53, 70, n° 8.

There remains the lower part of the hieroglyph wt-r, two falcon’s legs (←), with the detail of the claw curving downward. Above the left leg is visible the terminal part of the leg plumage. The bird is inside a bas-relief square, 1 cm wide, of which part of the lower and left sides remain. The set composes the name @wt-r ‘Hathor’ on a very large scale, either as part of the name of Mentuhotep, Son

184

Allam, Hathorkult, 1963, pp. 83-4; example in Sinai Nr. 89.

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of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, or else on its own, accompanying the figure of the goddess. The upper side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/174 (= Suppl. 12174) Fragment of wall relief 23.5 × 21 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 55, 73-4 n° 19.

At the top of the fragment are traces of two hieroglyphs (a curved sign and the lower part of an A or an m). Below, there remains part of the head of a bovine, of the type with lyriform horns, fastened by a rope to its horns. The details of the rope and ears are engraved. The bird above, on the other hand, has no engraved details. The left side is the edge of the block. Comment. As noted by Robins, the bovine could be connected to the suckling scene, either of the calf, as in the chapel of Mentuhotep at Dendereh185 and in the chapels of his wives at Deir el-Bahari,186 or of the king, or else it may merely portray a cow, accompanied by her calf, without suckling it. It could also represent a cow belonging to the ntt, the sacred cattle of Hathor kept in her temples,187 or else a bull led to sacrifice, before being slaughtered, although such a scene would not be well-suited to the chapel’s ideological content.

CGT 7003/175 (= Suppl. 12264) Fragment of wall relief 12.5 × 9 × 7.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Remains of the top of the back quarters and a portion of the tail of an animal (←), which may be a bovine. Owing to the small scale, it could even be a calf, perhaps even suckled by a cow.

Gebelein 2/1995. In situ. Fragment of wall relief 12 × 11 × 3.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief There remains the lower part of the face of a figure (←), probably female, and part of her right shoulder. The lips are full, the upper lip being parallel to the lower; the neck is short. The wsx necklace has six rows of small bars, plus one with drop elements. The left side is the edge of the block.

185

Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 7, Pl. VI. Wildung, L’âge d’or de l’Egypte, 1984, p. 109, Fig. 95. In Drenkhahn (Ägyptische Reliefs, 1989, p. 62, from Deir el-Bahari) is shown the head of Mentuhotep as he drinks 186

milk from Hathor’s cow, in the context of the funerary cult: the king’s face is painted black and he wears a skullcap with the uraeus on his head. 187 Pinch, Votive Offerings to Hathor, 1993, p. 173.

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Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/3 Fragment of wall relief 16 × 25 × 27 cm. White limestone Bas-relief Portrayal of a Nubian, of which remain the head, the upper part of the trunk with shoulders and raised left arm, the hand small and flattened. The hairstyle is cap-like, with short curls. The face is described with evident realism: flattened nose, slight prognathism, wrinkles at the side of the mouth. The ear is uncovered. On his head, a large feather, without details. To the left at the top a hand can be seen, with long, slightly upward-pointing fingers. The figure could be a Nubian mercenary, perhaps an archer in view of the feather on his head, belonging to the forces stationed at Gebelein,188 since his attitude is not that of the defeated, and he seems to be celebrating or dancing.

CGT 7003/176 (= Suppl. 12218) Fragment of wall relief 15 × 13 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Part of the titulary of Mentuhotep (←), with praenomen and name, delimited by two horizontal bas-relief bands, probably the cartouche: […] Nb-pt-[R] Mn(w)tp ‘Nebhepetre Mentuhotep.’ The hieroglyph pt is utilised in Mentuhotep’s title preceding the sign , pt. Above the cartouche remains part of a trapezoidal sign; below, a semicircle in relief, 0.8 cm wide. The upper side is the edge of the block. In this case, the coronation name written inside the cartouche is an exception.189

CGT 7003/177 (= Suppl. 12032) Fragment of wall relief 16 × 8 × 9 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief The upper part of the fragment shows the cartouche, 0.8 cm wide, with the name of Mentuhotep (→): […Mn]w-tp. Below are three fingers of a hand and part of an arm, wearing a bracelet, raised to the right, perhaps offering a symbol. The upper side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/178 (= Suppl. 12034) Fragment of wall relief 14 × 5.5 × 4 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Cartouche with part of the name of Mentuhotep (←↓): […] Mnw-tp. @tp is written without phonetic complements. The cartouche is engraved with vertical lines, rounded at the top and—probably—below, representing the cord that fastens. At the side is depicted a cord woven in ‘herring-bone’ style. The left side is the edge of the block. 188 See the stelae in Fischer, Kush 9 (1961); Aufrère, “Les vétérans”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 19 (2000).

189 For comparisons with the name outside the cartouche, see Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 149.

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CGT 7003/179 (= Suppl. 12036) Fragment of wall relief 14 × 7 × 9 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Cartouche of Mentuhotep (↓→): […] zA [R] Mnw-tp. @tp is written without phonetic complements. The cartouche is formed by a woven cord, fastened in the centre by another simple cord. The details of the duck’s plumage are rendered with engraved horizontal and vertical lines. The other hieroglyphs, on the other hand, are barely delineated.

CGT 7003/180 (= Suppl. 12037) Fragment of wall relief 13 × 19 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography: Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, p. 52, p. 69, n. 5; Postel, Protocole des souverains 2004, p. 326, doc. 83.

On the right, the cartouche of Mentuhotep (↓→): […] Mn(w)-tp. @tp is written without phonetic complements. The woven cord of the cartouche is drawn in engraved sections, arranged herringbone style. On the left, part of a downward-pointing arm (→) is separated from the cartouche by a horizontal bas-relief band, 0.8 cm wide.

CGT 7003/181 (= Suppl. 12038) Fragment of wall relief 10.5 × 15 × 10 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Part of the cartouche of Mentuhotep (←↓): […Mn]w-[tp]. The details of the chick’s plumage are described accurately. The woven cord of the cartouche is also rendered with engraved lines in ‘herringbone’ style. The lower side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/182 (= Suppl. 12039) Fragment of wall relief 16 × 14 × 7 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Cartouche with part of the titulary of Mentuhotep (↓→): zA [R] Mntw-tp. The cartouche is a simple band, 0.8 cm wide. The left and lower sides are the edges of the block.

CGT 7003/183 (= Suppl. 12040) Fragment of wall relief 12 × 11 × 8.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief

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Cartouche of Mentuhotep (←): [… Mn]w-tp. The details of the cartouche’s cord are engraved herringbone style, except for the cord that fastens it. The details of the hieroglyphs are also engraved. The upper side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/184 (= Suppl. 12041) Fragment of wall relief 11 × 5.4 × 4 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 53, 70, n° 9.

At the top part of the cartouche of Mentuhotep can be seen (↓→): […Mnw-t]p. At the bottom is the hand of a deity (←), of which the index and thumb remain, offering the nx to the king (→)—of whom remains a small portion of the left shoulder, with the last row of the wsx necklace with pendant drops. The left side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/185 (= Suppl. 12191 + S. 12301 + S. 12298) Fragment of block and wall relief (Figure 26) 31 × 45 × 14 cm. + 6.2 × 9 × 5 cm. + 19 × 10 × 11 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief and incised bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 53, 71, n° 11.

The fragment from an upper register shows part of the figure of the king, followed by a goddess, perhaps Tjenenet or Junit (←), with a garment of feathers.190 The king’s figure is truncated below the waist, whilst of the female figure part of the clinging garment is visible, its great feathers, pointing downward, changing into lanceolate-shaped feathers on the lower edge. The details of the garment are rendered meticulously. The king wears a kilt with triangular apron in front, hemmed and pleated horizontally at the bottom, vertically and diagonally at the sides. He wears the wild beast’s tail, down to his ankles, its end rounded. His left arm and hand were arranged along his side, grasping a sceptre or mace, held horizontally, of which the rounded head may be distinguished. Of the hand remains the thumb with drawn nail. The details of the leg muscles and malleolus are highlighted in very low relief, the knees are rendered with a triangular motif, and the toenail is carefully engraved. Suppl. 12298 shows the continuation of the lower left side of the scene depicted on Suppl. 12191. To the right, at the top, can be seen the big-toe of the king’s right foot (←), with the toe drawn. Slightly above (and thus in front of the king’s figure) is the end of a caption (↓→): […] mj [R] t ‘[…] like [Re] eternally’. There is another double horizontal rounded band in bas-relief, the upper one 1 cm wide, the lower 0.8 cm. Below remain part of the signs tjt d wAs tjt, repeated on the left-hand fragment, of which

190 See, for example, the block of Seankhare Mentuhotep from Tod, in Bisson de la Roque, Tod, 1937, Fig. 43, Inv. 1160. Even the concubine Kemsit is depicted with a

feathered overgarment on block BM EA 1450 from Deir el Bahari, Bourrieau, Pharaohs and Mortals 1988, pp. 14-15.

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Figure 26. Reconstruction of scene with the king followed by a female figure with feathered dress upon a ws d nx frieze, CGT 7003/185-194.

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remains the upper right half of a tjt, followed by the top of a wAs and the upper left part of a d, belonging to a horizontal sequence of signs d wAs tjt on the sign nb, also arranged vertically over at least two registers. Further to the left are two horizontal bands in bas-relief, 0.8 cm wide and spaced at 2 cm. The scene continued beyond. A parallel scene with the king and divine figures on a double border above a frieze of tit d wAs on the sign nb is found on the block from Deir el-Ballas (Figure 28), to which reference has also been made for the cloth presentation scene (see Cairo 31/10/17/9).191 These are in engraved bas-relief, leading to the consideration that such a depiction was on an outside wall. The upper side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/186 (= Suppl. 12304) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 26) 26 × 24 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised bas-relief On two horizontal registers, separated by an engraved bas-relief band, remains part of a tjt sign and a corner of nb and of the signs wAs d tjt on nb. Below can be glimpsed the last element of the sign d. Traces of preparation for painting remain. The upper side retains the original cut with nine hollow flutes and eight in relief, perhaps used for embedding the block, of which this is the sole example. N.B. In all probability, the motif depicted on Suppl. 12191 + Suppl. 12301 and Suppl. 12298 continues below and on the sides of the next documents.

CGT 7003/187 (= Suppl. 12294) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 26) 12 × 20 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised bas-relief Remains of two signs: d and tjt and, on the right, of the wAs sign. Here the signs are wider than in the other specimens. N.B. In all probability, the motif depicted on CGT 7003/194 = Suppl. 12303 and CGT 7003/195 = Suppl. 12308 continues below and on the sides of the next documents.

CGT 7003/188 (= Suppl. 12302) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 26) 15 × 27 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised bas-relief, traces of paint Remains of two registers with wAs d tjt frieze on nb. Above remains part of the sign nb drawn inside engraved horizontal lines. Below a horizontal hollow bas-relief band remain the tops of a wAs d tjt group followed by a wAs that began another group. The upper side is the edge of the block. N.B. The depiction probably continues on fragment CGT 7003/186 = Suppl. 12304 and CGT 7003/189 = Suppl. 12295 + Provv. 3053. 191 Lutz, Egyptian tomb steles, 1927, Pl. 34; Fischer, Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome, Dynasties VI-XI, An. Or. 40 (1964), pp. 119-20, Pl. 39.

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CGT 7003/189 (= Suppl. 12295 + Provv. 3053) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 26) 33 × 11 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised bas-relief The remains of two registers of wAs d tjt signs on nb, separated by a horizontal hollow bas-relief band. Above, on an nb sign, the details of which are engraved with horizontal and vertical lines, are the bottom ends of the wAs d tjt sceptre. On the right is part of another nb sign. Below are the tops of a tjt and a wAs sign. N.B. The depiction probably continues on fragment CGT 7003/186 = Suppl. 12304 and CGT 7003/188 = Suppl. 12302.

CGT 7003/190 (= Suppl. 12307) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 26) 18.5 × 12 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised intaglio bas-relief Frieze with the signs wAs d and, above, traces of a bas-relief band. The upper side is the edge of the block. N.B. In all probability, the motif depicted on CGT 7003/191-5 and at the sides of the following documents continues along the bottom.

CGT 7003/191 (= Suppl. 12299) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 26) 15 × 13 × 7 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised intaglio bas-relief Remains of a wAs sign and a d sign. Above, part of a hollow bas-relief band can be seen. The left side is the edge of the block. N.B. In all probability, the motif depicted on CGT 7003/185 = Suppl. 12191 + Suppl. 12301 + Suppl. 12298 and, at the sides, from CGT 7003/186 = Suppl. 12304 to CGT 7003/190 = Suppl. 12307 continues along the bottom.

CGT 7003/192 (= Suppl. 12293) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 26) 7 × 14 × 11 cm White limestone, reddish traces Incised intaglio bas-relief Remains of the upper parts of the signs tjt wAs d. At top left is part of the horizontal bas-relief band. N.B. In all probability, the motif depicted on CGT 7003/193-4 continues along the bottom.

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CGT 7003/193 (= Provv. 3020) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 26) 8 × 11 × 9 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised intaglio bas-relief Remains of a d sign and a tiny left piece of the sign tjt. N.B. In all probability, the motif depicted on the previous items and on CGT 7003/194 = Suppl. 12303 continues along the bottom.

CGT 7003/194 (= Suppl. 12303) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 26) 13 × 11.7 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised intaglio bas-relief The fragment preserves a portion of the upper part of the three signs tjt wAs d. A horizontal engraved bas-relief band delimits the frieze at the top. The upper and left sides are the edges of the block. N.B. It may continue the motif of frieze CGT 7003/195 = Suppl. 12308 and in turn CGT 7003/185 = Suppl. 12191 + Suppl. 12301 + Suppl. 12298 and those following.

CGT 7003/195 (= Suppl. 12308) Fragment of corner block a) 10.5 × 16 × 17 cm. b) 10.5 × 17 × 16 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised intaglio bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 56, 74, n° 21.

a) Frieze with the remains of the upper part of a d and tjt sign, which are delimited above and to the right by a hollow engraved horizontal and a vertical band in bas-relief. The right and upper sides are the edges of the block. N.B. It could continue the motif of the frieze on CGT 7003/194 = Suppl. 12303. b) Frieze with the remains of the upper part of a wAs and a d sign, delimited above and to the left by a hollow engraved horizontal and vertical band in bas-relief. The left and upper sides are the edges of the block. N.B. It is uncertain as to which of the two sides, whether left or right, was used to continue the frieze motif with the wAs d tjt above the nb sign, as depicted on the previous documents, or whether it belonged to the plinth of an altar.

CGT 7003/196 (= Suppl. 12297) Fragment of wall relief 17.5 × 15 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised intaglio bas-relief The remains of two five-pointed stars, 7 cm wide and high, delimited above by a wide horizontal band (2 cm), of engraved hollow bas-relief. Above the band, the stone is without decoration, which may lead to the conjecture that it was

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the last register at the top of the decorated wall. Below, a rounded, engraved hollow bas-relief band, 1 cm wide, delimits the stars. Below this remain the upper extremities of the signs d e tjt, which may have composed a frieze with the sequence wAs d tjt on a nb sign.

CGT 7003/197 (= Suppl. 12244) Fragment of wall relief 12 × 10 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Incised intaglio bas-relief Remains of a frieze of 7 cm high five-pointed stars. On the left remain four rays of a star, and on the right the upper left ray of another. A 2 cm high horizontal band, of hollow bas-relief, delimits the top of the motif. N.B. The frieze may continue the depiction on CGT 7003/196 = Suppl. 12297.

Gebelein 3/1995, in situ Fragment of wall relief 2 × 5 × 5 cm. White limestone Reddish traces due to fire Bas-relief. Fragment of an nb sign with details engraved using horizontal lines.

CGT 7003/198 (= Suppl. 12165) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 25) 15 × 30 × 12 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 53, 71, n° 10.

The fragment preserves the lower part of the torso, the hips and arms of a standing male figure (←), almost certainly the sovereign. The kilt, decorated by vertical pleating, is fastened at the waist by a belt, pointing obliquely downwards and decorated with two engraved horizontal lines, delimiting a set of very closely spaced vertical marks. The belt is fastened in front by a knot. The front part of the kilt, which slopes forward in a trapezoidal shape, is marked by oblique pleating and is delimited above by the edge of the belt, decorated by a set of cross marks. The wild beast’s tail hangs behind the kilt. The left arm, of which the elbow is preserved, stretches along the body. The right arm, of which the wrist is preserved, bears a wide bracelet, decorated with horizontal lines.

CGT 7003/199 (= Suppl. 12184) Fragment of wall relief 16 × 9 × 8 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 54, 72, n° 13.

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The fragment preserves the right shoulder and part of the torso, the tripartite wig, with details rendered with engraved vertical lines, the wsx necklace, of which remain three rows of bar-elements, plus a final one with drop pendants, of a divine male figure (→).

CGT 7003/200 (= Suppl. 12290) Fragment of wall relief 7.3 × 14 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 55, 73, n° 17.

On the right of the fragment is engraved the face of a figure (←). On the forehead is still visible the lower edge of the wig, indicated by very close engraved vertical lines. The lengthened eye is extended toward the temple by a thick line of bistre. The eyebrow, indicated by a thick line in relief, follows the shape of the eye as far as the temple. The nose is slightly snub, the lips full and slightly curved, and the chin rounded.

CGT 7003/201 (= Suppl. 12285) Fragment of wall relief 7 × 12 × 6 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief On the left of the fragment is engraved the face of a figure (→). Still visible is part of the wig, indicated by engraved vertical lines, which surrounds the face leaving the ear uncovered, with its details drawn. The lengthened eye is extended toward the temple by a thick line of bistre. The eyebrow, indicated by a thick line in relief, follows the shape of the eye as far as the temple. From the short slightly snub nose starts a line to the corners of the mouth. The left side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/202 (= Suppl. 12185) Fragment of wall relief 9.8 × 8 × 9 cm. White limestone Bas-relief Part of the torso and right side of a standing male figure (→), with vertically pleated kilt and belt decorated with engraved crossing diagonal lines, edged bottom and top by two narrow bands in relief. The tip of the wild beast’s tail can be glimpsed, attached to the belt. The left and lower sides are the edges of the block. N.B. The fragment could link up with CGT 7003/203 = Suppl. 12252.

CGT 7003/203 (= Suppl. 12252) Fragment of wall relief 10 × 11 × 3 cm. White limestone Bas-relief

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Remains of a horizontally-pleated kilt, right arm with bracelet, and back of the hand of a standing male figure (→). The bracelet is fastened by three small vertical bars at regular intervals. The upper side is the edge of the block. N.B. The fragment almost certainly links up with CGT 7003/202 = Suppl. 12185.

CGT 7003/204 (= Suppl. 12255) Fragment of wall relief 6 × 11 × 6 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Remains of a hand (→), pointing downward, holding a sceptre. The nails are beautifully drawn. The upper side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/205 (= Suppl. 12256) Fragment of wall relief 7 × 7.2 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Remains of the left hand of a figure (←). The wrist bears a bracelet fastened by three vertical bars. The hand holds an ankh sign, of which the curved right part remains. On the left is a narrow strip of garment, or part of a wild animal’s tail, if the figure is male. The toenails and edging lines are drawn accurately. The upper side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/206 (= Suppl. 12179) Fragment of wall relief 8.5 × 7.7 × 4.5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of red paint The fragment shows a hand, grasping something, and part of the bracelet, painted red. The details of the nails and folds of the fingers are rendered with engraved lines. At the top is another object, seemingly composed of a stem with a vertical line engraved through the middle, which widens to form a handle, rather more rounded and doubled on the right. The top of the handle and stem attachment are decorated by vertical lines arranged in four rows and in herringbone style. Another hand, below, of which the thumb and index remain, depicted in profile, holds the object.

CGT 7003/207 (= Suppl. 12166) Fragment of wall relief 18.8 × 8.5 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of red paint Remains of the right side of the pelvis of a male figure (←), wearing a smooth kilt. The arm bears a wrist bracelet, fastened at regular intervals by three vertical elements. The hand holds an nx sign, of which the handle remains. The nail details are described and edged with an engraved line. Traces of red remain between the fingers.

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CGT 7003/208 (= Provv. 3021) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 25) 13 × 13 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief. To the left, remains of the left hand of a figure (→) bearing a sceptre. The nails are drawn. On the right can be seen part of the trapezoidal apron of the pleated royal kilt (←). The lower side is the edge of the block. CGT 7003/209 (= Provv. 3022) Fragment of wall relief (Figure 24) 6 × 14.5 × 11 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief. Divine figure (←), of which remain the left shoulder and wsx necklace with six rows of vertical bars and the last with pendant drops. There also remains the central back part of the tripartite wig, drawn with vertically engraved lines. Behind, a vertical band, 1 cm wide, probably separated this scene from another. The lower side is the edge of the block. Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/9 Block with wall relief 26 × 50 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. PM V, p. 163; Von Bissing Denkm., Pl. 77a; Habachi, ‘King Nebhepetre Menthuhotp’ MDAIK 19 (1963), pp. 37-8, Fig. 15; Schenkel, MHT, 1965, p. 210; Barta, Das Selbstzeugnis, 1970, Pl. III [14]; Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, p. 140, p. 185, p. 327, doc. 88.

The remaining scene on the block shows to the left the right horn of the wp sign above half of the S sign. This is followed by the king (←), wearing the crown of Upper Egypt, with the uraeus held by a diadem decorated with crossing diagonal lines. He wears a wsx necklace with six rows of vertical bars and a last one with drop elements. The nose is long and straight, the lips full. The nipple is drawn in. He holds a wAs sceptre in his right hand. Above is a cartouche (←): zA R Mnw-tp ‘Son of Re, Mentuhotep’. Behind was an emblem, or else a figure on a smaller scale, with the king’s Horus name on its head, which once held the standard with curved top, on which is the head of the royal ka. This is depicted with snub nose and beard engraved with vertical lines; the spherical wig has spheroid curls. Of this emblem or figure remains one arm of the kA sign, the left side of the frame, the falcon Horus with the white and red crown of Upper and Lower Egypt, the pA-sxmty. Above can be glimpsed a narrow horizontal band with a rounded left extremity. Comment. Habachi reads the group preceding the sovereign as wpS (bsn) ‘strewing (of natron)’,192 a ceremony that took place as part of the temple foundation rites. El-Adly193 interprets the group as wp xpS, belonging to the scene of offering the leg of the ox. Others prefer the reading wpt S, ‘opening of the sacred lake’,194 a construction attached to the temple, which is described on the Palermo Stone, and is deemed to be annexed to the temple of Satet at Elephantine.195 In the context of the New Year 192

MDAIK 19, 1963, p. 38 and Wb. I, p. 305, 18. Das Grundung, 1981, p. 58f §15. 194 See Kaplony, Die Inschriften, 1963, p. 13, Fig. 16 and Ludwig Morenz’s personal communication. 195 Schäfer, Ein Bruchstück, 1902, p. 20 recto 3,8; on the 193

construction, see Geßler-Löhr, Die heiligen Seen, 1983 and the reconstruction of the temple of Mentuhotep, dedicated to the goddess Satet at Elephantine, in Kaiser et al., “Stadt und Tempel”, MDAIK 49 (1993), Fig. 8 and MDAIK 55 (1999), pp. 90-94.

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festival (wpt rnpt), the inscription at the temple of Neuserre at Abu Gurab gives a summary, the detailed list of the wp st census,196 during which the precious Ssp (also read as Sps) offerings were brought. The royal ka is usually represented by a small figure advancing behind the sovereign, holding in one hand an ostrich feather as a symbol of Maat and in the other the staff with a human head at the top, often crowned and with two feathers, or else zoomorphous (mdw Sps/Ssp). This personage may be replaced by an emblem animated by the addition of two arms. Above is the composite group depicting the king’s Horus name in the srx, placed between the sign of the two raised arms,197 or holder of epithets, whether divine or royal.198 The ka sign acts as a support and often, at the top, is found the sky sign (which here is of doubtful interpretation). Chadefaud199 deemed that the insignia might itself represent the royal ka. The band with the uraeus that encircles the white crown may be interpreted as an sSd band, underlining the purely ritual character of the scene depicted.200

CGT 7003/210 (= Suppl. 12259) Fragment of wall relief 19 × 10 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 53, 70, n° 7.

Part of the name of Hathor is included in the cartouche. The text should have continued with zA [@ wt-r] nbt Jwnt Mnw-tp ‘Mentuhotep Son of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh’. The details are not engraved.

CGT 7003/211 (= Suppl. 12289) Fragment of wall relief 13 × 10 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Bibliography. Robins, ‘The reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep II’, 1990, pp. 55, 73, n° 18.

At the top are visible the remains of the hieroglyph n and, on the left, part of another horn-shaped sign. Beneath is portrayed a head (→), wearing a smooth tripartite wig, leaving the ear uncovered. The lengthened eye is extended by a thick line of bistre and the eyebrow follows its shape. The nose is snub, the nostril clearly defined, the lips are very full, the chin short and receding. There still remain traces of the red line drawing of the figure, above the head.

D. Wall Decoration: Lower Register with No Context CGT 7003/212 (= Suppl. 12149) Fragment of wall relief 15 × 17.2 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief

196 Helck, “Die “Weihinschrift””, SAK 5 (1977), p. 51, 65, Plate. 2. 197 Barguet, “Au sujet d’une représentation du ka royal”, ASAE 51 (1951), p. 205. 198 Chadefaud, Les statues porte-enseignes, 1982, p. 143.

199

Ib., 1982, 167. As also in the chapel at Dendereh and that of the princesses at Deir el Bahari, in Postel, Protocole des souverains, 2004, pp. 185-186. 200

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On the right is a tall trapezoidal chest with two ostrich feathers at the top, called mrt sAt, ‘portable mrt chest’, as indicated by the inscription on the left (←). The chest is wound with linen bands. A 0.8 cm wide horizontal band in bas-relief separates the scene from the upper register, of which remain two vertical bas-relief bands, 0.6 cm wide, spaced at 7 cm. The lower side is the edge of the block. Comment. Portrayal of the sAt chest, from which the mrt chest derives goes back to the Old Kingdom and the most ancient example to the reign of Sahure, in his funerary temple at Abusir.201 Later on, it is found only in private tombs, except in the case of the temples of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahari and at Gebelein. The context is thus a funerary one and, as a rule, the sAt chest probably contained fruit, bread of the nbs type, and grain of the sw.t type for funerary offerings. It was made of leather or cloth, held together by bands of cloth.202 Mrt ‘the knotted’ refers to the bands of cloth: the most salient differences would be the material used to make it, i.e. the timber, and the contents, i.e. the linen cloth. In view of the fragment analysed, the moment of transition from sAt chest to mrt chest cannot be defined, as does Egberts, as the transition from the funerary to the divine cult (the first then-known example dated back to the XVIIth dynasty203 and now to Nebhepetre Mentuhotep), but rather we may conjecture that one or other of the chests was used according to circumstances. Thus, although we do not know with any certainty, for example, whether the depiction in the temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahari204 belongs to one type of the other, since it is a funerary temple, in all probability it belongs to the mrt type because it is associated with a scene of the boats being dragged from the river bank on the occasion of Amon’s visit from the temple of Luxor to that of Hathor. The content of both types of chest must have been consecrated at the temple, the former by a priest, the latter by the king in the act of raising a mace or sceptre, ready to strike the chest.205 The scenes accompanying the mrt consecration differ from those of the sAt: in the former case, indeed, they are associated with the dragging of calves or boats, whereas in the latter, with the presentation of other funerary offerings. Both, however, occurred during the principal festivals. The sAt chest fell into disuse in the XIIth dynasty (the last example may be the one in the tomb of Wahka II at Qaw el-Kebir, where, however, there is no indication as to its being a mrt or a sAt).206 In this case, since the context is that of divine offerings at the temple of Hathor, Lady of Dendereh, it is probably a mrt and therefore the transition, if there ever was one, took place under Mentuhotep II, perhaps simultaneously with the introduction of the rite of consecration of four mrt chests, which, with their four ostrich feathers, would have symbolised the four cardinal points.207 Depicted as a rule lower down, drawn on a sled, the mrt chest, according to Allam, would represent the cabin for Hathor’s rest during her visits to the other gods. The royal mrt was associated with the cult of Hathor of the sycamore and of Ihy at Memphis, just as the mArw chapel was associated with the cult of Hathor and (Hor)semataui at Dendereh.208 In the Old Kingdom, the priests of the royal mrt sanctuary, of the sanctuary of the sun and of the cult of Hathor, were associated. During the Vth dynasty, the cult of Re, Hathor and the king, a triad already conceived in the IVth dynasty, was associated with the mrt sanctuary where Hathor is the king’s mother and Re his father, a concept also expressed in the Coffin Texts.209 The mrt then becomes the house of the king’s birth.210 The mrt chest is also connected with the cult of Osiris, of his body and his son Horus, and in the late period is equivalent to the expression sAt tA-mrj, i.e. to guide Egypt, alluding to its need for unity. On the inside north wall of the funerary temple of Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahari, four chapels (wt-nr) have been reconstructed before the king’s feet and behind a bark, on which they must have been during the procession for the Sokar festival.211 The scene is reproduced on the XVIIth-dynasty relief of Inyotef Nebkheperwre from Coptos, where the king with the raised white mace  and the 201

Borchard, Sahura II, pp. 67-8, Pl. 61. Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, 1995, p. 422-3, 426. 203 Petrie, Coptos, 1896, Pl. VI, 2 and 5. 204 Arnold, The Temple I, pp. 83-4; II, Pl. 35. Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, 1995, p. 404-9. 205 Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, 1995, p. 428-9. 206 Steckeweh, Fürstengräber, p. 33, Vandier CdE 19 (1944), p. 183, Fig. 14. 207 Egberts In Quest of Meaning, 1995, p. 436. Its shape cannot be reconstructed, Barta, “Zur Lokalisierung”, ZÄS 110 (1983). 202

208

Allam, Beiträge zum Hathorkult, 1963, pp. 9-10. Allam, Beiträge zum Hathorkult, 1963, pp. 113-5; Re/ Atum of Heliopolis and Hathor of Dendereh, the Hathor of Upper Egypt, hymn of Wahankh Inyotef II, MMA 13.182.3, Schenkel, MHT, 1965, pp. 96-99. 210 Kaplony, Die Rollsiegler des Alten Reiches, I, 1977, pp. 293-320. 211 Arnold, Der Tempel, 1974, pp. 28-9, Pl. 32, 35. 209

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Figure 24. Reconstruction of scene with gods CGT 7003/155 + CGT 7003/170 + CGT 7003/209.

Figure 25. Reconstruction of scene with gods CGT 7003/156-157 + CGT 7003/198 + CGT 7003/208.

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Atf crown stands before four mrt sAt, accompanied by the caption rdjt xr mrt sAt 4. In the Red Chapel of Hatshepsut, the Queen is portrayed in the act of rejoicing (?) before the four chapels (t xr 4 mrt sAt),212 placed on a sled. In the temple of Tuthmosis IV at Karnak213 the king is presented with the mrt sAt chapels.

CGT 7003/213 (= Suppl. 12164) Fragment of wall relief 8 × 6.2 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Remains of an inscription (←): […] s(A?)t […], maybe mrt sAt, as in CGT 7003/212 = Suppl. 12149.

CGT 7003/214 (= Suppl. 12177) Fragment of wall relief 24 × 11 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Part of two registers remains. The upper shows the right leg of a male figure (←) and the front part of the left foot. The big toenail is well drawn. Beneath a 1 cm wide horizontal bas-relief band is a fragmentary inscription (→) […]ytrr[…], whose meaning is uncertain. The left side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/215 (= Suppl. 12152) Fragment of wall relief 8 × 7 × 3 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Remains of two registers. Of the upper remains the big toe, with a well-drawn nail (←). Of the lower, separated by a 1 cm wide horizontal band, there remains an inscription: […]bt, with the determinative for district.

CGT 7003/216 (= Suppl. 12155) Fragment of wall relief 9 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Traces of two registers. The upper still bears the front of a foot, the big toenail of which is well drawn; the lower bears an inscription (←): […] njswt tA […] ‘[…] king ?[...]’. The left and lower sides are the edges of the block.

212

Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d’Hatshepsout à Karnak, II, 1979, Pl. 9, p. 303. 213 Chevrier, ASAE 51 (1951), Fig. 3.

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CGT 7003/217 (= Suppl. 12160) Fragment of wall relief 18 × 13.5 × 9 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of colour Frieze with a sequel of symbols d wAs tjt, in groups of three, depicted above the nb sign. Above is a 1.2 cm wide horizontal band, separating the upper register, where a curved transversal line can be identified, probably the litter in the shape of the nb/ b sign on which the enthroned king is carried in processions, or the base of the royal throne of the Millions of Years.214 Below the symbols is a socle, probably closing the registers.

E. Wall Decoration: Documents without Context CGT 7003/218 (= Suppl. 12279) Fragment of wall relief 11 × 12 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Remains of the face and left shoulder of Mentuhotep (→), with two rows of the wsx necklace. In front is the name in the cartouche (→): [Mnw]-tp. The king was being embraced by a deity (←) of whom part of the right arm remains.

CGT 7003/219 (=Suppl. 12186) Fragment of wall relief 10 × 10 × 4 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Head (→) with smooth tripartite wig, surmounted by a hieroglyph.

CGT 7003/220 (= Suppl. 12254) Fragment of wall relief 8 × 8 × 6 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief The right side of the torso and right arm of a male figure (←). The nipple and navel are drawn. The waist is marked by a belt fastened by a knot, of which the upper end can be seen.

CGT 7003/221 (= Provv. 3023) Fragment of wall relief 6 × 15 × 13 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief 214 By way of example, the final procession at the Sed-festival, see von Bissing, Das Re-Heiligtum des Königs Ne-wserre (Rathures). III. Die grosse Festdarstellung. 1928, Plate A.

For the throne in the scene with Seshat, see Arnold, Der Tempel II. Die Wandreliefs, 1974, Pl. 12; motif also found on altar, Pl. 11.

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The fragment shows part of the left arm, stretched along the body, and the right forearm, bent in holding a sceptre, of a male figure (→). At the wrist is a bracelet; the thumbnail is drawn.

CGT 7003/222 (= Provv. 3024) Fragment of wall relief 7 × 8.4 × 5 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Two figures back-to-back (←→). Of the one on the left remain four rows of the wsx necklace, the last with drop elements. Of the right-hand one, the right shoulder is preserved.

CGT 7003/223 (= Suppl. 12277) Fragment of wall relief 10 × 15 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of red paint Small-scale male figure (→), of which the torso and arms remain. A pole, probably held up by the figure, runs across the torso, slanting right. The nipple is drawn. On the chest and left arm, traces of red paint are still visible. It may have formed part of a scene with a fan bearer.

CGT 7003/224 (= Suppl. 12291) Fragment of wall relief 7.4 × 12.4 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Part of an unidentified scene: three elements with rounded extremities are united in a stem which seems to continue in the half-oval that surrounds it. It could depict a knotted and tied papyrus, symmetrical to the lotus, the Sm plant, the symbol of Upper Egypt, in the group zmA-tAwy or a detail of background vegetation in a hunting scene.

CGT 7003/225 (= Provv. 3026) Fragment of wall relief 12 x 18 cm. Limestone Bas-relief This bas-relief may show part of a cartouche with the name of Hathor (↓) and a curved strip element above it.

CGT 7003/226 (= Provv. 3027) Fragment of wall relief 8 x 9 cm. Limestone Bas-relief The bas-relief depicts a curved strip element of the same kind as in CGT 7003/225 = Provv. 3026.

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CGT 7003/227 (= Suppl. 12283) Fragment of wall relief 10 × 11 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief Royal head in profile (←). The king wears the (smooth) white crown. His eyebrow follows the line of the bistered eye, his nose is slightly snub; on his chin he wears the false beard. The lower side is the edge of the block.

CGT 7003/228 (= Suppl. 12181) Fragment of wall relief a) 10 × 25 × 14.5 cm. b) 7 × 10 × 25 cm. White limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of colour This corner block fragment may have belonged to the chapel’s outer wall. On side a) we see a few blue and red hieroglyphs on a light-blue ground (↓→): […]t jnj t r[y-?…]jb (n) […] belongs to a sign at bottom left; on side b), partly chipped, remains a separation line.

CGT 7003/229 (= Suppl. 12161) Fragment of wall relief 12 x 18 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of a large-size papyrus flower. Comment. The flower could belong to a scene of hunting wild beasts or birds in the papyrus brakes, taking place under the protection of Hathor, in particular in the zSS wA scene (shaking the papyrus, perhaps to make a noise during the hunt) in private tombs of the Old Kingdom and in the chapel at Dendereh. The gesture alludes to reconciliation with nature in relation to hunting and thus to placating the deity, or else is seen as a gesture of worship. The rustling of the papyrus is also connected with the New Year festival at the Pharaoh’s lake. The symbolic interpretation of zSS wA sees an erotic approach, i.e. the union between the king (Kamutef) and his mother, identified with the wild cow in the cane-brake. Preparations for hunting are the motive for calling upon Hathor’s aid by means of the zSS wA, providing the start of the divine nuptials.215 Indeed, another customary depiction is that of the cow in the cane-brake. The papyrus flower appears entwined with the lotus flower to compose the heraldic sign around the windpipe (sema). The flower may also refer to the offering scene, in which it is held out in front of the deity’s face.216

215 On interpretations of zSS-wA, see Altenmüller, “ Der Himmelsaufstieg des Grabherrn”, in SAK 30 (2002), pp. 4-8. The wA sceptre, although often borne by female deities generally speaking (Sethe, “Das Papyruszepter”, ZÄS 64 [1929]), is the symbol of the goddess Hathor, Lady of the sycamore, in the Memphite cult, and of Hathor, Lady of the Two Lands. The papyrus is offered to her at the zSSwA ceremony and is associated with the union of the Two Lands, zmA-tAwy (Montet, “Hathor et les papyrus”, Kêmi 14 [1957a], p. 108; Kaplony, “Das Schreiber”, ZÄS 110 [1985], pp. 159-65). The goddess could therefore be identified with Hathor in one of the Wadjet (WAt) forms, goddess of the

western Delta, worshipped at Buto with Neith. In the temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahari (Arnold, Der Tempel II, 1974, Pl. 10), the captions mentions the goddess Wadjet Lady of Pe and Dep, who accompanies a deity in the scene of the king seated on the throne of millions of years between Horus and Seth. In the temple texts of the New Kingdom and of the Graeco-Roman period, the action depicted would represent the ritual renewal of the land’s fecundity, marked by the flood, but not in relation to Hathor. 216 By way of example, the reliefs in the chapel of Ashait, in Naville The XIth Dynasty Temple II, 1910, Pl. XIII, XVI, XVII.

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CGT 7003/230 (= Suppl. 12201) Fragment of wall relief 15 x 21 x 7.5 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Two facing figures hold the wAs sceptre below a sun disk.

CGT 7003/231 (= Suppl.12231) Fragment of wall relief 9 x 8 x 9 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of a column of vertical hieroglyphs (←↓): […] di.n.(i) n.k t[…] d […], ‘[…] I have given you stability [?…]. The separation column is 0.8 cm wide.

CGT 7003/232 (= Suppl. 12258) Fragment of wall relief 6.5 x 8.5 x 3.3 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of red-painted torso. Part of the wsx necklace can be seen and the front part of the wig.

CGT 7003/233 (= Provv. 4001) Fragment of wall relief 16.3 x 18.5 x 3.3 cm. Grayish limestone Bas-relief Two men are depicted in the act of carrying an unidentified object on a transversal pole. They wear the short kilt and have short hair. On the left can be glimpsed part of what appears to be a feathered garment.

CGT 7003/234 (= Provv. 1924) Fragment of wall relief 7.8 x 9.2 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of the arm of a small-sized figure can be seen, turned to the right, holding a sceptre and below, in the middle, a star.

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CGT 7003/235 (= Suppl. 12198) Fragment of wall relief 15 x 9 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of the arm of a small-sized figure can be seen, turned to the right, holding a sceptre before a star. Below is the line separating the register.

CGT 7003/236 (= Provv. 3046) Fragment of wall relief 7 x 5.50 cm. Limestone Bas-relief The left of the fragment may portray a variant of the GEG M43 sign and part of another sign. At the top is a line of separation.

CGT 7003/237 (= Provv. 3048) Fragment of wall relief 8 x 10 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Remains of hieroglyphs over a separation line, which could be a cartouche that included part of the zA sign (?).

CGT 7003/238 (= Provv. 3049) Fragment of wall relief 6 x 8 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of an unrecognisable object. Its provenance is uncertain.

CGT 7003/239 (= Suppl. 12196) Fragment of wall relief 8 x 9 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Bibliography: E. Leospo, “Riti propiziatori, aspetti di vita quotidiana, attività lavorative e ricreative nelle pitture lintee e nelle decorazioni parietali”, p. 210, Fig. 316. 1989.

This portrayal of a roebuck running may belong to a hunting scene.217

217 Example in L. Borchardt et al., Das Grabdenkmal des Königs S‘a3h.u-Re`. II. Die Wandbilder. 1913, Plate 17.

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CGT 7003/240 (= Suppl. 12200) Fragment of wall relief 8 x 15 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of the torso of a small-size male figure, holding a bow in his left hand and turned to the right. In the belt of his pleated kilt, he has an arrow. Around his neck is a wsx necklace and part of a feathered hat that descends to his shoulders. This probably represents the king as archer218 or in the act of shooting the four arrows toward the four cardinal points during the temple foundation rite.

CGT 7003/241 (= Suppl. 12226) Fragment of wall relief 5 x 11 cm. Limestone Bas-relief The lower part of two divine figures, on a very small scale: on the right a male figure with the bull’s tail; on the left a female figure with the divine sceptre. The line of the terrain is engraved beneath.

CGT 7003/242 (= Provv. 2040) Fragment of wall relief 4 x 5.50 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of two columns of hieroglyphs, separated by a vertical band: […] jb; […] nb.

CGT 7003/243 (= Provv. 2041) Fragment of wall relief 3.90 x 6 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of a small-size cartouche, delimited above by the register separation line (←↓) […] Mnw-tp, ‘[…] Mentuhotep’.

CGT 7003/244 (= Provv. 2044) Fragment of wall relief 5 x 8 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of two columns of inscription (←↓): 1[…] Awt [jb…] 2[…] mj R […], ‘1[…] joy 2[…] […] like Re […]’.

218 See also Aufrère, “Les vétérans”, Egypte. Afrique & Orient 19 (2000), p. 15.

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CGT 7003/245 (= Suppl. 12257) Fragment of wall relief 5.4 x 7 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of the hoof of a bovine above the line separating the register.

CGT 7003/246 (= Suppl. 12156) Fragment of wall relief 9.1 x 7.6 cm. Limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of stucco Inscription in columns (←↓): 1[…] w nb 2[…] nb ‘1[…] every provision,2[…] every […].

CGT 7003/247 (= Suppl. 12121) Fragment of wall relief 4.2 x 5 cm. Limestone, reddish traces Bas-relief, traces of light-blue paint Remains of a hieroglyph and part of another below the line separating the register. Perhaps part of the frieze.

CGT 7003/248 (= Suppl. 12033) Fragment of wall relief 4.7 x 6.6 cm. Limestone Bas-relief, traces of stucco Remains of hieroglyphs on two registers.

CGT 7003/249 (= Suppl. 12150) Fragment of wall relief 13.5 x 12 cm. Limestone Bas-relief, traces of paint Fragment of the wing of the falcon Horus on the hieroglyphs nx d ws, ‘life, stability, power’.

CGT 7003/250 (= Provv. 3028) Fragment of wall relief 7 x 10 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of the body and wings of the falcon Horus.

128 CGT 7003/251 (= Provv. 3029) Fragment of wall relief 6.3 x 6 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of a wing of the falcon Horus.

CGT 7003/252 (= Provv. 3030) Fragment of wall relief 6 x 7.2 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of a wing of the falcon Horus.

CGT 7003/253 (= Provv. 3032) Fragment of wall relief 8 x 8 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of a wing of the falcon Horus.

CGT 7003/254 (= Provv. 3033) Fragment of wall relief 4 x 11 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of falcon’s wings.

CGT 7003/ 255 (= Provv. 3034) Fragment of wall relief 7.4 x 9.4 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of a wing of the falcon Horus.

CGT 7003/256 (= Provv. 3038) Fragment of wall relief 10.6 x 12 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of a wing of the falcon Horus.

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CGT 7003/257 (= Provv. 3036) Fragment of wall relief 8 x 4 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Inscription fragment (←↓): […] Bdt […], ‘[…] Edfu […]’.

CGT 7003/258 (= Provv. 3039) Fragment of wall relief 5.2 x 7 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of the profile of a wing and tail of a falcon.

CGT 7003/259 (= Provv. 3025) Fragment of wall relief 4 x 14 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment showing the body of a calf, taken with a rope.

CGT 7003/260 (= Provv. 3031) Fragment of wall relief 9 x 11.6 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Inscription fragment (←↓): […Jw]nw, ‘[…Jw]nw’ (?). Above, a horizontal strip separates it from the upper register.

CGT 7003/261 (= Provv. 3035) Fragment of wall relief 7.8 x 8 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of two registers of inscription (←↓): 1[…] 2[…] @r Nry-t […], ‘1[…] determinative of town 2[…] l’Horus Netjery Hedjet’.

CGT 7003/262 (= Provv. 3037) Fragment of wall relief 7 x 14 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of a wig, or garment, or perhaps of a sceptre.

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CGT 7003/263 (= Provv. 3040) Fragment of wall relief 4.3 x 7 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Inscription fragment (↓→): […]f n, ‘[…]’ (reading uncertain). On the right side is a vertical separation strip.

CGT 7003/264 (= Provv. 3041) Fragment of wall relief 9 x 4 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Inscription fragment (←): […] m, ‘[…] m’.

CGT 7003/265 (= Provv. 3042) Fragment of wall relief 6 x 10 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Inscription fragment (←↓): […] n[bt] Jwn[t…], ‘[…] Lady of Dendereh […]’.

CGT 7003/266 (= Provv. 3043 + Provv. 3044) Fragment of wall relief 7 x 21 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Inscription fragment (↓→): […] wt-r [nbt Jwnt] zA [R?] M[nw-tp …], ‘[…] Hathor [Lady of Dendereh] Son [of Re?] M[entuhotep]’.

CGT 7003/267 (= Provv. 3045) Fragment of wall relief 10 x 12 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Inscription fragment (←↓): [… wt r nbt [Jwn]t, ‘[Hathor] Lady of Dendereh’. On the right of the separation line, there may be part of the garment of some figure.

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CGT 7003/268 (= Provv. 3047) Fragment of wall relief 9 x 11 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Portrayal of a plough, perhaps in the context of a foundation scene.

CGT 7003/269 (= Provv. 3050) Fragment of wall relief 6.6 x 11.6 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of the hairstyle in the guise of a vulture, on which rests a modius surmounted by two tall feathers, belonging to a female deity. On the Karnak block, Nekhbet or Wadjet wears the vulture disguise, but without feathers.219

CGT 7003/270 (= Suppl. 12170) Fragment of wall relief 10 x 15 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of the torso and left arm of a female figure with garment with shoulder straps, decorated with a lozenge motif, like the upper hem of the garment (→).

CGT 7003/271 (= Suppl. 12172) Fragment of wall relief 18 x 20 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Part of the abdomen and kilt of a male figure, fastened by a belt with a knot, and part of his left arm, holding a sceptre (→).

CGT 7003/272 (= Suppl. 12286) Fragment of wall relief 10 x 6 cm. Limestone Bas-relief The face of a figure (→) with wig, the details of which are not engraved, surmounted by an inscription, of which remains a hieroglyph, probably […] Jwn[t…].

219

Habachi, MDAIK 19 (1963), Fig. 14.

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CGT 7003/273 (= Suppl. 12292) Fragment of wall relief 5 x 8 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Figure not easy to interpret: may be the upper part of the back of a chair.

CGT 7003/274 (= Suppl. 12204bis) Fragment of wall relief 12 x 10 cm. Limestone Bas-relief, traces of white, green, red, and yellow paint220 Fragment of the white-painted body and wings of the falcon Horus, on which traces of green and red paint remain. The falcon’s eye shows traces of ochre-yellow colouring. The falcon, left-facing, is portrayed in profile, in flight according to the usual iconography.

Gebelein 1/1992 (in situ) Fragment of wall relief 12.7 x 9 cm. Limestone Bas-relief Fragment of the lower part of a falcon.

CGT 7003/275 (= Suppl. 12296) Fragment of wall relief 7 x 22.2 x 18 cm. Limestone Bas-relief. The remains of a register of heb-signs, of which one remains a part of another on the left, separated by the register below by a horizontal bas-relief band. The details are engraved with horizontal lines and in the middle is a lentil-shape pattern. The left and the back sides are the edges of the block. On the upper surface on the left a protrusion of the stone left uncarved served perhaps as a joint for the upper block.

CGT 7003/276 (= Provv. 3051) Fragment of wall relief 15 x 13 cm. Limestone Bas-relief, red paint Fragment of what seems to be a back-leg or a leg, right-facing. 220 Non-invasive chemical tests performed experimentally in ed xrf with a portable instrument by Giuseppe Laquale on two limestone specimens (CGT 7003/108 = Suppl. 12261 and CGT 7003/274 = Suppl. 12204bis) appear to reveal considerable traces of iron oxides, which do not however determine the composition of the reddish colouring visible

on the surface. Tests on the pigments appear to confirm that some of them are copper-based (blue), iron-based (ochre-red), calcium (white), manganese (dark colour), as well as a green pigment, also copper-based. Exposure to floodlights and U.V. light highlights binders of an organic vegetal origin, probably gum arabic.

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CGT 7003/277 (= Provv. 3052) Fragment of wall relief 11.8 x 3.5 cm. Limestone Bas-relief, traces of red paint Fragment of the body and wings of a right-facing vulture on a nb sign, which was part of the name of Nebty. The left side is the edge of the block.

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Figure 27a. Dendereh chapel entrance.

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Figure 27b. Dendereh chapel rear wall.

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Figure 27c. Dendereh chapel right wall.

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Figure 27d. Dendereh chapel right wall.

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Figure 27e. Dendereh chapel left wall.

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Figure 28. Block from Deir el Ballas, University of California. From Fischer, An.Or. 40, Pl. 39.

Figure 29. Graffito on Konosso island. From Habachi, MDAIK 19, Plate XIV.

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Figure 30a. Elephantine door jambs Cairo JE 41537.

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Figure 30b. Elephantine, six sandstone blocks, originally part of a wall.

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Figure 31. Block from Deir el Ballas. From Habachi, MDAIK 19, Fig. 9.

Figure 32. Lintel from Karnak. From Habachi, MDAIK 19, Plate X.

bibliography

143

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LIII

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CGT 7003/72 (= Suppl. 12223)

Gebelein 1/1995

Cairo J.E. T.R. 1/11/17/10

CGT 7003/93 (= Suppl. 12246)

plates

LIV

CGT 7003/95 (= Suppl. 12275)

CGT 7003/100 (= Suppl. 12272 + Provv. 2384)

CGT 7003/105 (= Suppl. 12239)

CGT 7003/112 (= Suppl. 12233)

plates

CGT 7003/114 (= Suppl. 12269)

CGT 7003/167 (= Suppl. 12188)

CGT 7003/170 (= Suppl. 12190)

LV

LVI

plates

CGT 7003/156 (= Suppl. 12167)

CGT 7003/181 (= Suppl. 12038)

CGT 7003/228 (= Suppl. 12181)

LVII

plates

CGT 7003/232 (= Suppl. 12258) Gebelein 2/1995

CGT 7003/266 (= Provv. 3043 + Provv. 3044)

CGT 7003/274 (= Suppl. 12204bis)