The Overture of the Book of Consolations: Isaiah 40:1-11

The Overture of the Book of Consolations (Isaiah 40:1–11)

Peter Damian Akpunonu

PETER LANG

The Overture of the Book of Consolations (Isaiah 40:1–11)

PETER LANG

New York ! Washington, D.C./Baltimore ! Bern Frankfurt am Main ! Berlin ! Brussels ! Vienna ! Oxford

Peter Damian Akpunonu, S.S.L., S.T.D.

The Overture of the Book of Consolations (Isaiah 40:1–11)

PETER LANG

New York ! Washington, D.C./Baltimore ! Bern Frankfurt am Main ! Berlin ! Brussels ! Vienna ! Oxford

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Akpunonu, Peter Damian. The overture of the book of Consolations: (Isa. 40:1–11) / Peter Damian Akpunonu. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Bible. O.T. Isaiah XL, 1–11—Criticism, interpretation, etc. 2. Bible. O.T. Isaiah XL–LV—History of contemporary events. 3. Consolation in the Bible. 4. Jews—History—Babylonian captivity, 598–515 B.C. I. Title. BS1520.A528 224’.106—dc21 2003006818 ISBN 0-8204-6778-2

Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Bibliothek. Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the “Deutsche Nationalbibliografie”; detailed bibliographic data is available on the Internet at http://dnb.ddb.de/.

Cover design by Joni Holst The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council of Library Resources.

© 2004 Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., New York 275 Seventh Avenue, 28th Floor, New York, NY 10001 www.peterlangusa.com All rights reserved. Reprint or reproduction, even partially, in all forms such as microfilm, xerography, microfiche, microcard, and offset strictly prohibited. Printed in Germany


To my Father, Joseph




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Acknowledgments

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o one has read the work of Deutero-Isaiah without being deeply moved. The Overture of the Book of Consolations has inspired writers, preachers, mystics, theologians and composers. The impact that the Overture had on Georg Friedrich Händel in his immortal Oratorio “The Messiah” is undisputable. To that great unknown prophet of the exile, who rightly ranks as one of the great prophets of the Old Testament, we express our admiration, awe and love for his ingenuity, his literary craftsmanship, his depth of thought and innovation in theology. All these contributed to making him one of the most quoted works of the Old Testament in the New. I thank Almighty God who in his love inspired me to undertake research in the Book of Consolations and who in his wisdom and providence brought it to a happy conclusion. I thank my family members in the United States: Beth and Basil; Uzo and Dama with their children for their support and encouragement at all times and in every circumstance. To my mother, Bernadette, to all my siblings and their families, I am most indebted for their love, concern and prayers which I have always enjoyed, even more now that I am far from home. The Rector/President of this University, University of St Mary of the Lake/Mundelein Seminary, Very Rev. John F. Canary and the Faculty have been to me a pillar of strength, a haven of rest and peace, and a safe anchor. I thank them for our common life together, for their friendship and support. I

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am impressed by the level of scholarship and research that goes on here and have been motivated by it. To them all, and especially to my friend and confidant, Fr. Patrick Boyle, S.J., I owe special thanks. The University Library is top among the theological libraries of the United States. Its facilities made research not only easy but above all a joy. To the Librarian Dr. Herman Peterson, who helped me to find and get books; build up my personal library and the library of Blessed Iwene Tansi Major Seminary, Onitsha; and assisted me in my other needs beyond the Library, I owe special thanks. To Marian Johnson who effected the inter-library loans and exchanges, and made photocopies for me; to her husband Kevin who with her and their children made their home a Bethany for me, I owe immense gratitude. My special thanks to Anna for being ever so willing to help and above all getting me books from the storage section of the Library. My deep gratitude goes to Lois, Kristina and Edward. Susie Sowle stands out as deserving special recognition and appreciation. Once again she typed my manuscripts, painstakingly making all the corrections and generously helped me at a moment’s notice. Without her the publication of this work would have been much delayed. For the support I get from her husband, Rickie, and from their family, I owe immense thanks. To Fathers Mathew Obiekezie, Edmund Nwagbala and Denis Isizoh who were very close to me and supported me with their company and prayers, I ask God to bless them in a special way. To all my friends who have always encouraged and supported me and especially to Ann, may God’s blessing be theirs on earth and eternal bliss hereafter. “Happiness is a perfume which you cannot pour on others without getting a few drops on yourself.” (A Jewish Quotation)

Peter Damian Akpunonu February 21, 2002. Feast of St. Peter Damian .




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Table of Contents List of Abbreviations ..................................................................................... xi Introduction..................................................................................................... 1 Chapter One: The Historical Background to the Overture of Deutero-Isaiah .......................................................................... 7 The Rise of the Neo-Babylonian Empire ................................................. 7 The Exile ................................................................................................ 17 The Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire ................................................ 27 The Rise of Cyrus................................................................................... 28 Cyrus and Marduk .................................................................................. 30 Chapter Two: The Literary Analysis of Deutero-Isaiah ............................... 35 The Personality of Deutero-Isaiah.......................................................... 36 The Style of Deutero-Isaiah.................................................................... 37 Literary Genres in Deutero-Isaiah .......................................................... 40 Salvation Oracle ..................................................................................... 41 Announcement of Salvation ................................................................... 43 Judgment Speech: Gerichtswort, Gerichtsrede....................................... 44 Argument: Disputationswort, Bestreitung, Stretigespräch ..................... 45 Hymn ...................................................................................................... 46 Royal Oracle: Königsorakel, Selbstprädikation, Ich-Prädikation........... 47 Speech Forms in Prophecy ..................................................................... 49

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Prophetic Speech .................................................................................... 49 Word of Comfort (Trostwort)................................................................. 53 Hebrew Poetry ........................................................................................ 54 The Qinah Meter..................................................................................... 56 Chapter Three: The Overture: Isa 40:1–11 ................................................... 59 The Overture of the Book of Consolations............................................. 59 The Divine Council ................................................................................ 64 Conclusion.............................................................................................. 67 Chapter Four: The Theology of Consolation ................................................ 69 N!m in the Piel ....................................................................................... 71 Comfort in the LXX ............................................................................... 73 Divine Comfort....................................................................................... 74 Divine Comfort in Judaism .................................................................... 76 Conclusion.............................................................................................. 77 Chapter Five: Isaiah 40:1–11: The Exegesis................................................. 79 vv 1–2 Comfort ...................................................................................... 80 vv 3–5 Highway for Yahweh ................................................................. 99 vv 6–8 The Ever-Abiding God ............................................................. 111 vv 9–10 Jerusalem/Zion: Bearer of Good Tidings ............................... 121 v 11 The Shepherd................................................................................ 131 Shepherd in Ancient Near East ............................................................ 132 Kings as Shepherds .............................................................................. 133 Shepherd in Israel ................................................................................ 134 Conclusion .................................................................................................. 141 Notes ........................................................................................................... 145 Primary Sources and Reference Works....................................................... 157 Bibliography ............................................................................................... 161




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Abbreviations

ABBREVIATION OF TERMS

Akkad c. cf ch., chs ed ibid LXX ms(s) MT NT OT Targ tr Ugar

Akkadian circa, about confer chapter, chapters edition, editor ibidem Septuagint manuscript(s) Massoretic Text New Testament Old Testament Targum translation, translator Ugaritic


The OVERTURE of the BOOK of CONSOLATIONS

xii

ABBREVIATIONS OF BOOK TITLES AND PERIODICALS

AB AnBib AHW

Anchor Bible (Doubleday, New York) Analecta Biblica (Roma) Akkadisches Handwörterbuch, ed W. Von Soden (Wiesbaden) ANEP Ancient Near Eastern Pictures Relating to the Old Testament, ed. J.B. Pritchard (Princeton: N.J.) ANET Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament with Supplement, ed. J.B. Pritchard (Princeton: N.J.) ATD Das Alte Testament Deutsch (Göttingen) B-D-B Brown F., Driver S.R., & Briggs, C.A., A Hebrew and English Lexicon to the Old Testament (Oxford) BHS Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (Stuttgart) Bib Biblica (Roma) BibOrPont Biblica et Orientalia (Roma) BK Biblischer Kommentar (Neukirchen) BT Babylonian Talmud (London) BWA(N)T Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alten (und Neuen) Testament (Leipzig; Stuttgart) BZAW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (Giessen: Berlin) CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly (Washington, D.C.) EB Etudes Bibliques (Paris) EH Exegetisches Handbuch zum Alten Testament (Münster) ET Evangelische Theologie (München) ExpT The Expository Times (Edinburgh) GKC Gesenius, Kautsch, E Cowley Hebrew Grammar, 2nd ed. (Edinburgh) HKAT Handkommentar zum Alten Testament (Göttingen) IB The Interpreter’s Bible (Nashville) ICC International Critical Commentary (Edinburgh) IDB Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible with Supplement (Nashville) JAOS Journal of American Oriental Society (New Haven: Conn) JBL Journal of Biblical Literature (Philadelphia) JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies (Chicago) JTS Journal of Theological Studies (Oxford)

ABBREVIATIONS

KAT NovTest NTS PEQ RB SBK SBAT SBT ST SVT TDNT TDOT TZ UL

UT VT VD ZAW




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Kommentar zum Alten Testament (Gütersloh) Novum Testamentum (Leiden) New Testament Studies, (Cambridge) Palestine Exploration Quarterly (London) Reveu Biblique (Paris) Strack and Billerbeck. Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrash (München) La Sacra Biblia Antico Testamento, a cura di S. Garofalo (Roma) Studies in Biblical Theology (Chicago) Studia Theologica (Aarhus) Supplement to Vetus Testamentum (Leiden) Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (Grand Rapids, MI) Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament (Grand Rapids, MI) Theologische Zeitschrift (Basel) Ugaritic Literature (Rome) Ugaritic Textbook (Rome) Vetus Testamentum (Leiden) Verbum Domini (Rome) Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (Berlin)

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Introduction This is how Jesus ben Sirach assessed the prophet Isaiah (48:22–24). v. 22

Hezekiah did what is pleasing to the Lord, and was steadfast in the ways of David his father, enjoined on him by the prophet Isaiah, a great man trustworthy in his vision.

v. 23

In his days the sun moved back; he prolonged the life of the king.

v. 24

In the power of the spirit he saw the last things, he comforted the mourners of Zion;

v. 25

he revealed the future to the end of time, the hidden things before they happened.

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ith these words, Jesus ben-Sirach attempted a summary of the sixty-six chapters of the book of Isaiah. It can hardly be doubted that he attributed the entire work to the hand of the eighth century prophet-writer, Isaiah, who towered shoulder high above all the writing prophets. Vv. 24 and 25, which constitute the climax of this unit deal with the exilic and post-exilic periods. God’s salvific work, which had its exordium with creation, will be consummated in eschatology. But biblical history of salvation which began with the call of Abraham (Gen 11:1–3), had its pivotal cornerstones in the Exodus

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The OVERTURE of the BOOK of CONSOLATIONS

and in the coming of Christ. Between these cardinal points we place Isaiah and his school, whose tradition was carried on by his disciples (Isa 8:16). So great was the influence of Isaiah of Jerusalem, influence which instead of waning rather increased with time, that the writings of later authors who had any affinity to the school, were attributed to the eighth century prophet, either because the authorship was unknown or uncertain and probably too to accord those writings importance, acceptability and credibility. The book of Isaiah stands out in the Bible in many ways not simply as an essential part of Holy Writ but as belonging to the essence, to the heart of biblical message. Measured against the more historically circumscribed books of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, this massive literature covers a period of about three centuries. After the Psalter, Isaiah is the longest book of the Bible counting the chapters, though Jeremiah has more words. More than any other book of the Bible it was copied by the Essenes who even wrote commentaries on it. The Jews considered Isaiah comparable to Moses (Midrash, Peskita Rabbathi 4:14a). Isaiah was distinct from other prophets because he prophesied from the mouth of the Almighty unlike other prophets who received the spirit of prophecy from their master (Peskita de-Rab-Kahana 16:25b), cfr. Elijah/Elisha (2 Kgs 2:9–10). In his inaugural vision, Isaiah did not hesitate to say: In the year of King Uzziah’s death I saw Adonai Yahweh (Isa 6:1)

whereas the evangelist John could only say we saw his glory (John 1:14).

Isaiah and Ezekiel were compared as an inhabitant of the capital and a villager. Since Ezekiel was not accustomed to the glory of God, he gave a detailed description of his vision, whereas Isaiah who was used to it, did not have to describe it (Hagigah 13b). True to his name, Isaiah was the embodiment of the truth that salvation comes only from Yahweh. Some dominant themes in his work are: Salvation from Yahweh, Trust in God, the Holy One of Israel, Messianism, Yahweh Lord and Master of history, Forgiveness, Immanuel, Jerusalem, Oracles against Nations. The sixty-six chapters spanned through the major events of Israel’s history from the rise of the great Assyrian Empire to the Restoration. Highlights among these were the Destruction of Samaria and Assyrian Captivity; the Destruction of Jerusalem and the Babylonian Exile; Cyrus and the

INTRODUCTION




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Restoration. The final redaction of the work may have taken place about the time of Esdra/Nehemiah or a little later. However, biblical criticism is aware that the entire book of Isaiah was not written by the eighth century prophet. The prophet of the exilic period for want of better name is called Deutero-Isaiah; whose work (Chs. 34 & 35; 40–55; 60 & 62) comprises essentially diverse oracles. Such an extensive sequence of prophetical oracles almost uninterrupted by later additions is unparalleled in the Old Testament. Deutero-Isaiah continued the theology of Proto-Isaiah and developed it in such an admirable manner and with such originality that the depth of his theology becomes almost unfathomable. For Deutero-Isaiah, God is unique, the Creator, the Redeemer, the Savior, the Spouse, the Holy One of Israel, the All Powerful, the Righteous, the Merciful, Loving God. Deutero-Isaiah was not an innovator but he articulated with greatest clarity, more than his predecessors, a theological understanding of God, world history, the universe and their relation to one another. His emphasis on the power of the word which he personified (55:11), the importance of Jerusalem, and above all the Servant Songs are all hallmarks of Deutero-Isaiah’s theology. Salvation conceived as a New Exodus and a New Creation are his creations. The Holy One of Israel is “the First and the Last,” the One who predicts the future and brings it to fulfillment; before whom all other gods are vanity and emptiness. Israel, Jeshurun, is his chosen one. Deutero-Isaiah shares and develops all the noble traditions of Israel. With the Pentateuch he emphasizes the importance of the Call of Abraham, the Exodus, Creation, the Land: with Proto-Isaiah “the Holy One of Israel” (Proto-Isaiah 17x; Deutero-Isaiah 13x; Trito-Isaiah 11x); with Hosea, Yahweh as Spouse of Israel; with Jeremiah, laments and a sense of sin; with Royal Psalms, the kingship of Yahweh and with the Psalter; liturgy. Deutero-Isaiah is in the best traditions of Israelite prophecy, prayer and liturgical life. He searches beyond history and into eternity of God the Creator, so that God’s salvific and redemptive acts are founded in creation which is the beginning of history and executed in the Exodus which is Salvation par excellence. In Deutero-Isaiah the theology of history is more developed; God as Creator and Redeemer has no parallel in Proto-Isaiah; the idea of the Remnant is different, as well as Messianism; while the Servant theology is absent in any shape or form in Proto-Isaiah or any text of the OT. Isaiah of Jerusalem was always sure of himself; he never vacillated (Chs. 7; 37; 38:1–8). That same confidence is shared by Deutero-Isaiah and it did not escape Jewish scholars. Hence they affirmed that our prophet by repeat-


The OVERTURE of the BOOK of CONSOLATIONS

4

ing the introductory words of his oracles indicated their certain fulfillment 40:1; 51:9, 12, 17 (Midrash, Wayyiqra Rabba 10:2). The widespread use of Isaiah in Judaism is attested to by many quotations from it in rabbinic literature, Apocrypha, Philo and Josephus. The “sawn in two” of Hebrews 11:37 refers probably to the account of his death preserved in the Apocrypha The Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah, Ch. 5. The book of Isaiah, exercised tremendous influence in the Early Church, and in New Testament writings. It is cited, alluded to or otherwise appears in the New Testament more than any other Old Testament book. Isaiah is found 590x in twenty-three books of the New Testament. Proto-Isaiah Deutero-Isaiah Trito-Isaiah

239x 240x 111x

In the New Testament, it features more in Revelation: Revelation Matthew Luke Romans Acts John Mark Hebrews

155x 87x 78x 46x 39x 37x 28x 23x

Isaiah has so many prophecies concerning King and the kingdom that out of his sixty-six chapters a fifth Gospel can be composed (William J. McGarry, He Cometh. New York:America, 1947), 133. Eusebius of Caesarea called Isaiah an evangelist because he performed the same service as the evangelists. For he proclaimed the Son of God in different ways: sometimes as God, sometimes his entry into heaven and he predicted the birth of Immanuel from a virgin, and his resurrection. One ought also to call him an apostle for his book demonstrates this when it said: “Whom shall I send. . . . and he said: Behold, here I am; send me.” The Book of the prophet Isaiah was cherished by the Fathers. When Augustine inquired of Ambrose “which of Thy (God’s) books it was best for me to read, so that I might be readier and fitter for the reception of such great grace. He recommended Isaiah the Prophet; I believe, because he foreshows more clearly than others the gospel . . . (Confessions. Book IX Ch. V).

INTRODUCTION




5

But it is Deutero-Isaiah who “iure meritoque” has been called the Evangelist of the Old Testament. He is also called the fifth evangelist and the word “evangel” used by Jesus to describe his message (Luke 4:16–18) was borrowed from Isaiah 52:7 though the text quoted in Luke is Isa 61:1–2. The Early Church was unanimous in interpreting the Servant Songs not only messianically but in seeing Jesus prefigured in the Songs especially in the Fourth Song. In the first century of the Christian era, not many Jews could read and write: in fact the Jews were astonished at the learning of Jesus: “How did he learn to read? He has not been taught” (John 7:15). The Jews got their knowledge of the word of God and especially of the prophet Isaiah from the readings done in the synagogue. The prescribed readings of the prophets are called haphtaroth. The popularity of Isaiah is borne out from the fact that when Jesus rose to read in the synagogue, it was the scroll of Isaiah that was presented to him (Luke 4:16–17). The utilization of Isaiah in the New Testament indicates how the understanding of the Old Testament was determined by the commitment of the early Christians to Jesus Christ and to his Gospel. When the New Testament was written, Isaiah was used to buttress the faith of the Early Church that taught that the life and ministry of Jesus were long predicted in the Old Testament, especially in Isaiah. That Jesus fulfilled the Old Testament prophecies, especially by his death and resurrection, proves his messiahship and his divinity. But Deutero-Isaiah stands out even in Isaian tradition. He distinguished himself from other prophets by his pastoral care and concern for the exiles. Foremost among his preoccupations was the welfare of his people; the need to comfort and console them; the necessity for them to understand and come to terms with the exile and its implication for Israel’s faith. It was imperative to see the hand of the Holy One of Israel in Israel’s history; to warn that the cult of the Covenant-God was in danger, threatened by the worship of Marduk and Babylonian liturgies. These and many others were motivations that goaded the prophet into writing the Book of Consolations. The depressed mood of the exiles, the doldrums into which they sank did not warrant the direct and fiery language of Proto-Isaiah. Compassion and empathy are better expressed in poetry than in prose. Hence Deutero-Isaiah was expansive, redundant, solemn and lyrical—all to reassure exiles that the Lord of Hosts was still with them and their stronghold still was the Mighty One of Jacob. His words soaked their heart as snow and rain soak the earth (Isa 55:10).

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To one not even an expert in Hebrew language and literature, DeuteroIsaiah stands out as a great author; his work as a unique masterpiece of literary craftsmanship. Commenting on Deutero-Isaiah, Smart could not but say: He is evangelist, pastor, poet, profound theologian, interpreter of history. Almost every reference to him in present day Old Testament literature acclaims him as representing the highest point in the prophetic tradition. (James D. Smart, History and Theology in Second-Isaiah, Philadelphia: The Westminister Press, 1965), 14.

These attributes Deutero-Isaiah great and scholars cannot help speaking about him but in the superlative. His writings are and have remained the most commented literature in the world. No theologian of any weight has written without quoting profusely from him and certainly no famous preacher. In the Book of Consolations, two literary units have inspired the world most: the Overture and the Servant Songs. The Book of Consolations and especially the Overture have been immortalized in “The Messiah,” an Oratorio of Georg Friedrich Händel. The Overture summarizes the theology of the prophet. It has the uncanny way of introducing a theme which is later developed in the rest of the book. It is the exploration of this gold mine that has motivated this study. Aware that the word of our God endures for ever (40:8), the Overture is yet old but ever new. Commentaries continue to be written on the Book of Consolations but the last detailed work on the Overture was done by Rosario Pius Merendino: Der Erste und der Lezte: Eine Untersuchung von Jes 40–48 published in SVT 31, 1981. I admire the thoroughness that Merendino put into the work especially the detailed literary analysis. But it does appear that from philological and exegetical perspectives, the work needs to be updated. The purpose of this work is to publish in a single volume a modern commentary on the Overture that will incorporate all the research done in recent times while giving an exegesis that is in consonance with the most recent philological and archaeological discoveries of our day. This commentary can be profitably used by scholars and also by all who love Isaiah and especially the Book of Consolations. It is hoped that this work will keep the Overture alive, give a deeper penetration into the theology of Deutero-Isaiah: always mindful that the Book of Consolations summarized in the Overture teaches in an inimitable way: Yahweh, “the First and the Last,” who established the earth on its foundation, is the Savior and Redeemer of Israel; Lord and Master of History.

CHAPTER ONE




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The Historical Background to the Overture of Deutero-Isaiah

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ithout an in depth study of the historical background to the Book of Consolations, the Overture of Deutero-Isaiah would make little sense. One would hardly understand why the prophet wrote at all and certainly not appreciate his message as well as the theological, moral and social problems that confronted the exiles. This chapter will study the history of Judah before, during and after the fall of Jerusalem, as well as the exilic period. What can be argued is how far back one should go. For the sake of completeness, we have decided to begin our study with the fall of the Assyrian Empire and the rise of the NeoBabylonian or Chaldean Empire. This period has a lot of documentation in biblical and extra-biblical literature. We shall quote copiously from them. THE RISE OF THE NEO-BABYLONIAN EMPIRE

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he founder of the Neo-Babylonian Empire was Nabopolassar (625– 605). In October 626 he began a series of major military campaigns which culminated in the destruction of the Assyrian Empire.

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The OVERTURE of the BOOK of CONSOLATIONS Tenth year: In the month of Aiaru, Nabopolassar called up the army of Akkad and marched (upstream) on the embankment of the Euphrates. . . . .In the month of Abu, on the 12th day, he made an attack against the soldiers of Assyria and they fell back before him. A great defeat (thus) inflicted upon Assyria and they took many of them prisoners (ANET 303–304).

The Assyrians, though they counter-attacked, could not dislodge him. Consequently on the 26h day of Arahsamnu, i.e. 23rd November 626, six weeks later, Nabopolassar seized the Babylonian throne and so founded the Neo-Babylonian or Chaldean Empire. From there he continued his victorious march and his next target was the prestigious city of Asshur. He attacked Asshur in 625 but could not take it (ANET 304). The gargantuan empire of Assyria was as hated as it was extended, and forces began to rally to bring about its downfall. Hence the Medes, under their king Cyaxares (625–585), and the Chaldeans became willing allies. In 614 the Medes besieged Asshur, the ancient capital of Assyria and overran it. Twelfth year: When, in the month of Abu, the Medians. . . . .against Ninevah. . . . .they went downstream on the embankment of the Tigris and pitched (camp) against Asshur. They made an attack against the town and (took the town), (the wall of) the town was torn down, a terrible defeat/massacre they inflicted on the entire population. They took booty (and) carried pri(soners away) (ANET 304).

The Chaldean army arrived late for the battle for the city was already firmly in the hands of the Medes. Both kings formally established good relationship and friendship among themselves and returned to their countries (ANET 304). In 612 a combined force of the Chaldeans and the Medes attacked Nineveh, the Assyrian capital and turned it into a rubble. From the month of Simanu till the month of Abu, three ba(ttles were fought, then) they made a great attack against the city. In the month of Abu, (the. . . . th day, the city was seized and a great defeat) he inflicted (upon the) entire (population). On that day, Sinsharishkun, King of Assy(ria fled to) . . . , many prisoners of the city, beyond counting, they carried away. The city (they turned) into ruin-hills and hea[ps (of debris)]. (ANET 304–305).

The city and the temple were looted, the citizens severely punished and the entire location turned into desolate hillocks of ruins and debris which characterize the site. Assyria received what it had meted out to other nations and peoples. The oracles of Nahum were then fulfilled (Nah 2 & 3). Though Akkadian documents say Sinsharishkun fled, Bright thinks he perished in the debacle.1 In any case he ceased to feature in history. The Medes contented themselves with their gains and on the 20th day of Ululu,

The H I S T O R I C A L B A C K G R O U N D to the O V E R T U R E …


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Cyaxares and his troops returned home (ANET 305) while Nabopolassar pressed on for further conquests. While Assyria was reeling from one crushing defeat to the other, she found an ally in a former enemy: Egypt, now ruled by Psammetichus I (663– 609). Egypt wanted full control of Coele-Syria. Realizing that a weak, nay moribund Assyria would serve her interests better than a youthful, vigorous Neo-Babylonian Empire, threw in her lot with Assyria and began to fight battles on her side. But with the fall of Nineveh, the war was far from over. The new Assyrian King, Asshur-uballit II (611–606) withdrew westwards and formed a government in exile in Haran. In 610 the Chaldeans attacked and captured Haran despite the presence of Egyptian forces (ANET 305). Asshur-uballit was far from conceding defeat. In 609 he made a futile effort to retake Haran: he failed woefully and fell further westward. That was the end of the great Assyrian empire. The new Pharaoh, Neco II (610–594) had meanwhile marched to Carchemish to assist Asshur-uballit in the bid to retake Haran. King Josiah of Judah (640–609) who wanted political and religious independence for Judah, saw in the death of Assyrian Empire the liberation of his country. Moreover he was anxious to re-establish the ancient Davidic empire at least by uniting the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. It was therefore not surprising that King Josiah decided not to give Egypt a free passage through the territory of Israel now controlled by Judah. Then the famous battle of Meggido ensued in which Josiah lost his life (609). Whether the delay had any effect on the prosecution of the war at Haran, cannot be said with certainty. In any case the Egyptian army arrived late for the battle, and though Neco II won the battle of Meggido, he did not achieve his objective. Haran was firmly in the hands of the Chaldeans!! Neco, sullen and scowling, turned his anger on Judah. With his victory at Meggido and above all with the death of Josiah, he turned Judah into a vassal state. He deposed Jehoahaz, the successor of Josiah, who had reigned meanwhile for only three months, and appointed his brother, Eliakim, king; and as his overlord, changed his name to Jehoiachim. He imposed heavy tribute on Judah, put Jehoahaz in chains, and carried him off to Egypt where he died (2 Kgs 23:31–32). Meanwhile in 607 the son of Nabopolassar, the future Nebuchadrezzar II, whose name means “O Nabu, protect my offspring”2 was named crown prince (mār šarri ša bīt rēdūti).3 Nebuchadrezzar I had ruled from 1124– 1103. It was not until 605 that Nebuchadrezzar II took full control of the army (pān ummānišu işbat).4 After the battle of Haran 609–606 the Chaldeans campaigned in the mountain regions of Armenia and consolidated their gains. It was only after then that Nebuchadrezzar turned his gaze

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The OVERTURE of the BOOK of CONSOLATIONS

gains. It was only after then that Nebuchadrezzar turned his gaze westwards and resumed his victorious march. Though Neco II could not help the Assyrians, he nonetheless got control of Syria and Palestine. But in 605 Nebuchadrezzar fell on the Egyptian forces and inflicted heavy defeat on it at the battle of Carchemish (605), routed it, then sent it reeling and beat it decisively in the battle of Hamath. He would have continued his march southwards but got news by signal of Nabopolassar’s death.5 He had died on the 8th of Ab, in the 21st year of his reign, i.e. on the 16th of August 605.6 As soon as Nebuchadrezzar got the news, he hurried back home and ascended the throne on the first day of Ulul, i.e. 7th September 605.7 But his return to Babylonia was only a pause because the Chaldeans wanted absolute control of the Fertile Crescent. It is amazing that Nebuchadrezzar, in the first eleven years of his reign conducted military campaigns every year in Syro/Palestine except for the 5th and 9th year. Immediately after his coronation, he returned to Syro-Palestine at the head of his army. The Chaldean army appeared on the Philistine plain in 604, took and destroyed Ashkelon (Jer 47:5–7). With that all the kings of the region came and submitted to him and paid tribute—. . .“kamen alle Könige von Hattu vor ihn und zahlten schweren Tribut.”8 Who these kings were is still a matter of debate. Judah, however, had no option but to recognize the current world leader and so transfer her allegiance to Nebuchadrezzar (2 Kgs 24:1). However in 601 there was a pitched battle between the Egyptians and the Babylonians, in which no side had the day: in fact both suffered very heavy casualties. This is borne out by the fact that Nebuchadrezzar returned home to reorganize his army. Encouraged by this, Judah under Jehoiachim rebelled by withholding tribute. Nebuchadrezzar, not being in the position to punish Judah immediately, but at the same time unwilling to let her go scot-free, sent guerilla forces from among the Arameans, Moabites and Ammonites to harass her (2 Kgs 24:2). In December 598, the Chaldean army was again on the move and in that month Jehoiachim died. The circumstances of his death were unclear: Bright thought he could have been murdered in the hope of getting milder treatment from the Babylonians.9 Though not impossible, it would be highly improbable, unless of course he was poisoned, for history, especially Jeremiah would have little regrets to reporting his violent death. He was an impious king, who with Ahaz and Manasseh constituted the unholy trio of the kings of Judah. He did not care about cult; was insensitive to the needs and sufferings of his people and even taxed the poor exorbitantly to build winter

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houses for himself (Jer 36:22) and to live in luxury. Hence Jeremiah said he have a donkey’s funeral (Jer 22:19). Jehoiachim was succeeded by his own son Jehoiachin. In Dec/Jan 598/7 Nebuchadrezzar laid siege to the city of Jerusalem. He encamped against the city of Judah (āl Yahudu) and on the second day of the month Adar, he captured the city (and) seized the king. He appointed in it a king of his own choice (heart), and taking heavy tribute brought it back into Babylon.10

The specific date of the capture of Jerusalem is given as the second day of Adar, i.e. March 15/16, 597.11 Jehoiachin had reigned for only three months and ten days when he was deposed (2 Chr 36:9) and together with the queen mother, Nehushta (Kgs 24:8) the notables of Judah, and military men, was loaded with chains and carried off into captivity. This was the first deportation. But the king of Akkad did not leave Jerusalem empty handed. He carried off treasures from the royal palace, vessels and sacred objects from the temple. He exiled also metal workers and blacksmiths, presumably to prevent them fashioning arms thus forestalling future rebellion. It was estimated that about 10,000 people were deported (2 Kgs 24:14): only the poor of the land were left. According to Ezekiel, the king of Babylonia did this so that the country would remain modest and without ambition (17:14). He gave Judah a new king, Mattaniah, Jehoiachin’s uncle, and changed his name to Zedekiah (2 Kgs 24:17). From these dates it would appear Jehoiachim died 6/7 December 598 while Zedekiah was installed as vassal king March 16, 597.12 Nebuchadrezzar made a treaty with Zedekiah, forcing him to swear allegiance to him so as to maintain the treaty faithfully (Ezek 17:14). Zedekiah did not have it easy on the throne: payment of tribute was the least of his problems. The exiles did not recognize him as king and dated their calendar not from his reign but from Jehoiachin’s (Ezk 1:2; 8:1; 20:1; 40:1). Even the Babylonians called Jehoiachin “King of Judah” “to la-’-úkin, king . . .” and among the pensioners at the king of Babylon’s table was “la-ku- ú-ki-nu, son of the king of la-ku-du (i.e. Judah)” and his five sons (ANET 308). Many longed for Jehoiachin’s return (Jer 28:1–4) as well as for the return of the sacred vessels (Jer 27:16). The exiles were restless and wanted an early end to the exile. Jeremiah had to write a letter to the exiles telling them that only after the “seventy years” granted to Babylonia would the exile end (Jer 25:11, 12; 29:10). Meanwhile they should settle down, build houses, plant vineyards and olive gardens, marry and be given in marriage, grow and not get smaller and above all pray for Babylonia for “in her peace is your peace” (Jer 29:

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4–10). This was the first time in biblical tradition that the chosen people were asked to pray for a pagan nation, which happened to be also the oppressor; making the welfare of Israel dependent on the welfare of the gentile nation. A great revolution!!! But the Judeans both in Babylonia and Judah preferred to listen to the voice of the false prophets like Hananiah (Jer 28:3–4) who predicted an early dissolution of the Babylonian empire and encouraged the people not to submit to the Chaldean rule (Jer 27).Moreover, Zedekiah was not a strong character. Whether he was temperamentally weak, or because of his insecure position, cannot be said with certainty. He appeared to have had basic good will but was not strong enough to stand up to the nobles or pressure from the people. When the death penalty was sought for Jeremiah, he feebly replied: He is in your hands as you know, for the king is powerless against you (Jer 38:5).

He had to hide to consult Jeremiah and lie about the discussion (Jer 38:14–28). From hindsight it would seem that Judah was irremediably doomed to do everything wrong to meet her doom as if destined to destruction. Judah lacked seasoned politicians and able statesmen to steer the ship away from rocks and cliffs she was racing to. Either she looked on complacently relying on “the Inviolability of Zion,” or simply could not read the signs of the times. The words of Isaiah were fulfilled: I will give them boys for princes raw lads to rule over them (Isa 3:4).

From the months of Kislev to Tebet of the tenth year of Nebuchadrezzar, i.e. Dec/Jan 595/4 rebellion flared up in Babylonia itself. Even though it was quickly quelled, it did appear that many vassal states joined by withholding tribute. The rebellion created the impression and hope of an early dissolution of the Chaldean empire. It was likely that even some Judeans in Babylonia joined in the insurrection, e.g. Ahab, son of Kolaiah, and Zedekiah, son of Maaseiah, who prophesied lies against Babylonia and were consequently roasted alive at the order of Nebuchadrezzar (Jer 29:21–22). In 594/3 ambassadors from Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyre and Sidon met in Jerusalem, presumably to plan a revolt. Jeremiah decried the move and since the name of Egypt did not appear, it could be surmised that Egypt was not part of it. That might have contributed to the failure of the coalition ever taking off. Once again the king of Akkad appeared in the land of Hattu., and

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all the kings and rulers of the provinces gave him tribute.12 Zedekiah sent envoys to Babylonia (Jer 29:3) presumably to make peace. But the die was cast. In 589 Zedekiah once again rebelled. It seemed Tyre and Ammon were the only countries committed to it. Obviously there was support and firm assurance from Egypt (Jer 37:3–10). False patriotism was high, fed by the doctrine of “Inviolability of Zion”, and the everlasting dynasty promised to David. This time response from Nechadrezzar was characteristically swift. On the tenth day of Tebet of Zedekiah’s ninth year (Jer 39:1; 2 Kgs 25:1) i.e. Jan 15, 588, the siege of Jerusalem began. The Chaldeans surrounded the city to prevent movement from it—a clear indication of their intention to starve out the city should the siege be prolonged. The blockade was total. The defense of Jerusalem was truly heroic. Its military strategic position, experience from the wars with Assyrians, the confident courage of the defenders, desperation begotten by the realization that there was no escape should they fail—all these contributed to their gallantry. Judah was not short of combatants: they relied on the inviolability of Zion and promise of permanence of Davidic dynasty. Morale was high on the part of the defenders. The Judeans continued to storm heaven with prayers. King Zedekiah and the entire nation, in a desperate bid to win the face of God, made a pact with Yahweh promising to release all Hebrew slaves of their household. This was done during the siege. However when Nebuchadrezzar raised the siege to fight Hophra of Egypt, they recovered their slaves. Jeremiah upbraided the Judeans for their breach of faith, profaning the name of Yahweh, and because of that, Yahweh would give them over to the sword, famine and plague. You have disobeyed me, by not each granting freedom to his brother and his neighbor. Very well, I in my turn will leave sword, famine and plague free to deal with you; I will make you an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth. And these men who have infringed my covenant, who have not observed the terms of the covenant made in my presence, I will treat these men like the calf they cut in two to pass between the parts of it. (Cfr Jer 34:8–22).

Jeremiah had all along opposed resistance and rebellion against Babylon. He was the lone voice who did not share in the illusion of the Inviolability of Zion (Ch. 7). His advice was that, to save the city, they had to surrender to the Babylonians. He was accused of lowering the morale of soldiers and the death sentence was recommended for him (Jer 38:4). However Hophra (588–566) who had assured Judah of military assistance marched out with his army. According to Ricciotti “he was doubtless heading for Phoenicia, which at that time was falling bit by bit into the hands

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The OVERTURE of the BOOK of CONSOLATIONS

of Nebuchadrezzar, and he probably had hopes of liberating Jerusalem from the siege.”13 The Chaldeans raised the siege to fight the Egyptians. No one is certain about the outcome of the encounter, whether the Egyptians were defeated or the Pharaoh simply withdrew. Once again Egypt proved to be “the broken reed which pricks and pierces the hand of the one who leans on it” (2Kgs 18:21). The raising of the siege created great rejoicing and euphoria in Jerusalem. Their prayers were heard, they believed: like Sennacherib, Nebuchadrezzar had been forced to withdraw. Judah was safe, the temple and the Davidic dynasty preserved, the “prophets” had predicted victory while Jeremiah, the prophet of doom, had been proved false. But Jeremiah predicted the return of the Chaldeans The Chaldeans will return to attack this city; they will capture it and burn it down. Do not deceive yourselves and say: The Chaldeans are leaving us for good. They are not leaving. Even if you cut to pieces the whole Chaldean army now fighting against you until there were only the wounded left, they would stand up again, each in his tent, to burn the city down (Jer 37:8–10).

But Yahweh had broken the horn of Pharaoh (Ezek 30:6–24). The Egyptians withdrew and the siege resumed. Then and only then did it dawn on the Judeans the hopelessness of their situation. They were fighting with their back to the sea and no help would be forthcoming. Nebuchadrezzar, furious at the frequent rebellion and at obstinate and stubborn resistance of the Judeans, would certainly deal harshly with them. To continue resistance was suicidal, to surrender was to submit to execution, deportation, enslavement and loot. Hence the Judeans continued the resistance confident that help would inevitably come from on high because of the Temple and the Davidic dynasty. The second phase of the siege did not last long because the besieged were sorely distressed. Outside the city walls was threat of the sword and inside the city was hunger, thirst and disease (Lam 1:20). Those killed by the sword were considered more fortunate than those who died of hunger (Lam 4:9). Many more died of hunger than by the sword and parents resorted to eating their children (Lam 4:10) as they did during the siege of Samaria (2 Kgs 6:24–31) and would do later during the siege of Jerusalem in the time of Titus.14 Some of the Judeans who saw imminent danger fled to neighboring countries like Ammon. A few deserted to the Babylonians. To complicate issues, Edom fought against Judah on the side of the Chaldeans and were more ruthless in dealing with their “brothers”. Most Judeans fled the city when the siege was raised (Jer 3:11–16).

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On the ninth day of the fourth month Tammaz (June-July), of the eleventh year of Zedekiah, 586, a breach was made in the northern wall and the Babylonians swarmed into the city (Jer 39:2; 52:5–7; 2 Kgs 25:2–4). With repeated rebellion and defiant resistance, Nebuchadrezzar wanted to solve the Judean problem once and for all. This time he would not be content with receiving heavier tribute or appointing a new king. The city of Jerusalem fell to the Chaldeans for them to do as they deemed fit. The die was cast. The Chaldeans had the opportunity to vent their aggression and anger, their greed and lust on the conquered people (Lam 5:11–14). Anarchy prevailed in the city. Reprisals were heavy and quick. Zedekiah who fled under the cover of night probably on his way to Ammon, was overtaken by the Chaldeans on the plains of Jericho. He was arrested, loaded with chains, and brought before Nebuchadrezzar at Riblah. Sentence was passed on him: his sons were executed as he looked on; he was blinded and carried off in chains into Babylonia and no mention was ever made of him. That was the end of the Davidic dynasty. Those who were considered ring-leaders of the rebellion, and all the leading people of Judah were executed. This included the chief priests, key officials including the officer in charge of conscription and sixty men of distinction—they were all executed at Riblah (2 Kgs 25:18–21; Jer 52:24–27). All these were believed to belong to the anti-Babylonian faction. The next month, on the tenth day of the fifth month which is Ab, i.e. 5 August 586, Nebuzaradan, commander of the guards, entered Jerusalem. The temple was initially spared because of its beauty and magnificence but on express orders of Nebuchadrezzar, it was torched on August 5, 586. The temple had been the sign, symbol and source of Jewish resistance. Then Nebuzaradan demolished the city walls, burnt the royal palace and all the houses of Jerusalem (2 Kgs 25:9–10). This was followed by systematic looting of the temple, the royal palace and of homes. All the major items plundered and pillaged in the temple were recorded in 2 Kgs 25:15–17; and in much greater detail in Jer 52:17–23. In short, every valuable item was despoiled and carted away. This was followed by the second deportation, the great deportation. The nobles and the soldiers who escaped execution were deported. The cream of the population and the remainder of artisans were loaded with chains and carried off into exile. Only the humbler people, e.g. the vineyard workers, the ploughmen were left behind (2 Kgs 25:12; Jer 39:10; 52:15–16). It did appear that the Babylonians had intelligence service in Jerusalem for they knew that Jeremiah was pro-Babylonia. Consequently after the fall, Nebuchadrezzar instructed Nebuzaradan “to take care of him, do him no harm, and treat him as he wished” (Jer 39:13). Jeremiah was taken from the


The OVERTURE of the BOOK of CONSOLATIONS

16

Court of the Guards and moved freely in the city. But in the confusion that followed, Jeremiah found himself among the Judaeans chained and sent to Rama, ready for deportation. It was at Rama (Jer 31:15) that selection was made. There it was decided who was to begin the long and painful journey to Babylonia or who would be left behind. The error was detected; Jeremiah was set free again and given an option: either to remain in the land or to go with Nebuzaradan to Babylonia. Jeremiah preferred to remain behind with Gedeliah to build up the remnant (Jer 40:1–6). However after the assassination of Gedeliah by Ishmael, the Judeans panicked and many fearing grave and mighty reprisals from the Chaldeans fled to Egypt taking the old and broken Jeremiah with them as well as Baruch. On arrival in Egypt, they settled in the Nile Delta in Tanpanhes (Jer 43:7). Consequent on the assassination of Gedeliah, the Chaldeans carried out the third deportation of 745 people (Jer 52:30). The total number of deportees is uncertain: it depends on the sources, which sometimes gave exaggerated figures and in most instances contradicted each other. From the Book of Kings we have the following figures. • • •

First Deportation: 7th Year of Nebuchadrezzar (2 Kgs 24:16) Men of distinction (7,000); then blacksmiths, metal workers; a total of 10,000 Second Deportation: 19th Year of Nebuchadrezzar (2 Kgs 25:11) The remainder of the population leaving only the humble people. Third Deportation: No figure was given.

From the Book of Jeremiah • • • •

First Deportation: 7th Year of Nebuchadrezzar 3,023 18th Year: 832 23rd Year: 745 Total: 4,600

ANET has other figures. • • •

During the Fall of Samaria, Sargon II deported 27, 290 people whom he settled in Upper Mesopotamia and Lydia (ANET 284–285) After Sennacherib’s campaign of 701, the Assyrians claimed to have deported 200,150 people (ANET 288). These figures were grossly exaggerated. ANET did not give any figure for the Babylonian exile.

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Criteria for establishing the figures are relative. Ricciotti says that the figure 832 of the fall of Jerusalem did not refer to all the culprits of the rebellion, not even to exiles from Jerusalem, but to a definite social category.15 We might never be able to come anywhere close to the number of the deportees. What is undisputable is that the elites and the intelligentsia were either executed or exiled and those left behind were such as could not organize themselves into an orderly group to start a rebellion. In any case the Diaspora had begun. Israel was being scattered over the earth. There were two major centers of organized Jewish life—Mesopotamia and Egypt. Would this then be a fulfillment of Deut 28:63–67? You will be torn from the land which you are entering to make your own. Yahweh will scatter you among all peoples from one end of the earth to the other. . . . Among these nations there will be no repose for you, no rest for the sole of your foot; Yahweh will give you a quaking heart, weary eyes, halting breath. Your life from the outset will be a burden to you; night and day you will go in fear, uncertain of your life

As Yahweh took delight in doing you good and multiplying you, so Yahweh will take delight in bringing ruin upon you and destroying you: you shall be plucked off the land which you are entering to take possession of it (Cfr. Deut 28:63). THE EXILE

T

he Exile was such a landmark in Israel’s history so that one could speak of “pre-exilic,” “exilic,” and “post-exilic” periods. The exile was one of its worst catastrophes, among many others e.g. the end of the monarchy and of political independence of Judah, the destruction and the looting of the temple and the deportation of the people. It was the conclusion of a long historical process which began with the rise of the great Assyrian Empire with its expansionism (745 B.C.) and complicated by the obstinate refusal of the Jews to submit to “foreign” or “pagan” power. With the exile, the history of the Jews seemed to have swung full course back to where it began. Israel was back to “Egypt,” enslaved by her rulers, enslaved by sin, immersed in darkness and despair.16 Exile is as hard as all other punishments combined.17 All that Israel had inherited , instituted and cherished seemed to disappear with a blow—the nation, the land, the monarchy, the Temple, the Law and Israelite traditions. The priesthood was humiliated and disgraced.

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Biblical and Babylonian documents give the impression of a complete and thorough devastation; the country was a heap of ruins, a rubble: with only the poorest of the poor left behind. Archaeological evidences prove that the destruction was catastrophic and if Yahweh Sebaoth had not left a few survivors Judah would have turned out to be Sodom, it would have become another Gomorrah (Isa 1:9). The exile marked the end of an era and the beginning of another. It marked the end of along period of apostasy, idolatry and iniquitous acts which the prophets decried but were unable to elicit a change of heart. We shall study the exile briefly under these headings—politically, socially and most importantly religious. Politically. The Exile put to end the independence kingdom of Judah which had always enjoyed some measure of autonomy since it settled in the land of Canaan. This autonomy was strengthened and guaranteed by the promise of the permanence of the Davidic dynasty (2 Sam 7:5–16). The land was the bedrock of the promise. Judah was not reduced to vassalage: it had ceased to exist. The land was no longer theirs: they had been uprooted from it (Deut 28:63; 29:28; 1 Kgs 14:15). The king, the nobles and the cream of the population was executed or deported. The country appeared to have no future. Gedeliah, whose rule was to restore some measure of normalcy, inspire confidence and gather the remnant, was short-lived. Even this short rule was followed by the third and final deportation to Babylonia, or flight to escape into Egypt. The ship of Judah was rudderless and without a captain. Nebuchadrezzar’s battering rams did more than breach the city walls: it battered, shattered the Judeans as a people, especially their faith. The burning of Jerusalem and the destruction of the temple dealt a heavy blow on Judah’s faith, her pride and her heritage. Till the present day the ninth day of Ab (July/August) remains a day of mourning. The exile belongs to a page of Israel’s history that it wished it had never existed and many Jewish sayings and events recall that tragic historical reality even till the present day. By nature we are like all human beings, yet our people is unlike others: because our life is different, our history is different, our teacher is the Exile (Peretz, Idische Bibliotek, 1, Pref 1890. Alle Verk, XII, 7).

It was easier to take a Jew out of exile then to take the exile out of the Jew. Even at weddings, considered one of the most important, significant and happiest day in the life of any Jew, the exile was not forgotten, because the

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goblet from which the newly weds drank was dashed to pieces to remind all present of the destruction of Jerusalem. Hence Heine says: He who does not know Exile will not understand how luridly it colors our sorrows, how it pours the darkness of night and poison into all our thoughts. . . . Only he who has lived in exile knows what love of fatherland is—patriotism with all its sweet terrors and its nostalgic trails.18

Israel though humiliated by the exile did eventually admit her contribution to that great calamity. She admitted that the exile was caused by lack of courage, of honor and of good government. On the moral plane, the Mishna teaches: “Exile is caused by idolatry, immorality, bloodshed and failure to release the land” (Mishna: Aboth 5.9). Israel did learn from the exile. Even though the Egyptian bondage was more bitter than the Babylonian exile, no sense of guilt accompanied the Egyptian bondage, unlike the exile. The exile taught Israel a sense of sin. Exile deepened the moral strain in the people. . . . .Ethical monotheism, the emphasis on the sanctity of mind, purification through suffering, charity towards the poor and miserable, love of God and neighbor, all these were the fruits of that hard school.19

Socially. On arrival at Babylonia, Judeans were not scattered all over the empire. With the fall of Samaria, the Assyrians had settled the deported tribes of the Northern Kingdom in Halah on the Habor, a river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes (2 Kgs 17:6) and brought people from Babylon,Cuthah, Avva, Hamath and Sepharvaim to Samaria and made them intermarry with those left behind (2 Kgs 17:24) thus creating the Samaritan people. Rather the Judeans were permitted to stick together and many lived in the capital, Babylon itself (Ezk 17:4; Jer 51:59) by the banks of the Canal Chebar—Akkadian naru kabaru.20 Other settlements were Tel Melah, Tel Charsa, Kerub, Adan and Immer (Ezra 2:59). The Babylonians were not harsh to the Judeans. They were not put in concentration camps: they could own houses, move freely, buy and own property, marry and be given in marriage, will property to their children (Jer 29:4–7). They could assemble and hold meetings in private homes, e.g. the home of Ezekiel (Ezk 8:1; 14:1; 20:1). Temple personnel were in the region of Casiphia (Ezra 8:15–20). The Babylonians distributed land to them thus creating a new class of small landowners and these owed their prosperity to the Babylonians. There they lived, waiting patiently for wheel of history to turn in their favor. The Judeans, it must be admitted, received very fair treatment from the Chaldeans. No special legislation was made against them, neither persecu-

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tion, nor interdictions.21 The threats of Leviticus 26 and Deuteronomy 28 were not fulfilled literally. These notwithstanding, the Judeans could not wipe out the haunting memories of their beloved Jerusalem, handed over to the robbers, given over to pillage because of Yahweh’s blazing anger and the furies of war (Isa 42:24–25). They longed for their return to the Jerusalem If I forget you, O Jerusalem, let my right hand wither!! Ps 137:5)

Stuhlmueller has this to say: This homesickness gripped especially those who were in prison or slave gangs with their tears irrigating deserts and with blood cementing marble palaces (Is 48:8f; 49:24f; 51:17–23; 52:3).22

The description of Stuhlmueller is very graphic but one cannot help wondering what documents or sources he used to support such a stand. It is true that many nations in the days of the Assyrian Empire lost their identity completely but the Judeans were fortunate not to lose theirs. But the exile was never a paradise nor was it ever meant to be But there is no indication from any source that the blood of the Jews “cemented the marble palaces.” In Babylonia a new generation of Judeans were born who did not know Judah and Jerusalem, never saw the temple, never spoke Hebrew, never witnessed the temple liturgies. These had to come to terms with their citizenship and their religion. They observed the highly developed culture of the Chaldeans, the gardens, parks and their affluent lifestyle. The land of the enemy did not devour the Judeans (Lev 26:38). The exiles began to speak Aramaic, the lingua franca of the Chaldean empire. They adapted the Aramaic alphabet, the square script in place of the Phoenician script. They also adopted the Mesopotamian calendar, its computation of time, the names of months which are still in use today. The archives of Murashu bank show that among the bank’s clients, were some Hebrew names, recognizable because of elements of the tetragrammaton.23 Many Jews became so rich that at the end of the exile they did not return to Judea, as Josephus says, “unwilling to leave their possessions.”24 Religion. The most traumatic of all experiences of Judah during her exile was having to come to terms with her religion and her God. Israel had been taught that God chose her in Abraham to be his heritage forever (Esther 14:5) and the choice was unconditional (Gen 17:1–8). As a pledge of his love and in fulfillment of his promise, God gave Israel the land of promise. He sealed

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these and other favors with a covenant making himself the God of Israel and Israel his people. This is put succinctly in the Bundesformel “I will be your God and you shall be my people” (Jer 31:33). To protect them from powerful enemies surrounding them, Yahweh chose David and gave him an everlasting dynasty (2 Sam 7:16). To crown it all he chose Jerusalem, made it his city (Ps 48:1–8) and caused his temple to be built there, his dwelling place on earth and his footstool, which became an assurance of his abiding presence and protection. For the Israelites, the temple was the pride of their strength, the delight of their eyes and passion of their souls (Ezk 24:21). For his sake and for he sake of the temple, God delivered Jerusalem from Sennacherib (Isa 37:33–38) thus giving rise to the “ dogma” of “Inviolability of Zion.” But with the exile, the tide had turned completely: the monarchy was snuffed out, the city completely devastated, the temple looted and torched and Judah banished to an impure land. The exile raised a volley of questions: Why did Yahweh abandon and sell his people for nothing (Isa 50:1; 52:3)? Why did he commit his temple to flames? Was Yahweh unwilling or unable to defend it? If unwilling, what became of his unconditional love, of his solemn promises, oaths which he swore by his very self (Gen 222:16–18)? Could Yahweh then perjure himself? If unable, then Marduk, not Yahweh was God. Why should Jerusalem become a home for jackals and foxes as predicted by Jeremiah: I mean to make Jerusalem a heap of ruins a jackal’s lair and the towns of Judah an uninhabited wasteland (Jer 9:10).

Had Yahweh become so angry on account of their sins and cast them off forever, oppressing them beyond measure by his silence? (Isa 63:15–19: 64:4–11). More seriously still, the exiles believed they were punished for the sins of Manasseh (2Kgs 21:10–15). Our fathers have sinned; they are no more, and we ourselves bear the weight of their crimes (Lam 5:7). The fathers have eaten unripe grapes and the children’s teeth are set on edge (Jer 31:29; Ezk 18:2).

The threat that the exile posed to Israel’s faith was overwhelming. The apparent triumph of Marduk over Yahweh caused great concern especially as they watched disconsolate the statues of Marduk paraded with pomp and pageantry along the Via Sacra of Babylon during the New Year Festival.

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How should one understand the “impotence” of Yahweh and the “omnipotence” of Marduk? They observed with amazement the wealth and affluence of the Chaldeans. The land of promise was a land flowing with milk and honey. Deuteronomy 27 and 28 had promised blessings and richness for the observance of God’s laws. How could one then explain that a people who boasted of idolatry could be so blessed: that Babylonia not Palestine was the land flowing with milk and honey? The Temple. Yahweh Sebaoth dwelt on Mount Zion (Isa 8:18): the temple was where he had chosen to give his name a home (Deut 12:11). Mount Zion was the true pole of the earth, the great king’s city (Ps 48:2). The Ark was reposed in the Holy of Holies of the temple. It was the Ark that made Jerusalem the religious center of all the tribes of Jacob, though with time Jerusalem not the Ark acquired importance of its own.25 The temple housed the Ark which, in earliest times, was the most sacred object of Israel’s faith, and which occasionally probably served as a palladium for Israel’s army (I Sam 4). With time it receded to background in Israel’s worship, to become a relic guarded in the Debir while the temple grew in importance. But what became of the Ark? Could it have been burnt down with other sacred objects of the temple? The disappearance of the Ark caused a lot of concern in Jewish history (Jer 3:16). To solve the problem of its disappearance, and unwilling to concede that it could have perished in the conflagration of the temple, latter Jewish tradition found in 2 Mac:1–8 postulated its earlier removal by Jeremiah. The temple had grown in importance to the extent that speaking about the temple in a way that was considered unbecoming was considered blasphemous just like blaspheming against Yahweh himself and therefore deserving capital punishment (Jer 26:9). But the Judeans were warned about the pending destruction of the temple by the vision of the departure of the glory of God from the temple (Ezk 10:18–21); 11:22–23) and by the symbolic death of Ezekiel’s wife (Ezk 24:15–24). With the centralization of cult, the temple became the only legitimate place of worship. Despite setting up rival sanctuaries in Bethel and Dan, (1 Kgs 12:26–33), Jerusalem remained unique as a place of worship for all the tribes of Jacob. Its destruction did not diminish its importance or relevance in cult. Its sacredness was not tied down to the temple building. Even as a ruin, the temple mount was still called the temple of Yahweh. Pilgrims came from Shechem, Shilo and Samaria—from the northern tribes—to offer sacrifices on the ruins of the temple (Jer 41:4–5). This would not be possible if the

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temple in Jerusalem was not regarded a the national sanctuary for all the tribes of Israel. Religious acts of worship were carried on there despite the departure of the glory of God from the temple and its physical destruction. Now the exiles were not in the land of Israel. Could they worship Yahweh on alien soil? They seemed to recoil at the very thought. How could we sing Yahweh’s song in a pagan country? (Ps 137:4)

But with the Exile, Israel learnt that she could have good relationship with her God, Yahweh, in a foreign land. Though the exiles did not sacrifice to Yahweh, they nevertheless had some liturgical services by the banks of the canal Chebar. The glory of Yahweh which departed from the temple now appeared in Babylon (Ezk Ch 1) thereby teaching that Yahweh could manifest himself and save his people wherever they were, even in a foreign land. Yahweh was indeed the Lord of all the earth (Isa 54:5). Robert Smith said that the manifestation of Yahweh to Ezekiel at canal Chebar was a repudiation of the stand that the primary connection of any deity was with the land and secondarily with the people.26 With the exile, the spiritual center of Yahwism was transferred to Babylonia and remained so all through the Exile. The Babylonian Targum proves this. Judaism was enriched and radically changed by the changes and innovations introduced in Babylonia. To guide the chosen people at this perilous period of their history, God sent them two prophets—Ezekiel and Deutero-Isaiah. With time Judah eventually came to terms with her God. These prophets ministered the word of God to her just like the pre-exilic prophets in Palestine. Here are some of the answers to the problems and questions of the exiles. The Exile was caused by the sinfulness of the people (Isa 40:2). Israel was unwilling to admit her sinfulness. It readily repeated the adage “The fathers ate sour grapes and children’s teeth were set on edge” (Ezk 18:2; Jer 31:29; Cfr Lam 5:7). They attributed their punishment to the sins of Manasseh (2 Kgs 21:10–16; 23:26–27; 24:3–4). But with time Israel admitted her sinfulness: You were angry when we were sinners; we had long been rebels against you we were like men unclean and all that integrity of ours like filthy clothing We have all withered like leaves and our sins blew us away like the wind no one invoked your name or roused himself to catch hold of you (Isa 64:4–6).

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Even in post-biblical times, we read about admittance of guilt by the Jews. The Mishna says: Exile is caused by idolatry, immorality bloodshed and failure to release the land (MISHNA: Aboth 5:9).

The threat to monotheism, the pageantry of the cult of Marduk was counterbalanced by polemics against idols (Isa 40:19–24; 44:9–20). The proof of the power of the true God did not lie in victory in the battlefield but on the ability to predict the future and bring it to fulfillment. (Isa 41:5; 21– 24, 26–29; 43:8–13; 44:6–8; 45:21–22). The prediction about Cyrus, the fact of mentioning him by name (Isa 44:28; 45:1, 13), long before the events took place, proves that Yahweh was truly lord of history. The gods of Babylonia were nothing; their cult empty. They had no knowledge and consequently could do nothing. God used the Babylonians for his purpose, and just as he used the Assyrians (Isa 10:5–6), so would he use Cyrus (Isa 45:1–5). On account of the seriousness of the threat to apostasy, a long admonishment, probably the longest paranetic chapter of the Bible, was written to warn the exiles about the futility of gods (Bar 6:2–72). Most importantly Judah got a clearer picture / understanding of her God. He was holy, “the Holy One of Israel” (Isa 41:14, 16, 20; 43:3, 14; 45:11). Sacrifices were useless without obedience to the covenant (Isa 1:11–16). Obedience was better than sacrifice (1 Sam 15:22–23). Yahweh’s fidelity to the Promise presupposes fidelity on the part of Israel to the covenant since neither could meaningfully exist without the other. Israel became drilled and groomed in absolute monotheism. Kaufmann thinks that in Israel, idolatry ended with the exile: “with the end of the exile came the end of idolatry.” He went on to say that Israel as a people became a monotheistic group though there were lapses among some individuals but not with the people as a whole.27 This assertion cannot be accepted wholesale. It must be admitted that Israel as a nation became monotheistic with the Sinai covenant. In fact that was the first stipulation of the Decalogue (Exod 20:3; Deut 4:35; 5:6–7;6:4). This command was repeated many times during the day especially during the recitation of the Shema. With the possible exception of the issue of the golden calf (Exod 32), it could be said that Israel as a nation did not apostatize even though her leaders, especially during the monarchy (Jeroboam 1,Ahab, Ahaz, Manasseh, and Amon) not only sinned but drew a host to sin along with them. Even in the reign of Ahab, when Jezabel attempted to wipe out Yahwism, it could still be said that there were seven thousand souls who did not bend their knee to Baal, and whose mouths never kissed him (1 Kgs 19:13). But idolatry continued to pose a serious threat to Israel’s faith. In 1

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Mac 1–3 we see that a large number of Jews apostatized to adopt Hellenistic way of life. Therefore, it cannot be said that idolatry ended with the exile. But the Jews exhibited resilience unparalleled in human history which can be explained only by divine intervention. Israel was able to bounce back in her faith. The exile strengthened and purified Israel’s faith. Older traditions were interpreted under divine guidance in the light of the events of the day, especially the Promise to Abraham, the permanence of the Davidic dynasty and the “the Inviolability of Zion.” The need to keep as much continuity as possible gave rise to new ways of worship. Though it has not been proved apodictically, it is reasonable to assume that the synagogue originated at this period. Since the exiles could not sacrifice in the temple, they met to read the Law and the Prophets. It was precisely because Israel did not heed the word of the Lord written in the Law and taught by the Prophets that Israel was in exile. Constant reading of the Law and the prophets gave rise to the class of doctors and lawyers of the Law. Correct and authentic interpretation of the Law would ensure that the exile would never repeat itself. One could easily recall this popular Jewish saying: Power covers many faults while exile exposes and exaggerates minor blemishes.

With renewed ardor for the Law and the Prophets and since temple worship was suspended, certain religious practices assumed more importance. The Sabbath, which was an expression of Israel’s faith, became a mark of separation from the gentiles, the hallmark of a true Jew (Jer 17:19–27); Isa 56:1–8; 58:13–14). For Ezekiel, the emphasis was the Sabbath of Yahweh, an observance to be kept holy not profaned (Ezk 20:12–20; 22:8, 26; 33:38). So important and sacred was the Sabbath that it was taught and implemented by God himself: He rested on the Sabbath Day (Gen 2:1–3). Circumcision was a sign of the covenant (Gen 17:9–14) and of a Jew. Chapter 17 of Genesis, a P document, treats circumcision in great detail (vv 10–27). Today to circumcise is “to make a covenant” berith ‘asu. The impact of circumcision is fully appreciated in the Maccabean era where two women who circumcised their children were paraded publicity round the town with their babies hung at their breasts and hurled over the city wall (2 Mac 6:10; Cfr. 1 Mac 1:60,61). Circumcision became synonymous with being a Jew and epitome for Judaism. A proselyte was converted only when he was circumcised. Surprisingly, Ezekiel did not mention circumcision even once. There was renewed emphasis on ritual cleanliness (Ezk 4:12–15; 24:26; 44). Ezekiel taught Israel, that on account of her sins, the name of Yahweh was profaned among the nations: this he did 3x in Chapter 20; and 5x in

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Chapter 36. Yahweh would not let his name be profaned any more (Ezek 39:7). Deuteronomy was now THE LAW and P was composed to emphasize the holiness and transcendence of God. Though Israel was shattered as a nation, Ezekiel kept alive the faith and hope of Israel by his promises of restoration. Ezekiel can be called “the Prophet of Restoration.” He promised a new David (37:24) a new shepherd (34:23–31) a new temple (40–44) a new Law (45–48). Above all Yahweh would seal an everlasting covenant with Israel (16:60; 37:26). Ezekiel kept alive the traditions of Israel which he interpreted in the light of contemporary history and above all from the perspective of P. The relationship between Ezekiel and P is still an on-going debate among scholars. Israel felt need for continuity, so that there be no rupture with her past: this was done by the Chronicler: The Chronicler, basing himself on a conception of legitimacy which is understandable in the context of his own eye, and in very marked antithesis to the Samaritan schism, so portrayed the course of events as to suggest that the real history of Israel after the fall of Jerusalem may be traced by the way of the ‘Babylonian Exile’ of the Judeans and the later return of these ‘exiles’ to the province of Judah.28

With the exile, prophecy increased in importance. The false prophets had been discredited (Jer 14:13–16; 23:9–40; 28:1–17; Ezk 13:1–23) and proved liars (Lam 2:14). Jeremiah and others considered prophets of doom had been vindicated. Israel deeply regretted the absence of prophetic charism after the post exilic trio—Haggai, Zechariah and Malachy (Dan 3:38; Lam 2:9; Hos 3:4). The author of First Maccabees looked forward to the future prophet who would guide the nation as in days of old (1 Mac 4:46; 14:41). During the oppression and humiliation that the Jews suffered at the hands of the Hellenists, 1 Mac 9:27 had this to say: A terrible oppression began in Israel; there had been nothing like it since the disappearance of prophecy among them. There is no sign from God, nor have we a prophet, we have no one to tell us how long it will last (Ps 74:9).

The miracle of the exilic period is not so much what Israel suffered: the miracle is that she survived it. Any other nation might have been assimilated or lost her identity as many nations did in the Assyrian and Chaldean Empires. Israel kept her faith alive relying heavily on her religious history: her call in Abraham, the covenant, the gift of the land, the permanence of Davidic dynasty, and the future coming of the Messiah. Israel never gave up her faith in the crucible of the Exile; rather she held tenaciously to it, undaunted,

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just as she did during one of the saddest and most tragic periods of human history: the Holocaust. There was to be remnant, a new breed, gathered under a new David. THE FALL OF THE NEO-BABYLONIAN EMPIRE

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hen Nebuchadrezzar died in October 562, he was succeeded by Amel-Marduk (562–560), the Evil-Merodach of the Bible (Jer 52:31; 2 Kgs 25:27). In fact the Chaldean empire reached its zenith under Nebuchadrezzar and began to decline immediately after him. None of his successors had the military prowess or the administrative capabilities of Nebuchadrezzar to take charge of such a large and diverse empire. Moreover there were nations who either wanted to regain their independence or contrived to bring down the Chaldean empire. The empire lacked internal cohesion and stability and within seven years the throne changed hands three times. Amel-Marduk adopted a conciliatory attitude towards the Judeans exiles. He pardoned Jehoiachin, released him from prison and “he ate from the king’s table for the rest of his life” (2 Kgs 25:27–30; Jer 52:31–20). It can be presumed that, as with the king, things began to fare better for his compatriots. Amel-Marduk was succeeded by Nergal-shar-usur (Neriglissar) 560– 556, his brother-in-law, and when he died leaving a minor, Labashi-Marduk, on the throne, Labashi Marduk was quickly deposed by Nabu-naid (Nabonidus) who seized the throne 1(556–539). Nabonidus was not a popular ruler. He was, like his mother, a devotee of the moon god, Sin, whose temple in Haran, destroyed in 610, he rebuilt. He was even suspected of trying to elevate Sin to the position of the chief-god of the Babylonian pantheon, an idea which certainly aroused the animosity of the powerful and influential priests of Marduk. Nabonidus was accused of sacrilege, of abandoning the official religion of Marduk for that of Sin (ANET 313). He was an antiquarian and excavated ancient sites in Babylon to discover names and long abandoned rites, presumably to be introduced into the official cult of Babylonia. Nabonidus transferred his residence to Teima, an oasis in the Arabian desert, and left the reins of government in the hands of the crown prince Belshar-usur/Belshazzar. To crown his disloyalty, he did not return to Babylon for the New Year Festival, especially from the seventh to the eleventh year of his reign. We read like a refrain:


The OVERTURE of the BOOK of CONSOLATIONS

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The King (Nabonidus stayed) in Teima; the crown prince, his officials and his army in Akkad. The Kind did not come to Babylon [for the ceremonies of the month of Nisanu]; the (image of the) god Nebo did not go out of (Esagila in procession), the festival of the New Year was omitted (ANET 306).

It was only in the seventeenth year, as recorded in ANET 306 that Nebo did go out in procession. Those were the dying days of Nabonidus and the Babylonians were clamoring for his exit. Meanwhile a wind of change had begun to blow in the Fertile Crescent, which was to bring unprecedented change in so short a time. THE RISE OF CYRUS

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yrus, the king of Anshan, a vassal of Astyages of the Median Empire, revolted against his overlord in 550, seized Ecbatana and dethroned Astyages. Then he swept through the northern territories of Babylon and sent his army across the frozen mountains for a surprise attack on Lydia. In 547/6 he marched against King Croessus, the legendary king of Lydia, renowned for his riches. In mid-winter, Cyrus launched a surprise attack on Sardis, the capital of Croessus and took it. The king lost his life and Cyrus incorporated Lydia into his growing empire. In the month of Nisanu, Cyrus, King of Persia, called his army and crossed the Tigris below the town of Arbela, In the month of Aiaru he marched) against the country of Ly(adia). . . . killed its king, took possessions, put (there) a garrison of his own (ANET 306).

Nabonidus raced back to Babylon but it was too late. The population was grossly disaffected by his “sacrilegious” and “impious” activities. He tried to make amends by taking part in the New Year Festival but to no avail. He had irrevocably alienated the priests of Marduk and a greater part of the population. As the siege of Babylonia was threatening, and to worsen the already sad situation, he commanded that the statues of gods and goddesses be brought into Babylon (ANET 306), presumably as palladium for the city. This caused still greater consternation and resentment as the people felt they were left without the protection of their deities. Events moved with unprecedented speed. Upper Mesopotamia quickly fell because the governor of Gutium, Gobryas, deserted Nabonidus and fled to Cyrus. A major battle was fought at Opis by the river Tigris in the month of Tashritu (ANET 306). When Cyrus attacked the populace revolted against Nabonidus. On the 14th day, Sippar was taken without a battle and

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Nabonidus fled. On the 16th day, Gobryas and the army of Cyrus entered Babylon without a battle: that was in October 539. The following month, on the third day of Arahshamnu, i.e., Nov. 539, Cyrus entered Babylon in triumph. This victory was celebrated all over the Median empire and ANET reports it in these words: His widespread troops—their number, like that of the water of a river, could not be established—strolled along, their weapons packed away. Without any battle, he made him enter his town, Babylon (Šu·an·na), sparing Babylon (Ká·dingir·ra) any calamity (ANET 315).

Since no battle was fought in Babylon , the city was not destroyed. Cyrus did not permit his soldiers to terrorize the citizens and no looting was recorded, unlike Jerusalem in 586. Cyrus was welcomed as a liberator. [To the inhabitants of] Babylon a (joyful) heart is given now [They are like prisoner when] the prisons are opened [Liberty is restored to] those who were surrounded by oppression [All rejoice] to look upon him as king! (ANET 315)

He abolished the corvée for the inhabitants of Babylon as it was considered unworthy of their social standing. He repaired the dilapidated houses—a major source of complaint. Hence Marduk was pleased and sent friendly blessings to himself and to his son Cambyses, and to all his troops (ANET 316). Cyrus, unlike the Assyrians and Babylonians, did not deport the conquered people to far and distant lands. No attempt was made to shatter the ethnic structure, the social life or the religious worship of the people. Instead, as far as possible, he permitted his subjects to enjoy cultural autonomy within the framework of the empire, a policy followed by his successors. “Cyrus was one of the truly enlightened rulers of ancient times.”30 He and his successors preferred to respect the customs of their subjects, to protect and foster established cults and wherever possible, entrust responsibility to native princes. Happily they greeted him as a master through whose help they had come (again) to life from death (and) had all been spared damage and disaster (ANET 316).

The rule of Cyrus, it was said was loved by Bel and Nebo; hence they wanted him as king to please their hearts (ANET 316). Cyrus restored to their cities and sanctuaries the statues of the deities whom Nabonidus had brought into Babylon during the siege.


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Furthermore, I resettled at the command of Marduk, the great lord, all the gods of Sumer and Akkad whom Nabonidus had brought into Babylon ((Šu·an·na) to the anger of the lord of the gods, unharmed, in their (former) chapels, the places which make them happy (ANET 316).

Cyrus publicly worshipped Marduk. He destroyed all the statues and sanctuaries which Nabonidus had erected—presumably to compete with Babylonian deities. [ . . . whatever he (Nabonidus) had cre]ated, he, (Cyrus) let fire burn [ what he (Nabonidus) had cre]ated he, (Cyrus) fed to the flames (ANET 315).

CYRUS AND MARDUK

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n entry into Babylon, Cyrus proclaimed himself a devotee of Marduk. He claimed to be the special choice of Marduk:

He scanned and looked (through) all the countries, searching for a righteous ruler willing to lead him (i.e. Marduk) (in the annual procession). (Then) he pronounced the name of Cyrus, (Ku-ra-as) King of Anshan, declared him (lit. pronounced [his] name) to be(come) the ruler of the world. . . . He made him set out on the road to Babylon (Din·tirki) going at his side like a real friend. . . . without any battle, he made him enter his town Babylon (Šu·an·na), sparing Babylon (Ká·dingir·raki) calamity (ANET 315).

This obviously made him most welcome to the Babylonians and especially to the powerful priests of Marduk who believed that the sacrileges against Marduk had been avenged and atoned. It was Marduk who chose Cyrus, because Nabonidus had changed the worship of Marduk, the King of the gods, into an abomination. Nabonidus had also removed the “correct” images of the gods from their thrones and ordered “imitations” to replace them. The gods in their anger had departed from the region but Marduk, who cared for the people and for the sanctuaries returned, his anger abated (ANET 315). The choice of Cyrus by Marduk, it was believed, was primarily to restore the cult of Marduk and of other deities in Babylon and to restore the dignity of the citizens of Babylon humiliated by the corvée of Nabonidus. ANET says that the Babylonians worked without relief and ruined their health (ANET 315). After handing Babylon to Cyrus almost without a battle, all the kings of the empires kissed his feet and did him homage (ANET 316). Cyrus was careful to recognize Marduk and became his devotee. His destructions of the shrines and sanctuaries set up by Nabonidus to compete with the cult of

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Marduk was exceedingly pleasing to the Babylonians. He publicly worshipped Marduk. May all the gods whom I have resettled in their sacred cities ask daily Bel and Nebo for a long life for me and may they recommend me (to him); to Marduk, my lord, they may say this: “Cyrus, the king who worships you and Cambyses, his son. . . . (ANET 316).

In the first year of his reign, 538, Cyrus issued a decree permitting the Jews to return to their country. This is found in Ezra 1:2–4, and 6:3–5. The Jews were authorized to rebuild the temple in Jerusalem and the expenses would be met from the royal treasury. All the sacred vessels taken as booty from the temple were to be returned. It was rather surprising that Cyrus, in the very first year of his reign would enact this decree. How did the Jews get his attention? It is conceivable that some Jews who witnessed the restoration of the ancient religions of Mesopotamia drew the attention of the Persian court to the sanctuary in Jerusalem destroyed by the Chaldeans and this could be proved from the loot still preserved in Babylon. This was in line with the religious policy of Persian rulers and Noth believes that since the temple was a former royal sanctuary, the care of which now devolved on the Persian emperor as the legal successor of the former Judean kings.29 It does not appear that much credence should be given to the story of Josephus whereby Cyrus liberated the Jews and gave orders that the temple be rebuilt because it he read it from the book of Isaiah (Ant. IX 1–3). Deutero-Isaiah and Cyrus. During the exile, as time passed by slowly, it became obvious that the destiny of the exiles would be affected only by change in government; either by a new king of Babylonia or by a power that would overthrow the great Chaldean empire. Both were fraught with dangers and uncertainties for a change does not necessarily mean a change for the better. It was most probably during the campaigns of Cyrus against Astyages and Croessus that Deutero-Isaiah began declaiming his poems about the fall of Babylonia and her gods and also mentioned the name of the ruler through whose instrumentality that would come to pass. The prophet called Cyrus by name (Isa 44:28; 45:1). Yahweh rouses him from the East and grants him victory at every step. He subdues kings; his sword makes dust of them; his bow scatters them like straw, as he marches unhindered, his feet barely touching the ground (Isa 41:2–3). Yahweh takes him by the hand to shatter bronze gateways and smash iron bars. Yahweh gives him hidden treasures and secret hoards be-

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cause he is his anointed. The reason for his call is for the sake of Jacob his servant, for Israel his chosen one. Yahweh calls him by name and gives his the title, “Messiah,” (Isa 45:1–6) a title applied to very few Israelites but never to a non-Jew . Deutero-Isaiah said that Yahweh called Cyrus even though Cyrus did not know him, implying that Cyrus would eventually recognize him. Whereas the Fall of Babylon was imminent because their gods were crouching as they were carried off into exile: for the Judeans there would be salvation, a new creation, a new exodus. But Cyrus was mentioned only in the Jacob-Israel poems 40–48 not in the Zion poems (49–55). The omission is inescapable. It is possible that the prophet was thoroughly disillusioned with Cyrus when he did not attribute his victories and success to Yahweh but to Marduk whom he publicly venerated. One can see a very close parallelism between the writings of DeuteroIsaiah on Cyrus and what we read about Cyrus from ANET. Both claim that Cyrus was called by the respective deities, called by name, to restore his cult and the dignity of his people. The deity would support, strengthen and prosper him and the deity expected Cyrus to recognize that his victories were portentous acts of the deity (Cfr Isa 45:1–6; 41:2–3 and ANET 315–316). But it was not to the Jews only that Cyrus brought relief and freedom. He let exiles in the Chaldean empire return to their countries with their gods. I (also) gathered all the (former) inhabitants and returned (to them) their habitations. (ANET 316)

This was in line with the policies of the Persian kings—kindness, humanity and magnanimity to all their subjects. The Judeans exiles were now released: they could return to Judah: I, it was who roused him to victory, I leveled the way for him. He will rebuild by city, will bring my exiles back without ransom or indemnity so says Yahweh Sebaoth (Isa 45:13).

They would take back all the treasures looted from the temple and the temple would be rebuilt at royal expense. A journey through the desert would be a religious procession with Yahweh marching at the head of the people, the exiles being the trophy Yahweh brought with him in his victorious parade.

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With this the stage is set for the study of the Overture of the Book of Consolations. Since the Overture summarizes the entire work, all the key themes and problems which will be encountered in the exegetical work have been mentioned in this historical survey. It prepares the ground for the literary analysis of the work, for the exegesis of the text and theological comments and conclusions.

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CHAPTER TWO




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The Literary Analysis of Deutero-Isaiah

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or many centuries, it was believed, though not without exceptions, that the great Isaiah of Jerusalem of the eighth century, was the author of the sixty-six chapters of the Book of Isaiah. The problem of Proto, Deutero and Trito-Isaiah has been studied exhaustively by scholars. We share the opinion of the majority of scholars that the book falls into three periods of the history of Judah: the pre-exilic, exilic, and post-exilic periods, which for convenience has been called Proto (Chapters 1–39), Deutero (40– 55) and Trito-Isaiah (55–66). The writings of Deutero-Isaiah, especially chs 40–55, are also called “The Book of Consolations.” This does not mean that everything in Chapters 1–39 belongs to the pen of the eighth century prophet. There are many pericopes and sections which, beyond doubt, belong to a later date: chs 13:1–22; 14:1–23; 19:16–25; 21:1– 10; 24–27. Chapters 36–39 with variations and modifications are found almost verbatim in 2 Kgs 18:13–20:19 and depend on Kings. The writings of Deutero-Isaiah are not co-terminus with the Book of Consolations. Chapters 34 and 35, 60 and 62 belong to Deutero-Isaiah. However, in the present ordering of the text, Chapter 40 is clearly the first chapter of the Book of Consolations while Chapter 35 appears to be the summary and conclusion of the work.


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Isaiah of Jerusalem had his school (8:16), and his disciples, who it would be expected, carried on his traditions. Proto-Isaiah attained such a stature among the writing prophets that his influence was keenly felt for centuries, not only before the Babylonian Exile but far beyond. He is the most quoted prophet in the New Testament. The Holiness of Yahweh, the Covenant, the Royal Messiah, the Temple, the Inviolability of Zion, the Davidic Dynasty were among the themes very dear to him and impacted life in Judah especially before the Exile. Some of these themes, especially the Inviolability of Zion, were taken up by successive generations and unfortunately misinterpreted and misapplied to Judah despite strenuous efforts of Jeremiah to combat them (Jer 7 and 26.) This unfortunate interpretation contributed in no small measure to the tragedy of the Babylonian Exile. THE PERSONALITY OF DEUTERO-ISAIAH

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f this great prophet of the exilic period, whom for convenience we call Deutero-Isaiah, we know next to nothing. His name is preserved nowhere and there is no reference to him in any other book of the Old Testament. He is the most anonymous of prophets—he hides his face, his career, his ministry and even his name—behind the history of his people. He was certainly a Jew of the Galuth. He knew Babylonia well (Chapter 47) and was familiar with Bel and Nebo (46:1), and Babylonian idols of wood, silver and gold (40:19–20; 44:9–20). His mission was to proclaim salvation and liberation to the Judeans of the Galuth. This liberation was accomplished by the mighty hand of God and by his outstretched arm, so much so that the end of the exile was considered a New Creation of the chosen people and their return to Judeah a New Exodus. He was sent to comfort, encourage and reassure the exiles that the God of the Patriarchs, of the Promise and of the Covenant was still their God. He was aware that threats and oracles of doom should not be pronounced on a people on the verge of despair. Das Volk des Exils hatte weniger Mahnungen nötig als Tröst während es vor dem Exil gerade umgekehrt war.1

There were no proclamations of disaster on Judah. The situation in which the exiles found themselves demanded maximum comfort, encouragement and trust in Yahweh which was the mission of the prophet and what he readily gave the exiles.

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However, besides words of encouragement, Deutero-Isaiah confronted Judah with her sins, infidelities and impenitence which resulted in the exile. Therefore Deutero-Isaiah once in a while wore the mantle of the pre-exilic prophet of doom. The big difference lies in that while the pre-exilic prophets threatened punishment, Deutero-Isaiah gave a theological explanation for the exile : the sins of the people. Hence Deutero-Isaiah ingeniously interpreted the Heilsgeschichte (salvation history) of Israel in the light of Heilsereignis (events) of his day; thus teaching a theology that was second to none in the entire Old Testament. He was a prophet of salvation but occasionally borrowed the language of the Gerichtspropheten—prophets of doom. It is characteristic that Deutero-Isaiah did not address his oracles to individuals. Absent too were words addressed to a particular group among the people or to officials. There was no recounting of visions or any autobiographical notes. But even with these constraints his accomplishments were phenomenal and his impact truly amazing. Proto and Deutero-Isaiah had this in common: richness of theology. Probably that was one of the reasons why tradition attributed this later work to Isaiah of Jerusalem and redacted the book under the name of Isaiah. Otherwise the two prophets differ enormously. PROTO-ISAIAH

DEUTERO-ISAIAH

He wrote much in prose, elevated prose and less in poetry

He wrote almost entirely in poetry

He was highly autobiographical Themes very dear to him are: Jerusalem, the Temple, the Davidic Dynasty, Royal Messianism, Trust in Yahweh, the Remnant, the Inviolability of Zion. Threat was from Assyria.

He hid himself; did not even as much as reveal his name Themes very dear to him are: Salvation, the New Exodus, the New Creation, Yahweh as Lord of History, Zion, the Ingathering, Satire on Idols, Foretelling the future and bringing them to fulfillment, the Servant, Babylonia

THE STYLE OF DEUTERO-ISAIAH

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nlike the majority of prophetic books of the Old Testament, the work of Deutero-Isaiah has no superscription or literary introduction. If it ever had, it was dropped when his writings were merged with those of Proto-Isaiah. Most probably his work never had, which would be in con-

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sonance with the prophet’s style of withdrawing completely to the background. Deutero-Isaiah wrote in poetry with very few exceptions. Canonical poetry ranges from brief extracts in the Pentateuch and Historical Books to the poetic tapestries of Isaiah 40–66 and Job.2 Only a third of the Old Testament is poetry. The following books are poetry in their entirety - Psalms, Proverbs, Song of Songs, Lamentations, Obadiah, Nahum, Habakkuk and Zephaniah. Greater parts of Job, Isaiah, Hosea, Joel and Amos are poetry, so is about half of Jeremiah. There are seven books of the Old Testament that do not have even a line of poetry in them—Leviticus, Ruth, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, Haggai and Malachy. Deutero-Isaiah was a great poet and a gifted writer. He composed his poems very carefully and artistically. His poems occupy a position of preeminence for their literary elevation and profundity of thought. We do not have anywhere in the Old Testament a continuous series of poems by the same author except perhaps in the book of Job. The poetic sequence in Is 40–55 represents the noblest literary monument bequeathed to us from Semitic antiquity.3

Deutero-Isaiah marked the intensity of his religious insights with a command and variety of language, sound, style, rhythm and structure equal to the best in the Hebrew language.4 He was expansive, lyrical, repetitive and occasionally redundant. His style was very different from Proto-Isaiah’s. While Isaiah of Jerusalem responded immediately in the arena of action without rehearsal and with incisive blows, Deutero-Isaiah had his exclamations; was full of questions, extended dialogue, balancing thought and rhythm, joining sounds to the meaning of words. Deutero-Isaiah combined the urgent power of the spoken word with the wellmodulated cadence of written literature.5

Continuing Stuhlmueller added: The world forever admires his exquisite lyrics, exultant hymns, compassionate songs, stern diatribes and his constant masterly control of sound and grammar.6

In Deutero-Isaiah we see Hebrew poetry at its best, a genius and his accomplishments. This master composer combines high notes of hymns with the slow meter of dirge. He unites contemporary sorrows and hopes with past defeats and triumphs.7

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To sum up Stuhlmueller says: We are amazed that golden poetry such as this should emerge out of the darkness of the exile.8

Deutero-Isaiah was a prophet and a writer to reckon with. “Er ist wohl auch Prophet, aber zugleich Dichter, Lehrer, Theologe.”9 However, his writings are not without problems. Deutero-Isaiah composed his work with literary freedom. In him we witness a fusion of many literary types and forms into a single united poem. This is done with such a command of language that Alonso Schökel says that in Deutero-Isaiah it is not always possible to arrive at a Sitz im Leben but at une situation litteraire.10 The ease with which the prophet manipulated the different literary genres, the ability to write such long sophisticated poems, extraordinary in beauty and unparalleled in profundity of thought, set Deutero-Isaiah apart as a writer. With all these literary fusions moving from one genre to the other, it is not surprising that Greβmann concluded that literary types began to crumble with Deutero-Isaiah. Will man Deuterojesaja in die Literaturgeshichte der Israelitischen Prophetie einreihen, so darf man als charakterisch bezeichnen, daβ bei ihm die Auflosung der prophetischen Gattugen beginnt. Die festen Formen, die bis hin geherrscht haben, zersetzen sich.11

Reasoning along the same lines, Westermann adds that in Deutero-Isaiah the dividing line is very thin; one cannot easily distinguish between God’s word and that of the prophet. Oft ist eine genaue Trennung der einzelnen Worte nicht möglich: die Grenzlinien zwischen Gotteswort und Prophetenwort konnen nicht immer klar erkannt werden, fast überall sind hymnishce Bestandteile, die der Prophetie ursprunglisch fremd sind, eingedrungen und haben den alten Rahmen gesprengt.12

There is a sense in which one could say that literary forms began to dissolve with Deutero-Isaiah because he did not follow the rules of the literary forms. However, he used these forms not only with freedom but also moved from one form to the other as a matter of course. Such a masterly fusion and adaptation of types can only be achieved in the work of a genius and is a sign of literary craftsmanship. We would be very slow to say that literary forms began to dissolve with Deutero-Isaiah. Rather we would like to affirm that the prophet was such a literary giant that no contemporary or subsequent author could compare with him much less follow in his footsteps. He towered shoulder high above all

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other OT writers. In Deutero-Isaiah we have a literature that is unique in the entire Old Testament. LITERARY GENRES IN DEUTERO-ISAIAH

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cholars differ in their approaches as they study the work of DeuteroIsaiah. Begrich, for example, divides the work into small literary units.13 He isolates what can be considered the major Gattungen—Heilsorakel (Salvation Oracle) pp 14–26; Gerichtsrede (Judgment Speech) pp 48–53; Hymnen (Hymns) 54–61.14 Westermann adds Heilsankündigung (Announcement of Salvation) pp 37–41 and Königsorakel (Royal Oracle) pp 61–68.15 Greβmann speaks about prophetische Gattungen—prophetic literary forms—which he subdivides into: Die Visionen Die Drohungen Die Verheiβungen Die Scheltworte Die Mahnworte Die Tröstworte Die Gerichsworte Worte der Gewiβheit Die Geschichtsbetrachtung

Visions Threats Promises Reprimands Warnings Words of Comfort Judgment Speeches Words of Assurance Meditation History

He then mentions other Gattungen which he calls Fremde Gattungen i.e. alien forms namely: Die Siegeslieder Die Spotlieder Die Hymnen

Victory Hymns Mockery Hymns

He concludes with an Appendix—The Servant Songs.16 It is obvious we cannot make a detailed study of these Gattungen: that study falls beyond the scope of this work. But because Deutero-Isaiah moves freely from one literary form to the other, we shall study briefly the major Gattungen in the Book of Consolations namely: Salvation Oracle Announcement of Salvation Judgment Speech Disputations

Heilsorakel Heilsankündigung Gerichtsrede Disputationswort

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Königsorakel Hymnen

SALVATION ORACLE

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alvation Oracle (Heilsorakel) is a response to a cry for mercy or a plea for assistance which the devotee receives with the assurance that his prayer has been heard and salvation is on the way. Begrich called it Erhörungsorakel (Acceptance Oracle) and he affirms that it is received in cult after the request has been granted: . . . im Kultus nach Klage und Bitte und vor Gewiβheit der Erhörung und Gelübde gegeben zu werden pflegte.17

Further he affirms that the oracle is received by a priest.18 Von Waldow, however, believes that the answer is received by a prophet who is not only the mediator between God and the people but also the “spokesman of Yahweh.” Die Mittleramt des Nabi ist ein zweiseitiges. Einerseits vermittelt er zwischen Gott und Volk. Auf Grund seiner Inspiration durch den Geist Gottes ist er der “Spokesman of Yahveh.”19

As God’s spokesman, it is the foremost duty of a cult prophet to give oracles (p 87). Even in case of lament, Von Waldow says that the speaker is always a cult prophet and not a priest. Die Sprecher der Heilsorakel auf den Klagefeiern ist also ein kultpropheten und kein Priester (p 88).

Salvation Oracle is the predominant genre in the Book of Consolations and according to Begrich it is found 24x in the Book.20 It should be noted that its Sitz im Leben cannot be determined with absolute certitude, hence the response can be given either by a priest or a cult prophet. Hence neither the opinion of Begrich nor of Von Waldow can be sustained with absolute certainty What is absolutely essential is that the cry/prayer is heard and that the deity is coming or has come to the rescue. According to Begrich, some of the characteristics of Salvation Oracle are: i. The answer is given by a priest ii. The answer is given to an individual iii. The deity speaks in the first person.


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iv. The devotee is addressed in the second person v. The verb is in the perfect tense vi. Reasons for hearing the prayer is diverse21 All these are verified in all Salvation Oracles. Begrich goes on to add that Salvation Oracles have this fixed structure. a. b. c. d. e.

Salvation—Anrede Expression of Encouragement—Heilzuspruch Reason for Encouragement—Begrüdung Result of Divine Intervention—Folge Purpose of Divine Intervention - Ziel22

Begrich did elaborate study on Salvation Oracle, a Gattung he also calls Heilszusage and here is some fruit of his research. The Anrede ( salutation) can have an expansion • •

“who created you” “who chose you.”

Heilszuspruch (Expression of Encouragement): Begrich calls it Mahnung zur Furchtlosigkeit” Encouragement not to be afraid.” A good example is found in ANET 449 in the oracle to Esarhaddon. (Esarhad) don, king of the countries, fear not . . . Your enemies, like a wild boar in the month of Sivan, from before your feet will flee away . . . What are the words of mine, which I spoke to you, that you did not rely upon?

Begrüdung (Reason for Encouragement). This is divided into: God’s Intervention (Das Eingreifen Gottes)

I am with you. Nominal subject. (41:10; 43:5) You are mine (43:1).

Result of the Invention (Die Folge des Eingreifens)

I called you by name (43:1) I help you. (41:10, 14)

Folge (Result). The verb is in the perfect. It has no fixed pattern. Ziel (Purpose). It has no fixed form either. Moreover a Salvation Oracle can be found without it.23 Pericopes that fall within this genre are: 41:8–13, 14–16; 43:1–3a, 5; 44:2–5; 49:7; 14–15; 51:7–8; 54:4–8. It is only to be expected that most ora-

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cles in the book should be salvation oracles, since the prophet was called to proclaim salvation and liberation to the exiles. ANNOUNCEMENT OF SALVATION

A

kin to Salvation Oracle but to be distinguished from it is “Announcement of Salvation”—Heilsankündigung. It is salvation announced to a group (not to an individual) as a future event: the verb is in the yiqtol This Gattung was discovered by Westermann and it has five distinctive notes a) b) c) d) e)

It has no Salutation or Direct Address The Lament is deliberately located at the beginning It is the cry of a people not of an individual The verb is in the yiqtol not qatal The Sitz im Leben is not cultic24

In Salvation Oracle, the cry is implied: in Announcement of Salvation it is highlighted, being located at the beginning, for emphasis. Then comes the Announcement which is either Zuwendung Gottes—God’s granting the request “I hear you” or Eingreiffen Gottes—God’s energetic action, his intervention:” I will make rivers well up on barren heights.” A classic example of Announcement of Salvation is Isa 41:17–20. The poor and the needy ask for water, and there is none, their tongue is parched with thirst. I, Yahweh will answer them, I, the God of Israel, will not abandon them. I will make rivers well up on barren heights, and fountains in the midst of valleys; turn the wilderness into a lake, and dry ground into waterspring. . . . . so that men may see and know, may all observe and understand that the hand of Yahweh has done this, that the Holy One of Israel has created it.

The structure of Heilsankündigung is as follows: 1) Angedeutete Klage—A clear Lament 2) Heilsankündigung—Zuwendung Gottes—granting of request Eingreiffen Gottes—Divine Intervention 3) Ziel - Purpose


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Here the cry is first and dominant: unlike Heilsorakel, it is the cry of the people. The structure is freer. While Heilsorakel in its purer form is found more in Chapters 41–44,25 Heilsankündigung is found all over the Book of Consolations. In the Overture, a command is given to comfort the city of God. The basis for this is that the sins of the people have been forgiven, their iniquity pardoned (past event - qatal), and this is Heilsorakel. But the glory of Yahweh will be revealed and all mankind will see his face (Heilsankündigung) and they will return to Zion. Both Gattungen are similar in so far as they speak about salvation but hey are different as literary forms. So gehören Heilzusage und Heilsankündigung tatsachlich zueinander, sie sind aber je besondere Redeformen und als solche von einander zu unterscheiden auch wenn sie Verbindungen miteinander eingehen können.26

To this Gattung belong 41:17–20; 42:14–17; 43:16–21; 45:4–17; 49:7– 12. JUDGMENT SPEECH: GERICHTSWORT, GERICHTSREDE

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hough the Book of Consolations, by its very name, speaks about salvation and consolation, there are polemics in it and they are prominent. These polemics are directed against the Nations, their gods and Israelite Nation. It is evident that the structure should vary because the style used in addressing depressed and disconsolate Israel will certainly differ from the style used to address the nations and their gods: gods who do not exist. Despite these differences a basic structure emerges: Summons—Vorladung Trial Proceedings—Verhandlung Sentence or Verdict - Urteil27 Judgment Speech has its Sitz im Leben in private disputes and legal proceedings. This Deutero-Isaiah modified to suit his message of consolations. Unlike pre-exilic prophets, who foreboded doom and disaster, our prophet passes judgment on Israel’s enemies and especially their gods. The Summons. Yahweh summons the gods or the nations (41:9, 21). But invariably the prophet uses hymnic introduction (45:18–19) or a call to Israel to be a witness as Yahweh passes judgment on the nations and their gods

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(43:8; 45:20). Yahweh, the judge, needs no introduction for he is the First and the Last and the only God (44:6) and his competence is derived from being “the author of light and darkness (45:7) i.e. the entire creation. The adversaries summoned cannot but appear in court. Trial Proceedings. The argument is based on facts. What can or have the nations done? Have they power over history? What have they done in the past? What are they doing in the present and what can they do in the future? Can they predict the future and bring it to fulfillment? More crucial to this argument is the continuity in history between the present, the past, and the future. The nations and their gods stand speechless before Yahweh at the trial. The Verdict. In the face of their utter helplessness and their hopeless cause, the divine judgment follows inexorably. The emphasis is not on punishment meted out to the nations as Yahweh vindicating his claim as the one and only God. The sentence is usually in the first person, e.g. My name is Yahweh I will not yield my glory to another nor my honor to idols (42:8)

In Judgment against Israel: Yahweh summons Israel (48:1) and accuses her of insincerity in cult, pertinacity in sin (48:4) but gives judgment “For my own sake, for my own sake alone have I acted” (48:11). In judging Israel Yahweh forgives and restores Israel to her privileged position. To this genre belong the following: Against the nations—41:1–5; 45:18–22; 48:1–11 Against the gods—41:21–29; 42:8–9; 43:8–13; 44:6–8 Against Israel—48:12–19; 50:1–3 ARGUMENT: DISPUTATIONSWORT, BESTREITUNG, STRETIGESPRÄCH

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his genre is different from Judgment Speech. It is essentially a very lively discussion, an argument in the style of a disputation, where controversial issues are passionately discussed:

where difference of opinion can be expressed in many ways ranging from friendly dialog all the way to ridicule and vociferous altercation.28


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Because of its spontaneous nature, Argument does not permit any fixed structure. Its characteristics are: a) It does not use the argument or terminology of a law court b) While Judgment Speech looks to the past, Argument looks to the future Argument as a literary form antedates Deutero-Isaiah. Hence Begrich says: Deuterojesaja hat auch diese Form, die andere Propheten vor ihm und nach ihm verwendet haben, aufgenommen.

To illustrate his point he quotes Amos 3:3–6; 7:8; 9:7; Is 10:8–11; 28:23–39; Jer 8:8.29 In this Gattung, the prophet does not speak as God’s mouthpiece, he moves out of the prophetic world. He discusses, entertains objections and argues about his message. In a text of Proto-Isaiah, 28:23–29, Isaiah does not speak like a prophet. The scope of Argument in Deutero-Isaiah is to turn people’s attention to new divine intervention, to the great miracle of salvation which God is working and will soon complete on behalf of Israel. Its units are: 40:12–31 45:9–13 49:14–26 HYMN

T

here is a sense in which the entire Book of Consolations could be called a Hymn, because its predominant themes are joy, gladness and praise of the Holy One of Israel. The structure of Hymns in the Book of Consolations is different from the Psalter. While that of the Psalter consists of: Introduction Main Section—Corpus Hymni Conclusion30

in Deutero-Isaiah the structure is:

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Introductory Call Motivation Conclusion In the Book of Consolations, Yahweh is praised in himself, 42:10–12 and more often for his wonders in creation 40:12 and in the salvation of Israel Introductory Call. The following are called upon to praise Yahweh: Jerusalem (40:9; 52:9) all humanity (45:8) heaven and earth (49:13) created elements—sea, coastlands, steppes, cities and their inhabitants (42:10–11). Motivation. In this section, instead of the prophet emphasizing divine attributes in themselves, he praises Yahweh’s actions in creating and saving Israel and his marvelous deeds among the nations. Yahweh is praised as Israel’s redeemer (44:23; 48:20) for the new exodus (40:9–10; 49:7–26); for rebuilding Zion (52:3; 52:9) for comforting Israel (49:13; 51:3; 52:9). The Conclusion recapitulates the major themes of the hymn. Hymns are found in (40:9–11; 42:10–13; 44:23; 45:8; 48:20–21; 49:13; 52:9–10; 54:1– 3). ROYAL ORACLE: KÖNIGSORAKEL, SELBSTPRÄDIKATION, ICH-PRÄDIKATION

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he deity announces himself, proclaims his praises : (selbst) ichprädikation reveals his identity to the devotee, proves his superiority over other gods which he confirms by his mighty deeds. This genre is found in extra-Biblical documents. Eduardo Norden in his book, Agnostos Theos, quotes some of them. We select one as an example and make references to others. The god of war, Ningirsu, says this: Ich bin Ningirsu der hemmt das groβer Krieger des Ortes Enlils, der Herr, welcher seinesgleichen nicht hat. . . . Wohlan, ich will sprechen! Wohlan ich will sprechen Diese Worte will ich vorbringen Ich bin der Hirte Der Herrschaft ist mir zum geschere gegeben31

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He addresses himself as Ningirsu who holds in check the great water; he is the great warrior of Enlil. He is the shepherd to whom ruling power was given as a gift. Another example is a hymn to the goddess Ishtar. Ischtar, die Gottin des Abends bin ich, Ischtar, die Gottin des Morgens bin ich Ischtar, die den Verschluβ der glänzenden Himmel öffnet, das ist mein Ruhm; die Himmel lasse ich erlöschen die Erde erschüttere ich das ist mein Ruhm32.

The translation follows: I am Ishtar, the goddess of evening I am Ishtar, the goddess of morn I, Ishtar, open the lock of shining heavens That is my credit. I put the heavens out of existence, The earth I convulse That is my credit.

Egyptian documents speaking about the god Re, uses similar language: I am the one, who made Heaven and Earth Tucked up the mountains and made everything on it. I am the one who made the waters And brought about the great Flood. Who the Bull and his mother made And who their Procreator is I am the One who the heavens made.33

This literary form is found all over the Ancient East and its structure is as follows Introduction Self Presentation: Selbstvorstellung The Mighty Deeds of the Deity Conclusion34 In the Book of Consolations, the Royal Oracle is found only in 44:24– 45:7. We have discussed, though not in too great a detail the major Gattungen of the Book of Consolations: a more detailed study would be beyond the

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scope of this work. But the use of these major literary forms goes to prove that Deutero-Isaiah is a literary giant. We shall now focus on a genre that is peculiar to prophetic literature, or Prophetic Speech, Prophetische Rede. This is found in the Overture and will help to understand better the text we shall soon study. The genre is the MESSENGER FORMULA, BOTENSPRUCH. SPEECH FORMS IN PROPHECY

P

rophecy belongs to a world of its own. A prophet is one who is called, receives a message from a deity, and passes it on to the intended audience as a message coming not from him but from the deity. The prophet is aware of this, so is his audience. His audience is aware that he is speaking in the name of the deity. Hence “Messenger Formula” belongs to Prophetic Speech. Prophetic books contain three major kinds of speech; a) Accounts, b) Prophetic Speeches, c) Prayer.35 Accounts give prophetic message in the form and context of a narrative. Amos has only Accounts; these abound in Jeremiah while Jonah has only prophetic legend. Some prophetic books do not have any Accounts whatsoever: Isaiah 40–55; 56–66; Habakkuk, Nahum, Zephaniah, Malachy. Prophetic Speech is the vehicle for transmitting God’s word to his people, and this through a designated messenger. Most prophetic utterances belong to his category. Prayer is human response to God’s word. It can be a hymn of praise or a lament. PROPHETIC SPEECH

A

t various times in the past and in many different ways God spoke to his people (cfr Heb 1:1). In the pre-historic period, God spoke directly to individuals—to Adam (Gen 2:16; 3:9–12), to Eve (Gen 3::13), to Cain (Gen 4:7, 9–14) and to Noah (Gen 6:13; 8:15–17; 9:1–17). In the period of history, God spoke directly to Abraham (Gen 12:1–3; 15:1–9, 18–21; 17:1–22) to Isaac (Gen 26:2, 24) and to Jacob (Gen 28:13–15; 31:11– 13). But God never spoke directly to Joseph: he spoke to him only in dreams (Gen 37:8–10; 40).mm Moses’ case was exceptional. Of Moses Deuteronomy writes: There has not arisen a prophet in Israel like Moses, whom Yahweh knew face to face (34:10).

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Between the days of the Patriarchs and the period of the Judges, Yahweh communicated with his people through an intermediary, malakh YHWH, a messenger of Yahweh, who generally announced salvation (Gen 16:7–10; Ex 33:2; Jg 6:11–22; 13:3–21). This messenger was sent for a specific mission and never mentioned again when the mission was accomplished. The malakh Yahweh is a transitional mode of appearance between the directness of God’s revelation and his withdrawal into the distance.36Westermann then goes on to say: Prophecy is to be described as a transitional stage in which the speech of the messenger is the form designated for the indirect revelation of God.37

From this period, the idea of and about God became more transcendent. God no longer spoke in visions or dreams, or through the Urim and Thumim: he spoke through his designated messengers. This is the period of the prophets and it has its literary form—MESSENGER FORMULA: BOTENFORMEL. The Messenger Formula has a basic presupposition: that God spoke to humanity through intermediaries. This was common and important when few could read or write, hence Köhler says that a letter in ancient times was nothing other than “a written messenger formula:” . . . . der antike Brief ist nicht anders als ein geschriebener Botenspruch.38

Köhler cited Gen 32:4–6; Ex 4:21–23, Jer 2:1–2 as examples of Messenger Speech. The sender would identify himself, sometimes with his titles; give messages or specific instruction to the destineé through the intermediary, and often with a concluding formula. This speech formula was found both in the Bible and in Ancient Near East. A short example from the Bible is Gen 45:9 where Joseph says: Make haste and go up to my father and say to him, “Thus says your son Joseph: God has made me lord of all Egypt; Come down to me, do not tarry.

We quote some examples from the ANET. A Mari letter reads thus: To my lord say: Thus Ibal-pi-ie, thy servant. Hammurabi spoke to me as follows: “A heavily armed force had gone out to raid the enemy column, but there is no suitable base to be found, so that the force has returned empty-handed and the column of the enemy is proceeding in good order without panic. Now let a light armed force go to raid the enemy column and capture informers.39

Another Akkadian text reads:

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Speak to Ida (the river-god) my lord: Thus Zimri-lim your servant. I herewith send a gold cup to my lord. At an earlier date, I wrote my report to my lord, my lord revealed a sign. May my lord make the sign which he revealed come true for me. . . . .40

Prophets were divine messengers. This is evident from the call of Isaiah. Köhler, studying Isaiah 6:1–10 from its literary form, Botenspruch, says that after Isaiah had seen the vision of God and had his sins forgiven, heard a voice ask: “Whom shall I send?” God needed messengers: Isaiah was ready to be sent as a messenger. Der Prophet sieht die Erscheinung Gottes. Er erbebt vor ihrer Heiligkeit. . . . und nachem er entsündigt ist, hört eine Stimme fragen “Wenn soll ich senden?” Gott braucht Boten. Der Prophet antwortet: “Hier bin ich. Sende mich.” Jesaja is zum Botendienst bereit. Die Propheten sind die Boten des Allerhöchsten wie die Apostel (zu deutsch: Sendlinge) die des Christus.41

When Yahweh sends his prophet, the messenger often introduces the word of Yahweh using any of these formulas: a) b) c) d)

The word of Yahweh came to me saying The word of Yahweh to . . . . . . saying The oracle of Yahweh An oracle: the word of Yahweh to Israel. . . . .

Jer 1:4 Jer 28:12 Jer 23:38 Mal 1:1

But the most solemn of all these is “So says Yahweh,” which removes the words from the realm of the human. Paul made a distinction between instruction he received from the Lord (1Cor 7:10) and his own teaching (1 Cor 7:12). Amaziah was concerned that the teaching of Amos did not come from God: rather that Amos was plotting against the King (Amos 7:11). The phrase “so says Yahweh” is the Messenger Formula: Botensformel. It is the most common form and it indicates that God is talking to his people. The Botensformel is found 435x in the Old Testament. Amos Isaiah Jeremiah Ezekiel Zechariah

14x 44x 157x 125x 19x

In order to understand the Messenger Formula well we take an example from the Old Testament, Gen 32:3–5, which Westermann used as a paradigm.


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Reporting of the sending: Addressee: Place: Introduction to the commissioning: Commissioning of the messenger: Messenger Formula: Messenger’s Speech: Reporting section: Conclusion:

And Jacob sent messengers before him to Esau his brother in the land of Seir, the country of Edom instructing them, “Thus you shall say to my lord Esau: Thus says your servant, Jacob: I have sojourned with Laban, and stayed until now: and I have oxen, asses, flocks, menservants, ,and maidservants and I have sent to tell my lord, in order that I may find favor in your sight.41

With this paradigm the message is clear. Jacob sends messengers to his brother Esau to inform him of his return and uses such language and even gifts that will make Jacob find favor in his sight. With this Wildberger was able to structure the Messenger Formula. Revelation Formula Prophetic Commission Summons Messenger Formula Message Interjection Conclusion

Revelationsformel Prophetenbefehl Aufruf Botenformel Botenspruch Zwischenformel Endformel42

In this structure the most important are: Commissioning Transmission Delivery

God commissions a prophet to deliver his word which he introduces with “So says the Yahweh” or something similar The message is given by God to the prophet. It is the most important part of the formula It consists in the repetition of the message given in the Transmission before the audience

The Messenger Formula was necessary because since God was transcendent and humans were mere creatures, it was necessary to bridge the gap between the omnipotent majestic God and sinful, mortal creatures. There was another factor that necessitated Messenger Formula. Since in ancient times

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the majority could neither read nor write, communication took place by people sending messages orally from one to another. The prophets used this form of communication to send God’s message to the people and that was the most common and most effective means of transmitting messages. Deutero-Isaiah was no stranger to prophetic school, to prophetic literature and consequently to prophetic Gattungen. He knew the genre “Messenger Formula” and used it in the Overture. In fact Is 40:1–2 belongs to this genre. But “Messenger Formula” had its subdivisions found in the Book of Consolations: some other minor literary forms could be identified, among which are Tröstwort—Word of Comfort; Scheltwort—Reprimand and Mahnwort—Warning. In the Overture the “Word of Comfort” is found and consequently we devote some space to study it. WORD OF COMFORT

(TROSTWORT)

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reβmann was the first to identify this literary form in the Book of Consolations. It has never been recognized as a major Gattung. The one thing that the Judeans of the Galuth did not need was reprimand. Their situation warranted all the comfort and consolation they could get. This was the very opposite of the situation before the exile. The pre-exilic prophets did not feel called to encourage and comfort as much as to warn Israel of her sins and of pending doom. Hence this literary form was rare in pre-exilic prophecy. Hence Greβmann says: Daher sind für die vorexilischen Propheten Drohungen und die dazu gehörigen Scheltworte charackteristisch.43

The complex and pathetic condition of the exiles called for assured and repeated comfort. They needed to be convinced that their fear that Yahweh has abandoned me The Lord has forgotten me (Is 49:14)

was unfounded. Zion should cease considering herself a forsaken wife (54:6) and should no longer say My destiny is hidden from Yahweh, my rights are ignored by my God (40:27)

Deutero-Isaiah’s mission was to uplift the exiles from their doldrums, to lift up the down- trodden, to strengthen the weak and console those in tears.


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Ihm erschien vielmehr also die dringendste Pflicht, das arme, gebeugte Volk wieder aufzurichten, die Schwachen zu stärken und die Trauernden zu trösten.44

It’s no surprise, therefore, that the opening words of his book is an emphatic, persistent and steadfast call to comfort. Trostwort, like Scheltwort and Mahnwort are not considered a Gattung. They are never by themselves. These three—Trostwort, Scheltwort and Mahnwort came into being with Deutero-Isaiah and disappeared with him. Von Deuterojesaja geschaffen sind sie und auch mit ihm verschwunden.45

Trostwort and Mahnwort are found side by side in Is 55:1–3. They fall within the range of promises, as they belong to the future. Trostwort is found nine times in Deutero-Isaiah, six times fromYahweh (40:1–2a; 46:12–13; 49; 15–17; 51:7–8; 51:12–13; 55:1–3) and three times from the prophet (40:27–31; 51:17–20; 54:1–6). Trostwort is often found with Hymns Das ist es eben, was den Trost Israels bildet; die köstliche Freude des Heiles, die in den Verheiβungen verkündet wird, oder die majestätische Groβe Jahwes, die her Hymnus besingt.46

Some of the characteristics of Trostwort are kindness, gentleness, friendliness, and empathy. It is so different from the tone and the language of the Gerichtspropheten. The purpose is to sooth and comfort. HEBREW POETRY

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oetry compromises a third of the Hebrew Bible including some of the best-loved passages of the Scriptures. The books that have about the most and best written poetry are Job ‘Iov , Proverbs, Meshalim and Psalms, Thehilim, by acronym, the books of Emeth—“Books of Truth.” The Hebrew text was not arranged to demonstrate its poetic nature or sequence. The Massoretes did provide some accents for the Books of Emeth. Until the eighteenth century very little attention was paid to Hebrew poetry. In fact, poetry in Biblical Hebrew differs widely from poetry in any known language. In Hebrew poetry rhyme is virtually non-existent and rhythm is flexible, marked by elusive tonal system of the Massoretes. The chief characteristic of Hebrew poetry is the balance or symmetry commonly called parallelism.47 This fundamental formal feature is the correspondence of thought in successive half lines. The thought may be repeated, contrasted or even advanced.48

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Parallelism may be synonymous, antithetic or synthetic. Some of other devices are chiasm, assonance, paronomasia, onomatopoeia, alphabetical acoustics, hyperbole, personification, . Since the Hebrew Bible has poetic texts, these texts must of necessity have some meter: the problem is that the meter cannot easily be determined. Hebrew meter, unlike Greek and Latin, is not quantitative but determined by the accent. This is the most acceptable hypothesis in our present day knowledge of Hebrew poetry. Meter, therefore, is a by-product of parallelism. Hebrew is an explosive, staccato, sound-conscious language, and the devices of alliteration, assonance, paronomasia, and onomatopoeia are used to great aesthetic advantage.49

Besides, poetry is used for sublimity of thought. The heart reveals itself more fully and more intensely in poetry than in prose.50 The most dominant meter in Deutero-Isaiah is the six stress distich, 3 + 3, whose parallelisms are largely synonymous and antithetic, and with many complete parallelisms. Occasionally we do have a six stress line which should read as a tristich and thus the 2+2+2 pattern emerges.51 While in Deutero-Isaiah there are poems and strophes where the basic meter is 3+3 or 3+2, and remains so undisturbed, there is the greater majority that have lines of mixed metric length. In many cases the meters are so hybrid that it is impossible to locate the fundamental pattern.52

In some instances one could be fairly certain of the original order or the fundamental pattern. But it must be admitted that there is a lot of poems that are metrically hybrid. This is one of the characteristics of Deutero-Isaiah who writes his poems without feeling bound to poetic rules or to the structure of literary forms. Hence Greβmann did not hesitate to say that literary forms began to crumble with Deutero-Isaiah.53 What is truly amazing is that with all the poetic license the prophet allowed himself, he was nevertheless able to accomplish such great feats in Hebrew poetry, almost second to none in the entire Old Testament literature. But like the majority of poetic texts of the Bible, the dominant meter is 3+3 and is the case with Job and Proverbs. Surprisingly it is the principal meter in the Ugaritic. However there are other meters which demand our attention. One such is the Qinah and especially so as the first verses of the Book of Consolations, at least in their present form, are written in the Qinah meter.


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THE QINAH METER

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he word Qinah is found in Hebrew to mean “an elegy, a dirge.”54 Carolus Brockelmann says that Qinah is a cognate of many Semitic words with the basic meaning of “song, hymn, songstress, to have or to play music.” He goes on to mention other semitic languages: Syriac qintah (canticle, hymn, elegy); Arabic qaynah (female singer); Ethiopic genā (song) and qānaia (to make music).55 Qinah means a song of some sort. The root has not been found in the Ugaritic or the Akkadian. The Bible itself suggests that the Qinah is a song. In Chr 35:25 we read: Jeremiah also uttered a lament for Josiah; and all the singing men and singing women have spoken of Josiah in their laments to this day.

Hence the Qinah, poetically and practically was associated with music and musical performance. What makes the Qinah is the meter, 3+2, which is of unequal balancing. This is the deciding and essential characteristic of the Qinah—not the length of the stich but the relationship between the two stichoi whereby the second is shorter than the first.56 Garr, who reasons along the same lines says: Scholars have generally accepted the formulation of the qinah as the relationship between poetic lines of unequal length.57

Begrich treated the Qinah exhaustively in his article, which because of the five accents, called it Der Satzstil im Fünfer.58 Although the Qinah is used in dirges or elegies (2 Sam 1:17–27; 3:33– 34; Jer 9:16–22; 22:18–19), in Laments of the Psalter and throughout the Book of Lamentations, it is by no means restricted to melodies of sadness or sorrow. In fact, it is found in hymns of great joy (Is 14:4–21; Cant 1:9–11; Ps 19:8–10; Is 40:1–2). The Qinah is doubtless a product of intense emotion, the second stich breaking short like a catch in the throat. .59 Yet the emotion is not always of grief, since 3+2 is the dominant rhythm in some compositions expressing joy and praise. Neither does it display standard parallelism: rather the second stich merely “echoes” the first either grammatically or semantically.60 Syntactically, the Hebrew usually observes the following order—Verb, Subject, Object, Adverb, or Prepositional phrase.61 With the Qinah, there is marked preference for placing the verb at the beginning of the sentence or A line. There is nothing peculiar about the syntax of the B line, for it is grammatically and semantically parallel to the second or third members of the A line.62

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A good example is found at the beginning of the Book of Consolations: Comfort, give comfort to my city, Says your God. Speak convincingly to Jerusalem and proclaim to her (Is 40:1–2)

In the Qinah meter, the A line prepares the reader for what to expect: an echo in B line. The metrical dictating a longer stich which is followed immediately by a shorter stich almost excludes the possibility of synonymous parallelism. Consequently some element must be absent in the second. It is this metrical necessity, coupled with the psychology of parallelistic poetry, which produces that “choked or sobbing” effect.63

To sum up, the B line is completely dependent on the A line and on the poetic art of the writer. It leaves the composer free with many alternatives. Deutero-Isaiah, who loves to write with the freedom of a genius, who does not enjoy being tied down to rules of meter, must have seen in the Qinah an elegant style to give full vent to his pathos, oscillating between joy and sadess, longing and hope. It is precisely because of the emotion involved in the message of the prophet, the imminent salvation and liberation of the exiles, that the prophet employed the Qinah to express the depth of his emotion which could hardly be expressed otherwise. The message of consolation is appropriately given not only in word but also through the poetry of his oracle.

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CHAPTER THREE




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The Overture: Isa 40:1–11

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he book of the prophet Isaiah, Chapters 1–66, spans a period of at least two hundred and fifty years. In it the traditions of Isaiah and of his school are preserved. Proto-Isaiah foretold judgment on Judah and Jerusalem which was eventually fulfilled. Deutero-Isaiah, on the other hand, replaced these oracles of judgment with promises and assurance of love, forgiveness, restoration and peace. A distinctive literary consequence is that whereas most of the messages of the earlier prophets were of threat and impending judgment; at least in their final form, all the latter major prophetic books carry messages of hope for Israel’s future. The reason is that these books received their final form during the Restoration. The Book of Consolations is no exception. THE OVERTURE OF THE BOOK OF CONSOLATIONS

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lthough Chapters 34 and 35, 60 and 62 belong to Deutero-Isaiah, they are outside the Book of Consolations as the book has come down to us. While we recognize these chapters as works of the same author, they lie outside the scope of this study. It follows then that Chapter 40 is the first Chapter of the Book of Consolations and is intended to introduce all that follows. The only serious con-

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tender is Chapter 35 which has the same rounded completeness as Chapter 40 and contains what reads like the summary of Deutero-Isaiah’s message.1 Unlike other prophetical works, the Book of Consolations has no introduction, no superscription, no summaries, no chronological indications, no mentioning of the prophet’s name, and no commissioning to prophetic ministry. If it had any of these, they were probably dropped when the work was merged with that of Isaiah of Jerusalem. Consequently we do not read the story of the prophet’s call or commissioning as in Proto-Isaiah (Isa 6:1–13); or in Jeremiah (Jer 1:1–10); or in Ezekiel (Ezek 2:1–3:15); or in Jonah (1:1–3; 3:1–3). It is understandable to look for a pericope narrating the prophet’s call because it is appropriate to know who this mouthpiece of God is, as it will help to give credence to his message as well as understand the central theme of his mission; all of which are usually clearly narrated and summarized in his call narrative. Some scholars who are desperate for such a text believe they find it in the Overture; The poem records the prophet’s experience of his call and commission to be God’s spokesman and so corresponds to the “call narrative” of earlier prophets: Isa 6; Jer 1, Ezk 1–3, Amos 7:15.2

Some authors unwilling to forgo the call narrative have sought to see it in vv 6–8, and interpret these verses as either his call or its equivalent.3 However, examining the text critically, one would easily come to the conclusion that the Book of Consolations has none of these because DeuteroIsaiah is the least biographical of all the prophets. He is the only prophet who in a work of twenty chapters succeeded in hiding his identity, including his name. It accords fully with the prophet’s manner of withdrawing entirely into the background of his message. It does not appear that the call and commissioning of Deutero-Isaiah is recorded anywhere in his writings. Moreover, the call of every prophet must not be recorded: in fact, the majority of prophets do not have call narratives—Hosea, Joel, Obadiah, Micah, Nahum, Habakuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachy. To see the call of the prophet especially in vv 1–2 is to force the text. We must be content to admit that Deutero-Isaiah, though a great prophet, does not have a call narrative like most of the minor prophets. Consequently, the Overture begins with what appears to be the first of a sustained blast of a great trumpet which contains a thrice-repeated call to take the news of God’s consolation to a broken, desolate, and disconsolate nation. In fact, one can say with a great measure of certainty that the Over-

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ture came from the pen of Deutero-Isaiah himself: no better introduction or synthesis could be written. In the Overture, the prophet is at the receiving end. He hears the repeated command to console Yahweh’s city and with it, Yahweh’s people; to proclaim deliverance; a proclamation which immediately becomes reality, “because the mouth of Yahweh has spoken” (40:5). The prophet does not indicate who should carry out the command: this imprecision is deliberate. It seems that the message is so important and the necessity to proclaim it so urgent that other details would detract from the importance and urgency of the message and were consequently overlooked. Biographical and historical notes would only constitute unwarranted distractions and were therefore omitted. The Overture, true to its name, sets the tone and pace for the message and synthesizes the theology of the book. Comfort can be considered the superscription of the book, Die Uberschrift des Buches.4 As Amos can be called the “Prophet of Judgment of Yahweh”; Hosea, of the “Covenantal Love of Yahweh”; Proto-Isaiah, of the “Holiness of Yahweh”; DeuteroIsaiah is the Prophet of the “Consolation of Yahweh”. The prophet consistently uses terms of endearment in the Overture: “my city,” “your God,” “speak to the heart.” The term nachamu indicates the superabundance of consolation; die Häufung des Trösten.5 The Overture recapitulates all the major themes of the book—the comfort of Israel; Jerusalem/Zion; punishment consequent on sin; forgiveness and love of Yahweh; the new exodus; the glory of Yahweh; the true, omnipotent and infallible God; the power of the word; the gospel of salvation. Le Livre de la Consolation s’achèvera comme il a commencé, par l’affirmation de la transcendence du Seigneur, de l’efficacité de son Verbe et du déploiement de sa force dans la réalization de l’Exode nouveau (55:11–13).6

The poem is carefully constructed. A triad of stichs with imperatives— comfort, speak, cry—and their objects—my city, Jerusalem, her—constitute the proem. The climatic verb “cry” or “proclaim” introduces three solemn disclosures (v 2) and provides the framework for the three strophes that follow: vv 3–5; 6–8; 9–11. Each strophe has its beginning—3a, 6a, 9 and ending 5c, 8b, 10. The third and climatic strophe culminates in a triad announcing imminent advent of God in great theophany before the stage of world history.7 Vv 1–2 has been called the Prologue of the Prologue. These verses present salvation from a negative viewpoint: bondage ended; iniquity pardoned; adequate satisfaction made for all sins. The remaining verses of the Overture

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expand the meaning and content of salvation proclaimed by the prophet in these two verses. vv 3–11 speaks of God’s action in Judah’s history which is given detailed explanation by: vv 3–5: preparation for journey in the wilderness vv 5–8: the glory of Yahweh vv 9–11: the theophany of Yahweh Among these four units, vv 1–2, 3–5, 6–8, and 9–11, the first three are auditions. In each unit, it is clear that a voice is speaking: this becomes still much clearer in vv 3 and 6 where the text explicitly says: “A voice proclaims.” An important as well as an interesting factor is that imperatives dominate the poem and this can be considered one of the important characteristics of the Overture. In this literary unit, 40:1–11, there are forty forms of verb out of which twelve are imperatives. These imperatives denote not only urgency but more than that: they emphasize the power of the word which accomplishes and brings to immediate fulfillment the command as it is given. As the literary unity lies in its imperatives and exclamations, so the unity of thought lies in what is proclaimed. The prophet is but lost.8

But the use of imperatives goes beyond the Overture: in fact, it continues to 52:11 “Depart, depart.” All these imperatives—comfort, speak, cry—are linked with the exodus from Babylonia and therefore with the Exodus motif which is at the very core of Israel’s faith. The first exodus was from the house of slavery (Ex 13:3; 20:2; Deut 5:6; 8:14), the second from the land of exile (Isa 48:20). Of these imperatives, the most important is “comfort”: hence it holds pride of place in the Overture. “Comfort” determines and sets the pattern for all that follows. It is “Comfort” that brings the exile to an end, that makes forgiveness of sin and iniquity possible and meaningful, that gives courage and perseverance in the journey through the wilderness, that will bring them ultimately back to Jerusalem; that reassures Israel that Yahweh’s promise and blessings are valid for all times. Zion, the messenger of good tidings, proclaims to the townships of Judah the word of comfort—that Yahweh returns in triumph to his capital city. The exiles return to their homeland; they return in triumphal march, in victory parade. This is the moment when the prophet proclaims God’s new act; and with it the delivery, the new event, the return, the new exodus are underway.9

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The Overture presents a grandiose and impressive scenery: the highway through the desert, the glory of Yahweh revealed to all flesh, the blasting heat of the sirocco withering grass and flower, the call of the herald from the mountain top. The portrait of Yahweh is of a mighty conqueror returning from his conquests; of a king about to inaugurate his kingdom; of a righteous king adjudicating the misdeeds of the past and of a solicitous shepherd who gathers the lambs in his bosom.10 The Book of Consolations has a major division: the Jacob/Israel poems, Chs 40–48; and the Jerusalem/Zion poems, Chs 49–55. The fortunes of Jerusalem are prominent only in 41:27 and 44:26–28: whereas the fortune of Zion is the main theme of 49–55. And within that major division, there is literary affinity between the Overture and 52:7–12. This is illustrated with the following examples: THEMES

Comfort Announcing Salvation Voices All Nations/Flesh shall see God’s Salvation God as King Arm of Yahweh God’s Rule Good News from mountain top Good News of Salvation

40:1–11 40:1 40:1–2 40:3, 5

52 7–12 52:9 52:7 52:8

40:5 40:9 40:11 40:10 40:9 40:9

52:10 52:7 52:10 52:7 52:7 52:7

In the transmitted form of the Book of Consolations, 40:1–11 is the prologue while 55:5–13 is the epilogue. The beginning and the end interlink and form a literary inclusion. The prologue affirms that what is articulated in it will come true while the epilogue repeats the promise and affirms its infallible realization.11 There is affinity in vocabulary and theme as both speak of: Hark!! Forgiveness Word of Yahweh Mountains and Hills Field and Vegetation

40:1–11 40:3, 6 40:2 40:5 40:4 40:6–7

55:2–13 Listen, pay attention, 55:3 55:7 55:10–11 55:12 55:12–13a

Besides these, there is an important theme that needs serious discussion, which we study here. It is “Divine Council” in the Overture.


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THE DIVINE COUNCIL

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ome texts of the Bible speak about the heavenly council: 1 Kgs 22:19– 22; Isa 6; Jer 23:18, 22; Job 1:1–12; 2:1–7; Ps 82. Some authors like Scullion add texts like Ps 89, Dan 7:9; Rev 4:1–1112 but it does appear these texts can be interpreted differently. Divine Council is not a novelty in ANE for there are texts that speak about the council of the gods in Zaphon or Zaphon summit13 and not only among the Canaanites14 but also among the Babylonians.15 In the Ugaritic an assembly is cd and the assembly of gods is cdt iln.16 It is found in Text 128:II:7 as cdt iln. !e!h and in 128:II:11 as cdt iln. An Akkadian text reads: From among the gods, her first-born who formed her Assembly, She had elevated Kingu, has made him chief among them. The leading of the ranks, command of the Assembly, The raising of weapons for the encounter, advancing to combat, In battle the command-in-chief These to his hands (she entrusted) as she seated him in the Council; “(I have cast the spell) for thee, exalting thee in the Assembly of the gods (To counsel all the) gods (I have given thee) full power.”17

Among the Babylonians it was Marduk who was the king of the gods and who presided at their assembly. Marduk summoned the great gods to Assembly; Presiding graciously he issues instructions, To his utterance the gods pay heed. 18

In the Epic of Gilgamesh, it was at the Assembly of the gods that the decision to destroy the world but to save Gilgamesh was made. Ishtar cried out like a woman in travail, The sweet-voiced mistress of the [gods] moans aloud: “The olden days are alas turned to clay, Because I bespoke evil in the Assembly of the gods, Ordering battle for the destruction of my people, When it is I myself who gave birth to my people . . . !” (ANET: 94). Utnapishtim said to him, to Gilgamesh: “I will reveal to thee, Gilgamesh, a hidden matter And a secret of the gods will I tell thee: Shurippak—a city which thou knowest, [ (And) which on Euphrates’ [banks] is situate—

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That city was ancient, (as were) the gods within it, When their heart led the great gods to produce the flood. . . . . Tear down (this) house, build a ship! Give up possessions, seek thou life Forswear (worldly) goods and keep the soul alive Aboard the sheep take thou the seed of all living things.(ANET: 93

In the Ugaritic myth, Yamm sends messengers to the Asssembled Body where El presides—on Mount Lala; “Depart ye, lad(s, don’t tarry. There now, be off) on your way Towards the Assembled Body In the m(idst of the Mount of Lala. At the feet of El) fall not down, Prostate you not to the Assembled (Body. Proudly standing) say ye your speech. And say unto Bull (my) father (El) Declare unto the Assembled) Body: “Message of Yamm your lord Of your master Ju(dge Nahar).19

Consequently, that the gods had an assembly at which decisions were taken, was an accepted fact in the Ancient Near East. It would not be entirely surprising that such an idea found its way into Scriptures. Hence Scullion did not hesitate to say: The Council of the gods of Canaan has left its print on the Hebrew Bible.20

Many authors believe that the Overture implies a session of Divine Council where God decreed and communicated to the heavenly beings his decision to overturn the lot of Judah: these beings were therefore ordered to comfort his people. Muilenburg says: “The scene opens in the Council of Yahweh”21 and John L. McKenzie agrees with him.22 Volz concurs saying that the prophet was given a hearing to the proceedings of the heavenly court; Der Prophet hat Zutritt zur der göttlichen Ratversammlung Jes 6.1ff; Jer 23,22; 1 Kön 22, 19, sein Ohr reicht in die übersinnliche Welt, und er hört und sieht die Vorbereitungen für das irdische geschehen.23

Hence the sublime background of the heavenly council accounts for the atmosphere and the mood of the poems.24 Smart says: “Like in Chapter 6, Deutero-Isaiah has been given ears to hear the deliberations in the heavenly


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council:25 while Herbert concludes that the use of the plural nachamu suggests that these words were addressed in a heavenly council.26 There is no doubt that the majority of scholars believe that the Divine Council is the case in question. Cross is one of such scholars who is convinced about the Divine Council in the Overture. He asserts that the symbolism of Council forms not only the background of several oracles of Deutero-Isaiah, but he sees vestiges of the same Council not only in 48:20–21; 59:14b but even in 52:7–10; 62:10–12; 44:26.27 Moreover, visions and auditions enable the prophet to view the proceedings in Yahweh’s court and hear the directives that Yahweh addresses the angelic heralds.28 This text of Amos is often quoted to clinch the argument—that prophets are occasionally given a hearing to the proceedings in the heavenly court: The Lord Yahweh does nothing without revealing his plans to his servants the prophets (3:7).

But the arguments in favor of Divine Council are not convincing. In every case of Divine Council these three factors are present: • • •

a divine statement a discussion/deliberation (This is a very important aspect of Divine Council in the OT.) a divine decision.

But in the Overture these constitutive elements cannot be verified. There is no discussion or deliberation. A Council is not an assembly where God promulgates his decrees which the celestial beings carry out: rather it is a forum where these celestial beings discuss and deliberate with God; they make contributions (1 Kgs 22:20–22) and even argue with God (Job 1–3). Ultimately God’s wisdom, power, and providence have the day. In the Overture, however, we have a command that is clear and precise; a command endowed with innate power and majesty; a command that is irresistible and infallibly carried out. The command is to console the disconsolate, to pour balm on the wounds of the exiles, to proclaim a new order and God’s year of favor. The plural form does not indicate the agents of consolation but its intensity and abundance. The “voice” that is heard in vv 3 and 5 are rhetorics and stylistic devices—one of the impressive examples of the beauty and elegant style of Deutero-Isaiah. The uniqueness of the author which is unparalleled in Old Testament literature shines forth in these verses.

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The texts quoted by Cross as referring to Divine Council are highly debatable. They can hardly be described as the exegesis of the text. Consequently the Overture does not carry ideas that would warrant a session of Divine Council. CONCLUSION

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he Overture contains metaphors used, applied, and contrasted in sharply different ways—the divine consolation, the Way of the Lord, the Word of God. These are important theological themes developed in the rest of the work but which nonetheless strike a chord in the Overture. Consequently, there is found in the Overture continuity and discontinuity, unity and diversity, peace and tension, motion and rest. In the Overture, Deutero-Isaiah makes a dive into the recesses of Old Testament theology which he radically interprets and then proclaims to his compatriots as gospel of consolation, peace and joy.

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CHAPTER FOUR




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The Theology of Consolation

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he dominant theme of the Overture is consolation and that is the first word of the book. Since every other thing depends on understanding this all-important term, we have decided to devote a chapter to it. It will help to understand the text more easily and apply consolation more appropriately to the rest of the pericope. The basic root for “to console” is n!m. In the MT is has no basic meaning because it does not appear in the Qatal form. Rather it is found in the Niphal, Piel, Pual, and Hithpael. Niphal • • • •

to be sorry, to be moved, to pity, to have compassion (Jer 15:6; Judg 21:6) to rue, suffer grief, repent (Exod 13:17; Jer 20:16; Zech 8:14) comfort oneself, be comforted (Gen 38:12; Ezk 31:16) be relieved; ease oneself by taking vengeance (Isa 1:24; 57:6)

Piel •

to comfort, to console, to pity, to strengthen (Isa 49:13; Job 42:11; Zech 10:2)


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70 Pual •

to be relieved, be consoled (Isa 54:11; 66:13)

Hithpael • • • •

to be sorry, have compassion (Deut 32:36) to rue (Num 23:19) comfort oneself, be relieved (Gen 37:35) ease oneself by talking vengeance (Ezk 5:12)1

The root n!m is not found in the Akkadian. However, the verb nâhu(m)— ruhen, ausruhen, sich beruhigen, sich zufrieden geben (nach Zorn), beruhigen das Herz, means more to rest, to be calm, to pacify.2 It is, therefore, not surprising that some scholars like Jacob Levy would postulate a common root n! and n!m with the basic meaning to rest.3 However, the verb na’āmu(m), to proceed boldly, kühn vorgehen, is not related to n!m.4 In the Arabic, the root n!m is found to mean “breathe heavily or to breathe pantingly (of a horse)”,5 but it does not appear related to our root with the meaning “to console.” In the Ugaritic n!m is found to mean “to console”6 but the verb is not found in biblical Aramaic. The root n!m occurs 119x in the MT, not counting the proper names. Out of these, 108 are verbal forms—48x in the Niphal; 51x in the Piel; twice in the Pual; 7x in the Hithpael, while the remaining 11 are nominal forms. Personal names from this root include Na!um the prophet, (Nah 1:1); Mena!em, King of Israel, (2 Kgs 15:14,16; 19–23) Na!am (1 Chr 4:19); Ne!emya, son of Hacaliah, governor of Judah (Ezra 2:2; Neh 1:1; 7:7). Apart from personal names, the root is found with most frequency in Isaiah; 13x in the Piel and 8x in Deutero-Isaiah. The verb occurs also 12x in the Piel in Jeremiah; 6x in the Psalter; 6x in Job; and 6x in Lamentations. The root is not found in Leviticus, 1–2 Kings, 2 Chronicles, Obadiah, Micah, Haggai, Proverbs, and Canticles.7 A closer study will reveal that there are two major nuances in the understanding of n!m: in the Niphal, “to regret”; and in the Piel, “to console”. “Regret” is sorrow for a past mistake: some sad event has taken place hence the desire to make amends. “Console” emphasizes the intention to alleviate pain that one cannot completely take away. In any case, both have this in common: an attempt to influence a situation by changing the course of events. To illustrate the point we take some examples from the Bible:

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Yahweh saw that the wickedness of man was great and that every imagination of his heart contrived evil continually. Yahweh regretted n!m having made man on earth and it grieved him to his heart. So Yahweh said: “I will blot out man whom I have created from the face of the earth. . . . for I regret having made them (Gen 6:5–8).

Then comes the flood which in turn is followed by another “regret” for destroying humanity with the flood: I will never again curse the ground because of man, for the imagination of man’s heart is evil from his youth: neither will I again destroy every living thing (Gen 8:2), (Cfr Gen 9:11, 15).

This regret is the n!m of Yahweh. Another instance is 1 Sam 15:11: Yahweh says: I regret I have made Saul king; for he has turned back from following me and has not performed my commandments.

In 1 Sam 15:35 we read: “Yahweh regretted that he had made Saul king over Israel.” However, the treatment given to David differs considerably from that given to Saul. When Saul pleaded for forgiveness, and Samuel would not announce divine forgiveness, a glossator gives this explanation: The Glory of Israel will not lie or go back on his word, for he is not a man to go back on his word (1 Sam 15:29).

But in the case of David we read: But I will not take my steadfast love from him, as I took it from Saul, whom I put away from before you (2 Sam 7:15).

Biblical tradition abounds with evidence of God changing his mind in return for human repentance. Repentance on the part of the people is usually indicated by šub though occasionally n!m is used (Jer 8:16). N!m makes it possible for God to change his mind (Jer 31: 19; 18:8, 10; 26:3). N!M IN THE PIEL

I

n the Piel, n!m means “to comfort, to strengthen.” Often it is Yahweh who comforts his people (Isa 12:1; 49:13, 52:9). Comfort implies putting an end to a sad and distressful situation, soothing the pains with the assurance of a new and better order. In prophetic books, it is the people as a whole who is comforted and this applies to the Lament of the Community. In the Lament of the Individual, it

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is the worshipper who receives the consolation. In the Psalter, comfort involves deliverance from all enemies and from danger (Ps 71:21), redressing a humiliating situation and restoration to pristine favors (Ps 119:82). Human beings do comfort others especially in bereavement: Rebecca comforts Isaac on his mother’s death (Gen 24:67). Noah was to bring comfort and consolation to Lamech in the midst of his toiling and labors, a consolation from the earth cursed by God (Gen 5:29). Noah was the first to plant the vine (Gen 9:20), thus bringing such joy and comfort to humanity. Joseph reassured and comforted his brothers after their father’s death (Gen 50:21). Human beings do bring comfort to others by changing their fortunes in life. Boaz comforts Ruth (Ruth 2:13); David comforts Bathsheba (2 Sam 12:24); Job’s friends came to comfort him (Job 2:11). Comfort was valued and appreciated in Old Testament times and ben Sirach recommended brief mourning and rapid consolation on the grounds that what had happened could not be undone while long lamentation was useless: Weep bitterly, wail most fervently; observe the mourning the dead man deserves, one day, or two to avoid comment, then be comforted in your sorrow; for grief can lead to death a grief-stricken heart undermines your strength. Let grief end with the funeral; a life of grief oppresses the mind. Do not abandon your heart to grief drive it away, bear your own end in mind. Do not forget, there is no going back you cannot help the dead, and you will harm yourself (Sir 38:17–22).

Besides comforting others one can and should comfort oneself as this text of Sirach teaches. Another form of comfort which pleases God and does good to the neighbor is almsgiving which “saves from death and purges every kind of sin” (Tob 12:9). Those who should always be comforted in this manner are the aliens, the orphans, and widows (Deut 24:17–21). The book of Tobit praises almsdeeds. A portion of one’s possessions should be set aside for almsdeed. No one should turn away one’s face from a poor man so that God will never turn away his face from him. One should never be mean in giving alms. By so doing one lays a great treasure for oneself on the day of necessity. Alms delivers from death and saves people from passing down to darkness. Moreover “Alms is a most effective offering for all those who give it in the presence of the Most High” (Cfr Tob 4:7–12).

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Almsdeeds is a religious duty which pleases the Almighty and brings comfort to the neighbor. Job could prove that he was righteous because he comforted those in need; the poor, the orphans, and widows. He was eyes to the blind, feet to the lame, and he broke the fangs of the wicked (Job 29:11–17). Speaking about the needy and his comfort to them Job summarizes his acts of charity in these words: I chose their way, and sat as chief, I dwelt like a king among his troops like one who comforts mourners (Job 29:25).

Human comfort differs substantially from the divine, because human comfort does not always achieve its objective: the sufferer can still remain disconsolate. Job’s friends were unable to comfort him; Jacob refused to be consoled over Joseph’s “death” (Gen 37:35b); Rachel would not be comforted (Jer 31:15). For Job, the comfort of his friends were irrelevant (Job 16:2), futile (21:34) and too late (42:11). COMFORT IN THE LXX

I

n Greek, the basic word to comfort is parakaleō which basically means “to call someone to oneself; to call in, send for, summon; invite; appeal to”; later it came to mean also “to exhort, encourage, beseech, entreat, comfort, console.”8 It is a compound word: para and kaleō. Kalein means “to call to oneself,” whereas epikaleín means “to call to.” Its semanticism is as follows: “to call to, to beseech, and finally “to exhort.”9 Hatch-Redpath names fifteen Hebrew verbs that could be translated by parakaleō: 1–‘āmēs (pi) Deut 3:28 “to encourage” 2–‘āma r (kal) Isa 35:4 “be comforted by God” 3–!āzag (pi) Job 4:3 “to exhort” 4–!ālam (pi) Isa 38:16 “to be made well” 5–mal’āk Isa 33:7 “those who ask, ambassadors” 6–n!g (pi) Isa 40:11 “to lead” 7–nāhal (hi) Isa 13:2 “to beckon” 8–nuph (pi) Isa 51:18 “to guide” 9–nā!âh (hi) Isa 57:18 “to lead, to comfort” 10–nā!am a (ni) b (pi) c (pu) d (hithpa) e (nehāmâh) 11–sûth (hi) Deut 13:7 “to entice, seduce”


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74 12–gār’ā 13–rā!am 14–šābat 15–šācac

(qal) (pi) (hi) pilp

Isa 40:2 Isa 49:13 Isa 21:2 Isa 66:12

“to call to” “to have mercy on, to console “to make and end” “to be fondled” “comforted”10

but n!m is the verb that is translated by parakalein. Parakalesthai is often used to mean “to be sorry, i.e. to relent, or repent” not in the sense of comforting but in the sympathy that relents and repents.”11 In the LXX, the verb has been found with the following meanings: “ to comfort in bereavement (Gen 24:67), sympathy (2 Sam 10:2–3), comfort in human grief (Jdt 6:20), encouragement (Deut 3:28), request (1 Mac 10:24), assurance (2 Mac 7:24), beseech “(1 Mac 9:35). This gives the impression of considerable fluidity which embraces many bigger and smaller nuances, especially in second Maccabees where it means “to encourage (13:12), to cheer (14:34), speak good words (13:23), enliven (13:3; 14:25), strengthen (15:17), propose (11:15), reassure (11:32).12 DIVINE COMFORT

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ven though human beings should and do comfort, true comfort belongs only to Yahweh. It is work proper to God. True consolation, paraklēsis ‘alethinē (Isa 57:18) comes from God alone. Hence we

read:

I will heal him, and console him, I will comfort him to the full both him and his afflicted fellows, bringing praise to their lips (Isa 57:18).

Only God turns desolation into consolation, whether for an individual (Pss 71:20; 119:50) or for a community (Isa 51:19). At the end of the Exile, Yahweh will comfort Zion, have pity on her ruins and turn her desolation into an Eden (Isa 51:3). Two metaphors or images are generally used to give vivid expression to divine comfort: that of a shepherd and that of a mother. The classic text of a shepherd-comforter is found in the prologue: He is like a shepherd feeding his flock, gathering the lambs in his arms, holding them against his breast and leading to their rest the mother ewes (Isa 40:11).

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Yahweh, the true shepherd, unlike the faithless and delinquent shepherds denounced in Ezk 34, will rescue the scattered sheep, pasture them on the mountains of Israel, and cause them to rest on good grazing ground (Ezek 34:1–15). The text continues with Yahweh saying: I shall look for the lost one, bring back the stray, bandage the wounded, make the weak strong. I will watch over the fat and healthy. I shall be a true shepherd to them (v 16).

That is how Yahweh comforts his flock, Israel, making it browse in rich pastures on the mountains of Israel. This metaphor finds fulfillment in the New Testament where the shepherd, losing a sheep out of a hundred, meticulously searches for the lost in hills and ravines and when having found it, carries it shoulder high and has a celebration because the lost has been found (Luke 15:4–6). The climax is that the good shepherd lays down his life for his sheep (John 10:11). The second metaphor is that of a mother. Once again we have a classic text in the Book of Consolations: Does a woman forget her baby at the breast, or fail to cherish the son of her womb? Yet even if these forget, I will never forget you. See I have tattooed you on the palms of my hands (Isa 49:15–16a).

Yahweh consoles as a mother consoles her son (Isa 66:13). Yahweh consoles Jerusalem who in her turn becomes a consoler. Those who mourned for Jerusalem will be suckled from her consoling breasts, will savor the delight of her glorious breasts (Isa 66:11). It is the comfort, the consolation that Yahweh gives Jerusalem that makes it possible for her, in her turn, to become a consoler. Besides these two images, the Scriptures mentions other ways by which God comforts. He comforts by his quickening word (Ps 119:52, 76, 82), by events written in the Law and Prophets (2 Mac 15:9). Wisdom comforts people in their cares and sorrows. From her history, Israel is also aware that chastisement can come from God; in which case, desolation becomes more painful: for it is God who should be consoling who is rather castigating. When God punishes, no consolation is possible, for creatures cannot console when God is punishing. Therefore, no one could console Jerusalem when it was destroyed (Lam 1:2, 9, 16, 21; 2:13). It was then that Judah drank from Yahweh’s hand the cup of wrath, the chalice of his stupor and drained it to the dregs (Isa 5:1:17).


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Israel’s faith in her God is so strong that even when Israel believes it is Yahweh who strikes, Israel is patient and confident thatYahweh will pour balm over the wounds and heal: For he who wounds is he who soothes the sore the hand that hurts is the hand that heals (Job 5:18).

Hosea says: He has torn us to pieces, but he will heal us; He has struck us down, but he will bandage our wounds (6:1).

However, divine comfort does not depend on repentance on the part of his creatures, even when punishment is rightly deserved (Judg 2:18–19). God comforts because he is gracious (!annûn) and compassionate (ra!ûm) slow to anger and abounding in steadfast love (!esed). He relents (n!m) from sending calamity (Joel 2:13; Jonah 4:2). The result is that joy and gladness shall be found in Israel, songs of thanksgiving and sound of music will resound in her (Isa 51:3). DIVINE COMFORT IN JUDAISM

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n Palestine Judaism, true to Old Testament tradition, God is the only true and genuine comforter. In the Testament of Joseph we read: They sold me into slavery: the Lord of all set me free. I was taken into captivity: the strength of his hand came to my aid. I was overtaken by hunger: the Lord himself fed me generously. I was alone, and God came to help me. I was in weakness, and the lord showed his concern for me. I was in prison, and the Savior acted generously in my behalf. I was in bonds, and he loosed me; falsely accused and he testified on my behalf. Assaulted by bitter words of the Egyptians, and he rescued me. A slave and he exalted me.13

In 4 Ezra 12:8, we read: Strengthen me and show me, your servant, the interpretation and meaning of this terrifying vision, that you may fully comfort my soul.14

God comforts by his word of promise (2 Bar 87)15 or through a prophet, like Baruch, (2 Bar 81:4)16 or an angel (Testament of Dan 6:5).17

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However, the fullness of consolation will come with the Messiah. The “Consolation of Israel,” which Simeon looked forward to (Luke 2:25), is a technical term for messianic reign. “Trost Israels” ist ein zu fassender Ausdrck, der die Erfüllung der messian. Hoffnung bezeichnet.18

The Consolation of Israel is the highest earthly happiness and people could swear by it.19 Nehāmǎh “consolation” is the comprehensive term for messianic blessings. With reference to Isa 40:1, Strack-Billerbeck, commenting on the saying of the Sages says: . . . . Man sieht, alle Trostworte in diesen Stelle werden auf die messian. Zeit bezogen; so kann es nicht wundernehmen daβ das Wort nehāmǎh, Trost, Trostung zur umfassenden Bezeichnung für das messian Heil wurde.20

From this concept are derived other terminologies like “Days of Consolation,” “Years of Consolation,” “the Consolation of Zion,” “The Consolation of Jerusalem.”21 So important is this concept that one of the names or titles that the Messiah will bear will be Menachem—“the Comforter.”22 CONCLUSION

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ivine comfort or consolation spans all through salvation history. The Proto-Evangelium is the first divine act of comfort/consolation on fallen humanity (Gen 3:15). This act of love took subsequent and decisive turns as humanity marched towards her destiny to meet her God especially in the landmarks of her history, e.g. the Call of Abraham, the Promise, the Exodus, the Settlement in the Promised Land, Deliverance through the Judges, the Institution of the Monarchy, the Temple with her liturgies, the Ministry of the Prophets and the Renewed Israel of the Restoration. Israel was sorely tried in the Maccabean period but never lost hope in the deliverance and comfort of Yahweh—hence the importance of the Hannukkah. With the coming of Jesus the Messiah, in the early days of his public ministry, he announced that he was sent: to bring good news to the poor to proclaim liberty to captives recovery of sight to the blind to set the downtrodden free to proclaim the Lord’s year of favor (Luke 4:18–19a).

Trito-Isaiah had before then predicted that the Messiah was:

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The OVERTURE of the BOOK of CONSOLATIONS to comfort those who mourn to give them a garland instead of ashes, oil of gladness instead of mourning, the mantle of praise instead of a faint spirit (Isa 61:2c-3).

As Jesus taught, the crowd marveled at the gracious words that came from his lips (Luke 4:22). With his miracles they could acclaim that God had visited his people (Luke 7:16). He is the Servant of Yahweh who bore the sufferings of his people and carried their sorrows and by whose wounds they were healed (Isa 53:4–5). He suffered and died for them when they least deserved God’s love, when they were still sinners (Rom 5:6). The Consolation of God’s people was achieved by the Life, Death, Resurrection, Ascension, and Sitting at the right hand of God by Jesus; a mystery that will be consummated in the eschatology, when God will be all in all (1 Cor 15:28). God, the gentle Father and the God of all consolation, who comforts in all sorrows (2 Cor 1:3–4), will create a new heaven and a new earth, a place where righteousness will be at home (2 Pet 3:13). God will make his home among his people: he shall be their God and they his people. He shall truly be their Immanuel. God will wipe away all tears from their eyes: there will be no more death, no more mourning or sadness for the former things shall have passed away (Rev 21:4). Jesus will create the new and heavenly Jerusalem, a city of pure gold with walls of diamond. The foundations of the city wall will be adorned with precious stones and the twelve gates of twelve pearls. The city will not need the light of the sun or the moon as it will be lit by the radiant glory of God and the Lamb will be its torch (Cfr Rev 21:18–23). Then the oracle “Comfort, comfort my city” (Isa 40:1) will be fulfilled.

CHAPTER FIVE




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Isaiah 40:1–11: The Exegesis 1. 2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

“Comfort, comfort my city,” says your God. “Speak convincingly to Jerusalem and proclaim to her: that she has completed her service, that her iniquity is pardoned, that she has received from the hand of Yahweh adequate punishment for all her sins. A voice calls: “Prepare in the wilderness a way for Yahweh, make a straight highway in the desert for our God. Every valley shall be filled, and every mountain and hill laid low: the cliff shall become a plain, and uneven places level. Then the glory of Yahweh shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see his face: for the mouth of Yahweh has spoken.” A voice shouts: “Proclaim” And I said: “What shall I proclaim?” “All flesh is grass, and all its constancy is like the flower of the field. The grass withers: the flower fades, if the breath of Yahweh blows on them.


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80 8.

The grass withers: the flower fades, but the Word of our God endures for ever.” 9. Zion, bearer of good tidings, get you up on a high mountain. Jerusalem, bearer of good tidings, raise up your voice with strength. Raise it up, do not be afraid, proclaim to the cities of Judah: “Behold your God.” 10. Behold the Lord Yahweh comes with strength his arm rules for him. Behold, his reward is with him his trophies before him. 11 Like a shepherd he feeds flock, with his arm he gathers (it) He carries the lambs in the fold of his garments he gently leads the mother-ewes.

VV 1–2 COMFORT

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a!amû—The verb is the Piel, imptv, plural with the meaning “to comfort, to console.” The prophet deliberately uses the Piel to emphasize the intensity of comfort, while the imptv denotes the urgency of the command. The words of comfort are to be delivered forthwith. The opening word of the Book of Consolation is comfort and it summarizes the message and the purpose of the book. Tröstet . . . . . . hier liegt schon die ganze deuterojesanischen Botschaft in nuce.1

N!m also means to open up new sources of life; to renew, to renovate.2 The word of comfort causes a new beginning. The verb na!amû is repeated. The repetition is anadiplosis3 i.e., a repetition or reduplication for emphasis. Sometimes it is called epizeuxis, a figure of speech by which a word is repeated with vehemence or emphasis.4 Hence König says: Nachamu ist ein Beispiel von den rhetorischen Figur der Epizeuxis, die zur Verstärkung des Eindruchs dienen soll.5

Feldman says that the repetition is meant to highlight the unexpected, future but certain event. Nahamu wird wiederholt um die unerwatet kommende und auffällig erscheinende Auffoderung zu bekraftigen.6

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Repetition for emphasis is characteristic of Deutero-Isaiah not only with verbs: “Awake, awake” (51:9, 17; 52:1) “Depart, depart” (52:11), but also with the subject: “I, I Yahweh” (43:11); I, I myself (48:15); “It is I, it is I” (43:25); or with the accusative: “For my sake, for my sake alone” (48:11). Comfort strikes a note of compassion and urgency. The emphasis on comfort pervades many of the poems (51:12, 19; 52:9; 54:11). Moreover, the call to comfort is not once for all or momentary: it is repeated and considered as continuing. The verb na!amû is Piel imptv plural. How should the plural form be understood? Probably the voice was addressing a plurality of persons, e.g., priests, prophets, or even angels. The plural form could also be explained syntactically. Working with the hypothesis that the voice was addressing a plurality of people, three different categories emerge as possibilities—priests, prophets, and angels. Priests. The LXX interpreted the text as addressing priests and therefore supplied the word “hiereis, priests,” which was presumed missing. Consequently priests were commanded to console the people. This can be explained by the role that priests played in exilic and post-exilic Israel. But biblical tradition is not strong in assigning the role of comfort to priests. Priests have been known to carry out divine vendetta in Israel; either against a group (Exod 32:25–28) or against an individual (Num 25:1–9) and were consequently rewarded with everlasting priesthood (Exod 32:29; Num 25:10–13). During the Maccabean period, high priests who were sympathetic to Hellenism pursued vigorously their syncretistic and even idolatrous lifestyles at great cost: they caused much bloodshed to advance and hold to a position acquired through simony. In this they showed no mercy (2 Mac 4 & 5). The word “priests” is found only in the LXX tradition. It is obviously a gloss and other explanations should be sought. Prophets. The Targum is the great proponent of this hypothesis. We read: Prophets, prophesy consolations to my people, says your God.7

Rignell says: It is natural to think of this plurality as referring to the prophets who were especially called by the Lord to speak in his name.8

Though prophets threatened punishment and doom on account of the sins of the people—Gerichtspropheten—it was more in the line of the ministry of prophets to comfort and to console. Prophets were agents of comfort in dire

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times—Moses, Elijah, Elisha, Jeremiah, Ezekiel. Proto-Isaiah comforted Judah by predicting the destruction of Assyrian forces, thus unwittingly giving rise to the theology of Inviolability of Zion (Isa 37:33–38). The prophet, Nahum, by name and mission, was given the task to console Judah especially by predicting the downfall of Assyria. His book pulsates with hatred of Israel against the people of Assyria, the traditional enemy of Yahweh and of his people. The Consoler par excellence is Deutero-Isaiah who had the mission to console the Judeans of the Galuth. Angels. In the Old Testament, it was the angels who more than any group consoled the people: be it the people of God as a nation or individuals. God sent his angel to go before the Israelites (Exod 23:20, 23); angels brought them out of Egypt (Num 20:16) and drove out the Canaanites from the land (Exod 33:2). There are many more instances of angels comforting individuals: Hagar (Gen 16:7–11; 21:17), Abraham (Gen 22:11–14), Jacob (Gen 28:12), Manoah and wife (Judg 13:3–21), Tobit and family (Tob 12), Elijah (1 Kgs 19:5–8). In the New Testament an angel comforted Elizabeth and Zechariah (Luke 1:11–21), Joseph (Matt 1:20), the Shepherds (Luke 2:10– 13), Cornelius (Acts 10:4–6), Peter in prison (Acts 12:7–10) and even Jesus in his agony (Luke 22:43). But angels did punish in the Old Testament: Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen 19); the Israelites during the census (1 Sam 24:16, 17) and the Assyrians (2 Kgs 19:35). That angels could and did comfort is integral to biblical tradition. How then should the plural form be understood? It might not be necessary to look for other explanations if the matter could not be resolved syntactically; and apparently it can. Many scholars reason along this line. Penna says: Del resto, al plurale si può anche attribuire un valore puramente retorico e indefinitivo.9

However, it does appear that the plural form should not be reduced to mere rhetory: it has more weight than that. The plural form denotes intensity, certitude, fullness, and urgency. It does not designate plurality of persons but the intensity and fullness of consolation. It is pluralis amplitudinis.10 Der Plural nachamû ist weniger logisch als stimmungsmäβig zu fassen: es ist nicht an verschiedene Personen, sondern an die Häufung des Tröstens zu denken; in der Tat hat Dtjes. auf alle Weise zu ermutigen gesucht.11

It seems that since the plural form is to be understood as pluralis amplitudinis; it is correct to conclude that it is God who comforts. This is in con-

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sonance with OT tradition. In the face of all that Judah suffered before and during the exile, only the Lord of history can truly turn the tide in favor of his people. It is Yahweh, the Menachem of Israel, who comforts his city and its people. Volz goes further to conclude that the plural form indicates that the text is not dealing with the call of the prophet: Immerhin ist dieser Plural ein Anzeichen dafür daβ Dtjes. sich nicht so persönlich berufen.12

Knight thinks that the more accurate understanding of “comfort” is “to comfort out of trouble into joy.”13. Such interpretation could win some sympathy. However the message of the prophet is that though the destruction of Jerusalem, the deportation, the exile seemed like breaking the covenant, despite, behind, through, and within all that overwhelming catastrophe, God was present in it all as Israel’s God. Comfort includes not only relief from distress, but above all, invigoration, restoration, and courage. No complaint is made: rather the verb n!m while bringing the former things to an end, invites Israel to concentrate on the present. Comfort brings about a new beginning. Hence there is the felt need to cry out and proclaim salvation, and that is the comfort proclaimed by the prophet. Since comfort includes relief from distress, it reverses the mood prevalent in Lamentations. When used in the negative: “there is no one to comfort:” (Lam 1:2, 9), it means there is no helper. Comfort means that God is present with his omnipotent power to help and to save. Such consolation is found also in Isaiah 12:1; Jer 31:13; Zech 1:17. The cry which introduces the book points away from the lament of the vanquished nation implied in the question “who comforts you?” (Lam 2:13; Isa 51:19). Rather it is the exultant joy “For Yahweh has comforted his people” (Isa 49:13), and all the ends of the earth shall see the saving power of God (Ps 98:3). This comfort is of divine origin. It is not mere words for it is followed by a series of actions that create a new situation. Comfort is synonymous with salvation and redemption. The exiles could no longer say: By the rivers of Babylon there we sat and wept remembering Zion (Ps 137:1).

Rather those who went away weeping return with shouts of joy carrying their sheaves (Ps 126:6).


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The prophet insists on the need to speak up and cry out. The urgency to cry out and proclaim is found time and time again in the book and forms a leading characteristic of the prophet’s proclamation.14 Some of the characteristics of Deutero-Isaiah’s proclamation of comfort are as follows: • • •

It is Yahweh who comforts Yahweh comforts his city Jerusalem and his people Israel Comfort is urgent and persistent

Although “comfort” in the MT is in the Piel, the Vg translates it as Niphal “Consolamini,” which can be parsed not only as the passive form but also as the deponent: “consolari”—to give comfort. But the LXX does not translate with the passive or the middle voice and this translation is not supported by any ancient version or recension. The Niphal would make cami vocative, not the direct object of the verb. It would mean, therefore, that it was the people that was addressed and commanded to return to Jerusalem to rebuild the city on its ancient ruins. Codex A prima manus has láos—the vocative—instead of the accusative of the LXX. But cami should not be translated with the vocative. Moreover, in Deutero-Isaiah, the Piel form of n!m always governs a direct object (49:13; 51:3, 12, 19; 52:9). Other examples from the tradition of Isaiah can be adduced (12:1; 22:4; 61:2; 66:13). Above all cam is the direct object of n!m in 49:13; 52:9. Therefore, the Piel imptv is to be retained with cam as its direct object. c

ami. The general understanding of cam is “people, plebeian, common man.” It is to be distinguished from goy which usually refers to the gentile nation, sometimes derogatorily; whereas, cam is the term used frequently of Israel as the people of the covenant: Israel as the people of Yahweh her God. This relationship makes Israel belong to the “family of Yahweh,” and her “kinsman”. The verb cmam means “to be comprehensive, to include.”15 c

am means first and foremost “people, common man.” Basic to its root is “to be united with, to be related to” (Gen 11:6), which explains the preposition c im = with. It designates also a multitude of peoples (Gen 28:3; 48:4) or common people (Jer 21:7) or compatriots (Lev 19:18). It is found in the Ugaritic as cm16 and in the Akkadian as ammum, hammum17 to designate “people.” c

am emphasizes blood relationship or kinsmanship: it is a term for a paternal uncle (Num 27:13). When used of Yahweh and Israel, it means that the covenant relationship goes deeper than blood relationship. Hence Israel is

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c

am Yahweh (Num 11:29; 1 Sam 2:24) or cam segullah—a valued property, a peculiar treasure of Yahweh (Exod 19:5). Consequently cam is distinct from leummim—“peoples, nations of the earth”, from goy-goyim, “peoples” with special nuance of “being of the gentile stock” - with all its religious, social, and anthropological bias. The majority of scholars translate cami as “my people,” which Christopher North understands as the “community of God’s people.”18 In fact cami has been understood to designate a variety of peoples: “the exiles,” “Judaeans living in Jerusalem,” “an anonymous group—priests, prophets, and angels.” Jean Koenig says that Jerusalem which is parallel to cami refers first and foremost to the Judaean exiles to which this announcement is primarily destined: Noter la mention de Jerusalem, bien que l’annonce de la fin de l’exil intéresse en premier lieu les Juifs captifs a Babylone.19

But an important and compelling observation is that cam can mean “a city” as well. Dahood derives cam from the root cmm “to be strong, wise,” a cognate of cmg “to be wise, strong.” Dahood lists an impressionable number of twelve texts where cam should be translated as “city, fortress.”20 I will mention a few: TRADITIONAL TRANSLATION

THE NEW TRANSLATION

Deut 33:21 With Israel he executed his commands, the just decrees of Yahweh

Yahweh has executed his justice, and the Strong Ones of Israel his commands

1 Sam 17:42 For he was but a youth, ruddy and comely in appearance

For he was youthful and ruddy, strong (and) of attractive appearance

Ps 47:2 Clap your hands, all peoples, shout to God with loud shouts of joy

All you Strong Ones clap your hands, acclaim, you gods, with shouts of joy

Ps 47:10 The people of the God of Abraham Ps 77:16 With your own arm redeeming your people the sons of Jacob and Joseph Ps 89:19 I have set the crown upon one who is mighty I have exalted one chosen from the people

The God of Abraham is the Strong One You redeemed with your powerful arm the sons of Jacob and Joseph

I preferred a lad to a warrior I exalted a youth above a strong man.

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Van Dijk follows suit and enumerates a few more striking examples, some of which are listed below: Mic 1:9 For her wound is incurable . . . it has reached the gate of my people, to Jerusalem

The plague has reached the gate of my city, Jerusalem

Obadiah v. 13 You have not entered the gate of my people in the day of their ruin

You should not have entered the gate of my city on the day of its calamity

Isa 52:9 Break forth together into singing you ruins of Jerusalem for Yahweh of Jerusalem has comforted his people he has redeemed Jerusalem

Break forth together into singing you ruins of Jerusalem for Yahweh has comforted his city He has redeemed Jerusalem

Ezk 26:2 Aha! the gates of the peoples are broken

Aha! broken are the gates of the city

Isa 2:6 For you have rejected your people the house of Jacob

For you have rejected your Fortress O house of Jacob.21

In the Ugaritc we read: ‘bdk b lwsnd (w?) bsr cm (-) mlk Your servant strengthened the royal city in Lawasand.22

BDB commenting on Judg 18:7 says that the word yošebeth must agree with the last word city or the like.23 The translation of am with “city” is confirmed by the parallelism in the MT: Comfort, comfort my city, says your God Speak convincingly to Jerusalem

a-a-a’ á-á-á

These are only a few instances which indicate that an alternative or even a better translation can be achieved. With such overwhelming examples we conclude that here cam should be translated as “city” not “people.” This does not mean that each occurrence of cam in Deutero-Isaiah should be translated as city. There are instances where such a translation would be unacceptable (43:8, 20, 21; 51:7; 52:4–6). Merendino, while acknowledging the contributions of Dahood and Van Dijk and also aware that cam can not always be translated as “city” and that

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in 51:16, 22 it can be so translated but not necessarily, concludes that there is not so much difference in translating it either way and so retained the popular translation “people.” Dem Sinn nach würde sich auf jeden Fall nichts ändern; so bleiben wir am besten bei der Ubersetzung mit “Volk.”24

It would not be correct to say that there is not much of a difference between “city” and “people”: in fact, there is a lot. It is the city that is first and foremost to be comforted not the people. It highlights the importance and the preeminence of Jerusalem/Zion in the theology of Deutero-Isaiah. “Jerusalem” and “my people” are two distinct realities. By comforting the city, salvation is complete and total. If the Judaeans were liberated but Jerusalem not rebuilt, could that be called “shalom” in biblical sense? To say that Jerusalem stands for the people has no basis in Old Testament theology; rather it is found in the New Testament (Gal 4:26; Heb 12:22; Rev 21:2,10). To comfort Jerusalem means that the exiles would return with the sacred vessels; the temple and the city walls rebuilt; Jewish way of life reorganized. God would create Jerusalem “Joy” and her people “Gladness.” To die at hundred would be dying young. Yahweh would wipe away all tears. Paradaisical peace would be found on God’s holy mountain (Cfr Isa 65:19– 25). With cam translated as “city” not “people,” the possibility of understanding cam as the vocative can no longer be considered. Snaith who gave serious thought to considering cam as vocative says: The most that can be established is that “my people” is probably, though not certainly, vocative and thus “my people” is bidden to comfort Jerusalem.25

He goes on further to say that if “my people” were the ones to be comforted, then “my people” would be identified with Jerusalem, which he denied. Hence “my people” are those who are back to Jerusalem or about to be on the way back, bringing comfort to the ruined city.26 It is obvious that the opinion of Snaith cannot be sustained under the weight of modern research. cam meaning “city” gives the best sense and concords perfectly with Deutero-Isaian theology. Yōmar. If is the impf of ‘āmar. The imperfect as opposed to the perfect represents an action, an event, or a state that is still in process. The action continues for a longer or shorter time: it is an incomplete, an imperfect or repetitive action. In the context, Yahweh is repeatedly and for some length of

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time commanding the prophet to comfort the city. “The call is not a single momentary one, it is repeated or at least continuing.”27 Yōmar should not be translated with the future because no one can predict what God will say: Kein wahrer Prophet hat sich angemaβt, im voraus zu wissen, was Gott ihm in Zukunft zu Weiterkündignung sagen werde.28

Probably it was to avoid the apparent difficulty that the Targum reads ‘amar. In English it is translated as historic present. But why is the action repeated? Probably to convince the doubting nay incredulous exiles about the certainty and the immediacy of their redemption. The command comes from God who is omnipotent and wants to grant salvation. ‘amar in the impf. predicated of God, is characteristic of the school of Isaiah (1:11, 18; 33:10; 40:1, 25; 41:21; 66:9). Elohēkem, “Your God,” is found three times in the writings of DeuteroIsaiah: 35:4; 40:1, 9. It is a covenantal term and recalls the Bundesformel. This covenantal language identifies the speaker as “Your God” and the two possessive suffixes present the two aspects of the relationship: “my city;” “your God.” It is Yahweh who entered into covenantal relationship with Israel who is proclaiming comfort to his city: Yahweh intervenes because of the covenant. It is Yahweh indeed who announces the end of the exile: Voici que votre Dieu vous annonce la fin de l’exil.29

The Covenant Formula goes back to the Exodus (Exod 19:6), even though it is most frequent in Jeremiah, Ezekiel and P. Even among prophets of judgment, Yahweh speaks about “my people” though sometimes caustically about “this people” (Isa 6:9; Jer 6:19; Ps 95:10), but in moment of reconciliation the Lo ammi “not-my-people” of Hosea (1:9) becomes the “people of God.” I will have pity on Not Pitied I will say to Not-My-People “You are my people” And he will answer “You are my God (Hos 2:23)

“Your God” is not the usual “messenger formula” like “thus says Yahweh,” which frequently authenticates the prophetic message: rather it is part of the message. It is the word of God as spoken. The term “your God” used here is more intimate than “says Yahweh.” Intimacy, pathos, and tender love are characteristics of Deutero-Isaiah.

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Moreover, the number and variety of references to God reflect the theocentricity of the prophet’s thoughts in the Overture. It appears as “your God” vv 1, 9; “our God” vv 3, 8; “Yahweh” (five times) vv 2, 3, 5, (two times), 7; “the Lord Yahweh”, once in v.10. Salvation will come from no other than Yahweh himself. Dabbrû cal-Lēb. The preposition cal besides meaning “upon” can also mean “towards.” Though rarer in use, it is nonetheless more forceful and expressive. Such usage is found in Jer 11:2 and 25:2. It is used especially in addressing persons. Sometimes it has the sense of “to over-power” (GK 119 dd). Hence we can translate literally: “Speak to the heart of Jerusalem.”

This expression is found eight times in the MT: Gen 34:3; 50:21; Judg 19:3; Ruth 2:13; 2Sam 19:8; 2 Chr 30:22; Hos 2:16; and of course, Isa 40:2. It can mean

—words that soothe the heart in times of sorrow (Gen 34:3) —words of assurance (Gen 50:21) or encouragement (2 Chr 30:22) —to win back affection (Judg 19:3) —to woo (Hos 2:16) —to speak kindly (Ruth 2:13)

Taken literally, it would mean that the prophet was to speak words of encouragement, assurance, and love that would turn sorrow into joy. . . . . mit Worten das Herz überdecken und so das vor Trauer und Sorge aufgeret Klopfende Herz zur Ruhe bringen.30

But the word, Leb, “heart,” is not the seat of feeling but of reasoning. It can also mean “brains”. Physical and ethical functions are considered to be just as appropriate to the bodily organs to the psychological, with the result that there can be ascribed to the heart everything which popular thought ascribes to the brain.31

“Speak to the brains of Jerusalem” means “to speak convincingly, to appeal to the motive power of the person.” The imperatives accentuate the omnipotent power of God to bring this to fulfillment. Moreover, in 47:7, “Put to heart” is parallel to “remember.” In Proto-Isaiah, the prophet in the augural vision is asked “to go and tell this people” (6:9) and this is followed by an oracle of judgment (vv 6–13). Proto-Isaiah begins his ministry with threat of punishment which distances


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Yahweh from his people. But here we have an oracle of comfort and consolation: the prophet is charged with the proclamation that brings forgiveness and restoration. A new order is established: the covenant is not revoked. The prophet is commanded to speak convincingly to Jerusalem. Why does he attempt to convince Jerusalem that is so far away and not the exiles who live with him in Babylonia and are witnesses of the imminent work of salvation that Yahweh is working through Cyrus? Deutero-Isaiah, true to the theology of the school of Isaiah, has Jerusalem/Zion as one of the foundational bedrocks of his theology. Though the salvific act may begin in Babylonia, it will terminate in Zion. There the exiles will witness the consummation of the miraculous exodus. There the citizens of Judah will exclaim: “Here is your God.” Yahweh commands the prophet to speak convincingly to Jerusalem with a triple proclamation found in 2b and 2c namely: ! ! !

that she has served her bondage that her iniquity is pardoned that she has received adequate punishment for all her sins

The two clauses form a synonymous parallelism and are rhymed expressions of the same situation. Each proclamation begins with the particle ki which is ki explicativum. Meredino, however, thinks that ki can be translated as “lo, behold:” Die Partikel, “ki”. . . . .kann daher wortlich mit “siehe, da” übersetzt werden.”32

He goes on to give his syntactical explanation of the particle ki. He says that the three sentences give the reason for the comfort not the good news itself. Diese drei Sätze als Begrundung und nicht als Botschaft aufzufassen sind.33

But typical of Deutero-Isaiah, the text says more than giving explanations for the comfort. First of all, it announces the good news as reality coming from God: then it gives reasons why credence should be given to his proclamation. But how is Jerusalem to be comforted? The generality of scholars believes that Jerusalem stands for the people. Knight says that Jerusalem symbolizes the people.34 Like other cities Jerusalem is regarded as a feminine entity. Penna says that the geographical name is used as synechdoche for the people and indicates the original not the actual habitation of the exiled people.35 Feldmann adds

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Jerusalem bezeichnet nicht die Trümmern liegende Stadt, sondern das dazu gehörige Volk.36

Is it Jerusalem, a geographical reality, the city destroyed in 586 or is it the people that are to be comforted? If the people, does it refer to the Judaean exiles in Babylonia or the Judaeans in Jerusalem? Volz thinks that Jerusalem does not designate a city but an idea: Ganz deutlich ist Jerusalem für Dtjes, heir nicht ein Ort sondern eine Idee.37

Volz believes that Jerusalem as concept was first found in Isaiah 28:16 but perfected by Deutero-Isaiah. Moreover, by “Jerusalem” is to be understood the city in Palestine (40:9) whose towers and walls he speaks about (49:16, 19). Jerusalem would, therefore, be the entire community; the community of the past, present, and future; the community to be redeemed; the symbol of God’s choice. When Deutero-Isaiah speaks about Jerusalem/Zion, Israel/Jacob, they are raised from earthbound reference to symbolize the people of God, the kingdom of God. Wesentlich durch Dtjes sind diese Wörter Jerusalem, Zion, Israel, Jacob aus ihrem festumrissenen irdischen Boden heraus-gehoben und zu Gleichniswörten für Volk Gottes, Reich Gottes, umgebildet worden.38

But the Jerusalem addressed is the city that was destroyed and almost abandoned in 586 B.C. Even though the cream of the population was either executed or deported, the threat of Proto-Isaiah that “where a thousand vines used to grow,. . . . .all would be briars and thorns, and men would go in there with bows and arrows” (Cfr 7: 23–24) - was not literally fulfilled. For people lived in and around Jerusalem and sacrifices were offered on the temple ruins (Jer 41:4–5). Those relying on the covenant and the promises, hoped and longed for the restoration of the city. Just as in the days of Zedekiah, Judaeans longed and pined for the return of Jehoiachin with the sacred vessels (Jer 28), now the Jerusalemites are asked to expect comfort from Yahweh which would include the return of the exiles with the sacred loot from the temple, the rebuilding of the temple, of the city, of the city walls, and the reorganization of Jewish life. 2b. The prophet is commanded to proclaim to the city that she has served her sentence. Mal’âh. The MT has māleāh which is the second person feminine sg of the qatal of ml’a, “she has filled”, but this is the only place where sābā, always masculine, is treated as feminine. IQIsa saw the difficulty and read ml’a


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without the final h. BHS proposes mill’âh, i.e., Piel perf. second person feminine. Dahood does not see the need for textual emendation for mal’eāh can be upheld as archaic Canaanite qatala, employed here for the sake of symmetry and assonance with nirsah in the second colon.39

We agree with Dahood and leave the text as it is, translating the text as “she has completed her service.” Sābā’. As a verb, it means “to wage war, to wage war with.” As a noun, it means “army, war, warfare, hosts, service”.40 In more ancient biblical texts it meant “military service” or anything to do with warfare but in much later texts as here, it could mean “hardship, hard labor” In Job 7:1; 14:14 it means “difficulty, hardship, misery,” Motyer calls it “a period of duress.”41 Sābā’ means also service enjoined on a fully grown Levite, when he takes his turn of service at the Sanctuary (Num 4:3, 30, 35) and also of service rendered by women in the sanctuary (Exod 38:2; 2 Sam 2:22), though the service of Levites should not be called “forced labor.” Sābā’ is a painful period of trial, a period of duress. It would not be correct to imagine that in Babylonia the Judaeans were cruelly treated and oppressed as the Hebrews in Egypt (Exod 1–11). Rather the LXX translation with tapenōsis which means “abasement, humiliation, violation, or low condition”42 emphasizes mental anguish, humiliation, and degradation that went with the exile. The text teaches that the long period of humiliation of the exile has come to an end. Nirsah is Niphal of rsh which means “to be pleased with, to accept favorably.” In the Niphal, it means “to be accepted” and the verb is found in the Niphal only once in Deutero-Isaiah. B-D-B translates Isa 40:2 as “her punishment is accepted.”43 Rsh is also a cultic term (Lev 1:4; 7:18; 19:7; 22:23, 25, 27). The term that P uses to indicate forgiveness is rsh and it is used in P 18 times out of 27 times of its occurrence. The text can be understood in two different ways: ! !

that Israel has atoned satisfactorily for her iniquities that the punishment she received has been favorably accepted

Israel was indeed chastised for her infidelities. Initially, she resisted, questioning God’s justice (2 Kgs 24:3; Jer 31:29; Ezek 18:2; Lam 5:7), attributing the punishment to the sins of her ancestors; but with the ministry of the prophets of exile, she repented of her crimes, especially of idolatry. It would not be impossible for later traditions to see in the humiliation of the exile a cultic reparation for her sins.

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How should nirsah be understood? Did Israel de facto make adequate reparation for her sins or did God in his mercy accept the token suffering of the exile, not as quid pro quo, but as an inevitable means of impressing on Israel the enormity of her sins; after which, he pardoned her? Some scholars, relying heavily on the cultic language of P adopt a legalistic interpretation—that the debt has been paid off, that Israel has made good her deficiency. Israel has paid in suffering for his accumulated sin, his exile has given satisfaction for it, and the debt is wiped out, or the deficiency brought about by sin is made good.44

Young says that the debt of her iniquity has been paid.45 Rignell considers the exile as a cultic service offered to God, comparable to the services of Levites.46 The text does not imply that since Israel suffered during the exile, thus she paid the price for her sins. Forgiveness is always divine favor which no action of Israel can merit. Forgiveness is a gift like the covenant. Yahweh accepted favorably the sufferings of the exile, not as quid pro quo, but rather, through the exile, Israel had her metanoia and returned to God. The exile taught Israel the unforgettable lesson of enormity of sin. Awonah “her iniquity”: Awon means “iniquity, guilt, or punishment for iniquity”. The etymology is disputed ‘wy/cw. Awon is a deeply religious term, almost always used to indicate grave moral guilt before God and rarely before human beings (1 Sam 20:1, 8; 25:24). The term occurs 231 times in the MT mainly in prophetic and cultic texts; Ezek—44x Pss—31x Jer—24x Isa 40–66–15x P—27x Job—15x Hosea—11x In earlier works, awon is used for transgressions against others, which prompted drastic reprisals for the perpetrators, e.g., fratricide (Gen 4:13), presumed disloyalty (1 Sam 20:1). But it is used more for sins against God like rebellion (Num 18:1), or cultic sacrilege (1 Sam 3:13–17). Surprisingly pre-exilic prophets avoid the use of awon.

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Awon in its plural form sometimes serves as a summary for all sins against God (Lev 16:22). It is a key term in confession of sins. Often it is found with sin (ht’) and transgression (pš’) and these three words often occur together in the same context—13x in the MT, to denote the sins, iniquities, and failing of the people. Awon is something terrible. It carries with it the curse of destruction both of the object and of the perpetrator. Iniquity has a self, efficacious, combatative power which “finds’ the perpetrator (2 Sam 21:1) not resting until the malefactor is executed (2 Sam 21:6–9) or consumed in his awon (Gen19:23– 25). Awon implies a breach of covenant relationship. It has the power of perdition and Israelites drag it along with cords of falsehood: Woe to those who draw punishment on themselves with an ox’s halter and sin as with a chariot’s traces (Isa 5:18).

Because Israel is a sinful nation, a people weighed down by guilt, a breed of wrong-doers, perverted sons (Isa 1:4) laden with sin; they will ultimately harvest death (Isa 22:14). Because of their misdeeds, Adam and Eve were banished from Eden (Gen 3:23); Cain became a restless wanderer (Gen 4:12) and was banished from divine presence (Gen 4:16); and humanity was destroyed by the deluge (Gen 6 & 7). Divine anger awakens where there is iniquity: Angered by his wicked brutality I hid my face, and struck him in anger (Isa 57:17).

The iniquity of the iniquitous is inscribed always before Yahweh who will not be silent until he has settled account with them (Isa 65:6), paying them them back in full as they deserve (v 7). Iniquity creates a gulf between Israel and her God (Isa 59:2) and they will experience their awonot (Isa 59:12). Trito-Isaiah enumerates some of the awonot of the people—rebellion, denial, turning back on God, treachery and revolt, lies, justice withheld, integrity brought to its knees, uprightness forbidden entrance (Isa 59:13–14). The awonot of Israel is more grevious than those of the nations, hence Israel was punished more severely because of the covenant: You alone, of all the families of the earth have I acknowledged, therefore it is for all your sins that I mean to punish you (Amos 3:2).

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This makes atonement for iniquity extremely difficult, especially as Israel did not offer the prescribed sacrifices of reparation but rather burdened Yahweh with more sins and troubled him with her iniquities (Isa 43:22–24). Israel has had the unenviable record of sin—the fathers sinned, the mediators rebelled, the princes profaned the sanctuary (Isa 43:27). It was not Yahweh but Israel, who by her iniquities sold herself to foreign domination and misery. Since Israel by her self could do nothing to bring about the restoration of the covenant relationship, only Yahweh who is all tenderness and compassion, slow to anger and abounding in steadfast love and faithfulness, ready to relent (Joel 2:13), who keeps steadfast love for the thousandth generation, forgiving iniquity, transgressions and sin (Exod 34:6–7) could forgive. Hence the prayer of Michah is very enlightening: What god can compare with you: taking fault away pardoning crime not cherishing anger for ever but delighting in showing mercy? Once more have pity on us, tread down our faults, to the bottom of the sea throw all our sins. (Mich 7:18–190.

Yes only Yahweh could say: I, I am He who blots out your transgressions for my own sake, I will not remember your sins (Isa 43:25)

It is Yahweh who forgave Israel all her sins and iniquities, ushering a new era of renewed covenantal relationship with her God. Kiplaim. It is the dualized form of kepel from the root kapal which means “to double, to double over.”47 The root is found in Ugaritic to signify “duality, twofold,”48 in the Aramaic as kepal. The dual is found again only in Job 11:6. The word has a synonym : mišneh “twofold.” Taking the text literally, one would be forced to conclude that Yahweh exacted double punishment; that Israel paid twice over for her sins. Ernest J. How with the majority of exegetes would not subscribe to such interpretation.49 W.D. Morris in trying to solve the problem suggested that the text be amended from kiplaim to kippurim, “atonement” reading Resh instead of Lamedh with the meaning that Israel received from Yahweh’s hand atonement for her sins.50 Von Rad translates the term as “equivalent.”51

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There is no sufficient exegetical or philological reason for tampering with the consonantal text which is quite clear in itself. Such an emendation is not supported by any MSS nor has it any serious follower. In the Old Testament, twofold is usually demanded as punishment for any sin: twofold is demanded for a stolen ox, donkey, or sheep (Exod 22:4), or any stolen object (Exod 22:7) or for breach of trust (Exod 22:9). Yahweh repays double for wickedness (Jer 16:18) and the enemies of Jeremiah are to be destroyed twice over (Jer 17:18). In certain instances, a fourfold or even fivefold restitution is imposed. If a man steals an ox or a sheep and then slaughters or sells it, he must pay five oxen for the ox, four sheep for the sheep (Exod 21:37).

Hence David demanded a four-fold restitution for the ewe-lamb (2 Sam 12:6) The fourfold restitution promised by Zachaeus (Luke 19:8) indicates more than enough satisfaction for any unjust act he may have committed. Sometimes Yahweh threatens a sevenfold punishment and this is found four times in Lev 26:18–28. An example: And if in spite of this, you do not listen to me, I will punish you sevenfold (v 18). . . . I will set myself against you in fury and punish you sevenfold for your sins (v 28).

But seven is a symbolic number denoting fullness or perfection. From the above texts, it becomes evident that “double” should not be understood mathematically. Nous cherchons là aucune précision mathématique, voyons—y plutôt une figure rhétorique.52

Neither is one to understand that Israel atoned both for the nations’ sin and for that of the Gentiles.53 In Deutero-Isaiah vicarious atonement is found only in the Servant Songs which is a literature by itself. Consequently Penna believes that here we have a simple hyperbole “Abbiamo una semplice iperbole.”54 The text says that Israel suffered and was humiliated during the exile and Yahweh accepted her sufferings for her sins. Israel could not even be said to have suffered adequately because of her interminable complaints (Isa 49:14; 50:1–3) and obstinacy (Isa 48:4) during the exile especially as she was reluctant to admit her guilt, evident from the maxim that was commonplace among the exiles. The fathers have eaten unripe grapes, and the children’s teeth are set on edge (Jer 31:29; Ezek 18:2)

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Initially, the exile was attributed to the sins of the ancestors (Lam 5:7; 2 Kgs 24:3), especially to the sins of King Manasseh. However, the punishment meted out was satisfactory for the purpose intended and was favorably received. It is the gratuitous pardon of Yahweh that brought about Israel’s redemption. The new exodus is an undeserved gift from God. Even though she was “doubly” punished, she will be doubly blessed (Isa 61:7; Zech 9:12b). For all her Sins: Sin is a very important theme in Old Testament theology and especially in Deutero-Isaiah. In the MT there are at least fifty words to designate sin. The most generic and most embracing of all is !t which is the word used in our text. !t is widely attested to in Semitic languages with a dominant use in religious contexts. It is found in the Aramaic !t’, in the Ugaritic !t’ and in the Akkadian as !atǔ.55 In its various forms, it has the various meanings: Qal—to miss the mark, to sin, to commit a sin Piel—to bear loss, to make a sin offering, to purify Hiphil—to miss the mark, to cause to sin Hithpael—to miss oneself, to purify oneself. The derivates are: !t = sin !a tt ā’â = a sinful thing !a tt ā’t = a sinful state, punishment for sin, a sin offering The plethora of Hebrew terms and their ubiquitous presence in the Hebrew Bible testify to the fact that it was a dominant concern of Israelite theologians.56

As concept for sin, the root !t with all its derivatives occurs at least 593 times in the MT, covering a range of meaning—sin, sinner, and sin offering. It can be translated as “erring, fault, guilt, offense, or crime.” It can have a non-theological meaning. . . .”every one could sling a stone at a hair and not miss it” (Judg 20:16). It is also used for a person missing the road—(Prov 19:2) or missing nothing in the fold—(Job 5:24). But the term has a very strong spiritual and moral sense in biblical faith. The theological sense comes into play when the offense is committed against God even inadvertently (2 Sam 6:7; Lev 5:15–19; 12:1–8) or in cult (Lev 10:1–5). Hence one must be cleansed of all sin to stand in the presence of God (Lev 16:30). Sin implies rupture in relationship. Sin is invariably pun-


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ished and the relationship between sin and its consequences is illustrated in the use of the nominal derivatives which may signify sin or punishment. Other terms to signify sin are: pš’ = rebel, transgress tāmē’ = unclean These three terms—sin, transgression, and iniquity often go together and are usually found together in the rite of confession of sins. Sometimes sin can stand for all offenses as in our text: She has received from the hand of God adequate punishment for all her sins. The broad meaning of the word can be seen in its frequent usage with kol to indicate totality of offenses. Sin and the threat of exile are found in the Pentateuch especially in the later documents. D & P (Lev 26:18, 21, 24, 28; Deut 28:49–68) warn that disobedience will result in exile. Yahweh who drove out the Canaanites (grš—a harsh word) will walk (hlk) his people to other lands (Jer 22:10). Israel’s desert wandering presents an important aspect of Old Testament teaching on sin: i.e., lack of faith. Distrusting Yahweh and trusting on the report of the spies (Num 14:4) they will bear the burden of their iniquity and sin and wander restlessly for forty years.57 The destruction of the people is predicted as inevitable because of the people’s iniquities—their unwillingness to return to Yahweh (Isa 6:10, 12). Hence “my people will go into exile” (Isa 5:13; Cfr Tob 4:14), because her sins have separated her from her God. Though the exile was caused by sin, (Jer 13:19–2; Lam 1:5; Ezek 39:33); with divine forgiveness, Israel is once again a holy people, a covenanted people. Israel will not return to Egypt (Cfr Hos 8:13) but will return to the land of Israel. Salvation, announced by the triple proclamation of forgiveness, begins a new age. The new covenant of Jeremiah 31:31–34 is motivated by God’s forgiveness. I will forgive their iniquity and never call their sins to mind (v. 34).

Forgiveness means not just the end of judgment but the restoration of covenant relationship. In their exile, God will remember the covenant with their fathers and have mercy on them (Lev 26:44–45) and bring them back home (Deut 30:2–4). What led to “service” and exile was the sin/iniquity of the people. Israel did not go into exile because she was vanquished by a superior or a betterequipped army. There is no radical divorce of religion from politics, and an understanding of history without religion is impossible in Israel.

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Hence God and history are linked inseparably thus making sin and forgiveness apply not only to individuals but to the nation as well. The three sentences carry the same message—forgiveness of sins. So important is this theme for Smart that he says: The focal point of these verses is not primarily comfort, but rather, forgiveness . . . A people that had separated itself from God by its sins has now been restored to God’s fellowship by his forgiveness. Therefore, the comfort being offered to Israel is this great, life-encompassing comfort, that whereas they have been dying daily in the futility of their Godforsakeness, they can now live and lay hold upon a meaningful future as a people whose God is with them.58

Attractive though this theory may appear, it does not seem correct. The proclamation of the prophet is not negative—forgiveness of sin—but salvation and restoration of Israel. Salvation, however, will not be meaningful if all sins were not forgiven. So Israel is to be comforted because the cause of her misery and exile— sin—has been removed. She has been granted a new start. Indeed, Yahweh has pity on Zion, has pity on all her ruins; turns her desolation into an Eden her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh. Joy and gladness shall be found in her, thanksgiving and the sound of music (Isa 51:3).

The prophet continues to say: Those whom Yahweh has ransomed return, they come to Zion shouting for joy, everlasting joy in their faces; joy and gladness go with them sorrow and lament are ended (Isa 51:11).

v

VV 3–5 A HIGHWAY FOR YAHWEH

v 1–2 has been called “the prologue of the Prologue”, and it presents salvation from a negative viewpoint—completion of service and pardon of sins. The remaining nine verses of the Overture present salvation positively and from many perspectives. This literary unit, vv 3–5, begins abruptly with qôl qôrē and these two words are anacrusis i.e., a syllable or word at the beginning of a verse before the just rhythm. The meter is 2+2; 2+2; 3+3; 3+3+3 and there is a crescendo culminating in a final tristich.

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The unit has two imperatives (v 3) and two jussives (v 4a). The climax is the revelation of the glory of Yahweh and the power of divine word is acclaimed. The power of the word is reiterated in 55:10–11. The theocentric character is emphasized by divine name being mentioned four times in the unit. The unit introduces a new factor—a voice—which is vague and cryptic. The voice is anonymous and was deliberately left so. Who the crier is remains veiled in mystery: his person disappears in the splendor of his calling, retires into the background before the contents of his cry.59

The crier is mysterious and enigmatic. Rignell says it may be the voice of an angel but the command is that of the Lord60 .From the context, however, it is obvious that the message is more important than the identity of the speaker. The voice is certainly not that of Yahweh since the command is to prepare a highway for our God. Deutero-Isaiah deliberately masked the speaker so that emphasis be on the message not on the herald. The LXX reads: “A voice of one crying in the desert” and this is followed by the four gospel traditions (Matt 3:3; Mark 1:3; Luke 3:4; John 1:23) and interpreted of John the Baptist, thus placing the emphasis on the voice than on the message. But this tradition is unique to the LXX; it is not followed by the Targum. We follow the MT which is more ancient and not the lone voice of the LXX. Some commentators instead of translating “a voice of one crying” simply translate with “Lo, hark”61 or “Horch, da ruft einer”62 or “Horch” oder “Horcht.”63 GKC says that qôl with a following genitive at the beginning of a sentence should be taken as an acclamation and translated as “Hark” (n. 146b). Delitsch even goes further: Do not translate: a voice cries; the two words stand in st. construct and form . . . . . . an interjectional sentence.64

It does appear that the text becomes clearer if translated as “Behold, look” and we prefer that translation. bammidbar in the wilderness. midbar, Hebrew; mdbr ugaritic; 65 madbaru akkadian;66 is translated as “steppe, wilderness.” It occurs 271x in the MT, always in the singular, out of which eight times in the Book of Consolations. The wilderness is a semi-arid plain with grassy coverage, a tract of land for pasturage of flocks and herds (Ps 65:13; Jer 23:10; Joel 2:10). That it is partially habitable is its distinctive feature, though it can also stand for an uninhabited land where no one dwells (Job 38:26), an abode of pelicans (Ps

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102:7); of wild asses (Job 24:5; Jer 2:24); of jackals (Mal 1:30, or place of pits (Gen 37:22) and of thorns (Judg 8:7). midbar can designate any large area of land like the Syrian (Isa 40:3) or Sinai deserts (Judg 11:12) or any barren or uncultivated land near Edom (2 Kgs 3:8); Moab (Num 21:11) or Beersheva (Num 21:14). Another word to be studied, occurring side by side with midbar is c arābâh, “a desert plain, a desert plateau,”67 The term occurs 59x in the MT and seven times as parallelismus membrorum of midbar (Isa 35:1,6; 40:3; 41:19; 51:3; Jer 2:6; 17:6). As a region, it consists of the Jordan Valley; the Dead Sea area and the stretch of land from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Eilath. ‘arabah does not have the positive note of vegetation, hence grazing land is never used of carābâh. The desert is awe-inspiring. The howling wilderness is great and terrible, characterized by its aridity and barreness. It inspires aversion and revulsion, conjures debilitating thirst, hunger, and above all death. The desert is aptly described in Num 20:5. Why did you lead us out of Egypt, only to bring us to this evil place? It is a place unfit for sowing, it has no figs, no vines, no pomegranates, and there is not even water to drink.

The desert is fiendish and terrible, the abode of fiery and enormous serpents and scorpions (Deut 8:15), a constant reminder of danger, hardship, relentless and unforgiving foe, and above all of death. Criminals, outlaws, and bandits inhabit it, demons make it their habitat while the scapegoat is driven into it. The desert is the Syrian Arabic desert which is100,000 square miles, hilly in the center and northeast, mostly over 2000 feet and intersected with numerous wadis most running east-west. The text commands that a way be prepared for Yahweh in the wilderness, a highway across the desert for our God. A journey is usually not through the desert but by the desert, but in our text, the journey is through the desert. To prepare a way by making it straight, level, and viable is a common event in ancient times. In the Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon Col I line 54 we read: You will set a fair path at his feet.68

The desert is death dealing. To make the desert fit for humans, all features that make travel impossible or extremely difficult have to be eliminated—valleys, mountains, hills, steppe, rough places. The mastery of the

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very seat of sterility reveals to all flesh the heavenly supremacy or glory of God. The use of creation language and of the First Exodus and Conquest is self evident. pannû. it comes from the verb pānâh; to pass away, to banish.” In the Piel it means “to turn away, put out of the way, make clear, clear things scattered about, free from obstacles.”69 yaššrû. Piel imptv of yāšar “to make straight”—North says it means to make straight as the crow flies.70 derekh comes from the root dārakh “to march” which primarily means repeated movement of feet on a path.71 It is found in the Ugaritic drk “to tread, to march”72 and in the akkadian as daraggu the verb being daraku meaning “to follow.”73 derekh is found 706x in the MT used primarily as a stretch of road or movement across the country. Besides meaning a road it can designate “a style, custom, conduct, behavior, strength, might.”74 mesillâh comes from the root sll “to lift up, bank up.75 mesillah is a highway built up above the ground. While derekh could mean a road of any description, even a pathway or a footpath beaten by constant movement of feet, which by its nature would be winding and tortuous, mesillah is a well planned, a well built up road bed. This implies that the road is widened, straightened and raised above ground level. It has to be banked up and cleared of stones (Isa 62:10). Highways, mesillah, are built not only in cities (Isa 7:3) but also over land between cities, eg., from Bethel to Shechem (Judg 21:19); from Gibeah to Bethel and Gibeon (Judg 20:31–32); between Ekron and Bethshemesh (1 Sam 6:12). A mesillah could run north to south through Edom (Num 20:19); and above all widely separated countries could be linked by a mesillah (1 Sam 19:23; Isa 11:16). A Moabite inscription speaks of hmslt.bcrnn., “the highway in Arnon.” Making a road through the wilderness, a highway across the desert, is no easy task. In ancient times maintenance of roads was not the responsibility of governments. In fact, there were very few major roads—what was commonplace was a pedestrian track. It was only from the period of the Persians that the construction of a network of roads through the empire was initiated. Babylonia did not have such roads. But in the event of a military expedition, or a visit of a monarch to any part of the province, citizens were summoned to communal work so that the king and his entourage traverse the territory with comfort and in relative ease. Roads were widened, obstacles removed, hills leveled and valleys raised.

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Eastern monarchs, undertaking a journey especially through desert and unpracticed countries, sent harbingers to prepare everything for the passage; pioneers to open passes; level the ways and remove all impediments. The officers appointed to superintend such preparations, the Latins call stratores Diodorus’ account of Semiramis marches into Media and Persia gives a vivid description of a royal expedition of this nature. In her march to Ecbatanae she came to the Zarcean mountain; which extending many furlongs, and being full of craggy precipices and deep hollows, could not be passed without taking a great compass about. Being therefore desirous of leaving an everlasting memorial of herself, as well as of shortening the way, she ordered the precipices to be digged down, and the hollows to be filled up; and at a great expense she made a shorter and more expeditious road, which to this day is called from her the Road of Semiramis. (cfr Robert Lowth, Isaiah, New Translation. Cambridge: 1834, p.313).

Nebuchadrezzar called the cedars of Lebanon, “the luxurious forest of Marduk” and he felled them because Marduk desired them as fitting adornment for the palace of the ruler of heaven and earth. To transport them to Babylon he said: I cut through steep mountains, I split rocks, opened passages and (thus) I constructed a straight road for the (transport of the) cedars. (ANET, 307).

In Babylon, however, there was a processional highway for Marduk, used on the New Year festival. These triumphal highways were prepared for a god or his viceroy, the king. These imposing highways were symbols of Babylonian power and dominance. These were called “the highway of the gods.” Stummer quotes an Akkadian text which speaks of the Via Sacra of Babylon, the return of Marduk from Elam.76 An English translation is found in Isaiah 40–66 of Westermann77 From hostile Elam he entered upon a road of jubilation, a path of rejoicing. . . . .of success to Su-an-na. The people of the land saw his towering figure, the ruler in (his) splendor hasten to go out, (Nabu), son of Bel, you who know the ways and the customs. Make his way good, renew his road, make his path straight, hew him out a trail.

From this text it is clear that it was Nabu who had to prepare the way for Marduk. Just as Marduk travels from Elam to Babylon because he has pity

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on his city78 so does Yahweh return to Jerusalem, his deserted city. A highway is prepared so that in pomp and pageantry, with a show of power and magnificence, Yahweh could traverse the Syrian desert and terminate the triumphal march in Jerusalem. The highway of itself is not an exodus motif. . It is not the highway of the Israelites, it is the Lord’s. The emphasis is on the procession of Yahweh. The imagery here combines the ancient picture of Yahweh coming to the aid of his people (Deut 33:2; Judg 5:4; Ps 68:4, 5, 7, 8) with the practice of constructing processional highways. Hence we read in Baruch: For God has decreed the flattening of each high mountain, of the everlasting hills, the filling of the valleys, to make ground level so that Israel can walk in safety under the glory of God (5:7).

Yahweh will travel through a highway which will be called “the Sacred Way” (Isa 35:8): An allen diesen Stellen schweibt den alttestamentlichen schriftstellern das Bild eines Prozessionsweges vor auf den Jahwe festlich einherzieht.79

Although the highway is not an exodus motif, it is not entirely absent. The triumphal procession is not of Marduk but of “Yahweh our God.” This highway is not for a king on military expedition, or for a god in procession: it is a highway for Yahweh across the Syrian desert. The prophet had seen the great processional street dedicated to Marduk and lesser deities along which their statues were borne in festal processions. It would suggest a grand highway through which Yahweh would march with his people as entourage. The road is to be straight, level, free of obstacles: he will arrive without fail, travel without difficulty, undelayed by hindrances. That such highways existed is proved from archaeology. Koldeway’s excavation of Babylon disclosed two parallel walls running south from the palace. Between them lay a broad street made by Nebuchadnezzar as a processional road for Marduk to his temple Esigala. On the slab of each was written: Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, son of Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, am I. The Babel Street I paved with blocks of shadu stone for the procession of the great Lord, Marduk. Marduk, Lord, grant eternal life.80

Another inscription reads: Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, he who made Esigala and Esida glorious, son of Nabopolassar, King of Babylon. The streets of Babylon, the Procession streets of Nabû and Marduk my lords, which Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, the father who begat me, had made a road glistening with asphalt and burnt bricks. . . . Nabu and

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Marduk, when you traverse these streets in joy, may benefits for me rest upon your lips; life for distant days and well-being for the body. Before you I advance (?) upon them (?). May I attain eternal age.”81

Nabonidus also speaks about processions in honor of his god Sin. I built anew the Elhulul, the temple of Sin, and completed this work. I (then) led in procession Sin, Ningal, Nusku, and Sadarnunna, from Shuanna (Babylon) my royal city, and brought (them) on a permanent dais (ANET, 563).

Yahweh will prove his superiority and might over the Babylonian Via Sacra by transforming the Syrian desert into permanent oasis (41:17–20; 43:16–21; 48:20; 55:13). It is not likely that Deutero-Isaiah wanted to draw a parallel between Yahweh and the Babylonian deities which he ridicules with satires. The parallelism is between the highway of Yahweh and the processions of their deities. The highway of Yahweh is different: it is an undefiled way; it will be called the “Sacred Way” through which nothing unclean may travel nor fool stray along (Isa 35:8). Yahweh makes a highway in the wilderness and paths in the wilds (49:19). Verse 4 is a continuation of verse 3 and the verbs are in the jussive. We shall briefly examine the terms used. c

aqeb—steep, hilly, difficult mountain path mîšôr—level place, level country, table-land, plain rekāsîm—hapax in the plural. In the singular, rekes, means “roughness, bound up, impassible82 and the noun rōkes means “snare, plot, conspiracy.83 The root is found in Akkadian as rakāsu84 and in the Ugaritic as rks85 both with the meaning “to bind.” rekāsîm should be understood as “rugged, unlevel ground.” gibcâh—valley, cleft, broad valley, plain86 “Every Mountain” har in the sg can refer both to an individual mountain peak or mountain ranges. Its synonym, gibcâh, hill, refers to individual geomorphical elevations that are smaller or lower than mountains. Mountain, har, occurs 500x in the MT while gibcâh 60x out of which in 31 instances, it is in apposition or parallel to har e.g., Isa 40:4; 42:15. Mountains are part of creation (Ps 104:5–7), among the first to be created (Prov 8:25; Job 15:7) and destined to last forever (Hab 3:6). They are signs of stability (Gen 49:26; Ps 30:7), of strength (Ps 65:6), of protection (Ps 125:2), of blessing (Deut 33:15). They are places of worship (1 Kgs 11:7) and dwelling places of the gods (Isa 14:13–14).

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Figuratively mountains rejoice (Ps 98:8), leap (Ps 114:4, 6), sing (Isa 44:23; 49:13; 55:12) and praise God (Ps 89:12). At God’s presence or touch they tremble and shake (Jgs 5:5; Ps 68:9) or melt (Ps 97:5). Mountains are addressed by God (Ezek 6:3) and called to witness in lawsuit against God’s people (Mich 6:1–2). Yahweh weighs mountains in a balance and hills on a scale (Is 40:12). The mountains, because of their size and stability can be symbols of pride, arrogance, and haughtiness. Yahweh will put to an end the arrogance of the haughty (Isa 13:11), all mountains and hills shall be laid low. Every obstacle, human or of nature, will be removed so that the king of glory may enter. All mountains and hills shall become level ground, šapel. The verb means “to become low, be abased.” The šepēlâh is a lowland; the technical term for the strip of land west of the Jordan mountain ranges. It is also used of the lowland near the Mediterranean coast, or near the coast north of the Carmel range. Consequently, every mountain and hill shall be laid low. Then the glory of Yahweh will be revealed. Glory. Kabod comes from the verb kabed. The root kbd denotes “heaviness” in the physical sense as well as “gravity, importance.” In the spiritual/moral sense, it signifies “respect, honor.”87 The Aramaic equivalent, yeqār, has the dual connotation of “heavy” and “honor.” Honor is not a purely ideal quality but something that is “weighty”, something that gives importance. The word liver, kābēd, is derived from the root, kbd, meaning “heavy.” Together with the heart both constitute the most important bodily organs. The Akkadian libbu, Ugaritic lbb, lb are interchangeable with kabattu, “liver.”88 In the Akkadian we read hud libbi, nummur kabatti, gladness of heart, and happiness of liver.89 In the Ugaritic we read: tģdd kbdh bshq yml’v lbh bšmht90 “her liver grows from laughter, her heart is filled with joy.” Also in Text 100, 3 we read klyth.wlbh “his kidney and his heart.91 Kābôd means “might, strength, army (Isa 5:13; 8:17) “fatness” (Isa 10:8), wealth (Gen 31:1), plunder (Nah 2:10). The moveable goods of Jacob’s are his kabod. The glory of Solomon lies not on only in his riches but above all in his importance: and that applies to Joseph (Gen 45:13). The glory of Israel is her dignitaries and nobles. (Isa 5:13). Glory is used to describe the incomprehensible splendor of God. Sometimes it is seen as a terrifying reality (Isa 2:10,19, 21), where people are said to flee from the brightness of his glory, from the splendor of his majesty, especially when he reveals himself to destroy the wicked of the earth. Glory is the manifestation of his power which attests to his sovereignty (Pss 8, 9, 29; Exod 19:16–25; 20: 18–21) and his power to rule the earth (Pss 96–100).

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The glory of Yahweh is not just the magnificence or splendor as it shines brilliantly: it is the invisible, almighty God made visible. Divine glory is not ephemeral: it is the noumenon of God. The deeper the knowledge of God, the greater his glory. Certain texts reflect this reality: All the earth is full of the glory of God (Isa 6:3). May the whole world be full of his glory (Ps 72:19). The glory of Yahweh fills all the earth (Num 14:20).

The noun, kabod, is found 199x in the MT mainly in prophetic writings: Isaiah—38x Ezekiel—19x In other books, it is found: Psalter—51x Pentateuch—24x (13x in P) Chronicles—18x Proverbs—16x Deteronomistic—7 x 92 The glory of God is revealed in creation. for “the heavens declare the glory of God” (Ps 19:1). It is also revealed at other events of Israel’s Heilsgeschichte, e.g., the theophany at Sinai (Exo 19:16:20), the journey through the desert (Exod 13:21). During the desert wandering, Yahweh often revealed his glory after rebellion (Exod 16:10; Num 14:10; 16:19; 17:7; 20:6). God revealed his glory to Isaiah at the inaugural vision in the temple (Isa 6:1–3), and Ezekiel witnessed the departure of the glory of Yahweh from the temple (Ezek 10:18–19; 11:23), an act that sealed the doom of the city. The seraphs covered their faces lest they see the face or the glory of God; but now ALL FLESH, with its weaknesses and sins behold the glory of God. In Deutero-Isaiah, the glory of God and the saving arm of God are synonyms in designating the revelation and salvation of God (Isa 52:10). In fact, Isaiah 40–66 and the Psalms treat glory, God’s righteousness and salvation as synonyms (Isa 58:8; 62:1). The Book of Consolations uses kabod for Yahweh alone (40:5; 42:8, 12; 43:7; 48:11) whereas in other parts of Isaiah is used not only of Yahweh (58:8; 59:19; 60:1, 2) but of Zion (62:2), the nations (61:6) and Lebanon (60:3). The glory of Jerusalem is the glory of God resting on her.


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The revelation of the glory of God consists also in the lightning and pyrrhic victories of Cyrus resulting in the release of the Jews and permission to return to the land of Israel. All Flesh. basar has a variety of meaning, namely: a) b) c) d) e)

flesh as distinct from bone or skin flesh as food body in its entirety euphemism for genital organs a term of relationship “bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh” (Gen 2:23) f) man g) flesh—corporeal, subject to corruption , evanescent 93 All flesh occurs 40x in the Old Testament with these meanings “the whole body” (Num 8:7) “all living creatures including men and animals” (Gen 6:17) “all men” (Gen 49:26) “every man” (Isa 66:16; 23–24) “all animals” (Gen 6:19) The LXX reads “all flesh shall see the salvation of our God,” an obvious homoioteleuton from Isa 52:10 (Cfr Ps 98:2–3). The text explains that all humanity shall witness the saving act of God which is his glory. The leveling of the mountains and the filling up of valleys is not to make a pleasant road for the exiles: it is the melting of the earth in the presence of God. This revelation differs from all others in breadth and scope. At Exodus God revealed himself to Israel and to Egypt; now it is to entire humanity. At Exodus, Yahweh saved Israel from the Egyptians; now he proclaims and manifests himself as Lord of all creation and of history. Yahweh is not content that Israel be released from exile, his salvific work shall be recognized and proclaimed throughout the earth. yahdaw. “all together,” “all at once.”94 It is found 10x in Proto-Isaiah, 17x in 40–66. De Boer translates it as “together” for, as he says, the verb is used of community of action and indicates its public character. Hence he says the term can be paraphrased as “in public, in open court, openly, frankly.” He also admits that in 45:8; 48:13 it can be translated as “at once.”95 yahdaw presents a special problem and there is no consensus among scholars as to its resolution. Ancient witnesses have had problem with this word. The LXX translates:

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And the glory of the Lord will be revealed, and all flesh shall see the salvation of God

“Salvation of God” is a gloss, a soteriological interpretation dependent on Isa 52:10. The Targum reads: And the glory of the LORD shall be revealed, and all the sons of the flesh shall see it together, for by the Memra the LORD it is so decreed

The Vg translates: Et revelabitur gloria Domini, et videbit omnis caro pariter , quod os Domini locutum est.

The NRSV reads: Then the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all people shall see it together, for the mouth of the Lord has spoken

It is evident that most traditions translate yahdaw as “together”, which would appear to be a literal translation of the MT. But the verb “to see” takes the Accusative, and with the translation “all flesh shall see it together” there is no direct object but only an adverb. This adverb, “together” though translating the Hebrew literally, hardly agrees with the climatic conclusion of the theophany. Consequently other solutions are to be sought. The translation at once highlights an important aspect of divine intervention. Deliverance would come to Israel unexpectedly, to the great surprise of the Israelites themselves. The lightning speed of the victorious march of Cyrus was unparalleled in Ancient Near East. The fall of Babylon and the return of Yahweh to his city happened “at once.” This translation would also understand the text to mean that Jews and Gentiles and indeed all creation watched with surprise and admiration the sudden victory of God and his return to his city. This hardly brings out the force of the text. Dahood thinks that yhdw is a noun meaning “face”, form the root hdy which in the Ugaritic means “ to gaze, inspect”. Following this hypothesis, Ps 21:7 should read: You make him gaze upon your face in joy which the Jerusalem Bible translates: You gladden him with the joy of your presence.

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Continuing, Dahood adds that just as from the root, r’y comes the noun mar’eh “face, appearance”, (cfr Cant 2:14; 5:15), so from the root hdy “to gaze, inspect” the noun yahad “face” is derived. The plural, yahdaw would be analogous to panaw. In trying to understand yahdaw better, the article of Mitchell Dahood was of invaluable help. “Some Ambiguous Texts in Isaias (30,15; 52,2; 33,2 40,5; 45,1)”. CBQ 20 (1958) 41- 49. It then follows that the text should be translated as: Then the glory of Yahweh will be revealed, and all flesh shall see his face.

An objection can be raised about the biblical axiom: that no one can see God and live (Gen 32:31; Lev 16:2,13; Deut 4:32–34; 5:24; Judg 6:22–23; Isa 6:5; I Kgs19:13). But there are many texts that speak of human beings seeing God or seeing the face of God (Isa 38:11; Pss 11:7; 17:15; 63:3). Very impressive is the encounter of the notables of Israel with God after the ratification of the covenant They saw the God of Israel beneath whose feet there was, it seemed, a sapphire pavement pure as the heavens themselves. He laid no hand on these notables of Israel: they gazed on God. They ate and they drank. (Exod 24:10–11).

Consequently the text teaches that the glory of Yahweh would be revealed and all mankind would see his face; i.e. would both witness and benefit from God’s presence and action in history for Yahweh himself has decreed it. the mouth of Yahweh has spoken. These events come to pass only because Yahweh has so decreed. This theocentric unit emphasizes the power of God’s word, which reaches its climax in the inclusion of 55:8–11. The power of word as creative is paramount in Deutero-Isaiah’s theology. In Israel explicit tradition of the word of God began late—first in prophetic traditions and later in deuteronomistic. The expression debar Yahweh, the word of Yahweh, is found 242x in MT out of which 221x in prophetic literature. The power of the word is rooted in the dynamism of the will of the person who utters it.96 Because the word of Yahweh is endowed with eternal, omnipotent, and irresistible force, it achieves perfectly what it utters. Hence the word of God creates.

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Even though the expression “the word of Yahweh” does not occur in Deuteronomy, the book continues to remind its readers “of the life-giving or sorrow-inflicting power of God’s word.”97 In fact, man does not live by bread alone but by everything that comes from the mouth of God al-kol môsā pī yhwh (Deut 8:3). The word that comes from the mouth of God is eternal, energertic, omnipotent, creative, and saving. The preparation of the way through the wilderness, the filling up of every ravine, the laying low of all mountains and hills, the manifestation of the glory of Yahweh of all creation will take place “because the mouth of Yahweh has spoken.” VV 6–8 THE EVER-ABIDING GOD

T

he evanescence of creatures vis-à-vis the permanence of God is the theme of this literary unit. A casual reading could give the impression that the thrust of the prophet’s argument is the evanescence of creatures, especially of human beings who are subject to decay and death. Though the prophet begins with creatures, his focus is on the steadfast God and he contrasts the ephemeral creatures with the unchanging God. That “all flesh is grass” is indisputable. Creation is transient, fleeting, volatile, and unenduring. “All flesh is grass” can even be called gnomic aorist,98 and Volz calls the statement zeitlose Wahrheit.99 This truth is already strongly embedded in authentic Israelite traditions (cfr Isa 31:3; Job 8:12; Ps 90:5–6). The first word of v. 6 is anarthrous, i.e. without article, and the meter of the unit is 3+3, 2+3; 4+4, 4+4. In v. 6b instead of reading weamar, “and he said” as in MT’ with the LXX, lQlsa and the Vg we read weomar “and I said.” V. 7c, following the LXX and the Latin versions is omitted as gloss. A voice cries: “Proclaim.” And I said: “What shall I proclaim?” Smart who prefers “preach” to “cry” describes “cry” as colorless and misleading.100 Westermann following Luther prefers “preach” to “say”.101 Here we encounter a mysterious dialogue carried on by two anonymous, almost enigmatic voices. The very indefiniteness of the identity of the speakers brings into bolder relief the message itself.102 Delitzsch who prefers to translate “said” by “and he answereth” continues: the questioner is therefore not directly the prophet himself but an ideal person whom he has in visionary objectivity before him.103

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The hypothesis of “ideal person” needs further investigation. Does this “ideal person” have an objectivity or is he simply a creation of the mind? Moreover we know that in Deutero-Isaiah we have no record of visions. Once again the prophet does not indicate whose voice it is. It does seem to be the same voice as in v. 3 which we believe to be the prophet’s. “What shall I proclaim?” would be said by Deutero-Isaiah himself and that would be the first saying of the prophet in the first person, and probably the only of its kind. Selon cette interpretation, nous aurions en ce “je” le prêmiere-voire, pour certain, le seul passage à la premiere personne, dans lequel se ferait entendre le prophète luimeme.104

The prophet, typical of himself, disappears into the background and allows the message to speak for itself. Le prophète, qui disparaît presque totalment derriere son oeuvre, qui ne parle à peu près jamais de lui, sauf sans doubte a deux reprises, ne semble pas se mettre en scène ici: il se content de faire parler plusiers voix, échos de la voix divine et . . . de sa prope voix, sans se mettre lui-meme en avant derniere.105

Westermann makes an interesting comment on “what shall I proclaim?” He thinks that the response “what shall I proclaim?”, “offers resistance to the command.”106 However, far from implying resistance, the question indicates desire for clarification or even emphasis. Moreover “preach” does not seem to translate qārā since to preach has a parenetic nuance. The prophet was mandated to proclaim the mirabilia Dei to the people. The voice, therefore, is of the Lord while the speaker is the prophet. The prophet wanted to communicate only the message he was mandated by God to pass on. “Cry” is one of the prophet’s favorite terms, appearing at least 30x in the Book of Consolations, and used in a variety of meanings. Here is does not mean only “cry” but rather “proclaim;” to proclaim the great deeds of the Lord to Israel and to all creation. Public proclamation is a dangerous especially when authority is challenged. Public proclamation on the part of pre-exilic prophets often brought physical abuse (Jer 38), death sentence (Jer 26:7–10) and even death (2 Chr 24:20–22). Besides serving as a means to proclaim God’s word, it could also be a means to incite to rebellion. But in this context, the command was to proclaim God’s love. The voice commands the prophet to proclaim: “All flesh is grass And all its constancy like the flower of the field”

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This proclamation is part of the message of consolation: that “all flesh is grass” is intended to console the Judaean exiles. Before the mighty power of Babylonia in whose clutches lay the destiny of the exiles; before the Babylonian empire which promised to last forever, the prophet did not hesitate to say that everything was transient and evanescent, including Babylonia itself. To the disconsolate exiles the prophet says: “nothing is lasting or permanent: only God is. All creation is like the flower of the field.” This important doctrine is found not only in prophetic but more especially in wisdom literature; (Isa 31:3; Job 20:8; Ps 37:2; 39:5–6; 102:11). We want to quote three texts: Isa 37:27

Their inhabitants were like the plants of the field, like tender grass, like grass of housetop and meadow under the east wind.

Job 14:2

He blossoms and he withers, like a flower fleeting as a shadow, transient.

Ps 103:15–16

Man lasts no longer than grass, no longer than a wild flower he lives, one gust of wind and he is gone, never to be seen there again.

Consequently a human being is only a puff of wind, his strength a shadow and all his wealth but a puff of wind (Ps 39:5–6). Man’s life vanishes swifter than a weaver’s shuttle (Job 7:6) and even his short life on earth is full of sorrows. The prophet contrasts all these with the permanence and stability of God. The exiles had the great temptation to give up, to believe they were part of the general transience and evanescence of creation. Resignation and despair constitute the spiritual state of Israel which the prophet is called to address.106 All its constancy: Hasdo. The etymology of hesed is uncertain. KöhlerBaumgartner derives it from hsd to mean “assemble, reliability: the mutual liability of those who are relatives, friends, master and servant, belonging together in any other way.”107 B-D-B derives it from the root meaning “kindness, goodness, affection, loving-kindness,” and the verb hsd would mean

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“to be good, kind, mild, pious.” It understands hasdo of 40:6 to mean “lovely appearance.”108 In Aramaic !asidā’ means “charm,” which North also understands as “charming (of a bride or face),” and would correspond to the Greek charis, i.e. “physical grace or charm.”109 In Aramaic !asad has a second meaning “be put to shame, reproach, revile”: its Hebrew form !āsad “to be reproached, ashamed” is Aramaism.110 "esed will be fully appreciated if studied and compared with "en. "en has a wide range of meaning which includes “gracefulness, attractiveness, the quality of giving pleasure, graciousness, kindness, goodwill towards another, an act/or the effect of kindness”.111 "en is rarely used of God: but chiefly of human beings between whom there is no special bond or commitment. "esed, on the other hand, is a covenant term, describing a covenant relationship in which both parties are bound to show loyalty and faithfulness to each other and these acts of devotion - steadfast love, and loyalty are to be performed within the covenant. When used of God, it means that God remains faithful irrespective of Israel’s commitment to the covenant. Snaith distinguishes between love ‘ahabāh, and !esed. "esed is covenant love and without a covenant there could be no covenant love. However, ‘ahabā is unconditional love, a pre-condition for covenant love.112 "esed, therefore is Rechts-Pflichts-Verhältnis,113 a mutual relation of rights; binding as in a family bond. "esed, says Snaith, “is the steady, persistent refusal of God to wash his hands of wayward Israel”.114 Together with ‘emeth, !esed affirms that God alone can be relied on. "esed emphasizes who God is, what he does and gives and what he expects in return. was Gott tut und gibt und andererseits was er von den Menschen erwartet.115

"esed is so important a term and so rich in content that it is found in every period of Israel’s history, because relationship between Israel and her God is Covenant relationship. It occurs 234x in the MT, of which 125x in the Psalter. But !esed translated as “loving kindness” or “steadfast love” does not fit into Isa 40:6. Hence Stoebbe says: Textkritische wie exegetishche gründe machen es wahrscheinlich, daβ häsäd hier noch eine ursprunglichere Bedeutung hat und von der Frommigkeit des Volkes gegen Gott ausgesagt wird.116

Versions have attempted to interpret the text as best as they could. The LXX translates hasdo as doxa anthropōn, “glory of man” and is followed by

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the Old Latin. Jerome and Sixto-Clementine Vg translate it as gloria eius, “his glory.” DSIa has the plural form hsdw while the Targum understands it to mean “firmness, strength, durability”, and so reads: All the wicked are as the grass and all their strength like the chaff of the field. The grass withers, its flower fades, for the Spirit from the Lord blows upon it; surely the wicked among the people are reckoned as grass. The wicked dies, his conceptions perish; but the word of our God stands for ever.

A good number of scholars following the LXX translate hasdo to signify beauty, godliness or something similar. Volz translates it as Anmut117 “charm, elegance, godliness.” Quite a few, to overcome the difficulty, resort to textual emendation. R. Lowth proposes hôdô—his splendor, his majesty H. Ewald proposes kābdô—his glory B. Duhm proposes hadrô—his splendor F. Perles proposes hisno—his strength B. Marti from the root hosen—wealth L. Köhler, proposes hemdô—its beauty118 It can be immediately said that two strands stand out—grace/beauty and strength. Marti says that the commonly accepted translation,”beauty,” cannot be proved:. . . . ist nicht nachwiesbar119 while König asserts very categorically that to understand hasdo as strength is false—stärke für hesed (Perles) ist falsch ersonnen.120 Perles is the first to suggest the reading hisno from the word hēsen or hosen (strength) and consequently reads: All Fleisch ist Gras und alle seine Stärke wie die Blume des Feldes.121

König translates as “alle seine Grazie.”122 To understand Perles’ opinion, we note that hasan in aramaic means “to be strong, to take possession of,” while hōsen is “a treasure, wealth” and the adjective hason means “strong.”123 How is hasdo then to be understood? First, it does not seem necessary to resort to textual emendation since the text is clear in itself. However, we note that in many poetic texts of the Old Testament, the root hsd is parallel to words denoting strength, e.g. (mesûdâh) (stronghold); miśgab (secure height, retreat); mānōs (a place of refuge, or escape). This is exemplified in Ps 144:2:


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my rampart (hasdi), my fortress (mcsudathi) my strong tower (misgabbi), and my refuge (mepalti).

Other examples can be produced. Ps 59:10–11a

Ps 59:17–18

My God is a fortress, Truly I am protected. God is my bulwark (misgabbi), my rampart (hasdî) is my God. 17 But I will sing your strength (hasdeka)

Sing aloud each morning your firmness; Because you have been my bulwark (misgabbi) My refuge (mānôs) in the day of my trial. 18 My God is my strength, Truly I am safeguarded. For God is my bulwark (miśgabbi), My God is my rampart (hasdi). Ps 62:12

One thing has God spoken, Only two do I hear: “Strength belongs to God, to you, Lord, firmness (hesed): You repay each according to his deeds.

Ps 143:12

In your strength (behasdeka) annihilate my foes, Destroy all the adversaries of my soul, for I am your servant.

Jon 2:9

Those honoring empty vanities forsake their strength (hasdam). But I, with a voice of thanksgiving will sacrifice to you. The vow I have made I will fulfill, Salvation comes from Yahweh.

The translation of the Psalms by Dahood in the Anchor Bible series and the article of Kuyper proved very helpful in understanding hesed.124 It is evident that the root hsd can and in fact does stand for “power, strength, permanence, stability” and that is the correct understanding of hasdo in 40:6. The prophet contrasts the evanescence of creatures with the power and stability of God. The text should therefore read:

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117 All flesh is grass and all its constancy (stability) like the flowers of the field.

The contrast is between creatures and especially “son of man” who cease to exist while the Word of God abides forever. Creatures are like grass, like the flowers of the field, which are here today and tomorrow are cast into the oven (Matt 6:30). It has nothing to do with their beauty, glory or splendor. Creatures are simply evanescent and cannot be relied on. But the Word of Yahweh endures forever. Hence P.A.H. De Boer says: “Firmness. . . . the strength solidity of making is in discussion. Beauty, or godliness are mistranslations, in my opinion”.125 North summarizes the study of v. 6 very eloquently: Nowhere except in the Bible and in the literature inspired by the Bible is reflection upon the impermanence of creaturely existence followed by the triumphant assurance of God’s permanence and constant love.126

The evanescence of creatures vis-à-vis the permanence of God is the theme of this unit. A casual reading of the text could create an inaccurate impression that the thrust of the prophet’s argument is the evanescence of creatures in themselves, especially of human beings. Though he begins with creatures, his climatic argument is not the ephemeral creature but the steadfast, immutable God. vv. 7–8

7 The grass withers, the flower fades,

when a strong wind blows on it. (Indeed the people is grass) 8 The grass withers, the flower fades but the word of our God endures forever. hāzîr. green grass, herbage, flower, grass as food for animals, or flower as something perishing.127 sîs. to blossom, shine, sparkle, flourish, gleam.128 yābēš. to be dried up, dry up, withered.129 nābēl. the root is uncertain nēbel nēbel nābal nābēl

a) skin-bottle, jar, pitcher b) musical instrument, portable harp, lute c) to be senseless, foolish d) to sink, drop down, languish, fell, fade130


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In Akkadian, nābalu means “wasteland, dry land.131 The text has critical problems. The LXX reads: The grass withers, the flower fades but the word of our God endures forever.

lQlsa reads: The grass withers, the flower fades but the word of our God endures forever. Surely the people is grass.

Obviously the LXX and lQlsa consider v. 8a homoioteleuton (the occurrence of similar endings in two neighboring words, clauses or lines as a source of error in copying)132and so omit it. Moreover Deutero-Isaiah who has a very elegant style does not repeat verses verbatim: rather he enjoys varying his style with the use of synonyms, antinomes, synthetic and antithetic parallelisms to make his point. Convinced that a gloss is in question, the LXX omits v. 7 completely while lQlsa omits 7a and b but adds 7c after 8a and b. Even though Deutero-Isaiah does not repeat a verse verbatim, it does appear that 7ab should be retained though textual criticism recommends that shorter readings be preferred: lectio brevior praeferenda est. In fact, v. 7 constitutes a significant thought development of the unit and is in accord with biblical tradition. This could be one of the unpredictable literary maneuvers of Deutero-Isaiah. The repetition is necessary for emphasis. Delitzsch, however, believes 7c is authentic: in fact he says it is thoroughly Isaianic. He affirms that indeed is not comparative but confirmatory.133 How is 7c to be understood? Westermann does not think it is an attempt to elucidate the text: rather it is a comment by a reader who believes that “all things will disappear,” refers to Israel.134 Another reason why one could be tempted to believe that Israel is “grass,” is the use of cam, the term usually reserved for Israel as a people of the covenant. Israel is grass and therefore evanescent. But Deutero-Isaiah does not always use cam to designate the covenanted people: in fact it denotes humanity in 42:5. It is quite certain that 7c is a gloss, a marginal gloss which with time got into the text. It is a glossa explicativa which tries to shed more light on the text. Moreover the stich disturbs the meter. But this gloss, far from throwing more light on the text distorts it. The germane text of the prophet aimed at teaching incredulous and distrusting Israel that everything will pass away, especially the waning Neo-Babylonian

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empire and even the insurgent empire of the Persians. But Israel is founded on the word of God and must consequently abide forever. 7c should be deleted because it does great disservice to the authentic message of the prophet. To sum up, everything is transitory except God and divine decrees. The prophet states a well-known fact in the Middle East: that the grass withers and the flower fades when a gush of wind blows on it. “The wind of Yahweh” should be translated as “a strong wind.” The use of the divine name to express a superlative is well known to Hebrew grammarians, e.g. Gen 23:6 neśî elohim “a mighty prince;” Ps 36:7 harê-el “great mountains” and in extra biblical texts: kasap ilanu “the finest silver;” tlhn il “a splendid table.” Moreover, the texts should not be translated to read: “if a strong wind, because the kî is not hypothetical but temporal (GKC 164d). The Targum reads: for the Spirit from the Lord blows on it. The grass withers, the flower fades

The prophet uses the generic name “flowers” which could include the lilium candidum, the white Madonna lily, the scarlet flowers of the Galilean hills. In Galilee one cannot but be impressed by the scarlet anemones and poppies which appear from late January to early May. These flowers make an indelible impression because of their abundance, delicate structure and brilliant winning colors. Remaining for many months they brighten each new day and put a broad smile on the faces of all who see them. But in late May, before the rains, the unwelcome scorching east wind from the desert, the sirocco, called Hamsin by the Arabs, blows in Palestine and Babylonia from the desert regions of Arabia. The presence of this ill wind is attested in many biblical traditions (Ps 103:16; Jer 4:11–12; Ezek 17:10; Luke 12:55). It is a pernicious wind, blowing for several days without intermission, filling the atmosphere with fine dust, rendering it sultry and oppressive. The hamsin, wreaks havoc on flowers, drying them instantaneously and rendering them good for nothing but for the oven (Matt 6:30). Therefore, these flowers despite their beauty and attraction do not last before the hamsin. Before the awe-inspiring majesty of God, before his omnipotent word and will, all creation with its strength, beauty and wealth is like the flower of the field before the hamsin. Creation is transient and ephemeral like the flower of the field. “But the word of our God endures forever.” The word of God is not a creature of a season like the grass. It stands as power within history to achieve what it was meant to accomplish. The Word is proclamation and demand,

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prediction and its realization, expression of God’s plan and purpose, but with the power of bringing it to fulfillment. In Sumer in the third millennium, the god makes his voice or word known in thunder. In Canaanite mythology the voice of Baal is thunder: tbn.gl.bcl.ktmze “without the goodness of Baal’s voice” (1 Aqht: 4b) and also wtn.qlh.bcrpt “And he gives forth his voice in the clouds” (51:v:70). Thunder is predicated of El as well as of Baal.135 The word of God has the power and the permanent character of God. The word of God is God. It creates, condemns, recreates, and saves. It rises, it stands, it perdues. The word of God does not fall to the ground (1 Sam 4:19). The history of Israel is the history of God’s word to his people and their response to it. The Promise, the Ten Words (Decalogue) the teachings of the prophets were sources of life. When Israel blossomed and flourished as in the days of David, it drew its life from the word of God, often given through the Urim and Thumim and the court prophets. David was assured of victories and the permanence of his dynasty by the word of God. The word of God is irresistible. Hence Amos says: The lion roars: who can help feeling afraid? The Lord Yahweh speaks: who can refuse to prophesy (3:18)

The exile was the result of the stubborn refusal of Israel to heed God’s word. But God who made real his threats now makes real his promises, and that is the bedrock of the Deutero-Isaiah’s message. If word of judgment was fulfilled, how much more word of hesed—of constancy, of loving kindness. Das ewige Wort Jahwes ist vielmehr der im Wort wirkende Jahwe. Alles lrdische vergeht, fest steht nur der Wille Jahwes der durch das Wort sich offenbart.136

So important is the word that it is a point of focus in the Overture. Consolation is a word of comfort. Hence the word is basic to and crucial towards the proclamation of Deutero-Isaiah. Comfort, speak, cry, proclaim, are preparations for the climax: “the word of our God endures for ever.” The word of God in the Overture and other texts finds their completion in the word of Yahweh which does not return empty but must accomplish all it was detailed to do (55:11). The word is the frame within which DeuteroIsaiah’s proclamation is set and mounted.137 It forms a literary inclusion with the Word in the Overture. The word of God is not part of the inevitable decay: it stands, persists, and abides. Hence it is the climax of the unit. Israel may have lost all it cherished: but not the word of her God. Hence the prophet could say with his people “The word of OUR God endures for ever.”

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VV. 9–10 JERUSALEM/ZION: BEARER OF GOOD TIDINGS Zion, bearer of good tidings, get up on a high mountain. Jerusalem, bearer of good tidings, raise up your voice with strength.

mebassereth. Piel, ptc, fem. sg. of baśar. The root baśar has two different meanings: —flesh —to bear good news. Bśr is not found in Qatal in the MT. Found in the Piel as bisser, it means first and foremost “to make beautiful, smooth; to smooth out wrinkles, to cheer, to gladden”. Later it came to mean “to gladden with good news.”138 Baśar is found in Akkadian as bussuru/passuru “to bring or send a message” and the noun bussurtu/passurtu means “message report.”139 In the Ugaritic bśr means “to get tidings.”140 In Hebrew bśr is found thirty times, Piel fourteen times, Hithpael once, Substantival Participle nine times, and the noun, besorâh, six times. It occurs nine times in Samuel and Kings; three times in the Psalter; once each in Joel, Nahum and 1 Chronicles and six times in Isaiah (40:9 bis; 52:7 bis; 60:1; 61:1). In all but one instance bśr signifies good news while besorâh signifies also a reward given to a messenger bearing good tidings (2 Sam 4:10; 18:22). Bśr is used very often for good news of victory in battle (1 Sam 31:19; 2 Sam 18:19, 20; 2 Kgs 7:9) and also for the birth of a son (Jer 20:15). In some instances the verb is modified by tob “good” (2 Sam 18:27; 1 Kgs 1:42, Isa 52:7). A question then arises: does bśr always denote “good tidings?’ If so, why is it occasionally modified by “good?” Schilling believes that bśr is neutral in meaning and needs further definition: hence in the Akkadian bussurat dumqim indicates “good news;” bussurat lumnim “bad news;” bussurat hade “joyful news.”141 But in cognate languages, both the verb and the noun designate good news: Arabic Old South Arab Ethiopic

baššara ‘bšr abasara


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122 Judaean Aramaic Ugaritic tidings

bsr bšr—to bring glad tidings and the noun bšrt = glad

Hence, Hauch Friedrick says that in all Semitic languages a sense of joy is contained in the stem.142 In the MT bśr always denotes good tidings at least for the individual proclaiming it; the only exception being 1 Sam 4:17 when a messenger brings Eli the news of the defeat of Israel’s army and the death of his sons. It does appear that since in Hebrew and in the cognate languages, bśr always denotes good tidings, it should be understood as such. The defeat and death of Absalom was good tidings for the Israelite army (2 Sam 18:19–31) so was the routing of Israel’s army and the death of Saul and his sons on Mount Gilboa glad tidings for the Philistines (2 Sam 1:20). The lone text of 1 Sam 4:17 could be considered the only exception. This is confirmed by some Ugaritic texts, where bśr always indicates good tidings, e.g., when Anat brings Baal the good news of the birth of a calf. We read: She gives forth her voice to Baal with the news of cil, be inform (ed o Ba)al! Yea, be informed, O Scion of Dagan! For a bull (is b) orn unto Baal Yea a buffalo to the Rider of Clouds Aliyn Baal rejoices bšrt. il. bs(r b) cl wbšr. htk. dgn w. ibr lbcl (yl) d wrum. lrkb. crpt yšmh. aliyn bacl (Text 7b:111, 34–39)

The virgin Anat rejoices and announces to Aliyn Baal that a house would be built for him as for other gods: shq. btlt. cnt ts!u gh. wtsh. tbšr bcl bšrtk. yblt. ybn bt. lk. km ahk-whzr She lifts her voice and shouts “Be informed, Baal! Thy news I bring A house shall be built for thee as for thy brothers Even a court as for thy kin (Text 51:V, 88–90)

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The Lachish Ostraca speak of “tidings of peace” Ostraca II, III, IX; “tidings of good” Ostraca IV, VIII; and “tidings of peace and good” Ostracon V (ANET, 322) Bšr has a nuance which should be highlighted: it is good news of victory especially in battle. It is a victory without which life would not be worth living. It is a victory from a life-threatening situation, salvation from slavery, degradation and invariably death, e.g., Victory over the Ammonites meant that the eyes of the men of Jabesh-gilead would no longer be gouged (1 Sam 11:1–11). People fought with courage and tenacity because they realized the heavy prize they would pay should they lose the war e.g., the battle of Marathon 490 B.C. Defeat brought terrible reprisals: e.g. David’s humiliation and vengeance on the Moabites (2 Sam 8:2) and the Vae Victis of the Romans. Consequently, news of victory in battle has to be published: the war is over, people are safe, and victors look forward to the spoils of war. Israel, therefore rejoices when Yahweh shatters a large army, kings are in flight and the women share the spoil (Ps 68:11). The Philistines publish the news of Saul’s death (1 Sam 31:9); the psalmist proclaims Yahweh’s righteousness and saving victory in the great assembly (Ps 40:10). Consequently, good news “heralds peace, brings happiness, and proclaims salvation” (52:7). mebasereth. Since the verb is feminine, we should look for a feminine subject. Zion seems to be the obvious answer since it is a city: cities are feminine since they are considered mothers. Here are some possible translations: • • •

“O you who tell good tidings to Zion” (LXX, Targ, Vg). “One who brings good tidings, even Zion.” “Zion, bearer of good tidings”

In the first case the LXX had to change the verb from feminine mbsrt to evangelizómenos. The Targum translates: “Prophets, who herald good tidings to Zion” introducing the word “prophets” not in the original, while some understand the subject as “ideal body of messengers,” “a collective band of prophets.”143 Some scholars understand mbsrt as “bearers of good tidings to Zion” e.g., Koehler-Baumgartner who translates it as “Botin für Zion, Messenger of Zion”144 and Zorell “quae annuntias laeta Zion” which he considers “poetic personification.”145 Zion then would be accusative object.

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But this does not explain sufficiently the feminine mbsrt. Also the contrast between Zion and the cities of Judah in the same verse is not sufficiently highlighted. The same objections apply to the second translation. Consequently the best of the translations should read; Zion, bearer of good tidings

Who would be these messengers? The identity of the messenger (masculine) in the LXX, is not mentioned; the Targum believes they are prophets, Motyer regards them as unnamed messengers.146 Even though mbsrt is singular feminine many translate it as plural because collectives in the feminine form, generally feminine participles used substantivally, especially as the comprehensive designation of a number of persons, designate a plurality of persons (GKC 122s). Hence a band of prophets, body of messengers or even heavenly council remain possibilities and could be translated as feminine. Nevertheless, it does appear that the preferable translation should read: “Zion, herald of good tidings”. Zion is feminine and the four verbs in v. 9 are all feminine sg. mbsrt is not accusative object but in apposition to Zion. “Upon a high mountain:” occurs first in the sentence and in position of emphasis. It means that getting on top of a high mountain is of paramount importance. It is from the mountain top that Zion will accomplish the task assigned to her—of proclaiming the good tidings: ali lak = “get thee.” This is ethical dative of advantage. Zion is to climb to a high mountain to her own advantage. Ethical dative was meant to give emphasis to a particular subject (GKC 119s). The command to comfort Zion has been given: Jerusalem has been assured that her sins and iniquities have been forgiven. The Via Sacra and the pilgrimage through the Syro-Arabian desert will terminate in Jerusalem. Having been reassured that, should all things pass away, the word of Yahweh will never pass away, especially with regard to Israel; Zion is now commissioned to climb a high mountain, so that her voice can carry and so effectively proclaim the return of Yahweh to the cities he once deserted. Zion/Jerusalem has become an evangelist. The term, Zion, occurs more frequently in the second part of the Book of Consolations, chapters 49–55. In fact, this section is called “Zion Poems.” Zion is found 11 times in the Book. Zion is feminine and women have been known to carry good news of victory: Miriam and Israelite women (Exod 15:20–21); Deborah about victory over Jabin (Judg 5:2–31); the Israelite women at the victory over the Philistines (1 Sam 18:7); the Philistine women on victory over Saul (2 Sam 1:20); victory over the enemies of Yahweh (Ps 68:12) and in a special way

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the proclamation of Mary of Magdala, Apostola Apostolorum, of the Resurrection of Jesus (John 20:17–18). As Jotham climbed to the top of Mount Gerizim and shouted to the leaders of Shechem (Judg 9:7), so Zion is commanded to climb up, not merely to a mountain but to a high mountain which is probably Mount Olives, east of Jerusalem, and which would afford the first view of the column approaching from the East. From there she would proclaim the news. Duhm who translated mbsrt as Freudebotin Zions147 found the idea of Jerusalem climbing a high mountain ridiculous. . . . steige auf einen hohen Berg, die, an die Stadt Zion gerichtet, ein groteskes Bild ergäbe . . . 148

But the poetic picture is clear because Zion is personified. Being the first to witness the return of Yahweh at the head of his cortege, she is commanded to proclaim the salvation news to all the townships of Judah. In Nahum the fall of Nineveh is proclaimed by a messenger who hurries over the mountains and proclaims peace to Judah (2:1). Proclamations could also be made from housetops (Matt 10:27). The command given to Jerusalem “to go up” contrasts with the command to Babylon “go down and sit in the dust.” (47:1) The rest of chapter 47 speaks of the humiliation and degradation of Babylon: the Lady Babylon being antithesis to Lady Zion.149 But Zion as a herald has the function of a watchman stationed on an elevated place (52:8). While David eagerly awaits the news of the battle with the forces of Absalom, “the lookout had gone up to the roof on the gate, on the ramparts.” Zion now stands on a height. One can read the impatience of the writer through the use of verbs in v.9. There are six verbs out of which four are imperatives. The command carries with it a note of urgency and because of the efficacy of divine word: no sooner is it pronounced, than it is accomplished. Zion is very important in Isaiah’s theology. It is the Temple Mount and the seat of Davidic dynasty is in Jerusalem. Hence, the mountain of the Temple of Yahweh shall tower above every other mountain and be lifted higher than every other hill (2:2; cfr Mic 4:1). Jerusalem is also called Ariel, the city where David encamped (29:1). Because of Jerusalem: Assyria will fall by the sword that is not man’s; will be devoured by a sword that is more than human (31:8). Jerusalem will be defended “for my own sake and for the sake of my servant, David” (37:35).

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Though Jerusalem was destroyed because of her infidelity, her lot would be different from Samaria. She would have a remnant, be rebuilt and God’s plan in her would be fulfilled. The surviving remnant of the House of Judah shall bring forth new roots below and fruits above For a remnant shall go out from Jerusalem and survivors from Mount Zion. The jealous love of Yahweh Sebaoth will accomplish this (37:31–32).

Zion was to proclaim the good tidings with a loud voice and without fear and the proclamation is for the townships of Judah. Nebuchadrezzar had deported the cream of the population: only the poorest were left behind. It was to this remnant that Zion was to announce the return of Yahweh “Behold your God”. The covenant God is alive; the covenant was broken but not revoked; the promises of Yahweh abide forever. Zion is to proclaim the advent of Yahweh and his reign as king (cfr 52:7). With the proclamation a new Israel is created. An echo of this is found in Ps 96:2: Proclaim his salvation day by day tell his glory among nations tell his marvels to all peoples.

The verb, “lift up”, is repeated in 9b though in the second instance the object is not indicated. It seems pretty obvious that Zion is to raise herself up or raise her voice to proclaim the good news. Jerusalem is to raise her voice with strength. Proclamation is to be made with a loud clear voice. Zion is to thunder the good news of victory and it has to be done without fear. The command “Do not fear” is the Heilszuspruch of Salvation Oracles. Jerusalem is to raise her voice without fear of contradiction or being impeded by an adversary. The proclamation is bold and fearless. Even in the presence of God, Zion is not to be afraid of the awful majesty of God, which for a creature could be life-threatening. This proclamation is to the cities of Judah. These cities fell to the Babylonians before Jerusalem was destroyed and consigned to flames. These cities will now be rebuilt and re-peopled: the forsaken wife will have innumerable children and forget the curse of her widowhood, since her husband is Yahweh Sebaoth, the Holy One of Israel (Isa 54:1–5). The glory of Yahweh, whose departure from the temple was witnessed by Ezekiel, will now return and be witnessed by the cities of Judah, which synecdochically

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stands for the world. Zion is to proclaim the unimaginable: the return of HER God. Those careworn and impoverished villages will know a joy as they have not known for a generation: they will learn that, despite all appearances to the contrary, their covenant God is still alive, that his Word remains ‘erect,’ unlike the flowers which droop and die, and that God is here with the exiles as they return from Babylonia.150

Everything in the Overture from vv. 1- 8 is a preparation for this theophany: “Behold your God.” Both in content and form, it is more impressive than the foregoing. The same imptvs are present, but they are more eager, more intense, more impassioned, more imaginative and wide-ranging.151

The return of Yahweh is imminent and the excitement is indicated by the threefold “Look” in 9c, 10a, 10b. The exclamation “Look, Behold” in the Hebrew text is hinneh which is stronger than hen. Hinneh adds a note of urgency and immediacy: the action is taking place as the speech is made. Behold your God 9c Behold the Lord Yahweh 10a Behold his reward is with him

10b

Yahweh who comes is called Your God, a reminder of the covenant relationship. In preparation for his coming, the highway has to be banked up, cleared of stones and even a signal is hoisted for the peoples (Isa 62:10). Yahweh who comes proclaims to the daughter of Zion: Your Savior comes (Isa 62:11). The God who comes has the prize of his victory with him, his trophies before him (v. 11). V. 10. Here, God goes by another name, Adonai Yahweh, which is used here for the first time in the Book of Consolations and found 9x in the work. It emphasizes the attribute of God as a Sovereign Lord and Master of all creation and in a special way Lord of Israel. Duhm thinks that Adonai should be omitted as dittography. Adonai, mit seinem singularischen suff. nicht recht passend und das Metrum überfüllend, soll wohl wieder die Aussprache des Names Yahves umgehen helfen.152

While this hypothesis is not impossible, the occurrence of this name in eight other instances gives credence to the position, that after all, it could not be a dittography. The verse indicates how Adonai Yahweh will come. There are two possible translations:


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a) “Behold, Adonai Yahweh will come with strength behozeq a LXX, IDIs , Vg—in fortitudine veniet). b) “Behold, Adonai Yahweh will come as a strong one” behāzāq (MT) The Targum reads: Behold, the Lord God is revealed with strength, and the strength of his arm rules for him.

Following the MT, the Beth would be “Beth Essentiae” ie. “in the condition of: in the capacity of” (GKC 119i). It seems that the tradition of the MT should be followed. The Lord Yahweh does not come with power and might: rather he reveals himself as the Strong One, the Victorious Invincible Warrior. zerôea. arm, shoulder, strength. This term which makes its debut here is found 9x in our book. Arm is a symbol of strength and is found in Amarna letters N0.288. The arm of the mighty king conquers the land of Naharaim and the land of Cush (ANET, 489)

God will rule as a powerful warrior and the strength of his arm manifests itself. Here we have another instance of ethical dative. Yahweh comes as a warrior to establish the dominion of his reign. He comes as a conqueror laden with booty and pillage of conquest. Jacob returns from Paddam-Aram, from his uncle Laban, rich with the fruit of his labor as he drives his livestock and all that he had acquired before him (Gen 31:17– 18). The image is that of a conqueror returning from foreign country/countries, re-entering the capital city in victorious march, displaying the slaves and the booty he had acquired from conquests, spoils to enrich his own people. The Hebrews despoiled the Egyptians at the Exodus (Exod 12:35–36), the Israelites plundered the Canaanites unless the objects were under the ban (Josh 6:17–19; Deut 13:16–19). Now Yahweh despoils the Chaldeans. This act of Adonai Yahweh recalls the salvific act of Yahweh par excellence—liberation from Egyptian bondage - when Yahweh redeemed his people with a strong hand and outstretched arm (Deut 4:34; 26:8; 2 Kgs 17:36; Ps 13:12). In the Overture, Yahweh does more than liberate his people: he comforts them. The strength of Almighty God is the strength of a gentle giant: the strength of tenderness and love and care.153

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But in Deutero Isaiah “arm” serves as a metaphor for a much deeper meaning: it denotes “revelation” and “salvation”( 51:5; 53:1). In 52:10 we read: Yahweh bares his holy arm in the sight of all the nations, and all the ends of the earth shall see the salvation of our God.

In Isaiah 40–66 and in the Psalter, God’s glory is synonymous with his righteousness and salvation (58:8; 62:1–3). Righteousness, salvation and glory overlap. Future deliverance is a new revelation of his glory. “His arm rules for him.” He is not at rest; he fights the adversary and so wins the redemption of his people thus making his power evident for all to see. V. 10b requires detailed scrutiny. The verb śakar means “to hire, to hire oneself out”, and the masculine noun śākār and the feminine śeker mean “hire, wages.”154 The word is found in the Ugaritic as škr.155 Śakar is therefore the pay or salary one gets for services rendered, for work done. The word, peullah, from the root pcl, denotes not only the work done but also reward for the work.156 In Ugaritic the same root pcl is found with the same meaning.157 The translation “booty” is to be avoided because Israel already belongs to God. How is v. 10b to be understood? Rignell says that Yahweh is giving Israel reward for its meritorious conduct, for the exile she endured with patience.158 But Israel did not behave well during the exile. She was deaf and blind (42:18), burdened Yahweh with iniquities and sins (43:24). Israel was obstinate, with a neck of iron and forehead of bronze (48:4). She complained: “Yahweh has abandoned me, the Lord has forgotten me” (49:14) and that “she had been divorced and sold by Yahweh” (50:1). This is not the language of the lamb led to the slaughter or of a sheep before its shearers (Isa 53:6). Moreover, the verb “hire” is not appropriate for Yahweh for Yahweh cannot hire himself to another. Another important question is: “Is this a reward due to God or a reward God dispenses to others?” First of all, peullah and śākār are synonymous. God is rich and as a victorious warrior cannot return empty. Marti thinks the term signifies the fruit of his work “der Ertrag der Arbeit”159 and both indicate God’s salvation for his people. Young thinks that the point in question may not be the Babylonian captivity but the more wondrous deliverance from bondage of sin.160 The language is poetic, and therefore, should not be interpreted literally. Deutero-Isaiah teaches that Cyrus, the ravenous bird from the East (46:11), whom Yahweh rouses to trample satraps like mortar (41:25), taking him by

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hand to subdue nations, strip the loins of kings, force open gateways and take over hidden treasures and secret hoards, will rebuild my city bring my exiles back without ransom or indemnity (45:1–3)

It is, therefore, evident that the mission of Cyrus, according to DeuteroIsaiah, is not only to destroy the Babylonian Empire because of her pride, arrogance and voluptuousness (Ch. 47) but even more: to release the Judaean exiles, any bring them home. Redemptive (re-emere “to buy back”) language is not new to DeuteroIsaiah. For the sake of Israel, Yahweh is prepared to give Egypt for ransom; Cush and Sheba in exchange (43:3). Cyrus, Yahweh’s shepherd (44:28) and anointed (45:1), has been given the task to rebuild Jerusalem and lay the foundations of the temple (44:28). Though Yahweh will perform the feat for his servant Jacob and Israel his chosen one (45:4), he will act for his own sake. For my own sake for my own sake have I acted (48:11)

Sold for nothing, Israel will be redeemed without money (50:3). Redemption from sin, an interpretation which Young advocates is distant from the theme of the epic return of Yahweh to Zion which is the subject in discussion. Forgiveness of sin was addressed in v. 2. That Yahweh will come in glory and splendor, with the prize of his victory with him and his trophies before him, is very dear to the prophet: consequently, he does not hesitate to repeat it in 62:11, the prize of his victory with him his trophies before him

a chapter which still belongs to Deutero-Isaiah. The term “booty” should be avoided because The earth is Yahweh’s and all that is in it, the world and those who live in it (Ps 24:1).

While Israel is his special possession (segullâh) (Ex 19:5) a term used of Israel 6x in the Old Testament, we also read: I am a father to Israel and Ephraim is my first-born son (Jer 31:9).

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The reward, therefore, is God’s people whom he brings back from Babylonia. It includes the temple and palace treasures looted during the fall of Jerusalem and the assistance Cyrus would render towards the rebuilding of the city and of the temple. V 11 THE SHEPHERD

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n v.10 God is called “Adonai Yahweh,” but in V. 11 he is metaphorically called “Shepherd.” The change is not as abrupt as it would appear because “Shepherd” is a David motif (2 Sam 5:2; 7:7; Mich 5:4; Ezek 34:2–3; 11–16). In Hebrew “to shepherd” is rācâh—“to pasture, tend, graze.” The noun (m) is rōcêh, while a shepherdess is rōcâh.161 In a transferred sense it means “to lead a people, to rule.” The root appears in Akkadian as rēcûm (m) 162 and in Ugaritic as rcy.163 Palestine has two major mainstays: agriculture and animal husbandry. Throughout biblical period, tending flock with farming has been the basis of Palestinian economy. Animal husbandry got a lot of attention as livestock provided milk, wool and meat. In 1920 Dalman gave the following figures for cattle in Palestine west of the Jordan: 325;512 goats; 205,967 sheep; 108,500 oxen; 32,689 donkeys; 8,846 camels; 6,548 horses; 3,934 mules; 615 buffaloes.164 In winter, the flock is kept safe in winter quarters but in spring, the flock and shepherds move out for spring and summer pasturage. Since the journey is fraught with dangers from thieves and wild animals, the shepherds and the flock are brought under divine protection by a special evening liturgical act. The dry months of summer make it imperative for shepherds and flock to traverse large territories in search of water and pasturage. This means they could be away from home for months during which security and welfare of the flock depends on the competence and goodwill of the shepherd (Gen 37). Shepherding could be done by the owner (Luke 15:4–7), by his children (Gen 29:9; Exod 2:16–17), or by hired servants (John 10:12, 13; 1 Sam 17:34). Shepherding was hazardous. Not only had the shepherd to provide the sheep with water and pasture, he had to guard the flock from wild animals notably from lions, bears (1 Sam 17:34–35; Amos 3:12) and robbers (Job 1:13–15; 17). The shepherd does not allow the sheep to scatter; he keeps them in view (Ezek 34:12) knows each by name, goes ahead of them and leads them (John 10:3). He is prepared to lay down his life for his sheep (John 10:11) unlike the hireling who runs and flees for his life (John 10:12:

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Jer 2:31; Ezek 34:1–8; Zech 11:17). The good shepherd rejoices when the stray is returned to the fold (Luke 15:4–7). Abel was a shepherd (Gen 4:2); so were the patriarchs Abraham (Gen 13:1–13); Isaac (Gen 26:20) and Jacob (Gen 29:20–30:43). The sons of Jacob were semi-nomads and in Egypt were given charge of Pharaoh’s livestock (Gen 47:1–5). David was a shepherd before he became King (1 Sam 17:28). Wealth was indicated by a large livestock—Abraham (Gen 24:35) and Job (42:12). The image of the shepherd was commonplace in Israel primarily due to the nomadic and semi-nomadic life of the people. Shepherding was one of human’s earliest occupations. However, owing to size, abundance, and usefulness, sheep was given prime attention. Sheep had to be provided with luxuriant grass and water (Ps 23), should not be overdriven (Gen 33:13–14) and their young were carried on shoulders (Isa 40:11; Luke 15:4–7). Besides the general care of feeding and watering the flock, the shepherd is expected to identify the peculiar concerns of the flock and attend to them; eg. caring for the sick and the weak, and keeping an eye on the mother ewes. A sheep without shepherd has no prospect for life.165 Shepherd was the title often given to kings among so many, as well as the title they assumed themselves. As shepherd, his duties include gathering the people, defending the poor and the weak, ensuring righteous government, leading his people to war and victory, and defending the people from aggression. SHEPHERD IN ANCIENT NEAR EAST

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n Mesopotamia throughout her history, the shepherd image was used to designate gods and kings. Of the god Enlil we read: Faithful Shepherd, faithful Shepherd, God Enlil, faithful Shepherd, Master of all countries, (faithful) Shepherd, Lord of all the lgigi deities, faithful Shepherd, Lord of the. . . . ., faithful Shepherd (ANET 337)

Marduk is said to shepherd all the gods like sheep (ANET: 72). Of Gilgamesh we read: (Is this Gilga)mesh, (the shepherd of ramparted) Uruk? Is this (our) shepherd, (bold, stately, wise?) (ANET: 73)

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There is a Sumerian Lamentation which describes the destruction of Ur by the Elamites and Subarians. It is a document of the first half of the second millennium and it enumerates important temples and their deities which abandoned them. It carries the refrain: “her sheepfold (her stable) has been delivered to the wind” (ANET 455–456)

A Sumerian document lists some antediluvian gods and kings among whom “the god Dumu-zu, a shepherd, (who) ruled 36,000 years.” In the post-diluvian era Etana, a shepherd, he who ascended to heaven (and) who consolidated all countries, became king and ruled 1560 (var. :1500) years (ANET 265).

In Egypt, even Osiris, the ruler of the nether world, “the ruler of Eternity” (ANET 214) is described in some royal funerary texts as a shepherd who tends his flock and who protects his subjects. Hence we read “thy herd who is behind thy calves”166

and “thou hast taken them up in thine arms as a herd his calves”167

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ings and rulers were called shepherds appointed by the deity. Of Hammurabi we read

Hammurabi, the shepherd, called by Enlil, am I; the one who makes affluence and plenty abound (ANET 164)

Hammurabi calls himself “shepherd” ri-ia-um and Sennacherib “prudent shepherd” ri-e-um it-pe-su. A hymn to the Sun-god, Shamash, taken from the library of Ashurbanipal, 668–633 B.C. reads: Whatever Ea, the counselor-king, has willed to create, thou art guarding altogether. Those endowed with life, thou likewise dost tend; Thou indeed art their shepherd both above and below. (ANET: 387).


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Since Assyrian kings were also called “shepherds”, it is not surprising that Nahum wondered what the Assyrian king and leaders were doing that their country should fall to their enemies: Alas! Are you shepherd asleep, then, King of Assyria? Your picked troops slumber your people are scattered on the mountains with no one to rally them (Nahum 3:18).

An Egyptian document of the Nineteenth or Twentieth dynasty, (1350– 1100) referring to events of the Old and Middle Kingdoms writes about an ideal ruler: He is a herdsman of all men. Evil is not in his heart. Though his herds may be small, still he has spent the day caring for them. (ANET: 443).

In the Iliad of Homer, Agamemnon, the commander-in-chief of the Greek army in their siege of Troy was called “shepherd of the hosts” (Iliad 2:772; 5:513, 573; 7:230; 11: 202), and this at least 15x in his work. SHEPHERD IN ISRAEL

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hepherd is a title for the king. As a shepherd does not live his life apart from his flock, neither does the king apart from his people. The shepherd maintains peace within and defends threat to peace from without. God gives him strength and skill to defend his people and provide for their welfare because Yahweh is God of war, who gives the war cry, marches valiantly against the foe (Isa 42:13) and tramples them down (Isa 63:3). Image of the shepherd abounded in Israel because of her nomadic life. The tradition of God as Shepherd of Israel originated in Israel’s life in the desert. Description of Yahweh as shepherd is ancient: going back to patriarchal times. Jacob called Yahweh “God, who has been my shepherd from birth until this day” (Gen 48:15). The NRSV in translating Gen 49:24 calls God “the Shepherd, the Rock of Israel.” There are two other texts where God is explicitly called Shepherd: Yahweh is my Shepherd (Ps 23:1) O Shepherd of Israel, hear us lead Jacob like a flock (Ps 80:1)

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One cannot but be amazed at “the surprising paucity of references in which the title is used of Yahweh”168 even though the use of the metaphor abounds especially in the Old Testament. They are found in Mich 4:6–8; 7:14; Jer 23:3,4; 31:10; and Ezek 34 to mention but a few. Yahweh, the shepherd, goes before his sheep (Ps 68:7); leads his flock to pasture (Jer 50:19), guides it, leads it to restful waters, protects it with his staff (Ps 23:2– 4), whistles to it (Zech 10:8), gathers the dispersed (Jer 31:10), and carries the lamb in his arms (Isa 40:11). Yahweh will take charge of his flock (Ezek 34:10); he will make Israel and Judah one nation once again (Ezek 37:22) under one shepherd, David (Ezek 37:24). In his anger he will strike the irresponsible shepherd (Zech 13:7), but the scattered sheep will return to Yahweh after they have been tested. It is rather curious that most of these texts speaking of Yahweh as shepherd belong to the period of and after the exile. But a convincing factor emerges: though the image of shepherd is known and used, the title “shepherd” never became a formal or common divine appellation. Nevertheless, the epic return of the second exodus is described in the language of a shepherd caring for his sheep (Isa 49:9–11). The leaders of Israel were called shepherds. Moses begged God to appoint a leader for the community of Israel, to be at their head, to lead them out and bring them in, so that the community of Yahweh may not be like sheep without shepherd (Num 27:17). Religious and political leaders were called shepherds (Jer 2:8; 3:15; 2 Sam 7:7). Such texts abound in Jeremiah— 15x. V. 11. cedrô, “his flock:” from the noun ceder. The root cdr has three possible meanings: a) to arrange, put in order b) to pick, hoe c) to fail, to lack, lag behind, remain.169 The flock is, therefore, a collection of small animals that has many young and tender ones, which on account of their tender age cannot keep pace with the rest and are forced to lag behind. In Gen 33:13 Jacob says: I must consider the sheep and the cows that have calved. If they are driven too hard, even for one day, the whole drove will die.

The shepherd has to take care of the young as well as the older ones, with the young ones getting very special attention.

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telāîm. It comes from the root tl’ which means “to tie to a stake, to confine,” but the noun tāleh means “lamb.” It is found in Aramaic as talyā “lamb,” while the fem sg is talyetha. 170 With time it became an epithet for a young boy or girl (Mark 5:41). hêq is usually translated as “bosom” and rightly too, but in some instances it stands for “fold of garment” (Exod 4:6, 7; Prov 6:27).171 ālôth, from the verb cûl “to give suck.” It can also mean “a sucking child, sucking” The root can stand for: —“to feed, to nourish” —“to deviate from, to act unjustly”172

Instead of cālôth; sheep that suckle, ewes; Dlsa reads cûlôth “those that are suckled, lambkins.” But the MT is to be preferred because attention has already been given to the young, tender ones. The text means that the shepherd will gently lead the ewe-lambs, will not drive them harshly because they are suckling the young ones. Yahweh will feed his flock like a shepherd. The MT here has some alliteration. kerōceh cedrō yirceh. To “feed” involves the entire work of the shepherd. The sheep-like nature of the flock is emphasized—tender, humble, naïve, prone to wandering, insensible and insensitive to imminent threat or danger—all these combine to make the shepherd’s work more difficult and delicate. nāhal in the piel means “to lead, to guide to a watering-place or station; to take a first drink; to lead to a place of rest; to refresh.” The verb presupposes abundance of water and a cool resting place. The MT can be translated as: Like a shepherd he feeds his flock, he gathers the lambs in his arm, and in his bosom he carries them: he gently leads the ewe lambs.

The Targum basically says the same though with some modifications: Like the shepherd who feeds his flock, he gathers lambs in his arm, he carries tender ones in his bosom, and gently leads the nursing ewe-lambs.

The LXX follows suit and with beautiful alliteration: hos polmēn polmaneĩ to polmnion

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However, the BHS divides the stich differently and proposes the deletion of û in behêqô which advises the following rendering and this is our translation. Like a shepherd he feeds his flock, with his arm he gathers (it), He carries the lambs in the fold of his garments, he gently leads the mother-ewes.

The above translation has these to be noted —The shepherd gathers the flock (not lambs) —He gathers the flock with the strength of his arm —He carries the lambs in the fold of his garment Following the BHS, Yahweh is like a shepherd who, with tender loving care, provides all the needs of his flock. With the strength of his arm, he gathers the flock that was scattered—an image of the exile and of sheep prone to wandering. He does not carry the lambs in his arms but in the fold of his garments. A good example for hêq designating the fold of garments is found in Prov 6:27: Can a man carry fire in his folds and his garment not be burnt?

Another good example is Exod 4:6–7. Yahweh said to Moses: “Put your hand inside the fold of your cloak.” He did so and when he drew his hand out, the skin was white as snow with disease. Yahweh said: “Put your hand in again:” and he did so: and when he drew it out this time, it was as healthy as the rest of the body.

In any case, how can one carry lambs in his bosom and still be able to walk? Hence Duhm says: . . . daher zrcô wohl nicht “in” sondern “mit seinem Arm” zu übersetzen.173

It does appear that BHS is to be followed: it agrees better with the context and is in consonance with the theology of Deutero-Isaiah. Yahweh will lead the flock to refreshing waters, to a place of rest. This imagery has much in common with Ps 23. In Zion poems, in the episode of the marvelous epic return of Yahweh and his people, we read: For he who pities them will lead them and guide them to springs of water (49:10)

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This is a wonderful imagery of the prophet. The prophet combines the “strength of his arm” with the tenderness of “carrying in his arms.” Duhm says: Das Bild vom sorgsamen Hirten und besonders der letzte Langvers sind für Dtjes. characteristisch.174

Knight does not hesitate to say: The strength of Almighty God is the strength of the gentle giant, the strength of tenderness and love and care.175

Volz synthesizes the unit in these words: Zwei Züge schaut der Prophet an der Gestalt des mit den Heimkehrern nahenden Jahwe: die Kraft und die Güte.176

Consequently the epic return has two characters—strength and goodness. Such a combination of strength and compassion is not commonplace in biblical tradition. . . . . é raro vedere descritte le due azioni qui rilevate, che più di ogni altra mostrano la tenerezza e l’amore del pastore.177

That Yahweh leads his people as a shepherd leads his flock, is deeply embedded in Israelite traditions (Ps 80:2; 23:1; 28:9). This Yahweh does despite the obstinacy and the stubbornness of Israel. Since Israel is as obstinate as a stubborn heifer, how can Yahweh pasture him like a lamb in rolling pastures? (Hos 4:16).

But Yahweh refuses to give up on rebellious and recalcitrant Israel. He continues to lead them through the limbo of the exile to the enfranchisement of the Restoration. In the post-exilic text of Micah we are told that Yahweh will lead his people with a shepherd’s crook to pasture in Bashan and Gilead as in the days of old (7:14). The “ruling arm” of Yahweh of v. 10 is balanced here by the “carrying arm” of v. 11. With this marvelous picture of the caring God, the Overture of the Book of Consolations comes to an end. Love, pathos, concern, a bright future from the omnipotent holy God dominate the entire unit. The closing lines strike the same note of comfort as the beginning. The last lines are: . . . . the quintessence, as it were, of what he (the prophet) is commanded to proclaim.178

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In the Overture, one can easily recognize even in the first verses the fundamental themes of Deutero-Isaiah—comfort, the second Exodus, the glory of Yahweh, the transcendence and the infallibility of divine word, proclamation of good news, the return of the remnant, providential care for his erring people. These themes will be developed later in the work. Bonnard says: Le Livre de la Consolations’achèvera comme il a commencè, par l’affirmation de la transcendence du Seigneur, de l’efficacité de son verbe et du déploiement de sa force dans la réalization de l’Exode nouveau (55:11–13).179

The Overture begins with God’s command to comfort his city; to proclaim forgiveness and total enfranchisement, an exodus more marvelous than the first, with Yahweh transforming the Syro-Arabian desert into a permanent oasis. Faithful to the promise he made to their fathers, Yahweh will bring the Remnant back to their land with Yahweh at the lead, thus making the highway a Via Sacra for the solemn procession that will terminate in Zion. As Yahweh saved Israel from Egypt with his strong hand and outstretched arm, so he vanquishes the Chaldean Empire and destroys Babylon (Ch. 47) who is forced to sit in the dust with her nakedness exposed (v.2) bereft of her husband and children in a day (v.8). This Yahweh accomplishes through Cyrus, his shepherd (44:28) and anointed one (45:1) who will fulfill all his purposes (44:28). With the same arm Yahweh carries his people as a shepherd carries his lambs and gently lead the ewes to refreshing waters. The arm raised in triumph is lowered in compassion.180

In the Overture we have Deutero-Isaiah at his best. With eleven verses, he scans the history of salvation and while not denying the justice of God, affirms in an eminent manner his caring love and his steadfast love. Yahweh is . . . . a God of tenderness and compassion, slow to anger, rich in kindness and faithfulness; for thousands he maintains his kindness, forgives faults, transgression and sin. (Exod 34:6–7).

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Conclusion

T

he arch of biblical revelation rests on two piers: the Egyptian Oppression and the Exodus in the Old Testament; the Cross and the Resurrection of Jesus Christ in the New. The middle pier is the Book of Consolations, which more than any Old Testament book looks back to the Exodus; and as the New Testament understood it, forward to the coming of the Messiah. Chapter 40 as handed down to us, has a unique place in Isaian corpus because it introduces the writings of Deutero-Isaiah. It marks a break with what went before. It presumes that the threat of punishment due to Judah’s infidelity have been made real; that the earlier oracles have been fulfilled; that the words of prophets work have not fallen to the ground. One such oracle is: Listen to the oracle of Yahweh Sebaoth: ‘The days are coming when everything in your palace, everything that your ancestors have amassed until now, will be carried off to Babylon. Not a thing will be left (Isa 39:5–6).

This oracle was literally fulfilled with the destruction of Jerusalem and the systematic looting of all the valuables and treasures of Judah (2 Kgs 25:13–17; Jer 52:17–23). Chapter 40 is the first ray of light in the dark tunnel of Judah’s exilic history. The chapter is bread to the hungry and water to the thirsty, to which

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all are invited to have their fill without pay (55:1, 10–11). The prophet’s assignment is: Strengthen the weary hands, steady the trembling knees, say to all faint hearts: ‘Courage! Do not be afraid Look, your God is coming. . . . , He is coming to save you’ (Isa 35:3–4).

In its present form chapters 40–55 constitute a unity in which the beginning and the end interlink. Its beauty lies in Israel’s traditions that are grasped and interpreted in a fashion incomparable to any other biblical book of the Old Testament. In the New Testament, a similar work was done by the author of Epistle to the Hebrews. Deutero-Isaiah’s sense of history made it easy for the work to be appropriated by New Testament hagiographers. The Overture has proved to be a most impressionable literary unit of Deutero-Isaiah and even more: it is a masterpiece in world literature, discussed, commented by saints and scholars and dramatized by artistes. Besides its pre-eminence for literary elevation and profundity of thought, it marks a definite break from Proto-Isaiah in content and style. The Overture affirms that divine will, so well articulated at the beginning of the work, will come true; and the epilogue, which forms a literary inclusion, affirms its infallible realization. The Overture not only prepares the way for the poems which follow, it provides the setting, determines the advantage point, and strikes the dominant mood for the entire collection. Deutero-Isaiah is no Gerichtsprophet. His central message is no longer threat of punishment but restoration; not destruction but creation; no new exile but a new exodus; no journey for forty years through the desert but a religious procession through the Syro-Arabian desert: a procession which terminates not in Canaan but in Zion—all because the mouth of Yahweh has spoken. The prophecy of doom gives way to glad tidings of joy and peace, for he who scattered Israel will gather it and guard it as a Shepherd guards his flock (Jer 31:10). Yahweh has broken not only into Israel’s but rather into world history. His compassionate and reassuring words teach that not only the word but above all the hesed of Yahweh abides for ever. In the Overture, the prophet announces reversal of Israel’s history. Israel is now comforted, its sins forgiven, mountains and hills laid low while the valleys are banked up to build a highway as Yahweh processes with his people like a victorious conqueror to Zion. Yahweh pours out his blessings unstintingly on his people, e.g. the desert is transformed not merely into a

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permanent oasis but into primordial paradise. These blessings are conveyed in a language of mythical and poetical motifs, indicating that new miracles, “the new things,” could by no stretch of imagination be compared with “the former things.” Comfort does not imply resignation to woes of the past nor reconciliation with misfortune of the present. Rather the comfort of God’s salvation guarantees the end of suffering, renews the conviction that the God of the Covenant, the Holy One of Israel is alive; inaugurates a new era of salvation despite the frailty and impermanence of human beings. The Overture, true to its name, synthesizes all the major themes developed later in the book. It calls on the exiles to hope in God; a hope which implies renunciation of all false hopes and above all, the lassitude of despair. He wakes up broken Judah from her slumber and presents salvation which consists of liberation, forgiveness, return and restoration, not only as imminent but as present. Judah is saved because of the ever- abiding presence of her God. The Overture is a product of Hebrew culture and theology. Though written with Babylonia in the background, it is deeply embedded in the noblest of Israel’s traditions, thus making it possible for all traditions and ages to be at home with it. Its theocentricity, which sees the hand of God in all events, makes the exile understandable and gives hope for restoration. Yes, you will go out with joy and be led forth in peace Before you mountains and hills will break into cries of joy and all the trees of the countryside clap their hands. Pine trees will grow in place of camel-thorn, myrtles instead of briars; all this will be a memorial for Yahweh a sign that for all time will not be cut off (Isa 55:12–13).

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Notes

CHAPTER ONE 1. John Bright, A History of Israel 3rd ed. (Philadelphia: Westminister Press, 1981) 316. 2. D. J. Wiseman, Nebuchadrezzar and Babylon The Schweich Lectures (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985) 12 3. ———, ibid 5. 4. ———, ibid 14. 5. ———. ibid 17. 6. Ernst Vogt, “Die neubabylonische Chronik über die Schlacht bei Karkemish und die Einnahme von Jerusalem” Volume du Congres Strasbourg 1956. SVT IV (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1957) 80. 7. ———, ibid 80. 8. ———, ibid 85. 9. John Bright, ibid 327. 10. D. J. Wiseman, ibid 32. 11. ———, ibid 32. 12. E. Vogt, ibid 93. 13. Giuseppe Ricciotti, A History of Israel tr. Richard T .A. Murphy (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Co., 1955) 414. 14. Flavius Josephus, War VI; 3, 3–4.

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15. Giuseppe Ricciotti, ibid 417. 16. C. Stuhlmueller, Old Testament Reading Guide. Isaiah 40–66. (Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1965) 4. 17. Reuven Hammer, Sifre. A Tannaitic Commentary on the book of Deuteronomy #43. Deut 11:17 Yale Judaica Series, Vol XXIV (New Haven , Conn. Yale University Press, 1986) 95. 18. F. Even, Poetry and Prose of Heinrich Heine (New York, Citadel Press, 1948) 652. 19. F. Hertz, Race and Civilization (New York: Mac Millian Press, 1928) 194 20. Alberto J. Soggin, An Introduction to the History of Israel and Judah 2nd ed. tr. John Bowden (Valley Forge, PA: Trinitas Press, 1993) 253. 21. Yehezkel Kaufmann, The Babylonian Captivity and Deutero-Isaiah (New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1970) 10. 22. C. Stuhlmueller, ibid 7. 23. Alberto J. Soggin, ibid 254. 24. Flavius Josephus, Ant. Jud XI.I, 3. 25. Martin Noth The History of Israel 2nd Ed. (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1960), 291. 26. Robert Smith, The Religion of the Semites. 3rd Ed. (New York: Meridian Books, 1959), 92. 27. Yehezkel Kaufmann, ibid 16. 28. Martn Noth, ibid 296. 29. ———, ibid 307. 30. John Bright, ibid 362.

CHAPTER TWO 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Hugo Greβmann, “Die literarische Analyse Deterojesajas” ZAW 34 (1914), 275. N. K. Gottewald, “Hebrew Poetry” IDB III, 834. J. Muilenburg, “The Book of Isaiah Chapters 40–66” IB V, 382. Carroll P. Stuhlmueller, Old Testament Reading Guide .Isaiah 40–66 (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1965), 16. ———, ibid, 16. ———, ibid, 4. ———, ibid, 5. ———, ibid, 17. Hans Wildberger, Jahwewort und prophetische Rede bei Jeremia (Zürich: Zwingli Verlag, 1942), 5. Luis Alonso Schökel, “Pöesie Hébraique,” SDB VIII, 56. Hugo Greβmann, ibid, 295. Claus Westermann, Sprache und Struktur der Prophetie Deuterojesajas (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1964), 11. Joachim Begrich, Studien zu Deuterojesaja (TB ; Munchen: 1963), 13.

NOTES 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48.




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———, ibid, 48–61. Claus Westermann, ibid., Hugo Greβmann, ibid, 264–297. Joachim Begrich, ibid, 14. ———, “Das priesterliche Heilsorakel” ZAW 52 (1934), 81–92. Hans-Eberhard von Waldow, Anlass und Hintergund der Verkündigung des Deuterojesaja (Bonn: 1953), 86–88. Joachim Begrich, “Studien” 14. ———, ibid, 15. Claus Westermann, ibid, 35–36. Joachim Begrich, “Studien” 15–18. Claus Westermann, ibid, 37. ———, ibid, 41. ———, ibid, 40. ———, ibid, 135–136. Carroll P. Stuhlmueller, Creative Redemption in Deutero-Isaiah (An Bib 43; Roma: 1970), 52. Joachim Begrich, “Studien” 42. Leopold Sabourin, The Psalms: their Origin and Meaning (Staten Island, NY: Alba House, 1974) 176–177 Eduardo Norden, Agnostos Theos: Untersuchungen zur Formen-Geschichte Religiöser Rede (Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner, 1971), 211. ———, ibid, 207. ———, ibid, 216–217. Claus Westermann, ibid, 145. Claus Westermann, Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech tr Hugh Clayton White (Philadelphia: The Westminister Press, 1967), 90. ———, “Basic Forms” ibid, 100. ———, ibid, 100. L. Köhler, “Kleine Lichter” Fünzig Bibelstellen erklärt (Zürich: Zwingli Verlag, 1945). 16. ANET p. 482. ANET p. 627. Claus Westernann, “Basic Forms” p. 101. Hans Wildberger, ibid, 49. Hugo Greβmann, ibid, 275. ———, ibid, 275. ———, ibid, 275. ———, ibid, 276. James Limburg, “Book of Psalms” The Anchor Bible Dictionary, V (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 528. N. K. Gottwald, “Hebrew Poetry: IDB III, 828.

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49. ———, ibid 829. 50. N. H. Ridderbos & H. M. Wolf, “Hebrew Poetry: The International Standard Bible Encycolpaedia 3. (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm B. Eerdmans, 1986), 892. 51. N. K. Gottwald, ibid, 834. 52. ———, ibid, 834. 53. Hugo Greβmann, “Die literarische Analyse Deuterojesajas” ZAW 34 (1914) 275. 54. B-D-B, ibid, 884. 55. Carolus Brockelmann, Lexicon Syriacum, Editio Secunda aucta et emendata. Fasciculus 9 (1923), 664. 56. K. Budde, “Das hebraische Klagelied” ZAW 2 (1882) 19. 57. W. Randall Garr, “The Qinah: A Study of the Poetic Meter, Syntax and Style” ZAW 95 (1983), 63. 58. Joachim Begrich, “Der Satzstil im Fünfer” ZS (1933/34), 169–209. 59. N. K. Gottwald, “Hebrew Poetry: IDB III, 834. 60. E. König, “Poesie und Prosa in der althebräischen Literatur abgegrenzt” ZAW 37 (1917) 148. 61. Ronald James Williams, Hebrew Syntax: An Outline 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976) 5 62. W. Randall Garr, ibid 5. 63. ———, ibid 68.

CHAPTER THREE 1. James D. Smart, History and Theology in Second Isaiah. (Philadelphia: Westminister Press, 1965), 41. 2. R. N. Whybray, Isaiah 40–66. New Century Bible Commentary (Grand Rapids: Wm Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1975), 48. 3. Claus Westermann, Isaiah 40–66 A Commentary tr. David M. G. Stalker from Das Buch Jesaja 40–66 ATD 19 (London: SCM Press, 1969), 32. 4. Paul Volz, Jesaja II übersetzt und erklärt. (Leipzig: A Deichertsche Verlagsbuchhandlung D. Werner Scholl, 1932), 2. 5. ———, ibid 2. 6. P. E. Bonnard, Le Second Isaïe. Son Disciple et leurs Éditeurs. Etudes Bibliques (Paris: Librairirie Lecoffre, 1972), 7. J. Muilenburg, “Isaiah 40–66” IB V 423. 8. ———, ibid, 423. 9. Claus Westermann, ibid, 33. 10. J. Muilenburg, ibid, 423–424. 11. Jan L. Koole, Isaiah. Part 3 Vol. 1; Isaiah 40–48 (Kampen: Kok Pharos Publishing House, 1997), 14. 12. John Scullion, Isaiah 40–66. Old Testament Message Vol. 12 (Wilmington Delaware, Michael Glazier Inc. 1982), 21.

NOTES 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.




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ANET, 133. ———, 130–140. ———, 62–72. UT, 453. ANET, 62. ANET, 68. ANET, 130. John Scullion, ibid, 21. J. Muilenburg, ibid, 432. John L. McKenzie, Second Isaiah. Anchor Bible 20 (New York: Doubleday & Company; 1968) 17. Paul Volz, ibid, 3. J. Muilenburg, ibid, 432. James D. Smart, ibid, 43. A. S. Herbert, The Book of the Prophet Isaiah Chapters 40–66. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 17. Frank M. Cross, Jr. “The Council of Yahweh in Second-Isaiah” JNES 12 (1953), 275. ———, ibid, 274–275.

CHAPTER FOUR 1. B-D-B, 636–637. 2. AHw 11: 716. 3. Jacob Levy, Neuhebräisches und Chaldäisches Worterbuch 4 vols (Leipzig: 1876–89), 370. 4. AHw 11: 694. 5. B-D-B, ibid, 636. 6. UT, 443. 7. Heinz-Josef Fabry, n!m TDOT 1X, 342. 8. H.G. Liddell & Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966) 1311. 9. O. Schmitz, parakaleō TDNT V, 774–776. 10. Edwin Hatch & Henry Redpath, A Concordance to the Septuagint Vol II (Graz:Akadenische Druck–U. Verlagsanstatt, 1954), 1060. 11. O. Schmitz, ibid, 777. 12. O. Schmitz, 778–779. 13. James H. Charlesworth, ed. The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha Vol I (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Co., 1983) 819. 14. ———, ibid, 550. 15. ———, ibid, 818. 16. ———, ibid, 649.

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17. ———, ibid, 810. 18. Hermann L. Strack & Paul Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch (München: C.H. Beckshe Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1924), 124. 19. ———, ibid, 126. 20. ———, ibid, 125. 21. ———, ibid, 125. 22. ———, Vol I,, 195.

CHAPTER FIVE 1. Sigmund Mowinckel, “Die Komposition des deuterojesajanschen Buches” ZAW 49 (1931), 88. 2. P.A.H. De Boer, Second-Isaiah’s Message (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1956), 40. 3. J.A. Simpson & E.S.C. Weiner, The Oxford English Dictionary. Second Edition.) Vol I (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 428. 4. ———, ibid. Vol V, 342. 5. Eduard König, Das Buch Jesaja eingeleitet, übersetzt und erklärt, (Gutersloh: Verlag von C. Bertelsmann, 1926), 349. 6. Franz Feldmann, Das Buch Isaias übersetzt und erklärt, Zweiter Teil 40–66 (Münster: Verlag der Aschendorfschen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1926), 30. 7. Bruce D. Chilton, The Isaiah Targum Introduction, Translation, Apparatus and Notes , Aramaic Bible Vol. II (Wilmington: Michael Glazier, 1987). 77. 8. L.G. Rignell, A Study of Isaiah Ch 40–55 , (Lund: Hăkan Ohlssons Boktryekerei, 1956), 9. 9. Angelo Penna, Isaia (Roma: Marietti, 1957), 404. 10. GKC 124g Paul Joüon, Grammaire de l’Hebreu Biblique (Roma: PIB 1965). 136d-f 11. Paul Volz, Jesaja II übersetzt und erklärt (Leipzig: A. Deichertsche Verlagsbuchhandlung D. Werner Scholl, 1932), 2. 12. ———, ibid, 2. 13. George A. F. Knight, Servant Theology: A Commentary on Isaiah 40–55 (Edinburgh: The Handsel Press, 1984), 7. 14. Claus Westermann, Isaiah 40–66, A Commentary, tr. David M.G. Stalker (London: SCM Press, 1969), 34. 15. B-D-B, 766, 769. 16. UT, 457. 17. AHw:1, 44. 18. Christopher North, The Second Isaiah Introduction, Translation and Commentary to Chapters XL-LV, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), 74. 19. É Dhorme, La Bible de la Pleiade II Ed. Gallimard (1959), 132. 20. Mitchell Dahood, Psalms I (Psalms 1–50). The Anchor Bible (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Company, 1965), 112–113.

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21. H. J. Van Dijk, Ezekiel’s Prophecy on Tyre (Eze 26, 1–28, 19). A New Approach. Biblica et Orientalia 20 (Roma; PIB, 1968), 4–28. ———. “Consolamini, Consolamini, popule meus” Observationes exegeticae ad Isaiam 40:1–2 VD 45 (1967), 342–346. 22. UT, 2063:9–12. 23. B-D-B, 766. 24. Rosario Pius Merendino, “Der Erste und der Letzte. Eine Untersuchung von Jes 40–48” SVT 31 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1981) 14. 25. Norman H. Snaith, “Isaiah 40–66. A Study of the Teaching of the Second Isaiah and its Consequences” SVT 14 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967), 178. 26. ———, ibid, 178. 27. S.R. Driver, A Treatise in the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew. 3rd ed. rev. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892), 38. 28. Edward König, ibid, 348. 29. P. E. Bonnard, Le Second Isaïe, son Disciple et leurs Editeurs (Paris:Librairie Lecoffre, 1972), 85. 30. Edward König, ibid, 349. 31. George A.F. Knight, ibid, 10. 32. R.P. Merendino, ibid, 15. 33. ———, ibid, 15. 34. George A.F. Knight, ibid, 10. 35. A. Penna, ibid, 404–405. 36. Franz Feldmann, ibid, 30. 37. P. Volz, ibid, 2. 38. ———, ibid. 2. 39. Mitchell Dahood, Ugaritic-Hebrew Philology. Bib Or Pont 17 (1965) 20. 40. B-D-B, ibid, 838–839. 41. J. Alec Motyer, The Prophecy of Isaiah. An Introduction and Commentary, (Downers Grove, IL; Inter-Varsity Press, 1993), 299. 42. Liddell-Scott, ibid, 1757. 43. B-D-B, ibid, 958. 44. Reuben Levy, Deutero-Isaiah, A Commentary, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1925), 114. 45. Edward Young, The Book of Isaiah Vol III Chs 40–66, (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1972), 23. 46. L.G. Rignell, ibid, 11. 47. B-D-B, ibid, 405. 48. UT, ibid, 422. 49. Ernest J. How, “Double for all her Sins” ET 17 (1905–1906), 141. 50. W.D. Morris, “Double for all her Sins” ET 17 (1905–1906), 286–287. 51. Gerhard Von Rad, “Kiplaim in Jes 402=Äquivalent” ZAW 79 (1967), 80–82. 52. P. E. Bonnard, ibid. 87.

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53.Christopher North, The Second Isaiah Introduction, Translation and Commentary to Chapters XL–LV (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), 73. 54. A. Penna, ibid. 405. 55. AHw:1, ibid, 337. 56. Robin Cover, “Sin, Sinners.” The Anchor Bible Dictionary Vol 6 (1992), 31. 57. ———, ibid, 90. 58. James D. Smart, History and Theology in Second Isaiah. A Commentary on Isaiah 35, 40–66. (Philadelphia: The Westminister Press, 1965). 59. Franz Delitsch, Biblical Commentary on the Prophecies of Isaiah Vol II (New York: Funk & Wagnalls Company, n.d.), 76. 60. L.G. Rignell, ibid, 11. 61. R.N. Whybray, Isaiah 40–66, New Century Bible Commentary (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1975), 50. 62. Franz Feldmann, ibid, 31. 63. Eduard König, ibid, 351. 64. Franz Delitsch, ibid. 76. 65. UT, 532. 66. AHw:11, 572. 67. B-D-B, 787. 68. D.J. Wiseman, The Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon IRAQ Vol XX (1958), Part I (London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq), 33. 69. B-D-B, 815. 70. Christopher North, ibid, 74. 71. J. Guillet, “Thème de la Marche au Désert dans l’Ancient Testament” RSR 36 (1949), 172. 72. UT, 387. 73. AHw:1, 163. 74. B-D-B, 201–204. 75. ———, 699. 76. Friedrich Stummer, “Einige Keilschriftliche Parallelen zu Jes. 40–66” JBL 45 (1926) 172. 77. Claus Westermann, Isaiah 40–66 A Commentary tr David M.G. Stalker (London: SCM Press, 1966) 38. 78. Friedrich Stummer, ibid, 172. 79. ———, ibid, 172. 80. Robert Koldewey, The Excavations at Babylon tr Agnes S. Johns (London: MacMillan & Co., 1914), 25. 81. ———, ibid, 54. 82. B-D-B, 940. 83. B-D-B, 940. 84. AHw:11, 945. 85. UT, 484.

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86. B-D-B, 132. 87. Gerhard von Rad, “kābod in the OT” TDNT 11, 238. 88. AHw:1, 416. 89. R. Borger, “Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, König von Assyrien” BAFO, 9 (2 1967) 64, VI, 55. 90. UT, KRT 1.3, 11 25–26 Cfr UT p. 253. 91. UT, 215. 92. Cfr M. Weinfeld, “kābôd” TDOT:VII, 24. 93. N.P. Bratsotis, “basar” TDOT:II, 318–319. 94. B-D-B, 403. 95. P.A.H. De Boer, Second Isaiah’s Message (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1956), 40. 96. John L. McKenzie, “The Word of God in the Old Testament” TS 21 (1960), 190. 97. Carroll Stuhlmueller, Creative-Redemption in Deutero-Isaiah An Bibl 43 (Roma: PIB, 1970), 176. 98. Maximilian Zerwick, Biblical Greek 4th ed tr. Joseph Smith. (Rome: PIB, 1963) n. 256. 99. P. Volz, ibid, 5. 100. J. Smart, ibid, 50. 101. C. Westermann, ibid. 102. E. Young, The Book of Isaiah Vol 3. (Grand Rapids, MI Wm Eerdmans Publishing Co, 1972) 33. 103. F. Delitzsch, ibid, 79. 104. P. Bonnard, ibid, 89. 105. ———, ibid, 89. 106. C. Westermann, ibid, 42. 107. Ludwig Köhler and Walter Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1953), 318. 108. B-D-B ibid, 338–340. 109. Christopher North, ibid, 77. 110. B-D-B, ibid, 340. 111. W.F. Lofthouse, “Hen and Hesed in the Old Testament” ZAW X (1933), 29. 112. Norman H. Snaith, The Distinctive Ideas of the Old Testament (New York: Schocken Books, 1975) 94–95. 113. Nelson Glueck, Das Wort Hesed im Alttestamentlichen Sprachgebrauche als menschliche und göttliche Gemeinschaftgemäβe Verhältungsweise (Giessen: Verlag von Alfred Töpelmann, 1927), 3. 114. Norman H. Snaith, “Loving Kindness” in A Theological Word Book of the Bible, ed. Alan Richardson (New York: MacMillan, 1951) 136–137. 115. Hans Joachim Stoebbe, “Die Bedeutung des Wortes Häsäd im Alten Testament.” VT 2 (1952), 251. 116. ———, ibid, 252. 117. Paul Volz, ibid, I. 118. Robert Lowth, Isaiah, 12th edition (London: Thomas Tegg, 1837).

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Heinrich Ewald, Die Propheten des alten Bundes Zweiten Band (Stuttgart, Adolph Krabbe, 1841) 413. Berhard Duhm, Das Buch Jesaja (Göttingen” Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1892) 267. Felix Perles, Analekten zur Textkritik des Alten Testaments. (Munchen: Theodor Ackermann, 1895). Karl Marti, Das Buch Jesaja Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum Alten Testament, x. (Freiburg: J.C.B. Mohr, 1900), 272. Ludwig Köhler, ibid, 318. 119. K. Marti, ibid, 272. 120. E. König, ibid, 353. 121. F. Perles, ibid, 76–77. 122. E. König, ibid 353. 123. B-D-B, ibid, 340. 124. Mitchell Dahood Psalms II & III The Anchor Bible, Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company (1968, 1970). L.J. Kuyper, “The Meaning of HASDO Isa XL 6” VT 13 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1963) 489–492. 125. P.A.H. De Boer, Second-Isaiah’s Message (Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1956) 4. 126. C. North, ibid, 78. 127. B-D-B, ibid, 348. 128. ———, ibid, 847. 129. ———, ibid, 386. 130. ———, ibid, 614–615. 131. AHw:11, ibid, 696. 132. J.A. Simpson & E.S.C. Weiner, The Oxford English Dictionary Vol. 7, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 339. 133. F. Delitzsche, ibid, 80. 134. C. Westermann, ibid, 42. 135. Mitchell Dahood, Psalms 1:1–50. The Anchor Bible (New York: Doubleday & Company, 1965), 176. 136. P. Volz, ibid, 5 137. Claus Westermann, ibid, 43. 138. B-D-B, ibid, 142. 139. AHw 1:, ibid, 142. 140. UT, ibid, 377. 141. O. Schilling, “bsr, besorah” TDOT:11, 313. 142. Hauch Friedrich, “evangelizomai, evangelion” TDNT 11, 707. 143. I.W. Slotki, Isaiah (London: The Soncino Press, 1972), 186. 144. Ludwig Koehler & Walter Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1953), 157. 145. Franciscus Zorell, Lexicon Hebraicum et Chaldaicum Veteris Testamenti (Roma: PIB, 1954), 132. 146. J. Alec Motyer, ibid, 301.

NOTES




155

147. B. Duhm, ibid, 265. 148. ———, ibid 266. 149. Richard J. Clifford, Fair Spoken and Persuading (New York: Paulist Press 1984), 76. 150. George A.F. Knight, ibid, 16. 151. J. Muilenburg, ibid, 431. 152. B. Duhm, ibid, 266. 153. G.A.F. Knight, ibid, 17. 154. B-D-B, ibid, 969. 155. UT, ibid, 490. 156. B-D-B, ibid, 821. 157. UT, ibid, 469 158. L.G. Rignell, ibid, 14. 159. K. Marti, ibid, 272 160. E. Young, ibid, 39. 161. B-D-B, ibid, 944–945. 162. Ahw II, ibid, 977 163. UT, ibid, 485 164. G. Dalman, “Arbeit und Sitte in Palästina, VI” BFTh, II, 41 (1939), 146. 165. J.D. Smart, ibid, 54. 166. K. Sethe, Die altaegypt. Pyramidentexte I (1909) Text 771b. 167. ———, ibid, I (1910) Text 1533b. 168. J. Jeremias “poimēn” TDNT VI: 487. 169. B-D-B, ibid., 727. 170. ———, ibid., 378. 171. ———, ibid., 300. 172. ———, ibid., 624–625. 173. B. Duhm, ibid., 266. 174. B. Duhm, ibid., 266. 175. George F. Knight, ibid., 17. 176. P. Volz, ibid., 6. 177. A. Penna, ibid., 408. 178. F. Delitzsch, ibid., 83. 179. P.-E. Bonnard, ibid., 92. 180. J. Muilenburg, ibid., 433.

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Primary Sources and Reference Works

BIBLE TEXTS Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia eds. K. Elliger and W. Rudolph Editio funditus renovata Vierte verbesserte Auflage (Stuttgart: Wüttembergische Bibelanstalt Stuttgart, 1990). Septuaginta 8º Editio Alfred Rahlfs ed. (Stuttgart: Wüttembergische Bibelanstalt Stuttgart, 1965). The Greek New Testament 3rd ed. K. Aland, M. Black, C.M. Martini eds. (London: United Bible Societies, 1975). The Aramaic Bible “The Isaiah Targum” Bruce C. Chilton, ed. (Wilmington: Michael Glazier, 1987). The Jerusalem Bible (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co., 1966). The Revised Standard Version, Catholic Edition (London: Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1966). Millar Burrows, The Dead Sea Scrolls—translation (New York: Viking Press, 1958).

LEXICA F. Brown, S.R. Driver, C.A. Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon to the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966). Henry George Liddell & Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon with Revised Supplement (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996).

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Wilheim Gesenius, Hebraisches und Aramaisches Handworterbuch uber das Alte Testament. Frants Buhl, ed. (Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 1962). Franz Zorell, ed. Lexicon Hebraicum et Aramaicum Veteris Testamenti. (Roma: PIB, 1954). Ludwig Kohler & Walter Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1953). J.A. Simpson & E.S.C. Weiner, The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed. Vols. 1–15. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998–2000). A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian. 2nd ed. Jeremy Black, Andrew George, Nicholas Postgate, eds. (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000). Wolfram von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch Bande 1–111 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 1965–1981).

REFERENCE WORKS Cyrus Gordon, Ugaritic Textbook (Rome: PIB, 1964). ———, Ugaritic Literature (Rome: PIB, 1949). Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 3rd ed. with Supplement. James B. Pritchard, ed. (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1969). Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament. 2nd ed. with Supplement. (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1969). The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English ed., R.H. Charles (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1964). James H. Charlesworth ed, Old Testament Aprocrypha (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1987). The Mishna, ed. Herbert Danby (London: Oxford University Press, 1967). Jacob Neusner, The Mishna, a New Translation (Yale: University Press, 1988). The Complete Works of Josephus Flavius tr. William Whiston (New York: Bigelow, Brown & Co., Inc., 1930). Homer, Iliad Graece et Latine Ex recensione et cum notis Samuelis Clark, ed. 16. (Londini impensis J. Cuthell etc. 1825). Moses Hadas, The Complete Work of Tacitus tr. Alfred John Church & William Jackson Brodribb (New York The Modern Library, 1942).

CONCORDANCES Veteris Testamenti Concordantiae Hebraicae atque Chaldaicae. Solomon Mandelkern, ed. (Graz: Akademische Druck—und Verlagsanstalt, 1954). A Concordance to the Septuagint and Other Greek Versions of the Old Testament Edwin Patch & Henry A. Redpath, eds. (Graz: Akademische Druck—und Verlagsanstalt, 1954).

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A Concordance to the Greek Testament 5th Edition (W.F. Moulton & A.S. Geden, eds. (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1978). The NIV Exhaustive Concordance Edward W. Goodrick & John R. Kohlenberger III (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1990).

HEBREW GRAMMAR Gesenius Hebrew Grammar ed. and enlarged by E. Kautsch 2nd ed. revised by A. E. Cowley (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966). Paul Joüon, Grammaire de l’Hebreu Biblique (Rome: ed photomécanique corrigée, 1965). Bruce K. Waltke & M. O’Connor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1990).

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Bibliography William F. Albright, The Biblical Period From Abraham to Ezra (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1963). Frances Anderson, “Moabite Syntax” Orientalia Vol 35 Fasc. 2 (1966), 95. E. Beaucamp, “Peché dans l’Ancien Testament” Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible Tome 7e (Paris: Letouzey Ané, (1966). 407–471. Joachim Begrich, Studien zu Deuterojesaja (TB 20; Munchen: 1963). ———, “Der Satzil im Funfer” ZS (1933/34), 169–209. ———, “Das priesterliche Heilsorakel” ZAW 52(1934) 81–92. P.A.H De Boer, Second-Isaiah’s Message (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1956). P.-E. Bonnard, Le Second Isaïe. Son disciple et leurs editeurs. Isaïe 40–66 (Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1972). R. Borger, “Die Inschriften Asarhaddons Königs von Assyrien” BAFO, 9(2 1967), 64, VI 55. N. P. Bratsiotis, “Basar” TDOT:11, 317–332. John Bright, A History of Israel (Philadelphia:Westminister Press, 1981) Carolus Brockelmann, Lexicon Syriacum. Editio Secunda aucta et emendata, Fasciculus 9. (Halix Saxonum, 1923). K.Budde, “Das hebraische Klagelied” ZAW 2 (1882) Millar Burrows, “The Origin of the Term ‘Gospel’” JBL 44 (1925) 21–33. T. K. Cheyne, The Book of the Prophet Isaiah: A New English Translation (London: James Clarke & Co., 1898). Brevard S. Childs, Isaiah. (Louisville, John Knox Press, 2001).

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R. E. Clements, “Zion as Symbol and Political Reality: A Central Isaianic Quest” Studies in the Book of Isaiah Festschrift “Willem A.M. Beuken” ed. J. Van Ruiten & M. Vervenne (Leuven: University Press, 1997) 3–17. Richard J. Clifford, Fair Spoken and Persuading: An Interpretation of Second Isaiah (New York: Paulist Press, 1984). Albert Condamin, Le Livre d’Isaïe Etudes Bibliques (Paris: Librairie Victor Lecoffrree, 1905). Robin Cover, “Sin, Sinners” The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. 6 (New York: Doubleday & Co., (1992) 31–40. Frank M. Cross Jr., “The Council of Yahweh in Second-Isaiah” JNES 12 (1953) 274–278. Mitchell Dahood, “Some Ambiguous Texts in Isaias (30,15; 52,2; 33,2; 40,5; 45,1).” CBQ 20 (1958) 41–49. ———, “Hebrew and Ugaritic Equivalents of Accadian pitu purīdā” Bib 39 (1958) 67–69. ———, Ugaritic—Hebrew Philology Biblica et Orientalia 17, (Roma:1965). ———, Psalms 1–50 Anchor Bible (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1965). G. Dalman, “Arbeit und Sitte in Palástina, VI,” BFTh, 11, 41 (1939) 146–287. Bernhard Duhm, Das Buch Jesaja (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1892). Franz Deliztsch, Biblical Commentary on the Prophecies of Isaiah Vol II (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, n.d.). H. J. Van Dijk, Ezekiels Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 26,1–28,9): A New Approach. Biblica et Orientalia 20 (Roma: P.I.B., 1968). ——— “Consolamini, Consolamini, Popule Meus. Observationes exegeticae ad Isaiam 40:1– 2” VD 45 (1967) 342–346. S. R. Driver, A Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew. 3rd ed. rev. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1892). J. H. Eaton, Festal Drama in Deutero-Isaiah (London: SPCK, 1979). Karl Elliger, Deuterojesaja in seinem Verhältnis zu Tritojesaja (Stuttgart: W.Kohlhammer Verlag, 1933). Heinrich Ewald, Die Propheten des Alten Bundes. Zweiter Band. (Stuttgart:Verlag von Adolph Krabbe, 1841). F. Ewen, Poetry and prose of Heinrich Heine. (New York: Citadel Press, 1948). Heinz—Josef Fabry, “n!m” TDOT 1X: 340–355 Franz Feldmann, Das Buch Isaias übersetzt und erklärt Zweiter Teil, 40–66 (Munster: Verlag der Aschendorfschen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1926). Hauch Friedrich, “Evangelizomai” TDNT 11:707–737. Randall Garr, “The Qinah: A Study of the Poetic Meter, Syntax and Style”. ZAW 95 (1983) 54–75. William J. Mc Garry, He Cometh (New York: America, 1947). H. L. Gingsberg, “The Arm of Yahweh in Isaiah 51–63 and the Text of Isa 53:10–11” JBL 77 (1958) 152–156. N.K. Gottwald, “Hebrew Poetry” IDB 111: 829–838.

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Nelson Glueck, Das Wort Hesed im alttestamentlichen Sprachgebrauche als menschliche und göttliche Gemeinschaftgemäβe Verhaltungsweise (Giessen : Verlag von Alfred Töpelmann, 1927). ———, Hesed in the Bible tr. Alfred Gottschalk (Cincinnati: The Hebrew Union College Press, 1967). A. K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Locust Valley, NY: J. J. Augustin Publishers, 1975). Hugo Gressmann, “Die literarische Analyse Deuterojesajas” ZAW 34 (1914) 254–297. G. W. Grogan, “Isaiah” The Expositors Bible Commentary Vol 6 Grand Rapids, MI:Zondervan Publishing House, (1986) 240–313. J. Guillet, “Theme de la Marche au Desert dans l’Ancient Testament” RSR 36(1949) 161–181. Reuben Hammer, Sifre. A Tannaitic Commentary on the Book of Deuteronomy #43. Deut 11:37.Yale Judaica Series, Vol. XX1V (New Haven Conn: Yale University Press, 1986). Paul D. Hansen, Isaiah 40–66 (Louisville, John Knox Press, 1995) Johannes Hehn, Hymnen und Gebete an Marduk (Leipzig: Druck von August Pries, 1903). A. S. Herbert, The Book of the Prophet Isaiah Chapters 40–66 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1975). F. Hertz, Race and Civilization (New York: Macmillan Press, 1928). Andrée Herdner, Corpus des Tablettes en Cuneiformes Alphabetiques decouvertes à Ras Shamra—Ugarit de 1929–1939 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1963). Earnest J. How, “Double for all her sins” ET 17 (Oct 1905-Sept 1906) 141. Joachim Jeremias, “poimēn” TDNT VI: 485–502. Louis Jonker, “rch” New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology and Exegesis Vol 3 Willem A. Van Gemeren, gen. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House (1996) 1138–1143. Yehezkel Kaufmann, The Babylonian Captivity and Deutero-Isaiah (New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1970). Edward J. Kissane, The Book of Isaiah Vol II. (XL-LXVI) (Dublin: The Richview Press, 1943). R. Knierim, Die Hauptbegriffe für Sünde im Alten Testament (Gutersloh: Gutersloher Verlagshaus, G.Mohr, 1965). George A. F. Knight, Servant Theology. A Commentary on the Book of Isaiah 40–55 (Edinburgh: The Handsel Press, 1984). Ludwig Kohler, “Formen und Stoffe” Deuterojesaja Stilkritisch Untersucht (Giessen: 1923) 102–105. ———, ‘Kleine Lichter” Fünzig Bibelstellen erklärt (Zurich: Zwingli Verlag, 1945) 11–17. K. Koch, “derekh” TDOT III: 270–273, 275–293 _____, cāwon, cāwă TDOT X: 546–562. Eduard König, Das Buch Jesaja eingeleitet, übersetzt und erklärt (Gutersloh: Verlag von C. Bertelsmann, 1926). ———, “Poesie und Prosa in der althebraischen Literatur abgegrenzt: ZAW 37 (1917/18)

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Robert Kololeway, The Excavations at Babylon tr. Agnes S. Johns (London: Macmillian, 1914). Jan K. Koole, Isaiah Part 3 Vol 1 Isaiah 40–48 (Kampen: Kok Pharos Publishing House, 1997). L. J. Kupyer, “The meaning of HSDO Isa XL 6” VT 13 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1963) 489–492. Gerald A. Larue, “Recent Studies in Hesed” Hesed in the Bible. Nelson Glueck, ed. Cincinnati: The Hebrew Union College Press, (1967) 1–32. Jacob Levy, Neuhebraisches und Chaldaisches Worterbuch 4 vols (Leipzig: 1876–89). . Reuben Levy, Deutero-Isaiah. A Commentary (London: Humphrey Milford, 1925). James Limburg, “Book of Psalms” Anchor Bible Dictionary Vol. V (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 552–536. W. F. Lofthouse, “Hen and Hesed in the OT” ZAW X (1933) 29–35. Robert Lowth, Isaiah. A New Translation with a Preliminary Dissertation and Notes (Cambridge: James Munroe & Company, 1834). Alex Luc “ht” New International Dictionary of the OT and Exegesis Vol 2 (1997) 87–93. R. Marti, Das Buch Jesaja KHCAT X. (Tübingen, Verlag von J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck) 1904). Francois Martin, “Melanges Assyriologiques” Recherches de trav. rel. à la philolo. èt archeol. Egypt. et assyriennes. XXIV (1902) 96–108. John L. McKenzie, “The Word of God in the Old Testament” TS 21 (1960) 183–206. ———, Second Isaiah. Anchor Bible 20 Introduction, Translation and Notes (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1968). Roy F. Melugin, The Formation of Isaiah 40 -55 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1976). Rosario Puis Merendino, Der Erste und der Lezte: Eine Untersuchung von Jes 40–48 SVT 31 (Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1981). Jacob Milgrom, “The Levitical cABODĀ” JQR 61 (1970/71) 132–154. J. Maxwell Miller & J. H. Hayes, A History of Ancient Israel and Judah (Philadelphia: The Westminister Press, 1986). Julian Morgenstern, The Message of Deutero-Isaiah in its Sequential Unfolding (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1961). W. D. Morris, “Double for all her Sins” ET 17 (1905–1906), 286–287. J. Alec Motyer, The Prophecy of Isaiah. An Introduction and Commentary (Downers Grove, IL: Intervarsity Press, 1993). S. Mowinckel, “Die Komposition des deuterojesajanischen Buches” ZAW 49 (1931) 87–260. James Muilenburg, “Isaiah 40–66” IB V: 381–773. Eduardo Norden, Agnostos Theos: Untersuchungen zur Formen_Geschichte Religioser Rede (Stuttgart: G.B. Teubner, 1971) Christopher North, The Second Isaiah Introduction, Translation and Commentary to Chapters XL-LV (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964). Martin Noth, The Old Testament World tr. Victor I. Gruhn (London, Blackwell, 1966).

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