The Morphosyntax of Spanish-lexified Creoles

The Morphosyntax of Spanish-fexified Creoles

Gerardo A. Lorenzmo

LINCOM Studies in Pidgin & Creole Linguistics

In this series

01 Gerardo A. Lorenzino

The Angolar Creole Portuguese

02 Gerardo A. Lorenzino

The Morphosyntax of Spanish-lexified Creoles

The Morphosyntax of Spanish-lexified Creoles

Gerardo A. Lorenzino

2000 LINCOM EUROPA

Published by LINCOM EUROPA 2000.

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The Morphosyntax of Spanish-lexified Creoles Abstract

This study presents a morphosyntactic comparison of the three Spanish-lexified creóles, namely, Palenquero (Colombia), Papiamentu (Netherlands Antilles) and Chabacano (Philippines). The three main chapters examine the most salient morphosyntactic features in the noun phrase, verb phrase and sentence structure of the three Spanish-lexified creóles.

A comparative overview for each morphosyntactic

feature will be presented after their separate analysis in Palenquero, Papiamentu and Chabacano, respectively. The assessment of the Spanish-lexified creóles' morphosyntactic similarities and differences will hopefully further our understanding of the kinds of developmental processes which led to the formation of the three Spanish-lexified creóles. In this respect, some features of Palenquero, Papiamentu and Chabacano are difficult to explain without referring to their African (Palenquero, Papiamentu) and Austronesian (Chabacano) component, respectively. For example, aside from the shared features from Spanish, Chabacano can be expected to have distinct features due to its distinct Austronesian substrates such as Tagalog and Visayan languages.

Despite the

essentially descriptive approach followed in this linguistic study, there will be frequent references to diachronic constraints and data from other creóles (both Atlantiic and Pacific) in order to suggest some parallelisms between Palenquero and Papiamentu, on one hand, and Chabacano, on the other.

1 CONTENTS

11st of abbreviations

3

I iHt of tables

4

I ist of figures 1.0

Introduction

'? 0 2.1. 2.2. 2.3.

Sociohistorical background Palanquero (Colombia) Papiamentu (Aruba, Bonaire and Curagao) Chabacano (Philippines)

4 5 7 7 9 11

3 0 The noun phrase in the Spanish-lexified creóles 3 1. Noun and adjectives 3.1.1. Palenquero 3.1.2. Papiamentu 3.1.3. Chabacano 3.1.4. Comparison, nouns and adjectives 3.2. Pronouns 3.2.1. Palenquero 3.2.2. Papiamentu 3.2.3. Chabacano 3.2.4. Comparison: pronouns 33. Determiners 3.3.1. Articles 3.3.1.1. Palenquero 3.3.1.2. Papiamentu 3.3.1.3. Chabacano 3.3.2. Possessives 3.3.2.1. Palenquero 3.3.2.2. Papiamentu 3.3.2.3. Chabacano 3.3.4. Comparison: determiners

13 13 13 15 18 18 22 22 25 26 28 29 29 29 26 27 32 32 35 36 37

4.0 The verb phrase in the Spanish-lexified creóles

38

2 4.1. Tense, aspect and modality 4.1.1. Palenquero 4.1.2. Papiamentu 4.1.3. Chabacano 4.1.4. Comparison: tense, aspect and modality 4.2. The copula 4.2.1. Palenquero 4.2.2. Papiamentu 4.2.3. Chabacano 4.2.4. Comparison: the copula 5.0 The sentence structure in the Spanish-lexified creóles 5.1. Palenquero 5.2. Papiamentu 5.3. Chabacano 5.4. Comparison: sentence structure 6.0 Conclusion Bibliography

3 List of abrreviations AN = Angolar Creole Portuguese ANT = anterior CAU = causative COP = copula CT = Cotabato Chabacano CV =Caviteño f-;R = Ermitaño Chabacano EX I = existential I O C = focus KUT = future HAB = habitual MIL = highlighter IMP= imperfectivo INT = intensifier IRR = irrealis I K = linker NEG = negation PCS = Philippine Creole Spanish PFC = perfective PL = Palenquero PLU = plural PP = Papiamentu PRG = progresive PT = Portuguese REP = reportative SP = Spanish ST = Santomense TG = Tagalog TOP = topic TR = Ternateño Chabacano UNM = unmarked ZM = Zamboangueño Chabacano

4

List of tables

Table 1: Pluralizaron scheme in Spanish-lexified creóles.

19

Table 2: Pronouns of Palenquero

20

Table 3: Pronouns of Papiamentu

22

Table 4: Pronominal System of Chabacano varieties

23

Table 5: Definite and indefinite articles of Palenquero.

25

Table 6: Definite and indefinite articles of Papiamentu.

27

Table 7: Possessive adjectives and pronouns of Palenquero

28

Table 8: Possessive adjectives and pronouns of Papiamentu

30

Table 9: TMA system of Palenquero

33

Table 10: TMA system of Papiamentu

39

Table 11: Temporal concordance in Papiamentu subordination

43

Table 12: TMA system of Chabacano

44

Table 13: Aspect system of Chabacano and Tagalog

48

Table 14: TMA system of Spanish-lexified creóles

49

List of figures

Figure 1: Chronology of Chabacano dialects

10

5 I 0

Introduction This monograph presents a morphosyntactic comparison of the three Spanish-

loxlfled creóles, namely, Palenquero (Colombia), Papiamentu (Netherlands Antilles) and chabacano (Philippines).

Earlier studies have compared the verb phrase (Maurer

1W87) and the noun phrase (Lorenzino 1992) of Papiamentu (PP) and Palenquero (PL), i a&ulting in a better understanding of the linguistic structure and features of these (taribbean creóles. One outcome of the assessment of their structural similarities and differences is its impact on the question of the types of processes which led to the formation and development of the Spanish-lexified creóles.

For example, substrate

influence has been posited in general creóle studies since certain features are difficult lo explain without referring to their African (Palenquero, Papiamentu) and Austronesian (Chabacano) component. It is even more difficult to account for their diverging in their non-European linguistic features, e.g. pluralizaron. The question which then arises is which African or Austronesian languages (or language families) are responsible for particular creóle features. Thus distinct morphosyntactic features in the noun and verb phrse of Palenquero and Papiamentu indicate that the differing influence of Bantu and Kwa languages upon the Caribbean creóles has not been uniform.

For example,

pluralizaron in Palenquero suggests a strong Bantu component in its early stages of development, while Papiamentu, on the other hand, has a plural marker more like that of Kwa languages. Further evidence for differing substrate influences may be found in PP a and PL á, both tense and aspect markers, whose morphosyntactic and semantic properties indicate a stronger Bantu influence upon Palenquero (Maurer 1987:66). As for Chabacano (Philippine Creole Spanish or PCS), aside from the shared features from Spanish, Chabacano can be expected to have distinct features due to its distinct Austronesian substrate, e.g. the Tagalog and Visayan languages as well as

6 Indonesian influence upon Temateño.

If we can assume that Chabacano underwent

creolization in a way parallel to Palenquero and Papiamentu, certain features in the Philippine creóle must be seen in the light of Austronesian linguistics. However, this interpretation does not rule out other influences in the Creole's genesis and development, e.g. that of the superstate, adstrate, language learning and universal tendencies. Chabacano has features that make it, in certain respects, more like other creóles with Austronesian substrates, e.g. the Malayo Portuguese creóle of Malacca and Indonesta and Tok Pisin, an English-based pidgin of Papua New Guinea. Their linguistic resemblance to Chabacano may be explained at least partly by the fact that they all have an Austronesian substrate. The three main chapters (3-5) examine the most salient morphosyntactic features in the noun phrase, verb phrase and sentence structure of all three Spanishlexified creóles.

Each creóle feature will be presented in consecutive order, i.e. first

Palenquero, then Papiamentu and finally Chabacano, so that the reader can follow more easily the similarities and differences among the three creóles.

There will be

ocassionally references to other Iberian-lexified creóles such as the Gulf of Guinea creóles - especially Santomense - because of their possible historical link with Palenquero (see below). In Chapter 2 a sociohistorical introduction sketches the major events surrounding each creóle society. For sources of data I have relied mainly on four substantial creóle corpora: Friedemann and Patino Rosselli (1983) for Palenquero, Whinnom (1956) and Forman (1972) for Chabacano, and Maurer

(1988) for

Papiamentu. I would like to thank Armin Schwegler for allowing me to quote from his forthcoming article on Palenquero together with Kate Green (see Schwegler and Green fc.) and John Holm for sending me his paper on a comparison of Palenquero,

7 l'nplamentu and Chabacano (see Holm 2000). To my knowledge the following analysis of the Spanish-lexified Creoles' morphosyntax and Holm's manuscript are the first comparative overviews of Palenquero, Papiamentu and Chabacano.

V 0. Sociohistorical Background ;' 1 Palenquero (Colombia) Palenque de San Basilio is a community of descendants of runaway slaves, located in the Department of Bolivar in northern Colombia, 40 miles south of Cartagena
Palenques or

fortified villages were built by slaves of varied African ethnolinguistic groups and with various degrees of acculturation to the New World (creóle and bozal). While bozal nlaves had been in the colonies for only a short period of time, thereby having little or no contact with the new cultural environment, creóle slaves were born in the New World nnd had acquired the linguistic and other cultural habits that more closely resembled those of their owners. San Basilio, unlike other such communities in the Spanish Caribbean region, was Jible to survive because of its sociopolitical organization, strengthened by its geographical isolation and the lack of modern communications.

All these factors

contributed to making Palenquero, a language whose discovery and linguistic recognition as a creóle as such was recent in comparison with the longer studied and more well known English and French-lexified creóles.. Closely linked to the origin of San Basilio is the name of Domingo Bioho, a real or legendary figure from Africa who led a slave insurgency in 1602 in the Palenque of La

8 Matuna. The peace treaty signed in 1603 by the Governor of Cartagena, Gerónimo de Suazo, granted freedom and land to the runaway slaves, after his garrisons had been defeated by them. Nonetheless, the relationship between the people of Cartagena and the Palenque was tense during the seventeenth century, despite the royal decree of 1691 ending all rights of slave owners to slaves dwelling in palenques (Friedemann and Patino Rosselli 1983:38). In 1713 the Bishop of Cartagena, fray Antonio Maria Casiani, carried in person the promise from slave owners to end all hostilities on the condition that no more slaves be given refuge in the Palenque.

This historical decision to let San Basilio exist

permitted the survival of the community as such with its general cultural traits relatively unaffected by the presence of the Spanish in Cartagena. Early in the Atlantic slave trade, Cartagena became the busiest slave entrepot in Spanish America.

The Jesuit Alonso de Sandoval (1627) wrote a detailed account

which has proved to be a valuable source of information relating to the provenance of Cartagena's African slaves, their habits, treatment, etc. According to Sandoval, slaves from the island of Sao Tomé ("criollos de Sao Tomé") spoke broken Portuguese ("lenguaje corrupto y revesado de la Portuguesa") to communicate with slaves of various African linguistic backgrounds (Sandoval 1627 [1987]:140). After contact with their Spanish-speaking masters, the slaves migh have begun using a pidginized and eventually creolized form of Spanish developed through relexification and restructuring, establishing the linguistic framework from which Palenquero developed. Or, the early Santomense creóle spoken by some slaves in Cartagena could have served as the linguistic model from which Palenquero developed. The relative isolation of the Palenqueros ended in the early twentieth century with the construction of the Panama Canal and two sugar refineries, in addition to the

9 development of banana plantations in the Magdalena region (Megenney 1986:84). I hus, many men left the community to search for jobs and cash which they could spend m urban centers.

Moreover, the hispanization process has been hastened by the

introduction of radio and television.

The sociolinguistic consequences have been a

induction in the number of active bilinguals in the already small population of approximately 3,000 inhabitants (Friedemann and Patino Rosselli 1983:185) and hilingualism among the younger generation: "Hoy son relativamente numerosos los niños y los jóvenes que ni hablan ni entienden lengua [i.e. Palenquero]." (Schwegler 1996:42).

'.> 2. Papiamentu (Aruba, Bonaire and Curagao) Papiamentu is an Iberian (Spanish and Portuguese) lexified creóle spoken by approximately 250,000 people in the Netherlands Antilles' leeward islands of Aruba, Donaire and Curagao not far from the Venezuelan coast, which together with the Dutch windward islands of St. Maarten (St. Martin), St. Eustatius and Saba form a selfgoverning territory, including some 30000 Papiamentu speakers in the Netherlands (Kouwenberg and Murray 1994:4). Aruba, Bonaire and Curagao were shaped by distinct sociobistorical forces loading to the development of a society quite unlike that of the Palenque de San Basilio. While the latter community evolved in relative isolation from the Spanish speaking coastal region of Colombia, Bonaire and Curagao came under Dutch rule in 1634, when the small contingent of occupying Spaniards and their Arawakan Indian slaves were forced to leave the islands; Aruba was seized later, in 1688. However, the white Dutch Hociety did not remain homogeneous long. Sephardic Jews, who had fled Portugal and

10 Spain because of the Inquisition, arrived in Curagao with their slaves in 1659 via the northeastern part of Brazil, a Dutch enclave regained by the Portuguese in 1654. Thus, the coexistence of the Dutch with the Brazilian Jews, together with the ever increasing role of Curasao as an entrepot in the Atlantic slave trade led to the development of a contact language for communication between the following groups: (1) the Dutch and the Brazilian Jews, (2) the white slave owners and their African slaves and (3) slaves of different language background. Creolists still dispute whether the Sephardic Jews who settled in Curagao spoke Portuguese, Castillian and Judeo-Spanish or -Portuguese, also called Ladino. Nonetheless, the proximity of these islands to the Spanish mainland was certainly conducive to a flourishing trade. The illicit trade in slaves began in the 1640s with Spanish ships stopping in Curagao to pick up the human cargoes.

The

recognition of Dutch independence from Spain in 1648 provided new impetus to the transshipment of African labor to Spanish America (Rawley 1981:85). Thus, historical evidence suggests an early Spanish influence on a pidginized form of Portuguese spoken on the islands between the white Dutch and Portuguese population and their slaves. Papiamentu is spoken by almost the entire population of the Dutch Leeward islands, regardless of class or ethnic group. It is widely employed in the media (radio, television and newspapers); in addition, it has been proposed as the medium of instruction during the early years of education (Maurer 1988:4). Thus, Papiamentu is most unusual among the Caribbean creóles in that it has a high degree of acceptance. This sociolinguistic situation seems to stem in part from the fact that Papiamentu co-exists with Dutch, which is not its lexical source language; therefore, the people of the Aruba, Bonaire and Curasao do not view Papiamentu as a lower variety of the

11 official language, an attitude which is lacking among speakers of Palenquero and Chabacano. Besides the two somewhat different spelling conventions for Papiamentu, with Arubans adopting one form, and Curagoans and Bonaire another, there are some dialect differences which extend to all language components, including a more hispanized formal register which contrasts with less hispanized ones spoken informally. Nonetheless, all three Papiamentu dialects remain mutually intelligible (Andersen 1974, Wood 1972, quoted in Kouwenberg and Murray 1994:5).

v 3 Chabacano (Philippines) Philippine Creole Spanish is known in the Philippines as Chabacano (<Spanish chabacano 'cheap') (Corominas 1987:188). It was once spoken in several regions of the Philippines, including Cavite (Caviteño CV) and Témate (Temateño TR) on Manila llay, Davao (Davaueño DV) and Cotabato (Cotabato Chabacano CT) (Lipski 1987:91). Chabacano has over two hundred thousand speakers in Zamboanga del Sur (Zamboangueno ZM) living in Zamboanga City and Basilan Island in the southern Philippines (McFarland 1983:109). The discrepancy between the 1975 census data and later reports (Lipski 1987:91) points to a rapid reduction in the number of Chabacano speakers, to the extent that all Chabacano varieties are considered nearly extinct, with the exception of Zamboangueno.

Zamboangueno is Zamboanga's language of

commerce, culture and politics, and is used in radio and TV broadcasts alternating with I nglish and Tagalog. Zamboangueno enjoys a sociolinguistic status which favors its nurvival in the region, despite being surrounded by so many languages.

12 The origin of Chabacano remains uncertain. The earliest Chabacano variant to arise might have been Ternateño when Spanish settlers from the island of Témate in the Moluccas Islands moved to the Manila area in 1660 (Whinnom 1956:7). There they established a military garrison to prevent the attacks of the Chinese pirate, Koxinga (ibid.). Ternateño presumably produced two offshoots, Caviteño and Ermitaño, after families from Témate resettled in Cavite and Ermita (ibid. :11-12). Finally, Zamboanga was populated in 1719 by Spanish and Tagalog speakers who moved there from other regions in the Philippines.

It is likely that the Tagalog-speaking troops also spoke

Caviteño or Ermitaño (ibid.:14). Zamboangueño then spread to Davao, Basilan, Jolo and Cotabato during this century (Lipski 1988:25).

Thus a possible chronology and

genetic relationship of all Chabacano variants is shown in Fig. 1.

Caviteño (1660) Zamboangueño

Davaueño

Cotabato Chabaci

(late A

(1900)

Figure 1: chronology of Chabacano dialects; years represent only approximate settlement dates (adapted from Whinnom (1956:17)

13

:\ 0. The noun phrase in Spanish-lexified creóles Although no attempt will be made here to describe all details of the noun phrases in Palenquero, Papiamentu and Chabacano, the following discussion will focus on the major NP elements (nouns, adjectives, pronouns and determiners) as well as other mlovant notions such as gender, number and word order.

\ 1 Nouns and Adjectives ; H 1. Palenquero Gender agreement is not overtly marked for nouns and adjectives and need not be marked for number. Adjectives are derived from the Spanish form for the masculine mngular. As in Spanish, adjectives generally follow nouns when attributive, except for those derived from Spanish adjectives which precede the noun, e.g. buen: (l) akí sé

jablá

nu

un palabra africanomá

here HAB speak NEG a word

nu. (F&P 1983:279)

African more NEG

'Here not an African word is spoken.'

(?) /

un guen piaso koriyo. (F&P1983:274)

anda good piece meat 'and a good piece of meat.'

Predicative adjectives, likewise, show no inflectional morphology: (3) /

la

señora taba preso. (F&P 1983:202)

and the woman COP imprisoned 'And the woman was imprisoned.'

I he proclitic plural marker ma when preceding count nouns indicates plurality; before mass nouns it is employed to convey a collective idea:

14 (4)/

á

tenéunma

ndo baka. (F&P 1983:233)

1s CPL have a PLU two cow 'I have (approximately) two cows.'

(5) /

ma bakita

tambié, ma

and PLU little cow also

ngombesito. (F&P 1983:235)

PLU little cattle

'And the little cows also, the little cattle.'

Word derivation in Palenquero is seen in (5) where the Spanish diminutive suffixes -italito attach to both Spanish (vaca) and African-derived (ngombe) lexicon. larger than two make ma redundant, though there are exceptions, e.g.

Numerals PL ma ndo

mano, SP las dos manos 'the two hands'. (6)/'

sutoá

ten tre

mona, tre

mona: uno ku

tresi

año. (F&P 1983:205)

and 1p CPL have three child three child one with thirteen year 'And we have three children, three children: one is thirteen years old.'

However, it is not always the case that all nouns are invariable for number. Schwegler and Green (fc.) point out that in Palenquero ma anima ri aki and ma animale ri aki both mean 'the animals from here1; however, one should not assume that animale (<Spanish animales) represents the more modern Spanish borrowing. Furthermore, the contrast between overt vs. non-overt ma is conditioned more by pragmatic factors than just morphology alone, as shown in the overt use of ma cuadros in (7a) (cuadros is an organization composed of young Palenqueros of different ages) and the interlocutor's response with non-overt plural cuadros in (7b): (7a) \abla mi kumoera

ma kusa ri MA

KUAGRO akft

Speak me how COP PLU thing of PLU cuadro

here

'tell me how these things were with the cuadro here (in Palenque)!' (Schwegler and Green fc.)

15 (/b)

KUAGRO ri aora, eso ta desoddeanao cuadro of now this COP disorganized The cuadros of nowadays, this is disorganized (= today's cuadros are disorganized) (idem)

:u.2. Papiamentu Papiamentu's noun phrase exhibits some common characteristics with other Atlantic creóle independently of their lexical base.

As early as 1869, Van Name

observed that "the article, adjective and noun in Papiamentu are invariable in respect to both gender and number" (1869-70:153). Likewise, the third person plural pronoun nan IN homphonous with the enclitic plural marker nan, another of many Atlantic creóle foatures. Papiamentu's pronominal system does not have distinct subject and object forms. Nouns and adjectives are not inflected for gender: (8) ChaNansi no por a saca eidea di gana e baca gordo Cha Nancy NEG able ANT get out the idea of obtain the cow big 'Anansi could not get out of his mind the idea of getting the big cow.' (Maurer 1988:360)

! he words muhé 'woman' (SP mujet) and homber 'man' (SP hombre) are sometimes Mdded to nouns to indicate natural gender: (9) Parseku Yvette ta potret disu ruman muhe difuntu seems that Yvette COP portrait of her brother/ sister woman dead 'It seems that Yvette is the portrait of her dead sister.1 (Maurer 1988:368)

Other examples of gender specification by a juxtaposed noun are: ruman homber 'brother', ruman muhé 'sister', yu homber 'son', yu muhé 'daughter', mucha homber

16 'boy', mucha muhé 'girl' (cf. PP mucha 'child' and SP muchacho/a), buriku machu 'male donkey' and buriku muhé 'female donkey' (Munteanu 1996:266). Like Papiamentu, Santomense, a Portuguese-lexified creóle spoken in Sao Tomé and Principe (cf. Sandoval's reference to the "criollos de Sao Tomé"), can indicate natural gender by having ome 'man, male' (PT homem 'man') and mwala 'woman, female' (Kikongo mwalakaji) following the noun, e.g. bwe ome 'male ox1 (PT 60/'ox') and bwe mwala 'female ox' (Ivens Ferraz 1979:60). Papiamentu nouns derived from Spanish words with derivational morphemes indicating a male-female contrast maintain this distinction, e.g. aktor 'actor' (SP actor) vs. aktris ' actress' (SP actriz) (Maurer 1988:36). Adjectives usually are placed after nouns as in baca gordo in (8) above. However, like SP bonita and buena, a small class of adjectives can occur before nouns without any apparent modification of meaning: (10) Pasobrae

ta

un bunita

Because she COP a

mucha. (Maurer 1988:370)

beautiful girl

'Because she is a beautiful girl.' (11) Antonio no tabata presente di a Dios a

parti

e

bon cualidadnan ayi

Antonio NEG COP present day God CPL distribute the good qualitiesPLU there •Antonio was not present the day God distributed good qualities.' (Maurer 1988:380)

Plurality is marked by means of an enclitic homophonous with the third person plural pronoun nan, plural marking is not redundant: (12) elamira she see

Marcel ta

papia ku tres kabajero. (Maurer 1988:392)

Marcel PRG speak with three men

'She saw Marcel speaking with three men.'

The pluralizer -nan is affixed to a noun preceded by a numeral only when an article or po pronoun is preposed to the entire noun phrase:

17 (13) e tres dialektonan di e

luga. (Maurer 1988:388)

the three dialect-PLU of the region The three dialects of the region.'

(14) el a

duna su dos yunan

homber tambe tres nomber kada un.

he CPL give his two child PLU man

also

three name each one

'He gave three names to each of his three sons.' (Maurer 1988:388)

I he pluralizing force of -nan can be extended to more than one noun.

When two

oemantically related nouns are conjoined by the conjunction ku, the plural marker is affixed to the last of the two nouns but both lie within its semantic range: (15) e kuchúku

forkinan. (Dijkhoff 1983:223)

the knive and fork PLU The knives and forks.'

Proper nouns can also have nan attached to them; however, two interpretations of the plural marker are possible in this case: (16) Mañanan, (ibid.) 'all the people called Maria.' (17) Mañanan, (ibid.) 'Maria and her group of friends/relatives, etc.'

The third person plural nan has no Iberian etymology. Indeed, its syntactic distribution as both a pronoun and plural marker suggests that nan has an African origin. Like Papiamentu, many Kwa languages use the third person plural pronoun as a plural niarker (Holm 1988:193), which suggests there is a likely substrate tie between ST ine (third person plural pronoun) (Ivens Ferraz 1979:66) and PP nan.

18 3.1.3. Chabacano Chabacano's noun phrase exhibits some features which are common to Palenquero, Papiamentu and creóles in general. Nouns and adjectives are unmarked for gender, with number indicated either with a free particle (manga) before the nominal head or Spanish plural inflectionals (see below). Pronouns derive mostly from Spanish although Zamboangueño has Visayan forms in the plural (Whinnom 1956:88). Possessive markers precede the noun head and are clearly derived from the lexifier. Chabacano has a system of definite and indefinite articles, as well as deictic forms that correspond in their morphosyntax and semantics to those in Spanish.

One salient

feature of the noun phrase is reduplication. Unlike Atlantic creóles, Chabacano has reduplication of nouns, adjectives and verbs with semantic changes indicative of Austronesian influence. Grammatical gender markings are absent in Chabacano. possess a gender distinction appear mostly in the masculine.

Forms which still Exs. (18) and (20)

indicate biological gender by means of Spanish sufiixes, masculine -o and feminine -a. Other lexical pairs with gender contrast are: bonito/-a, guapol-a, amigof-a, etc. (Lipski 1987:44): (18) CV: Pedro, hijo de Ñora Culasa. (Whinnom 1956:50) Pedro son of Mrs. Culasa 'Pedro (who) is Mrs. Culasa's son'.

(19) ZM: El gente

de ciudad (Whinnom 1956:68)

the people of city The people from the city.' (20) ER: un muchacha nerviosa. (Whinnom 1956:24) a girl

nervous

'a nervous girl.'

19 Although (20) shows noun-adjective agreement for gender, this is not a regular construction: (21) CV: este vieja

dimasiao religioso. (Whinnom 1956:51)

this old woman very

religious

This very old religious woman.1 (22)ER:e/ playa iluminao. (ibid.:27) the beach illuminated 'the illuminated beach.'

Plural markers of nouns and adjectives are the result of Spanish and Tagalog influence. Spanish plural -s is widespread in all Chabacano variants.

However, plurality is not

nlways overtly marked. Thus in (23) SP -s is expected since a numeral precedes the noun. (23) ZM: cada rama tiene siete plores. (Whinnom 1956:70) each branch have seven flower-PLU 'there are seven flowers in each branch.' (24) ER: Pelisa no

ya

podé reprimí el

lágrimas, (ibid. :26)

Felisa NEG CPL able repress the tear-PLU 'Felisa could not repress her tears.'

The irregularity in plural marking is apparent when comparing (25) and (26): (25) ZM: siete palo0 seven tree

tiene el monte. (Whinnom 1956:70) has the mountain

The mountain has seven trees.' (26) ZM: nacieron tres maravillas. (ibid.:71) born

three wonders

'three wonders were born.'

20 The pluralizer maga, manga or mana (TG mga, ibid.) precedes the noun. Possessives, articles and deictics may come before the plural marker.

Chabacano manga can

accompany nouns in both the singular and, redundantly, in the plural. Thus in (27) ojos is likely to be perceived as the basic form due to being used more frequently than the singular ojo; cf. Haitian CF zié 'eye' from the French plural /esyei/x(Holm p.c). (27) ER: el manga ojos de ele. (Whinnom 1956:24) the PLU

eyes of her

'the eyes of her.' (28) CV: bueno pa este manga puelco. (¡bid.:69) better for this PLU

pig

'these pigs are better off.'

Reduplication of adjectives and nouns conveys the idea of plurality and intensification. Adjectival reduplication employs the Tagalog linkers -nglna before the next adjective. Compare the Tagalog sentence in (29) with Chabacano in (30): (29) TG: Sino ang matabang-mataba? (Schachter and Otanes 1972:231) who TOP fat LK

fat

'who's the very fat one?' (30) ER: Pelisaya

reza ele puelteng-puelte con Dios. (Whinnom 1956:25)

Felisa CPL pray him strong-LK-strong to God 'Felisa prayed intensely to God.'

There is some variation in reduplication mechanisms, as exemplified by (31) and (32): (31) CV: y

cucí vos buenol-bueno, ha?(Whinnom 1956:50)

and cook 2s well well

INT

'and you cook very well, don't you?' (32) CV: Pedro buenung-bueno cucí comida. (ibid.:50) Pedro well LK well 'Pedro cooks very well.'

cook food

21 Intensification via TG na is seen in (33).

Here the whole phrase is a Tagaiog

construction: (33) CV: Ram6n, tamadna tamad (ibid.:52) Ramón lazy LK lazy 'Ramón who is very lazy.'

Zamboangueño does not have the linkers -ng/na to mark intensification, using rather the Visayan intensrfier gayot suffixed to an adjective, e.g. grande gayot 'very large' (Lipski 1988:32). Nominal reduplication usually carries an indefinite plural meaning, as in CH cosa-cosa* stuff' (Whinnom 1956:26). The adverb in Chabacano has the same form as the adjective. Thus in (30) puelte is used instead of the adverb. Spanish transfer is apparent in cases like (34) where the adverbial suffix -mente appears: (34) ER: el playa, iluminao, ta

espera con ele, humildemente (Whinnom 1956:27)

the beach illuminated PRG wait to her humbly The illuminated beach was waiting for her.'

3 1 4. Comparison: Nouns and adjectives Pluralizaron offers an interesting contrast of the three creóles: PL ma

PP -nan

CH manga

free morpheme

bound morpheme

free morpheme

pronominal

postnominal

prenominal

not a pronoun

same form as 3p

not a pronoun

Table 1: Pluralizaron scheme in Spanish-lexified creóles

22 Palenquero ma is of Bantu origin (Granda 1978:465) and PP -nan of Kwa origin syntactically

(Maurer 1987:62);

however, CH manga is clearly an Austronesian

loanword, from TG mga (Whinnom 1956:81).

Different substrates led to differing

African and Austronesian pluralizaron strategies.

Note, however, that similar

typological conditionings might have also been at work in producing the pluralizaron processes in Palenquero and Chabacano. Different types of reduplicative processes in nouns and adjectives, which convey a variety of notions such as continuity, habituality, randomness, etc., are found in many creóles, both Iberian (Afro- and Indo-) Portuguese Creoles and non-Iberian, e.g. Sranan (Adamson and Smith 1995); reduplication is not, though, a universal creóle feature. Reduplication in Chabacano, unlike that in Palenquero and Papiamentu, is very pervasive and it is used to express plurality, e.g. ZM kyen-kyen 'who all' and cosa cosa 'what all' (Forman 1972:109); cf. AN foga-foga and fo-foga, both 'asthma' (AN fógó 'respiration'
In addition, Chabacano has different

types of reduplication to express

iteration, intensification, etc., all indicative of pervasive substrate

influence upon the

creóle as such mechanism is quite productive in Austronesian languages. Palenquero and Papiamentu use reduplication only rarely, and have less productive rules than in Chabacano, which uses the linkers -nglna in Caviteño and Ermitaño (see 5.2.).

3.2. Pronouns 3.2.1. Palenquero Unlike Spanish, personal pronouns are obligatory in order to compensate for the absence of verbal morphology indicating person. Furthermore, Palenquero contrasts

23 subject and object forms only in the first person singular and, third person singular, in addition to having a set of bound and free morphemes in the singular. Gender is invariably unmarked. The pronominal paradigm is as follows:

Person

Function

Singular Free

Singular

Plural

bound 1

Subject

yo

y0~i-~y-

suto ~ uto (ma) hende

Object

mi

suto (ma) hende

2

Subject

Object

bo

bo~o~

utere ~ utée

uté - te

uté -te

enú (archaic)

bo, uté

-0

utere enú (archaic)

3

Subject

ele 'he, she, it'

ané, ele

(ma) hende 'one' Object

uno 'one'

-e

ele

-lo, o

ané, lo

fable 2: Pronouns of Palenquero (Schwegler and Green fc.)

In (35) below the subject-object distinction in the first person singular is observed:

24 (35) /

to

mundo á

taba pregunta mí si k'

and all world ANT PRG ask

é

lo ke i á

yebaba

me if what COP what I ANT carry

'And everybody was asking me what I was carrying.' (F&P 1983:261) Unlike Spanish, the object pronoun follows the verb; indirect objects are placed before the direct object: (36) pero berano tan egchá mí elo

a pelé. (F&P 1983:232)

but summer FUT throw me them to lose 'But summer is going to scorch them.'

The third person plural pronoun ele is contracted to e/or é: (37) Nina ta besando

é. (F&P 1983:259)

Nina PRG kissing her 'Nina is kissing her.'

Similarly bo is frequently shortened to ó in rapid speech: (38) bo sabe onde ó

tan

metékun e. (F&P 1983:271)

you know where you FUT put

with he

'You know where you will go in with him.'

Pronominal forms have African, Portuguese and Spanish etymologies. The pronouns ané 'they' and enu 'you (pi)' are unlikely to be derived from either Spanish or Portuguese. Santomense has the equivalent pronominal form ine 'they'.

This is

particularly relevant in view of the putative connection between slaves who spoke "lengua de Sao Tomé" and the ascendants of the current Palenqueros. Schwegler (1999) shows that Kikongo is likely to have contributed with almost half of Palenquero pronouns; morever, reduplicated prononminals which function as highlighters, e.g. yoj ta a/a'I (who am) here', might have been modelled on the basis of an African substrate.

25 3 2.2. Papiamentu Personal pronouns show no case marking, that is, they are identical in subject ond object function, and show no gender distinction in the third person singular and plural:

Person

Singular

Plural

1

mi, ami

nos, anos

2

abo, bo

boso, bosonan, aboso

3

e, el, ele

nan, anan

rabie 3: Pronouns of Papiamentu (adapted from Munteanu 1996:295ff.)

Thus: (39) el a tende un kehamentu den un buracu. (Maurer 1988:352) heCPLhear a moan in a hole 'He heard a moan coming from a hole.'

The word order in Papiamentu requires that the indirect object precede the direct object: (40) Ma mi tin ku pidi Shon Arei un fabor sí. But I have that ask Mr. King a favor indeed 'But I have to ask Mr. King a favor.'

(cf. SP pedir un favor al rey as well as pedir al rey un favor' ask a favor of the king' vs. •«sk the king a favor').

I he order of constituents remains unchanged in cases of pronominalized verbs, e.g. manda-mi e (lit 'send me it'). For a few Dutch-derived verb-particle associations (bel-op

26 'call up') we find the object of the verb separating such combinations, e.g. lo mi bel bo op 'I will call you on the phone' (Kowenberg and Murray 1994:35).

3.2.3. Chabacano The personal pronouns of Chabacano show more variation in the plural series. Table 4 summarizes the pronominal system of Caviteño, Ermitaño and Zamboangueño.

Pronoun

ER

CV

ZM

1s

yo

yo

yo

2s

tú

vos

tú, vos

3s

ele

ele

ele

1p

nisós

nisós

kitá (inclusive) kamí (exclusive)

2p

ustedes

vusós

kamó

3p

lIÓS

ilós

silá

Table 4: Pronominal System of Chabacano varieties: ER, CV and ZM (Whinnom 1956:87)

Unlike Caviteño and Ermitaño, Zamboangueño has non-Spanish pronominal forms. The Visayan system is extended to the inclusive-exclusive dual of the first person plural, e.g. ZM kitá ' we two' (incl.) and kami' we two' (excl.). There is no gender distinction in the third person singular e/e, a distinction which is not made in Tagalog

27 either, e.g. siya. 'he, she', niya 'him, her', kaniya 'his, hers' (Schachter and Otanes 1972:89): (41) ER: Dónde tú

de

anda, Pelisa ? ya gritar con ele su tata. (Whinnom 1956:25)

where you FUTgo

Felisa CPLask to her her father

'Where are you going, Felisa?', the father asked her.'

Disambiguation of ele in (41) is obtained by referential Pelisa in the interrogative. Chabacano pronouns do not have distinct case forms to distinguish object and subject pronouns. This represents a reduction in Chabacano's pronominal system with respect to that of Spanish. In Chabacano both direct and indirect object are expressed by the prepositional phrase [con +

pers. pron]. Thus Chabacano con replaces SP

l>ersonal a as in Juan revisó el proyecto 'Juan checked the proyect', but Juan revisó al paciente 'Juan checked the patient'. Sometimes the meaning of CH con resembles its Spanish etymon, i.e. 'with', as illustrated by the second con in (41): (42) CV: Su nana

ta-si ingrandicí con ele con todo el manga gente.

his mother HAB praise

to him with every the PLU

people

'His mother praises him in front of everybody.' (Whinnom 1956:50)

CH cormigo is the variant form for expressing the non-subject of the first person sg.: (43) ER: Jablá tú conmigo todo el tell

2s me

all

veldade. (Whinnom 1956:26)

the truth

'Tell me all the truth.'

/omboangueño, however, recurs to Philippine forms to deal with indirect objects in the plural, namely, kanaton 'to us (incl.)', kanamon 'to us (excl.)' and kanila 'to them' (horman 1972:107): (44) ZM: Diosya

salva y

ya

escoje kanaton. (Goodman n.d.:17).

God CPL save and CPL choose us 'God saved and chose us.'

28 (45) ZM: Después ay then

buta kanila na

fuego del infierno, (ibid. :30)

FUTcast them into fire

of hell

'Then (God) will cast them into Hell's fire.'

3.2.4. Comparison: Pronouns Most pronominal forms are derived from Iberian (Spanish or Portuguese) etyma. The exceptions are PL enú, PP ané

and nan, and ZM plural forms.

Thus all

non-Iberian pronouns belong to the plural series and are derived from the African or Austronesian substrate.

Visayan influence on Zamboangueno pronominal system

extends to the dual forms, e.g kitá 'we two' (incl.) and kami 'we two' (excl.). Interestingly, Tok Pisin, an English-lexified creóle spoken in Papua New Guinea, makes a distinction between inclusive and exclusive first personal dual pronouns, e.g. yumi' wetwo' (incl.) and mitopela 'we two' (excl.) (Holm 1988:533).

Tok Pisin has

Austronesian features partly shared with Zamboangueno (see below) which are absent in the Caribbean creóles. Like Papiamentu, but unlike Palenquero, Chabacano has a single set of pronouns for expressing both subject and object.

Nevertheless,

Chabacano has the object-marker con, e.g. con ele '[to] him'. Though con is clearly a Spanish or Portuguese-derived form (cf. SP con 'with', PT com idem), its function in Chabacano is different.

Further evidence for the structural resemblance between

Chabacano and Malayo Portuguese is provided by the latter's object marker ku, which functions as in Chabacano, e.g. kum yo ' to me' (Holm 1988:295).

The oblique

constructions in Zamboangueno are expressed by means of the Philippine forms kanatonlkanamon 'to/for us' (incl./excl.).

29 3 3. Determiners 3.3.1. Articles 3.3.1.1. Palenquero The definite and indefinite articles have the following distribution:

Number

Definite

Indefinite

singular

0~é

un

plural

ma

unma

Table 5: Definite and indefinite articles of Palenquero.

In the view of Schwegler and Green (fc.) Palenquero's bare noun, e.g. kasa 'house', can have any of the following interpretations: definite, indefinite, singular and plural. As they point out: " the Palenquero system takes as point of departure the "unmarked (zero) form" (i.e., the bare nominal form without the determiner) — a form that is entirely neutral in terms of (a) number and (b) definiteness (readers will recall that in the traditional view, bare neutral forms are said to be "singular + definite" so that kasa = THEhouse')." While Friedemann and Patino Rosselli (1983:142) correctly point out that ma functions as a plural definite article, Bickerton and Escalante (1970:259) overlooked its existence when they observed that "there is no plural morpheme; plurality is indicated only by numerical determiners, or, in their absence, context". The marker ma may follow the Spanish indefinite article un in order to add a non-definite meaning to the head noun:

30 (46) entonse suto á then

1p

kojé un ma konejo. (F&P 1983:209)

CPL catch some rabbit

Then we seized some rabbits.'

The plural marker ma can take part of a deictic construction when it combines with one of the Spanish-derived demonstratives. For example, the demonstrative ese precedes ma when it functions as a determiner (47); it follows ma as pronoun (48): (47) /

kómobo

and how 2s

te

ablá ese ma palabra. (F&P 1983:195)

PRG speak that PLU word

'And how do you speak those words.' (48) asina kumo ma ese, so

like

lo ke mini akf ola memo. (F&P 1983:223)

those they that come here now right

'Like them, those who came here right now.'

The plural marker ma is of Bantu origin (Granda 1978:465). But unlike the prefix ma- employed in many Bantu languages to pluralize class VI inanimate objects, PL ma is a free morpheme which can co-occur with other elements of the noun phrase. The Palenquero pluralizer is unusual when compared to that of other Atlantic creóles, in which the third person plural pronoun often functions as a pluralizing morpheme, a morphosyntactic property probably due to the substrate influence of Kwa languages (Holm 1988:193). For example, in Santomense plural number is indicated by placing the third person plural pronoun ine or 'ne before the noun, e.g. ine mwala (literally 'they woman') 'the women' (Ivens Ferraz 1979:61).

The retention of ma may be partly

attributed to the SP adverb más which could have reinforced the original plural marker once its final -s was weakened and deleted by a phonological rule common to many Atlantic creóles and regional varieties of Spanish (Megenney 1986:191).

31 3.3.1.2. Papiamentu Like nouns and adjectives, articles are invariable as far as the gender is concerned:

(4/-) deflnlteness

singular

plural

+

e

e

-

un

0 ~ algun

Table 6: Definite and indefinite articles of Papiamentu.

Examples: Q hómber 'the man', e muhé 'the woman', e hómbeman 'the men', e muhénan 'the women', un hómber 'a man1, un muhé "a woman'

Indefinite plurality may be indicated with the determiner algun (< SP alguno 'some'), e.g. algun buki 'some books' (Munteanu 1996:282) or with simply the bare noun, e.g. mi ta skirbi carta riba papel 'I write letters on paper' (Goilo 1972:15).

3 3.1.3. Chabacano The definite article el is the same in all Chabacano variants. The Spanish contraction del (
32 CH di is primarily used with possessive markers, whereas de and del are in free variation: (50) ZM: ay

obedece gayot ustedes todo di mió manga mandamento.

FUTobey

INT

you-PLUall

ofmyPLU

commandment

'You will obey all my commandments.' (Goodman n.d.:50) (51) ZM: el

glorioso esperanza del resurrección (ibid. :52)

the glorious hope

of resurrection

'the glorious hope of resurrection.'

CH con for SP a led to Chabacano not having the Spanish goal construction al (
3.3.2. Possessives 3.3.2.1. Palenquero Unlike Spanish, Palenquero possessive adjectives are in postnominal position. This salient morphosyntactic feature in Palenquero and some other Atlantic creóles also contrasts with Spanish in that possessive adjectives are grammatically unmarked with respect to gender and number:

33 Singular

Plural

Subject

Possessive

Possessive

Subject

Possessive

Possessive

pronun

adjective

pronoun

pronoun

adjective

pronoun

/o

mi

ri mi

suto 1

suto

ri suto

DO

si

ribo

hende

hende (R)

hende

JtÓ

uté

ri uté

utere

utere

ri utere

3le

ele

riele

ane

ane

ri ane

riuno

enú (R)

enú (R)

ri enú (R)

1

used with ma, i.e. ma hende: R=rare

Table 7: Possessive adjectives and pronouns of Palenquero (Schwegler and Green fc.)

(52) ma chino loke tabibí Katagena asé jablá lengua ané. (F&P1983:278) PLU Chinese that PRG live Cartagena HAB speak language their The Chinese who live in Cartagena speak their own language.'

The word order in this possessive construction resembles that of both Bantu and some Kwa languages in which the possessive adjective comes after the noun, e.g. Kikongo (Bantu) mbele ané literally 'knife my', i.e. 'my knife', and Beni (Kwa) ekita mwen literally 'dog my' i.e. 'my dog' (Ivens Ferraz 1979:81). In addition, the parallel between the object pronouns and the possessive adjectives in Palenquero and Satomense has prompted some creolists to see a genetic relationship between those two creóles. However, this is also the case in a number of other Atlantic creóles, e.g. Jamaican Creole English and Lesser Antillean Creole French (Holm 1988:201). Compare the

34 equivalent possessive and object pronoun forms in the two Iberian-lexified creóles from opposite sides of the Atlantic: Palenquero. (53) ma ¡ende

tan paga mí. (F&P 1983:197)

PLU people FUT hit

me

'People will hit me.' (54) mujé

mí sí

á

nasé á

Katajena. (ibid.:205)

woman me yes CPL born there Cartagena 'My wife was born there in Cartagena'.

Santomense: (55) e

be mu. (Ivens Ferraz 1979:62)

he see me 'He sees me.' (56) lumo

mu. (idem)

brother me 'my brother.'

That identity is not absolute since in Palenquero the second person singular pronoun bo is not a possessive adjective; si serves this function. It is not yet clear what the origin of si is; Granda (1978:438) notes its similarity to the Annobonese object pronoun achí (Barrena 1957:37), even though PL si is a possessive adjective. Moreover, the change /ch/ > /s/ does not seem plausible considering its absence elsewhere in Palenquero. Schwegler (1999:220) posits for PL mi 'my' a dual origin, SP mi 'my' and Kikongo postnominal áami '1s possessive pronoun'; the same author suggests for PL bo and ele an Afro-Portuguese rather than a Spanish etymology. In Palenquero a construction of the form [ri + possessive adjective] replaces Spanish possessive pronouns (mío, tuyo, etc.):

35 (57) mona ri suto. (F&P 1983:149) child of we 'our child.'

Compare this to the Santomense use of di before pronouns: (58) ST mina konde di iumo d-e. (Ivens Ferraz 1978:69) girl hide from brother of-her 'The girl hides from her brother.'

Possessive relationships can also be expressed by means of the preposition ri which is In free variation with its allomorphs di and 0 (noun juxtaposition): (59) / mina ni una kama 0 pekao nu. (F&P 1983:208) 1s see even a scale fish NEG 'I did not even see a fish scale.'

3 3.2.2. Papiamentu Possessive adjectives have the same form as the personal pronouns with the exception of the third person singular:

person

singular

plural

1

mi

nos

2

bo

boso

3

su

nan

fable 8: Possessive adjectives of Papiamentu.

When used attributively the possessive adjective precedes the noun:

i

36 (60) E mestera He must

paga pa piká di su wela. (Maurer 1988:376)

ANT pay for sin of his grandmother

'He had to pay for his grandmother's sin'.

Possessive pronouns are formed with di plus a personal pronoun: [di+e] becomes dje (Maurer 1988:39): (61) Dolly ja

mino

pora

bisa mas ku

bo Xa

di mi (Maurer 1988:372)

Dolly already I NEG can ANT say more that you COP of 1s. 'Dolly, I could not say that you were mine.' (62) E mam

a

haña duele

di dje. (ibid.:352)

the mother CPL take compassion of he 'The mother had compassion for him.'

Like Spanish and Portuguese, Papiamentu has the possessive adjective preceding the noun. This feature in Papiamentu contrasts with Palenquero and Santomense, in which the possessive adjective follows the noun, reflecting perhaps substrate influence (Bantu, Kwa languages). However, in both Papiamentu and Santomense possessive pronouns are combined with the preposition di plus a personal pronoun, as in (58) and (62) above. Another salient feature in both creóles is the morphological reduction in the pronominal and possessive adjective systems, leading to near identity between personal pronouns and possessive adjectives (cf. SP yo T, me 'me' and mi 'my').

3.3.2.3. Chabacano Personal pronouns also function as possessive adjectives and they are always preposed to the noun. In addition, the possessive is formed by the phrase [di + SP object/possessive pronoun] (Lipski 1988:33), e.g. di mil mío 'mine', di tú/tuyo 'yours1,

37 etc. Possession in Zamboangueno is further amplified in the plural series by the phrase [di + Visayan pronouns], e.g. diamon 'our (excl.)', diaton 'our (incl.)', diiño 'your (pi)' and diila 'their' (Forman 1972:107). (63) ZM: Jesucristo ya

muri na lugar diaton. (Goodman n.d.:1)

Jesuschrist CPL die in place our 'Christ died for us.' (64) ZM: Dios ay

considera todo ese acerca diila. (ibid. :9)

God FUT judge

all

that about them

'God will judge all that (i.e. their secrets).'

In (65) below the possessive pronoun is used as a possessive adjective.

Spanish

possessives mi, tu, su, etc., are more frequently found in Caviteño and Ermitaño; decreolization in Zamboangueno may have to do with the increasing frequency of the short Spanish forms (Lipski 1988:33) (65)ZM:y

ele ay queda bajo el

di mío protección. (Goodman n.d.:10)

and he FUT remain under the mine protection 'and he will remain under my protection.'

3 3.2.4. Comparison: Possessives Possessive constructions in the Spanish-lexified creóles have modifiers that are proposed (CH, PP) and postposed (PL).

Palenquero resembles Kwa languages like

Yoruba, Ibo and Bini, and Bantu languages like Duala (Boretzky 1983:92). The syntax of Chabacano and Papiamentu possessive adjectives shows a closer affinity to the lexifier.

However, Zamboangueno has plural possessives taken from Visayan, e.g.

diamon 'we two (excl.)' (Forman 1972:107). Here, there is a striking formal similarity to Spanish possessive pronouns, e.g. de nosotros 'ours'. The Caribbean creóles have

38 possessive constructions with de but, unlike Chabacano, they indicate only Spanish influence.

4.0. The verb phrase in the Spanish-lexified creóles 4.1. Tense, aspect and modality system The verb phrase in the Spanish-lexified creóles has the prototypical creóle structure in which a bare verb can be preceded by different particles or markers commonly called in the literature tense-mood-aspect (TMA) markers. Broadly speaking, these TMA preverbal markers situate the event, process or state described by the verb relative to some temporal dimension (tense: past, present, future).

Regarding the

manner in which a particular event, process or state develops, the aspectual meanings of those TMA markers may help provide the proper context, e.g. whether the event is completed or not.

Finally, the volitional and epistemic characteristics of a speaker's

attitude towards an event will be expressed through an individual or particular combination of mood markers.

4.1.1. Palenquero Table 9 summarizes the distribution of the preverbal markers in Palenquero according to tense, aspect and modality, and whether they indicate tense [+/- anterior (ANT)], aspect [unmarked (UNM), progressive (PRG), habitual (HAB), completive (CPL)] and modality [irrealis (IRR)]:

39 ANT

UNM

+ -

0

PRG

HAB

CPL

IRR

taba-V

á seba-V

áVba

tamba-V

ta-V

ásé-V

á-V

tan-V

Table 9: TMA system of Palenquero.

PL ta/taba are progressive aspect markers for actions or states occuring during or before the time in focus in the discourse, respectively. As with the other TMA markers except -ba, ta/taba precede the unmodified verb stem which is usually derived from the Spanish infinitive with the final-r deleted. (66) kuand'í taba bendéá Tubbako. (F&P 1983:198) when 1s PRG sell in Turbaco 'when he was selling in Turbaco.' (67) /' ta pensé í bae otra be. (F&P 1983:212) 1s PRG think 1s go again 'I am thinking in going again.'

There is a variant progressive construction with ta + \f-ndo, i.e. the Spanish gerundive suffix attached to the verb stem. PL ta in (68), due to the accompanying gerund, is probably the homonymous copula ta, corresponding to SP estar + gerund, e.g. está estudiando, '(he/she) is studying'. Morphological and distributional similarities indicate that PL ta might have originated from the progressive Spanish construction. (68) pogke sutota necesitando ele. (F&P95:215) because 1p PRG need them 'because we are needing them.'

40

The actual realization of the habitual marker is controversial since both ase (Bickerton 1970:258, Lewis 1970:116, Megenney 1985:179, Schwegler 1992:224), á sé (Friedemann and Patino Rosselli 1983:116, Maurer 1987:45) and the less frequent one sabe (Schwegler

and Green fc.)

have

been proposed.

Supporters of the

one-morpheme habitual marker derive it from Spanish third person singular hacer 'do, make' via final-r deletion, i.e. hace. Though the diachronic analysis seems plausible, Friedemann and Patino Rosselli's evidence for á sé and á seba is more convincing (see also Maurer 1987:45) because the morpheme á can combine with modal verbs (see below); PL sé is probably the grammaticalized form of the Spanish verb soler, 'be in the habit of (F&P1983:118). This precedes the infinitive, e.g. SP Juan solía cantar{Juan used to laugh1.

Although the phonological evolution of soler to sé is not clear, the

semantic match between the two forms is plausibly apparent. The habitual markers can combine with ase, 'make' as in (69). Unlike the verb ase 'do', the forms Fridemenann and Patino Rosselli suggested receive stress, e.g. asé: (69) lo ke í seba asé rresutaba nu. (F&P1983:207) whatlsHABdo

result

NEG

'what I used to do had no result.' (70) sutoásé 1p

bae pa Tubbako. (ibid. :203)

HABgo to Turbaco

'we often go to Turbaco.'

Furthermore, his analysis is supported by disjunction cases. In (71) the complementizer ke is inserted between á and sé with no apparent effect on its habitual meaning. Further evidence comes from the position of -ba after the main verb. The marker á may

41 be deleted in subordinate clauses (cf. 69, 72), where lo ke signals subordination (see 5.1.) (71) kómoé how

k'

el a

ke

sé

yamá? (F&P 1983:197)

COP that he ANT that HABcall

'what is his name?' (72) depué lo ke jende sé after

miniba. (ibid.:204)

that people HAB come ANT

'after the used to come.'

The semantics of á shows a greater functionality.

Not only does it indicate the

completive aspect but it may also combine with other preverbal markers and modal verbs, thus expanding the verb phrase. (73) entonse tigre á then

nda kuenta ke konejo taba robando (F&P 1983:225)

tiger CPL realize

that rabbit PRG stealing

'then the tiger realized that the rabbit was stealing.'

PL postverbal -ba from the Spanish imperfect ending -ba is affixed to the verb stem in (74) below. Palenquero can attach -ba to any verbs, while in Spanish only verbs of the first conjugation can take this imperfect ending, e.g. SP amar 'to love', amaba f l, he, she, you (formal) loved' vs. second conjugation tener'Xo have', tenia ' I, he, she loved'. (74) entonse tigre á then

teneba

de to :á

teneba yuka. (F&P 1983:225)

tiger CPL have ANT of all CPL have

yuca

'then the tiger had everything: it had yuca.'

In (75), note that while the imperfect form of SP vivir' to live' is vivía 'used to live', Palenquero can use -ba as a postverbal marker:

42 (75) es' é

unmujé

lokesé

bibiba

por aya. (F&P 1983:198)

that COP a woman who HAB live ANT around there 'that~s the woman who was living around there.'

PL á is deleted in certain environments, e.g. it was shown above (69) that this aspect marker is not overt inside a relative clause. Moreover, this deletion of á may occur in adverbial clauses and negation. Bickerton (1970:258) noted the absence of á in negative sentences.

Later, Friedemann and Patino Rosselli (1983:121) found

additional evidence for that same phenomenon under other syntactic constraints. Note in (76) the obligatory use of the preverbal marker á in an independent clause. Negation here embedded within an adverbial clause may trigger deletion of the completive marker. (76) kuando é when

nu0

sé

teneba plata

sheNEG HAB have

nu, í

á sé dejáloba fiao. (F&P 1983:199)

money NEG 1 s HAB leave-it credit

'When she had no money, I sold on credit.'

Friedemann and Patino Rosselli (1983:122) noted some exceptions to the syntactic constraints on á deletion. Note the overtly marked á in both (77) and (78) despite their occurrence in an embedded clause and a negative sentence, respectively. (77) ese jue

lo ke suto á seba asé aki. (F&P 1983:204)

that COP what 1p HAB do here 'that was what we used to do here.' (78) kuando muchacha á when

girl

kojé katta nu. (ibid. .226)

CPL take letter NEG

'when the girl didn't take the letter.'

Aside from its function as a completive marker, á can combine in the (-ANT) with the stative verbs ta 'be', and pesé 'seem', as well as with the modal verbs sé 'used to', tené

43 'have to', polé 'able to' and kelé 'want'.

This feature of á rules out the opposition

between (+ANT) and (-ANT) for this small verbal class. Thus Palenquero avoidance of ta ta, i.e. [Tense-Aspect + COP], could be a reason for having á combined with stative verbs in the present tense. (79) así é

ke í

á

kelé pate mí ya. (F&P 1983:197)

so COP that 1s CPL want part my right now 'so I want my part right now.' (80) ma

mujé

i Palenge á

ta

poko tropiao ai

ese Tubbaki. (ibid. :204)

PLU woman of Palenque CPL COP little spoiled there that Turbaco 'the women of Palenque are a little spoiled in Turbaco.' (81) /

polé kaggá nu,

beddá, komae? (idem)

1s can load NEG right

mom

'I am not able to take a load, right?'

PL polé is a modal verb that requires an infinitival complement, e.g. kaggá (cf. SP poder cargar, ibid.). The negator nu triggers á deletion in the present. Thus the exceptional use of á with stative verbs in the (-ANT) is also subject to the same deletion rule observed previously for the completive marker. The origin of á offers some interesting (though still unresolved) diachronic points in Palenquero.

Both superstate (Lewis

1970:114, Friedemann and Patino Rosselli 1983:127) and substrate conditionings (Maurer 1987:55, Megenney 1985:174) have been invoked in this matter. None of the substrate or superstate explanations by itself can account completely occurrence and non-occurrence of á.

for the

Furthermore, the previous bipartite analysis of á

as being a completive non-past marker with stative verbs (kelé) and a completive past with non-stative verbs has been questioned by Schwegler and Green (fc.) research on Palenquero will surely throw light upon this question.

Future

44 Finally, Palenquero's TMA system has a future marker tan with two important features: (1) it refers to future actions or events; (2) it combines with -ba to form irrealis. (82) /' tan sabe si mona mí tan etudiáayá I FUT know if son

o no. (F&P 1983:209)

my FUT study there or NEG

'I will know whether or not my son is studying there.'

An alternative future periphrastic construction with bae 'go' + INF can replace tan + INF (cf. 83).

While Spanish employs the former more frequently usually linked to the

conditional si 'if (e.g. si llueve voy a ir al circo, 'If it rains I'll go to the circus'), Palenquero does not always make that distinction. Nevertheless, (83) is an exception resembling Spanish in this periphrastic type of futurity: (83) /' sabe siané ba rreklamá mí lo nu. (F&P 1983:221) 1s know if they go claim

me he NEG

'I don't know if they are going to claim it to me.'

PL tamba has, in addition, the status of a verb meaning 'to go'. (84) Kallo Solano antonse tamba pone mi preso. (ibid.:264) Carlos Solano then

IRR go put

me jailed

'Carlos Solano was then going to put me in jail.'

Bickerton and Escalante (1970:258) derive tan from tando 'to go', a Palenquero word that resembles the Spanish gerund.

Schwegler (1992) postulates the IRR aké with its

variant forms ke and k. The principal functions of aké are: (1) future, (2) conditionals and, (3) contrary-to-fact. There seems to be some overlapping use of aké and tan: the former appears with prospectives such as kuando 'when' and kumo id. In (85) the two distinct features of ke are shown. Only the first one has an irrealis function:

45 (85) kuando í when

ke

mini otra be, ané me kre

1s IRR come again 3p

lo k' í ta

able. (F&P 1983:223)

me believe what I PRG say

'When I come back they will believe me what I am telling you.'

In (86) and (87) the two other possible uses of ke are illustrated: (86) si bo nu

aké-ba pone tutuma asina

nu — derecho —, aké-ba

if 2s NEG IRR IMP put calabash this way NEG

straight

bota.

IRR IMP spill

'if you did not position the calabash this way — straight, that is — it would spill over'.

(Schwegler 1992:233)

(87) Patino á ké taba ak\, ele á

poleba enseña mí aggún kusa. (F&P 1983:181)

Patino IRR COP here he CPL can-ANT teach

me few

thing

'If Patino were here, he would teach me a few things.'

Schwegler (¡bid.) suggests SP or PT ha que 'has to, must' > PL aké. The plausibility of semantic change from obligation to futurity finds support in diachronic evolution observed in other languages, e.g. Latin cantare habeo 'I have to sing' > SP cantaré 'I will sing1.

4.1.2. Papiamentu The verb phrase of Papiamentu has the following preverbal markers: fa, tabata, a and lo. There is disagreement regarding its analysis in Papiamentu. Bickerton (1975, 1981) has depicted a "classical" creóle TMA system with three preverbal morphemes with the functions of tense (+/ANT), aspect (+/-PRG) and modality (+/-IRR).

But

Papiamentu is different from the other Atlantic creóles because it seems to lack the anterior marker, recurring instead to mark a (+/-past) distinction.

Herein, the past

46 preverbal marking will be assumed just for descriptive purposes. The theoretical issues related to the TMA system go beyond the scope of this paper.

ANT

UNM

+

-

0

PRG

HAB

CPL

IRR

tabata-V

tabata-V

a-V

lo S a-V

ta-V

ta-V

a-V (kaba)

loS-V

Table 10: TMA system of Papiamentu (S = subject).

PP ta when preceding a verb can refer to either PRG or HAB. (88) Eynan e ta sinta turóla. (Maurer 1988:352) there he HAB sit all day 'He sits there all day.' (89) Makakuta ribapaluta kome kenepa. (ibid. :364) monkey COP up tree PRG eat guinep 'The monkey is in the top of the tree eating guineps.'

Most verbs are obligatorily preceded by ta. However, stative verbs can be classified into two small groups: (1) unmarked verbs and, (2) verbs which take both 0 and fa (Anderson 1990:14). The 0-type verbs are por'be able to', falta 'lack', ke 'want', konosé 'know'; verbs taking both 0

and ta are debe 'owe', depende 'depend', gusta 'like'

(Maurer 1988:36). (90) Pero mi no por ¡anda. (Maurer 1988:364) but 1s NEG can swim 'but I can't swim.'

47 Since stative verbs are already durative (cf. Bickerton's durative or nonpunctual marker), they need not be marked for PRG or HAB. PP tabata is used to anchor the habitual or progressive to a (-ANT) tense reference. However, unlike ta, tabata can combine with all verbs except tin 'have1, for which the special form tabatin exists (Maurer 1987:37). A synchronic analysis of tabata as semantically interpreted as [taba + ta] is incorrect, though it may be diachronicaliy sound (ibid.).

More basilectal varieties allow for tabata tin, forms considered to be

substandard (Anderson 1990:10). (91) Mi tabata ke 1s ANT

siga. (Anderson 1990:14)

want cigar

'I wanted a cigar.' (92) E

dia ei

Doily tabatin

seis anja. (Maurer 1988:372)

the day there Dolly ANT had six year That day Dolly was six years old.'

The completive marker for (+ANT) is a. This morpheme may be disjunctively combined with adverbial kaba 'already* (cf. SP acabar 'to finish').

A few verbs can only be

preceded by tabata in the (+ANT), e.g. ta 'be', tin 'have', por 'can', sa 'know', mester 'have to' and yamá 'be called' (Anderson 1990:14). Unmarked tin in (93) indicates that its tense reference must be (-ANT). Thus it co-occurs with the event in the main clause. (93) m'a

tende na Marchena tin

IsCPLhear

un problema (Michel p.c.)

in Marchena have a problem

'I heard there was a problem in Marchena.'

Along with a one finds in Papiamentu the disjunctive marker a...kabá:

48 (94) un

or

a

bati

kaba. (Maurer 1988:392)

one hour CPL strike already 'the hour already struck.'

The preverbal marker a may derive from the SP perfect construction haber + past participle. Since Dutch has also a similar construction employing hebben; it is possible that the latter has been crucial in the overall behavior of a (Maurer 1987:39). The irrealis marker lo has a unique feature among creóles in its presubject position.

The syntactic placement of lo is not affected by negation; lo is out of the

negation scope (cf. all the other preverbal markers). (95) Nanzi, nunka lo Nanzi ever

mi no

mira bo. (Maurer 1988:362)

FUT 1s NEG look you

'Nanzi, I won't ever see you again.'

Papiamentu admits the sequence io a, i.e. [FUT + CPL], to convey the irrealis meaning. This combination appears within certain subordinate clauses (e.g. pa-type or purposive) and with modal verbs (e.g. por); however, here the modified verb remains unmarked (Maurer 1988:341). While in (96) a is in the predicate, lo occupies an external position: (96) Si Freddy tabata poko bij de hand lo if Freddy COP bit

practical

el a

buska un huuroto nos kas.

IRR he ANT look for a carriage us

home

'If Freddy were a bit more practical, he would look for a carriage to take us home.' (Maurer 1988:394)

The unmarked verb in (97) expresses a prospective meaning.

49 (97) Mi casa,

pa

nos 0 biba bon... (Maurer 1988:356)

my husband in order to we

live well

'My husband, in order that we live well...' (98) asina Xa so

ku mi 0 por menshona muchu mas tantu

COP that 1s

can mention

kos. (Michel p.c.)

many more so many thing

'So it is that I could mention so many things.'

PP lo is likely to derive from PT logo, 'later' (ibid.:348). Portuguese uses the synthetic future escreverei 'I will write' in formal registers, especially written ones, opting instead for the adverbial construction: vou logo 'I am going later'. The use of logo as a future marker is widespread among Asian creóles, though it ihas not been attested in Portuguese-lexified creóles spoken in West Africa. For some scholars, this has been interpreted as a hindrance to the monogenetic theory, at least in its strong version, which makes all European-lexified creóles offshoots of an Afro-Portuguese proto-pidgin (cf. Ivens Ferraz 1987, Maurer 1987). The habitual preverbal marker sa can function independently as a verb meaning 'to know', thus resembling fa, but its use is not obligatory and has a marginal status (Anderson 1990:14). (99) tursa

landa bon. (Michel p.c.)

all know swim well 'everyone know how to swim well.' (100) E no

ta

hende ku sa

keda

bashi. (Anderson 1990:14)

he NEG COP person who HAB remain empty 'He is not a person who is accustomed to going home empty- handed.'

50 PP sa is probably derived from PT or SP saber 'know how to', which in some American Spanish varieties has taken on the additional sense of 'be used to', e.g. ella sabe llegar temprano 'she is used to come early'. In embedded clauses Papiamentu uses all TMA markers in temporal concordance with the verb in the main clause (Maurer 1987:38). Thus:

Main clause

Subordinate clause

Concordance

aV

taV

simultaneous

aV

a/tabata V

anterior

aV

loV

posterior

Table 11: Temporal concordance in Papiamentu subordination.

(101) Já e homber a haña idea cu e' no ta sinti bon. (Maurer 1988:358) already the man CPL find idea that he NEG T-A feel well The man akready accepted the idea that he didn't feel well.' (102) Un día el a laga duna conosimento cu e lo dunaes persona cu... one day he CPL let give information that he IRR give the person who 'One day he let it be known that he would give the person who...' (Maurer 1988:360)

Note in (103) the possible highlighter function of the second copula. The simultaneous domain permits both ta and tabata in the subordinate clause, without any apparent semantic distinction (Maurer 1987:38).

51 (103) e tabata kurioso pa sa

ta

ken a

bini

paboska

su mesmorto.

he COP curious to know COP who ANT come to look for his own death 'He was curious to know who had come looking for his own death.' (Maurer 1988:362)

PP ta has a higher frequency which could be explained by the following: (1) it is more expressive (ibid.); (2) it is required with a small class of verbs which, otherwise, would be interpreted as completive (Anderson 1990:20ff.) The three modal verbs that occur most often in Papiamentu are por 'can, may', mester' must', and ke 'want' (Green 1988:453). In addition, they may also function as independent verbs: (104) Nan mester di hende. (Maurer 1988:384) 3p

need

of people

They need the people's help.' (105) ta

ki

bo ke

pa nan hasi? (Anderson 1990:28)

FOC what 2s want for them do 'What do you want them to do?'

More frequently, ke and por appear in constructions such as ke a and por a, conveying volition and possibility, respectively. Insofar as they express an irrealis situation, they are semantically equal to the syntagm [loporaV] (106)/

sialgunbez

and if any

e por a

(Maurer 1988:287):

hayé den cualquier cuestión. (ibid.:380)

time he can ANT find in any

situation

'and if he could ever find himself in an unexpected situation.' (107) lo

e no

pora

baña notisia si no

a

bini

korant (ibid. :287)

IRR he NEG can ANT find news if NEG ANT come newspaper 'He could not have received the news if the newspaper had not come.'

52 4.1.3. Chabacano Table 12 shows the distribution of the TMA markers in Chabacano varieties.

ANT

UNM

+

-

PRG

HAB

CPL

IRR

ta-V (ya)

ta-V

a1, ya-V (ya)

ay2, de-V

ta-V

ta-V

a1, ya-V

ay2, de-V

0

Table 12: TMA system of Chabacano; 1TR, 2ZM.

Chabacano TMA markers generally precede the verb, though sometimes ya is placed in a postverbal position, possibly to emphasize the tense (see below). The verb stem consists of the Spanish infinitive minus final -r, e.g. ZM esturbá, SP disturbar •disturb'. The unmarked verb is used with habitual processes in the (ANT); it is commonly linked to the narrative or discourse: (108) ZM: bueno, ay subí kita

pero, 0 abla el

tortuga yo no puedo subí.

well FUT climb we (incl.) but say the turtle IsNEGcan climb "Well, let's climb it", (the monkey said). "But", the turtle said, "I can't climb it." (Forman 1972:30)

lllocutionary acts such as orders, requests and questions normally require an unmarked verb: (109) CV: 0 llivá vos este manga cangrejo y 0 cucí vos bueno-bueno, ha? take 2s thisPLU crab and cook2s very well INT 'Take these crabs and cook them very well.1 (Whinnom 1956:50)

53 The same form ta is used for both +anterior and -anterior. discourse provides the context for disambiguation.

The time in focus in the

In a few cases ya occupies a

postverbal position. In (110) the main clause leaves no doubt as to the tense rendering of ta: (110) ER: ta morí el

talde...

cuando ya

PRG die the afternoon when

retirá

Felisa na su casa. (ibid.:27)

CPL go back Felisa to her home

The afternoon was coming to an end when Felisa went home.'

It is not clear whether postverbal ya is a fully grammaticalized aspect marker or simply has an adverbial force, similar to SP ya, e.g. ya fuimos 'we already went'.

When

combined with other preverbal markers, postverbal ya accentuates the completive aspect and furnishes additional aspectual contrast in complex sentences: (111) ER: ele ta

pensá agora que ele ta

she PRG think now

sobra ya

na este mundo.

that she PRG exceed already in this world

'She was thinking she had no place in this world.' (Whinnom 1956:27) (112) CV: ya

rispundf Pedro, y

ya

ritirá ya

ele. (ibid.:50)

CPL answer Pedro and CPL leave already he 'Pedro answered and left right away.'

Compare (111) and (112) with the adverbial distribution of ya in (113): (113)ZM:/

byenpriyoya

yo ta

sentí. (Forman 1972:34)

and very cold already 1s PRG feel 'I am already feeling cold.'

Zamboangueno seems to make greater use of constructions with postverbal ya, as evidenced in

54 the corpus collected by Forman (1972:19-71). This permits Zamboangueño to have an expanded verb phrase capable of discriminating more precisely tense and aspect. Chabacano ta can accompany the infinitive as shown in (113). Zamboangueño extends the [ta + INF] syntagm to the gerunds. Thus SP oyó al hambre gritar (gritando)' 'he/she heard the man shout(ing)', in Zamboangueño is ya uyi sila un hente ta grita idem (Forman 1972:62).

Chabacano ta could have derived from Spanish and

Portuguese [está + (a) + GERUND], a progressive construction in the lexifiers (Lipski 1988:30). The particle ya is derived from the Spanish word for 'already' or perhaps PT já, as in SP el tren ya llegó 'the train has arrived' or PT o combólo já chegou id. (Ivens Ferraz 1987:351). Both morphemes ta and ya are present in various Atlantic and Asian creóles, e.g. Malaysian Papia Kristang, Santomense, Papiamentu and Palenquero. The two future markers in Chabacano are ay and de (di). Zamboangueño is the only variety to have ay These particles can stand alone or combine with ya, acquiring thus an irrealis sense: (114) CV: derecho-derecho di very straight

intra vusos. (Whinnom 1996:51)

FUT enter 2p

'You will come in quite straight.'

(115) ZM: Pero, aura ay habla tamen yo con ustedes jendeh lang el diaton maka risas. but

now FUT say

also 1s to

2p people jost the dialect CAU laughs

'But now I'll tell you that not only our dialect is amusing.' (Forman 1972:54)

(In 115, lang and maka are Tagalog particles)

55 Note in (116) below the irrealis conveyed by ER de.ya.

Here, ya expresses a sense of

urgency in carrying out the action. The speaker does not say simply, de saliyo..., which it's a kind of non-obligatory intention: (116) ER: De

salí

ya

yo con ustedes. (Whinnom 1956:25)

FUT leave already 1s to 2p 'I should leave you soon.1

The markers di and ay may derive from the Spanish periphrastic future [ha/he de + INF] (Lipski 1988:29). Tagalog, like other Austronesian languages, has a verbal system characterized by inflections for aspect rather than tense. Thus Tagalog verbs are inflected according to the perfective, imperfective and contemplated aspect (Schachter and Otanes I972:66ff.). Since aspect is not associated with tense, the same Tagalog verb could report a non-past and past progressive: (117) TG: Nagluluto ng

pagkain ang nanay

IMP-cook TOP food

FOC mother

'Mother is cooking some food (now).' (118) TG: Naglulotong

pagkain ang nanay (noong dumating ako)

IMP-cook TOP food

FOC mother when arrive

I

'Mother was cooking food (when I arrived).'

The tripartite aspect system of Chabacano resembles that of Tagalog. The possible associations between Chabacano and Tagalog can be depicted as follows:

56 Chabacano

Tagalog

Completive

Perfective

Progressive

Imperfective

Irrealis

Contemplated

Table 13: Aspect system of Chabacano and Tagalog

The correspondence of the verb phrase of Tagalog and Chabacano does not cover all features.

Tagalog has a recent perfective aspect for describing events recently

completed which does not correlate with any Chabacano aspect.

Furthermore, the

Spanish-derived phrase [caba de V] has become in Chabacano a resultative marker, a function distinct to the Spanish periphrastic use for describing recent past (Boretzky 1983:242). Two-member serial verbs are common in Chabacano, though constructions with four and five verbs have been attested (Forman 1972:204). There is a special class of preverbs that exhibit morphosyntactic features like those of Austronesian languages. These verbs are pwede 'can', ase 'do', deha 'let', lyiba 'carry' and manda 'send' (ibid.) All these preverbs act like Tagalog affixes providing a specific semantic import to the serial construction. Thus TG maka- and TG ma- express ability and/or involuntary action, e.g. makaawt 'be able to sing' < umawit 'sing' and, magemit 'be able to use' < gamitin 'use' (Schachter 1987:953). The CH preverb pwede renders to the serial verb the idea of ability or accidental action (Forman 1972:208). While (119) expresses the ability (or inability) of the speaker to carry out a specific action, in (120) one finds the use of pwede conveys the idea of accident. Spanish poder in certain specific contexts may denote chance, as in 'pude haberme matado 'I could have been killed'.

57 (119) ER: yo no

ta

podé reza. (Whinnom 1956:26)

1s NEG-ANT able pray 'I can't pray.' (120) ZM: ya

pwedeyo pisa el

CPLabletols

rabo del

gato. (Forman 1972:209)

step the tail of the cat

'I stepped on the cat's tail.'

Another subclass of preverbs are used in serial constructions that convey a cause or permission (Forman 1972:209, Riego de Dios 1979:284ff.). This subclass contains the following verbs: ase, dale, deha, lyiba and manda. (121) CV: cuando ele ta when

dale cumi. (Whinnom 1956:51)

she-ANTCAU feed

'when she feeds them.'

4.1.4. Comparison: Tense, aspect and modality Table 14 summarizes the tense-aspect-mood system of the three creóles under study.

58 ANT

UNM

PRG

HAB

CPL

IRR

ta-V (ya)

ta-V

a1, ya-V (ya)

ay2, di-V

ta-V

ta-V

a1, ya-V

ay2, di-V

taba-V

á seba-V

á-Vba

tamba-V

ta-V

ásé-V

á-V

tan-V

tabata-V

tabata-V

a-V

lo S a-V

ta-V

ta-V

a-V (kaba)

loS-V

CH +

-

0

PL +

-

0

PP +

-

0

Table 14: TMA system of Spanish-lexified creóles; (TR, 2ZM, S = subject).

The verb phrase of the Spanish-lexified creóles highlights the structural difference between the creóles and their lexifier language. The combination of free preverbal morphemes to express tense, aspect and modality is a typical feature of the creóle VP (Bickerton 1981:58ff.)

However, aside from that basic affinity observed in Table 14,

there are clear divergencies in all creóles. A counting of TMA markers yields the following data: CH a, fa, ya, ay (4); PL ta, -bat á, sé, tan (5); PP ta, tabata, a, lo (4). Chabacano's markers describe the PRG, CPL and IRR (both future and modality). Note that Chabacano generally lacks the distinction between +anterior and - anterior. The completive marker ya is sometimes postposed to the verb in order to shift the time of reference farther into the past. On the other hand, Palenquero and Papiamentu indicate +anterior and -anterior with different morphemes. The fact that Chabacano seems to lack this tense distinction could be understood in terms of the substrate influence.

59 One consequence of this tripartite system is that Chabacano lacks a special morpheme for the habitual, recurring optionally to fa. It resembles Papiamentu, though the latter has the non-grammaticalized sa to mark habitual (Maurer 1987:61). Spanish influence cannot be ruled out in Chabacano. The postposition of

ya

seems to be an adverbial use of the particle. It is not clear even from the extensive corpus studied here that verbally postposed ya has become grammaticalized. However, the ever-increasing influence of English and Visayan languages (Lipski 1987) will probably end up accentuating the current differences between Palenquero and Papiamentu, on one hand, and Chabacano on the other. Verb reduplication is a derivational process extended to all verbs in Chabacano (Forman 1972:121).

Reduplication as a means of conveying various meanings

(intensification and moderation) is also found in Tagalog (Schachter and Otanes 1972:336ff.).

Furthermore, imperfective and contemplated markings involve a

reduplicating prefix, e.g. magwalis 'sweep' vs. magwawaiis 'sweeps/is sweeping/was sweeping' (Schachter 1987:994-5). Though Spanish intensifies meaning via set phrases like llora que llora 'he cries and cries without stop', Chabacano has very few examples of this type. Substrate influence in the case of reduplication is more difficult to ascertain since it is widely recurrent among pidgins and creóles with different substrates and superstrates.

Hence, one finds Austronesian languages having an effect upon other

creóles, e.g. Tok Pisin reduplicates a verb to indicate durative action or, it has derived verbs that increase the expressive power, e.g. smokim 'to smoke (coconuts)1 vs. smoksmokim 'to smoke thoroughly' (Mühlhausler 1986:218). In Papiamentu reduplication applies on both grammatical and lexical categories though it is more productive in the former.

Grammatical reduplication has an

intensifying and distributive function, e.g. zeta 'oil', zeta-zeta 'very oily' and grupo

60 'group', grupo-grupo 'in groups'.

Lexicalized reduplication leads to a semantic

specialization of the original lexeme, e.g. kuchú 'knife', kuchú kuchú 'sharply opposed to one another's opinion' (Kouwenberg and Murray 1994:21).

4.2. The Copula 4.2.1. Palenquero Palenquero ta (SP estai) functions as a locative copula in the present (fa) and past tense (ta-ba), the latter having the past imperfect -ha. Besides ta, these authors list other Palenquero copulas whose meaning they explain as follows: (1) é: present tense (SP es, PT és, é), (2) era: past tense, (3) fue, hue: present or past (SP fue 'was') and (4) senda: present or past (<sentar 'to sit'?).

Though they all can función as

equative copulas, only fue and senda can combine with -ba, i.e. fue-bá and send-bá, e.g. ese é (fue, senda) un ombe riko 'this is a rich man'. In addition, they can combine with some of the preverbal TMA markers with the exception of FUT tan, i.e. a-fa, ta-ba, asé ta; a-sendá, asé senda, sendá-ba, but / tan senda (Schwegler and Green fe). Though they behave very much like the Spanish copulas denoting the permanent and non-permanent predicates usually assigned to SP ser and SP estar, respectively, this is not always the case, e.g. ele é akí 'he is here' (rare) vs. ele ta akí (common) (ibid.). The copula is nearly always overt. As mentioned above, é and jue are used in the present and present or past, respectively (123); the affixation of -ba to PL jue is seen here in (124) while the equative-like use of senda is shown in (125a) and (125b): (122) ¡é

má

bruto ke

ané\ (F&P 1983:278)

COP more coarse than them 'she is coarser than them!'

61 (123) kumojue

nombre ele? (ibid. :269)

what COP name

his

'what (is/was) his name?' (124a) ané jueba lo ke á 3p

sabeba ndrumí ioyo. (¡bid. :131)

COP who HABANT

sleep

stream

'they were the ones who used to sleep by the stream.' (125a)agi/é

sí

borrachera mí tan senda ngande. (ibid. :226)

today yes drunkenness 1s FUT COP big 'today indeed I'll get really drunk.' (125b) ese this

sendá-ba un ombe riko (Schwegler and Green fc.) COP

a

man rich

'This was a rich man.'

PL é and PL fue function as discourse particles which serve to highlight certain parts of the utterance. (126) ¿aonde jue suto tan ndrumí? where HIL1p

FUT sleep

'where will we sleep?' (F&P 1983:170, quoted in Schwegler and Green fc.)

Finally, Palenquero's passive construction is rendered via the active one; Spanish-like passive is not found in this creóle (Lewis 1970:153 and F&P 1983:132, quoted in Schwegler and Green fc.)

62 4.2.2. Papiamentu The copula ta is obligatory with non-verbal predicates and it cannot combine with CPL a, the latter being replaced by taba. A restricted number of verbs have some copula-like features, e.g. bira 'become', keda 'remain', para 'stay', mustra 'seem', and parse idem.

Unlike ta they may combine with all the TMA markers.

In any other

respect, they share all other features of ta, i.e. they precede adverbial and adjectival predicates, past participles, etc. (Maurer 1988:138ff.). (127) fei

chikitu direktnan

a

bira

grandi. (Michel p.c.)

then little one direct they CPL become grown up Then the kids grew up.1

Copula ta is a highlighter particle in predicate clefting. Maurer (1988:141) notes the impossibility of the preverbal marker ta, and not the copula, being the highlighter since the latter may precede some modal auxiliaries, e.g. por and sa, in predicate clefting (see 5.2.). (128) Ta sa bo'n HIL

sa

ta

ken. (Maurer 1988:141)

2s NEG know COP who

'You really not know who it is.'

Papiamentu's passive construction is unusual among creóles. Three auxiliary verbs are used to form the passive: wordu 'become' (
These are verbs that function as passive auxiliaries, are subject to every

verbal modification and always precede a past participle (Maurer 1988:329). (129) Maske

papiamentu no

ta

ser duna na skolnan. (Maurer 1988:330)

however Papiamentu NEG COP be give in school-PLU 'However, Papiamentu is not offered in schools.'

63 The agent of a passive construction is normally introduced by pa. (in Curagoan PP) or dord/(Aruban and Bonaire PP) (Kouwenberg and Murray 1994:37). (130) ikual

lo

wordu anima pa Doble R. (idem.)

which FUT become host by Doble R '...which will be hosted by Doble R.'

4.2.3. Chabacano The copula is omitted in all Chabacano varieties. No verb form derived from SP ser 'to be', is found in Chabacano, unlike PL é^is'.

Whinnom (1956:94) noted the

absence of an overt copula and related it to the frequent use of absolute sentences. Juxtaposition indicates an underlying copula.

However, the theoretical status of the

copula needs to be further explored since the acceptance of a deletion hypothesis will have repercussions upon the nature of the predicate (i.e. whether it is verbal or adjectival) (Green 1988:455). The absolute construction is present in the following two examples: (131) CV: Salvaje puelco éste. (Whinnom 1956:52) wild

hog

this

This hog is wild.' (132) ZM: pobre el diamon kasa. (Forman 1972:25) poor the our

house

'Our house is poor.'

Absolute constructions may be understood in the light of Spanish.

For emphasis,

Spanish moves adjectival predicates to sentence-initial position, e.g. nuestra casa es pobre 'our house is poor', becomes after fronting pobre es nuestra casa 'poor is our

64 house'. Zero copula is common in many Austronesian languages, as in Tagalog. Thus the absence of a copula in a Tagalog absolute construction is observed below: (133) TG: Hinog ang mga mangga. (Schachter 1987:942) ripe

TOP PLU mango

The mangoes are ripe.'

Chabacano has two lexical forms to express existentiality: hay 'there is/are' and tiene ibid. The two words have Spanish etyma: hay < haber and the 3s of tener 'to have'.

Semantic narrowing has reduced the original distinction to a single meaning.

Chabacano expresses possession with tené. Chabacano nuay is the negative form of existential hay (cf. SP no hay 'there is/are not').

In addition, it negates existential

predicates with verbs like taki, talyi and talyá. All the latter verbs, except tiene, are locational verbs formed out of [ta + deictics aki 'here', alyf 'there' and alyá 'there (far)'] (Forman 1972:161). (134) CV: nuay más laman EXI

el

manga cangrejo. (Whinnom 1956:51)

more meat (TG) the PLU

crab

There isn't any more meat in the crabs.' (135) ER: Tallí todo el EXI all

casancapan

tirao. (ibid. :27)

the kasankapan (TG) thrown

The housedold things are thrown all over the place.'

Chabacano has no passive construction except the impersonal construction equivalent to 'they', e.g. un kláse de peskáw ta lyamá silá palít 'a kind of fish (which) they call "palit" (Whinnom 1956:219, quoted in Holm 2000:12).

65 4.2.4. Comparison: The Copula The copula is obligatory for Palenquero and Papiamentu; Chabacano omits it, preferring juxtaposition instead. Austronesian languages lack a copula; Spanish, on the other hand, requires either ser or esfar'to be', unless emphasis is intended, e.g. \linda, la mañanal, literally 'beautiful, the morning'. Both Tagalog and Spanish have absolute constructions with word order inversion.

Thus, Chabacano departs from SVO word

order more than the Caribbean creóles. When the Chabacano pronominal (and more rarely nominal) subject is in postverbal position, the TMA markers precede it. PP lo also precedes the subject but, unlike Chabacano, that is the required position. The use of the same lexical item to express existentials and possession is a feature generalized across creóle grammars (Bickerton 1981:51). The Spanish-lexified creóles are not exceptions to that universal: CH tené, PL tené, and PP tin 'there is/are, to have'.

MalayoPortuguese uses the Portugese verb tern 'to have' as a copula,

adopting thus the functions of Portuguese ser and esfar 'to be', e.g. Sri Lanka Creole Portuguese Alis no tina muytu bunitu 'Alice was not very pretty* (Ivens Ferraz 1987:353). Chabacano tené has only a possessive meaning and rarely occurs alone. The lack of copula is not encountered among MalayoPortuguese creóles (ibid.). An interesting morphosyntactic feature in Chabacano is the use of nuay to negate locative verbs, e.g. tela (see 5.3.). Here there is a resemblance with Tagalog which has wala in clause-initial position to negate existential and possessive clauses: walang babay doon 'there isn't a house here' (Schachter 1987:946).

66

5.0. Sentence-level structure in the Spanish-lexified creóles 5.1. Palenquero Declarative sentences follow an SVO pattern. inflection requires sentences to have an overt subject. diverges from Spanish, a pro-drop language.

Simplification of the verbal In this respect, Palenquero

Subject-verb inversion, obligatory in

Spanish interrogatives, does not occur in Palenquero: (136a) ké bo tre mí? (F&P 1983:197) S

V

what you bring me 'what do you bring me?' (136b) SP: ¿qué me traes (tú)? ibid.

Negation is effected through a negator particle nu placed in sentence-final position.

A second negation follows a dijunctive pattern with a secondary nu in

preverbal position (cf. 76). More recently, Schwegler (1991) shows that there are three negative patterns in Palenquero: (1) preverbal, (2) double and (3) postverbal.

Both

pragmatic and structural factors seem to condition negation in Palenquero (Schwegler and Green fc.) Palenquero resembles Santomense ( na...fa) and Angolar ( na...wa), which also have a double disjunctive negative, a syntactic construction also found in Caribbean Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese: (137) ST: a

na

pe ku'me fa. (Ivens Ferraz 1979:11)

UNMNEG put food

NEG

'No salt was put in the food.'

67 (138) AN: e na ka me ombowa [Lorenzino 1998:160] 3s not HAB eat goat not 'He doesn't eat goat'

Relative clauses in Palenquero have some features distinct from those in Spanish, e.g. the complementizers lo ke, ke and / (F&P 1983:175).

Palenquero lo ke occupies a

sentential position that is not like that of Spanish (139). The construction could have originated from the absolute Spanish sentence followed by the change el que > lo ke, e.g. SP el poquito de maíz, el (lo) que yo tenía 'the little corn I had.' (139) chito maí lo k' í

teneba. (F&P 1983:233)

little corn that 1s have ANT 'the little corn I had'

The greater markedness of PL lo ke is more apparent when it combines with deictics: (140) ese lo ke t'

ai

ta

mini lo memo. (F&P 1983:224)

that who COP there ANT come the same That one who is there came anyway.'

The particle / is also used to introduce relative clauses. It is not certain how this feature of Palenquero evolved. Friedemann and Patino Rosselli (1983:177) note its phonetic similarity to the reduced preposition / < SP de 'of (see 141); however, they discount any grammatical connection between / and de.

Alternatively, PL / could be an African

caique, reanalyzing the particle /as derived from SP conjunction y'and' (ibid.). (141) aqua í

sutosé

water that 1 p

bebéé

aqua I loyo. (F&P 1983:214)

HAB drink COP water of stream

The water we drink is from the stream.1

68 5.2. Papiamentu Sentential negation in Papiamentu has only forward scope, i.e. the negation particle no is positioned between subject ard predicate: (142) pasó

mi

ke

ke

polis yu'i Korsou

because 1s believe that police

no

ta

kumini Korsou.

Curagao NEG HAB suit

Curasao

'Because I believe Curasao's police does not suit Curasao.' (Michel p.c.)

Only lo precedes the negative particle (cf. 107).

Word order in Papiamentu is

predominantly SVO, except with verbs like bini and yega 'arrive' (Maurer 1988:43): V (143) A

S

yega Korsou

unbarkuyen

di turista merikanu. (Maurer 1988:44)

CPL arrive Curagao a ship filled of tourist American 'A ship filled with American tourists arrived in Curagao.'

Likewise, interrogative sentences have SVO word order, as in Palenquero: S (144) M ata unda mi casa

V pora

hañae

placa

aki? (Maurer 1988:356)

but FOC where my hustand can ANT find the money here 'But, where could my husband find money?'

The subordinating conjunction ku is introduced to form complex sentences, e.g. nominal and adjectival clauses (ibid. :158ff). (145) min'

ke

bisaku

ta

yuda kriminalidat. (Michel p.c.)

1s-NEG want say that HAB help crime 'I don't want to say that (police) help crime.'

As a nominalizer, ku can introduce object clauses:

69 (146) M' a

tendeku

kasi

sigure

ta

barka otro manjan. (Maurer 1988:366)

1s CPL hear that almost sure he PRG embark after tomorrow 'I heard that it was almost certain he was embarking the day after tomorrow.1 There are cases when ku may be deleted as when it is followed by an object clause (¡bid.:161ff.): (147) M'a

bisabo 0 mi so'n

1s CPL tell-you

ta

keda kas

awe. (Maurer 1988:161)

1s alone-NEG ANT stay home today

'I told you that I didn't stay home alone today.'

The subordinating conjunction pa may be deleted with certain verbs, e.g. ke, and it is generally controlled by volitional verbs, e.g. desea 'wish'. On the contrary, ku follows perceptional verbs, e.g. fencfe(cf.146): (148) Pero pronto but

el a

disidí riba su meskuenta pa no

baiskol.

right away he CPL decide of his own account for NEG go school

'So he decided right away on his own account not to go to school.' (Maurer 503:179)

5.3. Chabacano The SVO pattern characteristic of many Atlantic creóles is not so strict in Chabacano.

Some subject-verb inversion is possible, in particular with pronominal

subjects (Green 1988:456). This word-order inversion extends to most subjects, except proper nouns. In sentence (149) below the subject NP el cura is placed after the prepositional phrase, resulting in a non-Spanish VOS order. Tagalog has a tendency to have predicates in initial position.

Phrases or words precede arquments, e.g. TG

naglato ng pagkain ang ¡ola 'cooked some food grandmother', i.e. 'grandmother cooked some food' (Schachter and Otanes 1972:61).

70 V (149) ER: Ya

O

S

consola con ele el cura. (Whinnom 1956:26)

CPL comfort to her the priest The priest comforted her.'

The proper noun phrase in (150) blocks any word order change. S

V

(150) ER: Pelisa ya

O

contempla con ele. (Whinnom 1956:27)

Felisa CPL gaze

to

him

'Felisa gazed at him.'

Word

order

in interrogatives

remain

SVO,

as

in donde uste/tu ta queda?

(formal/informal) 'Where do you live? (Camins 1999:19). Sentential negation in Chabacano is achieved by means of the particle no. Declarative sentences have no before the verb phrase.

Zamboangueño has, in

addition, the Tagalog and Hiligaynan (another Austronesian substrate) negator hendeq (Lipski 1988:31) and nuay (<SP no hay 'there is/are not1), the latter used to negate locational, existential and past verbal predicates (Holm 2000:11). In Tagalog hende can operate in either the predicate or the topic (Schachter and Otanes 1972:517).

The

distribution of the negator in Zamboangueño is more restricted, usually to clause-initial position.

Moreover, it negates verb stems less frequently than CH no.

Favored

environments for hendeq are immediately preceding pronominal subjects, preverbal markers and enclitics (e.g. TG pa 'yet, still'). (151) ZM: si hendeq kita if NEG

puede sake blbo. (Forman 1972:36)

we two (incl.) can

'if we can't get you alive.'

get

alive

71 (152) ZM: el

muher hendeqpa daw ta

the woman NEG

pensá kasá. (idem.)

yet REP PRG think married

The woman said she was not thinking of getting married yet.' (In 152 dawis a reportative particle.)

Contrast (151) and (152) with the Tagalog negative sentence given below: (153) TG:.Hindi pa dumarating ang bus. (Schachter and Otanes 1972:518) NEG yet PFC-come TOP bus The bus hasn't come yet'

Zamboangueño is the only Chabacano variety to have borrowed from Austronesian substrate

languages

the word hindi along with its morphosyntactic features.

Clause-marker deletion is sometimes accompanied by word-order inversion in the main clause: (154) ZM: pensá ba el

muher, 0 man-amigo lang silá. (Forman 1972:35)

think ANT the woman

PRF friend just they.

The woman thought that they could just be friendly to each other.'

Clause-marker deletion is found with the verbs kyere desir 'mean', eksklamá 'exclaim', pregunta 'ask', kontestá 'answer' and sintf 'sense' (ibid.:202). Clause markers come from both the superstrate and substrate. Spanish-derived markers are CV qui, ER que, ZM ke, kel, all meaning 'that'.

They all behave like SP que, except that they may

introduce an explicative cause, approximately translated as 'because'.

The proper

interpretation of the clause marker is contextualiy determined. (155)ZM: sigi

ya ¡angle ta

pensá ke pensákon ese muher, kel

keep ANT just he PRG think and think with that woman because byen. bonita gayot very

nice

indeed

72 Papiamentu and Chabacano both exhibit a negation pattern which resembles Spanish more.

Zamboangueño, however, has borrowed from Tagalog and Hiligaynon the

negator hendeq. This negator has a more restricted use than no. Clause and phrase markers in Palenquero and Papiamentu are derived from Spanish. However, they do not always follow the syntax of the lexifier. Likewise, most Chabacano complementizers are Spanish, while the remaining are Austronesian. Sometimes a marker takes a new function, e.g. CH kel 'because', PL lo ke 'that ' and PP ku, object marker. Clause-marker deletion is permitted with certain verbs, e.g. verbs of volition and perception. In some instances, the creóles have adopted a relative construction that diverges from that of Spanish and/or their substrates. This is the case with TG kaya, a subordinating marker that introduces a resultative clause. Chabacano kay functions in exactly the opposite way, by having an explicative clause.

6.0 Conclusion This comparative study of the Spanish-lexified creóles has pointed out a number of structural differences among them and the possible historical constraints upon them, especially from Spanish, Portuguese and substrates. Though it is apparent the active role Spanish (and possibly Portuguese) had during creolization, it is also crucial to understand the role Austronesian languages (Tagalog, Visayan, Cebuano, etc.) on Chabacano and African languages (Bantu, Kwa) on Palenquero and Papiamentu, as sources of some of their morphosyntactic features. This was a secondary goal of this monograph. Further evidence for this differential substrate influence can be seen by comparing

Chabacano

with

other

Austronesian-influenced

creóles

such

as

73 Malayo-Portuguese and Tok Pisin.

Certain features shared by all three point to

Austronesian influence, since the lexifier is different in each case (Spanish, Portuguese, and English), respectively. Sociolinguistic considerations, which fall outside the scope of this study, are of course crucial in the creolization of the three Spanish-lexified creóles.

First, the permanent contact of Chabacano speakers with the aboriginal

languages of the Philippines has been of paramount importance in shaping the language's development.

Secondly, Palanqueros' relative isolation from mainstream

Spanish-speaking society until the twentieth century has helped the creóle community to delay the changes that modernization and closer contact with urban settings are likely to impinge on their way of life. Third, considering the higher status Papiamentu enjoys in the Nethelands Antilles one can safely predict a stable and promising future for the creóle. The conclusions reached in this paper are based on the noun phrase, verb phrase and a token of sentence-level features in the Spanish-lexified creóles. Further comparative research in these and other linguistic areas which were only cursorily dealt with in this study (e.g. complex sentences) will improve the descriptive adequacy and the theoretical formulation of the Spanish creóle data. Lastly, it is hoped that this study will attract more research on the history of the Spanish-lexified creóles.

74

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